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diff --git a/2168-h/2168-h.htm b/2168-h/2168-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..068335d --- /dev/null +++ b/2168-h/2168-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,14379 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <title> + The Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches of Lord Macaulay, Volume 2 (of 4) + by Lord Macaulay + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + div.middle { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; + margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; + text-align: right;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches of +Lord Macaulay, Vol. 2 (of 4), by Thomas Babington Macaulay + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches of Lord Macaulay, Vol. 2 (of 4) + Contributions To The Edinburgh Review + +Author: Thomas Babington Macaulay + +Release Date: June 14, 2008 [EBook #2168] +Last Updated: January 8, 2013 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF LORD MACAULAY *** + + + + +Produced by Mike Alder, Sue Asscher and David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + THE MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF LORD MACAULAY. + </h1> + <h2> + CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EDINBURGH REVIEW + </h2> + <h2> + By By Thomas Babington Macaulay + </h2> + <h3> + VOLUME II. + </h3> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS OF LORD MACAULAY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EDINBURGH REVIEW. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> JOHN DRYDEN. (January 1828.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> HISTORY. (May 1828.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> MILL ON GOVERNMENT. (March 1829.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> WESTMINSTER REVIEWER'S DEFENCE OF MILL. (June + 1829.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> UTILITARIAN THEORY OF GOVERNMENT. (October + 1829.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> SADLER'S LAW OF POPULATION. (July 1830.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> SADLER'S REFUTATION REFUTED. (January 1831.) + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> MIRABEAU. (July 1832.) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> BARERE. (April 1844.) </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS OF LORD MACAULAY. + </h1> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EDINBURGH REVIEW. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + JOHN DRYDEN. (January 1828.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "The Poetical Works of John Dryden". In 2 volumes. + University Edition. London, 1826. +</pre> + <p> + The public voice has assigned to Dryden the first place in the second rank + of our poets,—no mean station in a table of intellectual precedency + so rich in illustrious names. It is allowed that, even of the few who were + his superiors in genius, none has exercised a more extensive or permanent + influence on the national habits of thought and expression. His life was + commensurate with the period during which a great revolution in the public + taste was effected; and in that revolution he played the part of Cromwell. + By unscrupulously taking the lead in its wildest excesses, he obtained the + absolute guidance of it. By trampling on laws, he acquired the authority + of a legislator. By signalising himself as the most daring and irreverent + of rebels, he raised himself to the dignity of a recognised prince. He + commenced his career by the most frantic outrages. He terminated it in the + repose of established sovereignty,—the author of a new code, the + root of a new dynasty. + </p> + <p> + Of Dryden, however, as of almost every man who has been distinguished + either in the literary or in the political world, it may be said that the + course which he pursued, and the effect which he produced, depended less + on his personal qualities than on the circumstances in which he was + placed. Those who have read history with discrimination know the fallacy + of those panegyrics and invectives which represent individuals as + effecting great moral and intellectual revolutions, subverting established + systems, and imprinting a new character on their age. The difference + between one man and another is by no means so great as the superstitious + crowd supposes. But the same feelings which in ancient Rome produced the + apotheosis of a popular emperor, and in modern Rome the canonisation of a + devout prelate, lead men to cherish an illusion which furnishes them with + something to adore. By a law of association, from the operation of which + even minds the most strictly regulated by reason are not wholly exempt, + misery disposes us to hatred, and happiness to love, although there may be + no person to whom our misery or our happiness can be ascribed. The + peevishness of an invalid vents itself even on those who alleviate his + pain. The good humour of a man elated by success often displays itself + towards enemies. In the same manner, the feelings of pleasure and + admiration, to which the contemplation of great events gives birth, make + an object where they do not find it. Thus, nations descend to the + absurdities of Egyptian idolatry, and worship stocks and reptiles—Sacheverells + and Wilkeses. They even fall prostrate before a deity to which they have + themselves given the form which commands their veneration, and which, + unless fashioned by them, would have remained a shapeless block. They + persuade themselves that they are the creatures of what they have + themselves created. For, in fact, it is the age that forms the man, not + the man that forms the age. Great minds do indeed re-act on the society + which has made them what they are; but they only pay with interest what + they have received. We extol Bacon, and sneer at Aquinas. But, if their + situations had been changed, Bacon might have been the Angelical Doctor, + the most subtle Aristotelian of the schools; the Dominican might have led + forth the sciences from their house of bondage. If Luther had been born in + the tenth century, he would have effected no reformation. If he had never + been born at all, it is evident that the sixteenth century could not have + elapsed without a great schism in the church. Voltaire, in the days of + Louis the Fourteenth, would probably have been, like most of the literary + men of that time, a zealous Jansenist, eminent among the defenders of + efficacious grace, a bitter assailant of the lax morality of the Jesuits + and the unreasonable decisions of the Sorbonne. If Pascal had entered on + his literary career when intelligence was more general, and abuses at the + same time more flagrant, when the church was polluted by the Iscariot + Dubois, the court disgraced by the orgies of Canillac, and the nation + sacrificed to the juggles of Law, if he had lived to see a dynasty of + harlots, an empty treasury and a crowded harem, an army formidable only to + those whom it should have protected, a priesthood just religious enough to + be intolerant, he might possibly, like every man of genius in France, have + imbibed extravagant prejudices against monarchy and Christianity. The wit + which blasted the sophisms of Escobar—the impassioned eloquence + which defended the sisters of Port Royal—the intellectual hardihood + which was not beaten down even by Papal authority—might have raised + him to the Patriarchate of the Philosophical Church. It was long disputed + whether the honour of inventing the method of Fluxions belonged to Newton + or to Leibnitz. It is now generally allowed that these great men made the + same discovery at the same time. Mathematical science, indeed, had then + reached such a point that, if neither of them had ever existed, the + principle must inevitably have occurred to some person within a few years. + So in our own time the doctrine of rent, now universally received by + political economists, was propounded, almost at the same moment, by two + writers unconnected with each other. Preceding speculators had long been + blundering round about it; and it could not possibly have been missed much + longer by the most heedless inquirer. We are inclined to think that, with + respect to every great addition which has been made to the stock of human + knowledge, the case has been similar; that without Copernicus we should + have been Copernicans,—that without Columbus America would have been + discovered,—that without Locke we should have possessed a just + theory of the origin of human ideas. Society indeed has its great men and + its little men, as the earth has its mountains and its valleys. But the + inequalities of intellect, like the inequalities of the surface of our + globe, bear so small a proportion to the mass, that, in calculating its + great revolutions, they may safely be neglected. The sun illuminates the + hills, while it is still below the horizon, and truth is discovered by the + highest minds a little before it becomes manifest to the multitude. This + is the extent of their superiority. They are the first to catch and + reflect a light, which, without their assistance, must, in a short time, + be visible to those who lie far beneath them. + </p> + <p> + The same remark will apply equally to the fine arts. The laws on which + depend the progress and decline of poetry, painting, and sculpture, + operate with little less certainty than those which regulate the + periodical returns of heat and cold, of fertility and barrenness. Those + who seem to lead the public taste are, in general, merely outrunning it in + the direction which it is spontaneously pursuing. Without a just + apprehension of the laws to which we have alluded the merits and defects + of Dryden can be but imperfectly understood. We will, therefore, state + what we conceive them to be. + </p> + <p> + The ages in which the master-pieces of imagination have been produced have + by no means been those in which taste has been most correct. It seems that + the creative faculty, and the critical faculty, cannot exist together in + their highest perfection. The causes of this phenomenon it is not + difficult to assign. + </p> + <p> + It is true that the man who is best able to take a machine to pieces, and + who most clearly comprehends the manner in which all its wheels and + springs conduce to its general effect, will be the man most competent to + form another machine of similar power. In all the branches of physical and + moral science which admit of perfect analysis, he who can resolve will be + able to combine. But the analysis which criticism can effect of poetry is + necessarily imperfect. One element must for ever elude its researches; and + that is the very element by which poetry is poetry. In the description of + nature, for example, a judicious reader will easily detect an incongruous + image. But he will find it impossible to explain in what consists the art + of a writer who, in a few words, brings some spot before him so vividly + that he shall know it as if he had lived there from childhood; while + another, employing the same materials, the same verdure, the same water, + and the same flowers, committing no inaccuracy, introducing nothing which + can be positively pronounced superfluous, omitting nothing which can be + positively pronounced necessary, shall produce no more effect than an + advertisement of a capital residence and a desirable pleasure-ground. To + take another example: the great features of the character of Hotspur are + obvious to the most superficial reader. We at once perceive that his + courage is splendid, his thirst of glory intense, his animal spirits high, + his temper careless, arbitrary, and petulant; that he indulges his own + humour without caring whose feelings he may wound, or whose enmity he may + provoke, by his levity. Thus far criticism will go. But something is still + wanting. A man might have all those qualities, and every other quality + which the most minute examiner can introduce into his catalogue of the + virtues and faults of Hotspur, and yet he would not be Hotspur. Almost + everything that we have said of him applies equally to Falconbridge. Yet + in the mouth of Falconbridge most of his speeches would seem out of place. + In real life this perpetually occurs. We are sensible of wide differences + between men whom, if we were required to describe them, we should describe + in almost the same terms. If we were attempting to draw elaborate + characters of them, we should scarcely be able to point out any strong + distinction; yet we approach them with feelings altogether dissimilar. We + cannot conceive of them as using the expressions or the gestures of each + other. Let us suppose that a zoologist should attempt to give an account + of some animal, a porcupine for instance, to people who had never seen it. + The porcupine, he might say, is of the class mammalia, and the order + glires. There are whiskers on its face; it is two feet long; it has four + toes before, five behind, two fore teeth, and eight grinders. Its body is + covered with hair and quills. And, when all this has been said, would any + one of the auditors have formed a just idea of a porcupine? Would any two + of them have formed the same idea? There might exist innumerable races of + animals, possessing all the characteristics which have been mentioned yet + altogether unlike to each other. What the description of our naturalist is + to a real porcupine, the remarks of criticism are to the images of poetry. + What it so imperfectly decomposes it cannot perfectly reconstruct. It is + evidently as impossible to produce an Othello or a Macbeth by reversing an + analytical process so defective, as it would be for an anatomist to form a + living man out of the fragments of his dissecting-room. In both cases the + vital principle eludes the finest instruments, and vanishes in the very + instant in which its seat is touched. Hence those who, trusting to their + critical skill, attempt to write poems give us, not images of things, but + catalogues of qualities. Their characters are allegories—not good + men and bad men, but cardinal virtues and deadly sins. We seem to have + fallen among the acquaintances of our old friend Christian: sometimes we + meet Mistrust and Timorous; sometimes Mr Hate-good and Mr Love-lust; and + then again Prudence, Piety and Charity. + </p> + <p> + That critical discernment is not sufficient to make men poets, is + generally allowed. Why it should keep them from becoming poets, is not + perhaps equally evident; but the fact is, that poetry requires not an + examining but a believing frame of mind. Those feel it most, and write it + best, who forget that it is a work of art; to whom its imitations, like + the realities from which they are taken, are subjects, not for + connoisseurship, but for tears and laughter, resentment and affection; who + are too much under the influence of the illusion to admire the genius + which has produced it; who are too much frightened for Ulysses in the cave + of Polyphemus to care whether the pun about Outis be good or bad; who + forget that such a person as Shakspeare ever existed, while they weep and + curse with Lear. It is by giving faith to the creations of the imagination + that a man becomes a poet. It is by treating those creations as + deceptions, and by resolving them, as nearly as possible, into their + elements, that he becomes a critic. In the moment in which the skill of + the artist is perceived, the spell of the art is broken. + </p> + <p> + These considerations account for the absurdities into which the greatest + writers have fallen, when they have attempted to give general rules for + composition, or to pronounce judgment on the works of others. They are + unaccustomed to analyse what they feel; they, therefore, perpetually refer + their emotions to causes which have not in the slightest degree tended to + produce them. They feel pleasure in reading a book. They never consider + that this pleasure may be the effect of ideas which some unmeaning + expression, striking on the first link of a chain of associations, may + have called up in their own minds—that they have themselves + furnished to the author the beauties which they admire. + </p> + <p> + Cervantes is the delight of all classes of readers. Every school-boy + thumbs to pieces the most wretched translations of his romance, and knows + the lantern jaws of the Knight Errant, and the broad cheeks of the Squire, + as well as the faces of his own playfellows. The most experienced and + fastidious judges are amazed at the perfection of that art which extracts + inextinguishable laughter from the greatest of human calamities without + once violating the reverence due to it; at that discriminating delicacy of + touch which makes a character exquisitely ridiculous, without impairing + its worth, its grace, or its dignity. In Don Quixote are several + dissertations on the principles of poetic and dramatic writing. No + passages in the whole work exhibit stronger marks of labour and attention; + and no passages in any work with which we are acquainted are more + worthless and puerile. In our time they would scarcely obtain admittance + into the literary department of the Morning Post. Every reader of the + Divine Comedy must be struck by the veneration which Dante expresses for + writers far inferior to himself. He will not lift up his eyes from the + ground in the presence of Brunetto, all whose works are not worth the + worst of his own hundred cantos. He does not venture to walk in the same + line with the bombastic Statius. His admiration of Virgil is absolute + idolatry. If, indeed, it had been excited by the elegant, splendid, and + harmonious diction of the Roman poet, it would not have been altogether + unreasonable; but it is rather as an authority on all points of + philosophy, than as a work of imagination, that he values the Aeneid. The + most trivial passages he regards as oracles of the highest authority, and + of the most recondite meaning. He describes his conductor as the sea of + all wisdom—the sun which heals every disordered sight. As he judged + of Virgil, the Italians of the fourteenth century judged of him; they were + proud of him; they praised him; they struck medals bearing his head; they + quarrelled for the honour of possessing his remains; they maintained + professors to expound his writings. But what they admired was not that + mighty imagination which called a new world into existence, and made all + its sights and sounds familiar to the eye and ear of the mind. They said + little of those awful and lovely creations on which later critics delight + to dwell—Farinata lifting his haughty and tranquil brow from his + couch of everlasting fire—the lion-like repose of Sordello—or + the light which shone from the celestial smile of Beatrice. They extolled + their great poet for his smattering of ancient literature and history; for + his logic and his divinity; for his absurd physics, and his most absurd + metaphysics; for everything but that in which he pre-eminently excelled. + Like the fool in the story, who ruined his dwelling by digging for gold, + which, as he had dreamed, was concealed under its foundations, they laid + waste one of the noblest works of human genius, by seeking in it for + buried treasures of wisdom which existed only in their own wild reveries. + The finest passages were little valued till they had been debased into + some monstrous allegory. Louder applause was given to the lecture on fate + and free-will, or to the ridiculous astronomical theories, than to those + tremendous lines which disclose the secrets of the tower of hunger, or to + that half-told tale of guilty love, so passionate and so full of tears. + </p> + <p> + We do not mean to say that the contemporaries of Dante read with less + emotion than their descendants of Ugolino groping among the wasted corpses + of his children, or of Francesca starting at the tremulous kiss and + dropping the fatal volume. Far from it. We believe that they admired these + things less than ourselves, but that they felt them more. We should + perhaps say that they felt them too much to admire them. The progress of a + nation from barbarism to civilisation produces a change similar to that + which takes place during the progress of an individual from infancy to + mature age. What man does not remember with regret the first time that he + read Robinson Crusoe? Then, indeed, he was unable to appreciate the powers + of the writer; or, rather, he neither knew nor cared whether the book had + a writer at all. He probably thought it not half so fine as some rant of + Macpherson about dark-browed Foldath, and white-bosomed Strinadona. He now + values Fingal and Temora only as showing with how little evidence a story + may be believed, and with how little merit a book may be popular. Of the + romance of Defoe he entertains the highest opinion. He perceives the hand + of a master in ten thousand touches which formerly he passed by without + notice. But, though he understands the merits of the narrative better than + formerly, he is far less interested by it. Xury, and Friday, and pretty + Poll, the boat with the shoulder-of-mutton sail, and the canoe which could + not be brought down to the water edge, the tent with its hedge and + ladders, the preserve of kids, and the den where the old goat died, can + never again be to him the realities which they were. The days when his + favourite volume set him upon making wheel-barrows and chairs, upon + digging caves and fencing huts in the garden, can never return. Such is + the law of our nature. Our judgment ripens; our imagination decays. We + cannot at once enjoy the flowers of the spring of life and the fruits of + its autumn, the pleasures of close investigation and those of agreeable + error. We cannot sit at once in the front of the stage and behind the + scenes. We cannot be under the illusion of the spectacle, while we are + watching the movements of the ropes and pulleys which dispose it. + </p> + <p> + The chapter in which Fielding describes the behaviour of Partridge at the + theatre affords so complete an illustration of our proposition, that we + cannot refrain from quoting some parts of it. + </p> + <p> + "Partridge gave that credit to Mr Garrick which he had denied to Jones, + and fell into so violent a trembling that his knees knocked against each + other. Jones asked him what was the matter, and whether he was afraid of + the warrior upon the stage?—'O, la, sir,' said he, 'I perceive now + it is what you told me. I am not afraid of anything, for I know it is but + a play; and if it was really a ghost, it could do one no harm at such a + distance and in so much company; and yet, if I was frightened, I am not + the only person.'—'Why, who,' cries Jones, 'dost thou take to be + such a coward here besides thyself?'—'Nay, you may call me a coward + if you will; but if that little man there upon the stage is not + frightened, I never saw any man frightened in my life'...He sat with his + eyes fixed partly on the ghost and partly on Hamlet, and with his mouth + open; the same passions which succeeded each other in Hamlet, succeeding + likewise in him... + </p> + <p> + "Little more worth remembering occurred during the play, at the end of + which Jones asked him which of the players he liked best? To this he + answered, with some appearance of indignation at the question, 'The King, + without doubt.'—'Indeed, Mr Partridge,' says Mrs Miller, 'you are + not of the same opinion with the town; for they are all agreed that Hamlet + is acted by the best player who was ever on the stage.'—'He the best + player!' cries Partridge, with a contemptuous sneer; 'why I could act as + well as he myself. I am sure if I had seen a ghost, I should have looked + in the very same manner, and done just as he did. And then to be sure, in + that scene, as you called it, between him and his mother, where you told + me he acted so fine, why any man, that is, any good man, that had such a + mother, would have done exactly the same. I know you are only joking with + me; but indeed, madam, though I never was at a play in London, yet I have + seen acting before in the country, and the King for my money; he speaks + all his words distinctly, and half as loud again as the other. Anybody may + see he is an actor.'" + </p> + <p> + In this excellent passage Partridge is represented as a very bad + theatrical critic. But none of those who laugh at him possess the tithe of + his sensibility to theatrical excellence. He admires in the wrong place; + but he trembles in the right place. It is indeed because he is so much + excited by the acting of Garrick, that he ranks him below the strutting, + mouthing performer, who personates the King. So, we have heard it said + that, in some parts of Spain and Portugal, an actor who should represent a + depraved character finely, instead of calling down the applauses of the + audience, is hissed and pelted without mercy. It would be the same in + England, if we, for one moment, thought that Shylock or Iago was standing + before us. While the dramatic art was in its infancy at Athens, it + produced similar effects on the ardent and imaginative spectators. It is + said that they blamed Aeschylus for frightening them into fits with his + Furies. Herodotus tells us that, when Phyrnichus produced his tragedy on + the fall of Miletus, they fined him in a penalty of a thousand drachmas + for torturing their feelings by so pathetic an exhibition. They did not + regard him as a great artist, but merely as a man who had given them pain. + When they woke from the distressing illusion, they treated the author of + it as they would have treated a messenger who should have brought them + fatal and alarming tidings which turned out to be false. In the same + manner, a child screams with terror at the sight of a person in an ugly + mask. He has perhaps seen the mask put on. But his imagination is too + strong for his reason; and he entreats that it may be taken off. + </p> + <p> + We should act in the same manner if the grief and horror produced in us by + works of the imagination amounted to real torture. But in us these + emotions are comparatively languid. They rarely affect our appetite or our + sleep. They leave us sufficiently at ease to trace them to their causes, + and to estimate the powers which produce them. Our attention is speedily + diverted from the images which call forth our tears to the art by which + those images have been selected and combined. We applaud the genius of the + writer. We applaud our own sagacity and sensibility; and we are comforted. + </p> + <p> + Yet, though we think that in the progress of nations towards refinement + the reasoning powers are improved at the expense of the imagination, we + acknowledge that to this rule there are many apparent exceptions. We are + not, however, quite satisfied that they are more than apparent. Men + reasoned better, for example, in the time of Elizabeth than in the time of + Egbert; and they also wrote better poetry. But we must distinguish between + poetry as a mental act, and poetry as a species of composition. If we take + it in the latter sense, its excellence depends not solely on the vigour of + the imagination, but partly also on the instruments which the imagination + employs. Within certain limits, therefore, poetry may be improving while + the poetical faculty is decaying. The vividness of the picture presented + to the reader is not necessarily proportioned to the vividness of the + prototype which exists in the mind of the writer. In the other arts we see + this clearly. Should a man, gifted by nature with all the genius of + Canova, attempt to carve a statue without instruction as to the management + of his chisel, or attention to the anatomy of the human body, he would + produce something compared with which the Highlander at the door of a + snuff shop would deserve admiration. If an uninitiated Raphael were to + attempt a painting, it would be a mere daub; indeed, the connoisseurs say + that the early works of Raphael are little better. Yet, who can attribute + this to want of imagination? Who can doubt that the youth of that great + artist was passed amidst an ideal world of beautiful and majestic forms? + Or, who will attribute the difference which appears between his first rude + essays and his magnificent Transfiguration to a change in the constitution + of his mind? In poetry, as in painting and sculpture, it is necessary that + the imitator should be well acquainted with that which he undertakes to + imitate, and expert in the mechanical part of his art. Genius will not + furnish him with a vocabulary: it will not teach him what word most + exactly corresponds to his idea, and will most fully convey it to others: + it will not make him a great descriptive poet, till he has looked with + attention on the face of nature; or a great dramatist, till he has felt + and witnessed much of the influence of the passions. Information and + experience are, therefore, necessary; not for the purpose of strengthening + the imagination, which is never so strong as in people incapable of + reasoning—savages, children, madmen, and dreamers; but for the + purpose of enabling the artist to communicate his conceptions to others. + </p> + <p> + In a barbarous age the imagination exercises a despotic power. So strong + is the perception of what is unreal that it often overpowers all the + passions of the mind and all the sensations of the body. At first, indeed, + the phantasm remains undivulged, a hidden treasure, a wordless poetry, an + invisible painting, a silent music, a dream of which the pains and + pleasures exist to the dreamer alone, a bitterness which the heart only + knoweth, a joy with which a stranger intermeddleth not. The machinery, by + which ideas are to be conveyed from one person to another, is as yet rude + and defective. Between mind and mind there is a great gulf. The imitative + arts do not exist, or are in their lowest state. But the actions of men + amply prove that the faculty which gives birth to those arts is morbidly + active. It is not yet the inspiration of poets and sculptors; but it is + the amusement of the day, the terror of the night, the fertile source of + wild superstitions. It turns the clouds into gigantic shapes, and the + winds into doleful voices. The belief which springs from it is more + absolute and undoubting than any which can be derived from evidence. It + resembles the faith which we repose in our own sensations. Thus, the Arab, + when covered with wounds, saw nothing but the dark eyes and the green + kerchief of a beckoning Houri. The Northern warrior laughed in the pangs + of death when he thought of the mead of Valhalla. + </p> + <p> + The first works of the imagination are, as we have said, poor and rude, + not from the want of genius, but from the want of materials. Phidias could + have done nothing with an old tree and a fish-bone, or Homer with the + language of New Holland. + </p> + <p> + Yet the effect of these early performances, imperfect as they must + necessarily be, is immense. All deficiencies are supplied by the + susceptibility of those to whom they are addressed. We all know what + pleasure a wooden doll, which may be bought for sixpence, will afford to a + little girl. She will require no other company. She will nurse it, dress + it, and talk to it all day. No grown-up man takes half so much delight in + one of the incomparable babies of Chantrey. In the same manner, savages + are more affected by the rude compositions of their bards than nations + more advanced in civilisation by the greatest master-pieces of poetry. + </p> + <p> + In process of time, the instruments by which the imagination works are + brought to perfection. Men have not more imagination than their rude + ancestors. We strongly suspect that they have much less. But they produce + better works of imagination. Thus, up to a certain period, the diminution + of the poetical powers is far more than compensated by the improvement of + all the appliances and means of which those powers stand in need. Then + comes the short period of splendid and consummate excellence. And then, + from causes against which it is vain to struggle, poetry begins to + decline. The progress of language, which was at first favourable, becomes + fatal to it, and, instead of compensating for the decay of the + imagination, accelerates that decay, and renders it more obvious. When the + adventurer in the Arabian tale anointed one of his eyes with the contents + of the magical box, all the riches of the earth, however widely dispersed, + however sacredly concealed, became visible to him. But, when he tried the + experiment on both eyes, he was struck with blindness. What the enchanted + elixir was to the sight of the body, language is to the sight of the + imagination. At first it calls up a world of glorious allusions; but, when + it becomes too copious, it altogether destroys the visual power. + </p> + <p> + As the development of the mind proceeds, symbols, instead of being + employed to convey images, are substituted for them. Civilised men think + as they trade, not in kind, but by means of a circulating medium. In these + circumstances, the sciences improve rapidly, and criticism among the rest; + but poetry, in the highest sense of the word, disappears. Then comes the + dotage of the fine arts, a second childhood, as feeble as the former, and + far more hopeless. This is the age of critical poetry, of poetry by + courtesy, of poetry to which the memory, the judgment, and the wit + contribute far more than the imagination. We readily allow that many works + of this description are excellent: we will not contend with those who + think them more valuable than the great poems of an earlier period. We + only maintain that they belong to a different species of composition, and + are produced by a different faculty. + </p> + <p> + It is some consolation to reflect that this critical school of poetry + improves as the science of criticism improves; and that the science of + criticism, like every other science, is constantly tending towards + perfection. As experiments are multiplied, principles are better + understood. + </p> + <p> + In some countries, in our own for example, there has been an interval + between the downfall of the creative school and the rise of the critical, + a period during which imagination has been in its decrepitude, and taste + in its infancy. Such a revolutionary interregnum as this will be deformed + by every species of extravagance. + </p> + <p> + The first victory of good taste is over the bombast and conceits which + deform such times as these. But criticism is still in a very imperfect + state. What is accidental is for a long time confounded with what is + essential. General theories are drawn from detached facts. How many hours + the action of a play may be allowed to occupy,—how many similes an + Epic Poet may introduce into his first book,—whether a piece, which + is acknowledged to have a beginning and an end, may not be without a + middle, and other questions as puerile as these, formerly occupied the + attention of men of letters in France, and even in this country. Poets, in + such circumstances as these, exhibit all the narrowness and feebleness of + the criticism by which their manner has been fashioned. From outrageous + absurdity they are preserved indeed by their timidity. But they + perpetually sacrifice nature and reason to arbitrary canons of taste. In + their eagerness to avoid the mala prohibita of a foolish code, they are + perpetually rushing on the mala in se. Their great predecessors, it is + true, were as bad critics as themselves, or perhaps worse, but those + predecessors, as we have attempted to show, were inspired by a faculty + independent of criticism, and, therefore, wrote well while they judged + ill. + </p> + <p> + In time men begin to take more rational and comprehensive views of + literature. The analysis of poetry, which, as we have remarked, must at + best be imperfect, approaches nearer and nearer to exactness. The merits + of the wonderful models of former times are justly appreciated. The frigid + productions of a later age are rated at no more than their proper value. + Pleasing and ingenious imitations of the manner of the great masters + appear. Poetry has a partial revival, a Saint Martin's Summer, which, + after a period of dreariness and decay, agreeably reminds us of the + splendour of its June. A second harvest is gathered in; though, growing on + a spent soil, it has not the heart of the former. Thus, in the present + age, Monti has successfully imitated the style of Dante; and something of + the Elizabethan inspiration has been caught by several eminent countrymen + of our own. But never will Italy produce another Inferno, or England + another Hamlet. We look on the beauties of the modern imaginations with + feelings similar to those with which we see flowers disposed in vases, to + ornament the drawing-rooms of a capital. We doubtless regard them with + pleasure, with greater pleasure, perhaps, because, in the midst of a place + ungenial to them, they remind us of the distant spots on which they + flourish in spontaneous exuberance. But we miss the sap, the freshness, + and the bloom. Or, if we may borrow another illustration from Queen + Scheherezade, we would compare the writers of this school to the jewellers + who were employed to complete the unfinished window of the palace of + Aladdin. Whatever skill or cost could do was done. Palace and bazaar were + ransacked for precious stones. Yet the artists, with all their dexterity, + with all their assiduity, and with all their vast means, were unable to + produce anything comparable to the wonders which a spirit of a higher + order had wrought in a single night. + </p> + <p> + The history of every literature with which we are acquainted confirms, we + think, the principles which we have laid down. In Greece we see the + imaginative school of poetry gradually fading into the critical. Aeschylus + and Pindar were succeeded by Sophocles, Sophocles by Euripides, Euripides + by the Alexandrian versifiers. Of these last, Theocritus alone has left + compositions which deserve to be read. The splendour and grotesque + fairyland of the Old Comedy, rich with such gorgeous hues, peopled with + such fantastic shapes, and vocal alternately with the sweetest peals of + music and the loudest bursts of elvish laughter, disappeared forever. The + master-pieces of the New Comedy are known to us by Latin translations of + extraordinary merit. From these translations, and from the expressions of + the ancient critics, it is clear that the original compositions were + distinguished by grace and sweetness, that they sparkled with wit, and + abounded with pleasing sentiment; but that the creative power was gone. + Julius Caesar called Terence a half Menander,—a sure proof that + Menander was not a quarter Aristophanes. + </p> + <p> + The literature of the Romans was merely a continuation of the literature + of the Greeks. The pupils started from the point at which their masters + had, in the course of many generations arrived. They thus almost wholly + missed the period of original invention. The only Latin poets whose + writings exhibit much vigour of imagination are Lucretius and Catullus. + The Augustan age produced nothing equal to their finer passages. + </p> + <p> + In France that licensed jester, whose jingling cap and motley coat + concealed more genius than ever mustered in the saloon of Ninon or of + Madame Geoffrin, was succeeded by writers as decorous and as tiresome as + gentlemen ushers. + </p> + <p> + The poetry of Italy and of Spain has undergone the same change. But + nowhere has the revolution been more complete and violent than in England. + The same person who, when a boy, had clapped his thrilling hands at the + first representation of the Tempest might, without attaining to a + marvellous longevity, have lived to read the earlier works of Prior and + Addison. The change, we believe, must, sooner or later, have taken place. + But its progress was accelerated, and its character modified, by the + political occurrences of the times, and particularly by two events, the + closing of the theatres under the Commonwealth, and the restoration of the + House of Stuart. + </p> + <p> + We have said that the critical and poetical faculties are not only + distinct, but almost incompatible. The state of our literature during the + reigns of Elizabeth and James the First is a strong confirmation of this + remark. The greatest works of imagination that the world has ever seen + were produced at that period. The national taste, in the meantime, was to + the last degree detestable. Alliterations, puns, antithetical forms of + expression lavishly employed where no corresponding opposition existed + between the thoughts expressed, strained allegories, pedantic allusions, + everything, in short, quaint and affected, in matter and manner, made up + what was then considered as fine writing. The eloquence of the bar, the + pulpit, and the council-board, was deformed by conceits which would have + disgraced the rhyming shepherds of an Italian academy. The king quibbled + on the throne. We might, indeed, console ourselves by reflecting that his + majesty was a fool. But the chancellor quibbled in concert from the + wool-sack: and the chancellor was Francis Bacon. It is needless to mention + Sidney and the whole tribe of Euphuists; for Shakspeare himself, the + greatest poet that ever lived, falls into the same fault whenever he means + to be particularly fine. While he abandons himself to the impulse of his + imagination, his compositions are not only the sweetest and the most + sublime, but also the most faultless, that the world has ever seen. But, + as soon as his critical powers come into play, he sinks to the level of + Cowley; or rather he does ill what Cowley did well. All that is bad in his + works is bad elaborately, and of malice aforethought. The only thing + wanting to make them perfect was, that he should never have troubled + himself with thinking whether they were good or not. Like the angels in + Milton, he sinks "with compulsion and laborious flight." His natural + tendency is upwards. That he may soar, it is only necessary that he should + not struggle to fall. He resembles an American Cacique, who, possessing in + unmeasured abundance the metals which in polished societies are esteemed + the most precious, was utterly unconscious of their value, and gave up + treasures more valuable than the imperial crowns of other countries, to + secure some gaudy and far-fetched but worthless bauble, a plated button, + or a necklace of coloured glass. + </p> + <p> + We have attempted to show that, as knowledge is extended and as the reason + develops itself, the imitative arts decay. We should, therefore, expect + that the corruption of poetry would commence in the educated classes of + society. And this, in fact, is almost constantly the case. The few great + works of imagination which appear in a critical age are, almost without + exception, the works of uneducated men. Thus, at a time when persons of + quality translated French romances, and when the universities celebrated + royal deaths in verses about tritons and fauns, a preaching tinker + produced the Pilgrim's Progress. And thus a ploughman startled a + generation which had thought Hayley and Beattie great poets, with the + adventures of Tam O'Shanter. Even in the latter part of the reign of + Elizabeth the fashionable poetry had degenerated. It retained few vestiges + of the imagination of earlier times. It had not yet been subjected to the + rules of good taste. Affectation had completely tainted madrigals and + sonnets. The grotesque conceits and the tuneless numbers of Donne were, in + the time of James, the favourite models of composition at Whitehall and at + the Temple. But, though the literature of the Court was in its decay, the + literature of the people was in its perfection. The Muses had taken + sanctuary in the theatres, the haunts of a class whose taste was not + better than that of the Right Honourables and singular good Lords who + admired metaphysical love-verses, but whose imagination retained all its + freshness and vigour; whose censure and approbation might be erroneously + bestowed, but whose tears and laughter was never in the wrong. The + infection which had tainted lyric and didactic poetry had but slightly and + partially touched the drama. While the noble and the learned were + comparing eyes to burning-glasses, and tears to terrestrial globes, + coyness to an enthymeme, absence to a pair of compasses, and an unrequited + passion to the fortieth remainder-man in an entail, Juliet leaning from + the balcony, and Miranda smiling over the chess-board, sent home many + spectators, as kind and simple-hearted as the master and mistress of + Fletcher's Ralpho, to cry themselves to sleep. + </p> + <p> + No species of fiction is so delightful to us as the old English drama. + Even its inferior productions possess a charm not to be found in any other + kind of poetry. It is the most lucid mirror that ever was held up to + nature. The creations of the great dramatists of Athens produce the effect + of magnificent sculptures, conceived by a mighty imagination, polished + with the utmost delicacy, embodying ideas of ineffable majesty and beauty, + but cold, pale, and rigid, with no bloom on the cheek, and no speculation + in the eye. In all the draperies, the figures, and the faces, in the + lovers and the tyrants, the Bacchanals and the Furies, there is the same + marble chillness and deadness. Most of the characters of the French stage + resemble the waxen gentlemen and ladies in the window of a perfumer, + rouged, curled, and bedizened, but fixed in such stiff attitudes, and + staring with eyes expressive of such utter unmeaningness, that they cannot + produce an illusion for a single moment. In the English plays alone is to + be found the warmth, the mellowness, and the reality of painting. We know + the minds of men and women, as we know the faces of the men and women of + Vandyke. + </p> + <p> + The excellence of these works is in a great measure the result of two + peculiarities, which the critics of the French school consider as defects,—from + the mixture of tragedy and comedy, and from the length and extent of the + action. The former is necessary to render the drama a just representation + of a world in which the laughers and weepers are perpetually jostling each + other,—in which every event has its serious and ludicrous side. The + latter enables us to form an intimate acquaintance with characters with + which we could not possibly become familiar during the few hours to which + the unities restrict the poet. In this respect, the works of Shakspeare, + in particular, are miracles of art. In a piece, which may be read aloud in + three hours, we see a character gradually unfold all its recesses to us. + We see it change with the change of circumstances. The petulant youth + rises into the politic and warlike sovereign. The profuse and courteous + philanthropist sours into a hater and scorner of his kind. The tyrant is + altered, by the chastening of affliction, into a pensive moralist. The + veteran general, distinguished by coolness, sagacity, and self-command, + sinks under a conflict between love strong as death, and jealousy cruel as + the grave. The brave and loyal subject passes, step by step, to the + extremities of human depravity. We trace his progress, from the first + dawnings of unlawful ambition to the cynical melancholy of his impenitent + remorse. Yet, in these pieces, there are no unnatural transitions. Nothing + is omitted: nothing is crowded. Great as are the changes, narrow as is the + compass within which they are exhibited, they shock us as little as the + gradual alterations of those familiar faces which we see every evening and + every morning. The magical skill of the poet resembles that of the Dervise + in the Spectator, who condensed all the events of seven years into the + single moment during which the king held his head under the water. + </p> + <p> + It is deserving of remark, that, at the time of which we speak, the plays + even of men not eminently distinguished by genius,—such, for + example, as Jonson,—were far superior to the best works of + imagination in other departments. Therefore, though we conceive that, from + causes which we have already investigated, our poetry must necessarily + have declined, we think that, unless its fate had been accelerated by + external attacks, it might have enjoyed an euthanasia, that genius might + have been kept alive by the drama till its place could, in some degree, be + supplied by taste,—that there would have been scarcely any interval + between the age of sublime invention and that of agreeable imitation. The + works of Shakspeare, which were not appreciated with any degree of justice + before the middle of the eighteenth century, might then have been the + recognised standards of excellence during the latter part of the + seventeenth; and he and the great Elizabethan writers might have been + almost immediately succeeded by a generation of poets similar to those who + adorn our own times. + </p> + <p> + But the Puritans drove imagination from its last asylum. They prohibited + theatrical representations, and stigmatised the whole race of dramatists + as enemies of morality and religion. Much that is objectionable may be + found in the writers whom they reprobated; but whether they took the best + measures for stopping the evil appears to us very doubtful, and must, we + think, have appeared doubtful to themselves, when, after the lapse of a + few years, they saw the unclean spirit whom they had cast out return to + his old haunts, with seven others fouler than himself. + </p> + <p> + By the extinction of the drama, the fashionable school of poetry,—a + school without truth of sentiment or harmony of versification,—without + the powers of an earlier, or the correctness of a later age,—was + left to enjoy undisputed ascendency. A vicious ingenuity, a morbid + quickness to perceive resemblances and analogies between things apparently + heterogeneous, constituted almost its only claim to admiration. Suckling + was dead. Milton was absorbed in political and theological controversy. If + Waller differed from the Cowleian sect of writers, he differed for the + worse. He had as little poetry as they, and much less wit; nor is the + languor of his verses less offensive than the ruggedness of theirs. In + Denham alone the faint dawn of a better manner was discernible. + </p> + <p> + But, low as was the state of our poetry during the civil war and the + Protectorate, a still deeper fall was at hand. Hitherto our literature had + been idiomatic. In mind as in situation we had been islanders. The + revolutions in our taste, like the revolutions in our government, had been + settled without the interference of strangers. Had this state of things + continued, the same just principles of reasoning which, about this time, + were applied with unprecedented success to every part of philosophy would + soon have conducted our ancestors to a sounder code of criticism. There + were already strong signs of improvement. Our prose had at length worked + itself clear from those quaint conceits which still deformed almost every + metrical composition. The parliamentary debates, and the diplomatic + correspondence of that eventful period, had contributed much to this + reform. In such bustling times, it was absolutely necessary to speak and + write to the purpose. The absurdities of Puritanism had, perhaps, done + more. At the time when that odious style, which deforms the writings of + Hall and of Lord Bacon, was almost universal, had appeared that stupendous + work, the English Bible,—a book which, if everything else in our + language should perish, would alone suffice to show the whole extent of + its beauty and power. The respect which the translators felt for the + original prevented them from adding any of the hideous decorations then in + fashion. The groundwork of the version, indeed, was of an earlier age. The + familiarity with which the Puritans, on almost every occasion, used the + Scriptural phrases was no doubt very ridiculous; but it produced good + effects. It was a cant; but it drove out a cant far more offensive. + </p> + <p> + The highest kind of poetry is, in a great measure, independent of those + circumstances which regulate the style of composition in prose. But with + that inferior species of poetry which succeeds to it the case is widely + different. In a few years, the good sense and good taste which had weeded + out affectation from moral and political treatises would, in the natural + course of things, have effected a similar reform in the sonnet and the + ode. The rigour of the victorious sectaries had relaxed. A dominant + religion is never ascetic. The Government connived at theatrical + representations. The influence of Shakspeare was once more felt. But + darker days were approaching. A foreign yoke was to be imposed on our + literature. Charles, surrounded by the companions of his long exile, + returned to govern a nation which ought never to have cast him out or + never to have received him back. Every year which he had passed among + strangers had rendered him more unfit to rule his countrymen. In France he + had seen the refractory magistracy humbled, and royal prerogative, though + exercised by a foreign priest in the name of a child, victorious over all + opposition. This spectacle naturally gratified a prince to whose family + the opposition of Parliaments had been so fatal. Politeness was his + solitary good quality. The insults which he had suffered in Scotland had + taught him to prize it. The effeminacy and apathy of his disposition + fitted him to excel in it. The elegance and vivacity of the French manners + fascinated him. With the political maxims and the social habits of his + favourite people, he adopted their taste in composition, and, when seated + on the throne, soon rendered it fashionable, partly by direct patronage, + but still more by that contemptible policy, which, for a time, made + England the last of the nations, and raised Louis the Fourteenth to a + height of power and fame, such as no French sovereign had ever before + attained. + </p> + <p> + It was to please Charles that rhyme was first introduced into our plays. + Thus, a rising blow, which would at any time have been mortal, was dealt + to the English Drama, then just recovering from its languishing condition. + Two detestable manners, the indigenous and the imported, were now in a + state of alternate conflict and amalgamation. The bombastic meanness of + the new style was blended with the ingenious absurdity of the old; and the + mixture produced something which the world had never before seen, and + which, we hope, it will never see again,—something, by the side of + which the worst nonsense of all other ages appears to advantage—something, + which those who have attempted to caricature it have, against their will, + been forced to flatter—of which the tragedy of Bayes is a very + favourable specimen. What Lord Dorset observed to Edward Howard might have + been addressed to almost all his contemporaries— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "As skilful divers to the bottom fall + Swifter than those who cannot swim at all; + So, in this way of writing without thinking, + Thou hast a strange alacrity in sinking." +</pre> + <p> + From this reproach some clever men of the world must be excepted, and + among them Dorset himself. Though by no means great poets, or even good + versifiers, they always wrote with meaning, and sometimes with wit. + Nothing indeed more strongly shows to what a miserable state literature + had fallen, than the immense superiority which the occasional rhymes, + carelessly thrown on paper by men of this class, possess over the + elaborate productions of almost all the professed authors. The reigning + taste was so bad, that the success of a writer was in inverse proportion + to his labour, and to his desire of excellence. An exception must be made + for Butler, who had as much wit and learning as Cowley, and who knew, what + Cowley never knew, how to use them. A great command of good homely English + distinguishes him still more from the other writers of the time. As for + Gondibert, those may criticise it who can read it. Imagination was + extinct. Taste was depraved. Poetry, driven from palaces, colleges, and + theatres, had found an asylum in the obscure dwelling where a Great Man, + born out of due season, in disgrace, penury, pain and blindness, still + kept uncontaminated a character and a genius worthy of a better age. + </p> + <p> + Everything about Milton is wonderful; but nothing is so wonderful as that, + in an age so unfavourable to poetry, he should have produced the greatest + of modern epic poems. We are not sure that this is not in some degree to + be attributed to his want of sight. The imagination is notoriously most + active when the external world is shut out. In sleep its illusions are + perfect. They produce all the effect of realities. In darkness its visions + are always more distinct than in the light. Every person who amuses + himself with what is called building castles in the air must have + experienced this. We know artists who, before they attempt to draw a face + from memory, close their eyes, that they may recall a more perfect image + of the features and the expression. We are therefore inclined to believe + that the genius of Milton may have been preserved from the influence of + times so unfavourable to it by his infirmity. Be this as it may, his works + at first enjoyed a very small share of popularity. To be neglected by his + contemporaries was the penalty which he paid for surpassing them. His + great poem was not generally studied or admired till writers far inferior + to him had, by obsequiously cringing to the public taste, acquired + sufficient favour to reform it. + </p> + <p> + Of these, Dryden was the most eminent. Amidst the crowd of authors who, + during the earlier years of Charles the Second, courted notoriety by every + species of absurdity and affectation, he speedily became conspicuous. No + man exercised so much influence on the age. The reason is obvious. On no + man did the age exercise so much influence. He was perhaps the greatest of + those whom we have designated as the critical poets; and his literary + career exhibited, on a reduced scale, the whole history of the school to + which he belonged,—the rudeness and extravagance of its infancy,—the + propriety, the grace, the dignified good sense, the temperate splendour of + its maturity. His imagination was torpid, till it was awakened by his + judgment. He began with quaint parallels and empty mouthing. He gradually + acquired the energy of the satirist, the gravity of the moralist, the + rapture of the lyric poet. The revolution through which English literature + has been passing, from the time of Cowley to that of Scott, may be seen in + miniature within the compass of his volumes. + </p> + <p> + His life divides itself into two parts. There is some debatable ground on + the common frontier; but the line may be drawn with tolerable accuracy. + The year 1678 is that on which we should be inclined to fix as the date of + a great change in his manner. During the preceding period appeared some of + his courtly panegyrics—his Annus Mirabilis, and most of his plays; + indeed, all his rhyming tragedies. To the subsequent period belong his + best dramas,—All for Love, the Spanish Friar, and Sebastian,—his + satires, his translations, his didactic poems, his fables, and his odes. + </p> + <p> + Of the small pieces which were presented to chancellors and princes it + would scarcely be fair to speak. The greatest advantage which the Fine + Arts derive from the extension of knowledge is, that the patronage of + individuals becomes unnecessary. Some writers still affect to regret the + age of patronage. None but bad writers have reason to regret it. It is + always an age of general ignorance. Where ten thousand readers are eager + for the appearance of a book, a small contribution from each makes up a + splendid remuneration for the author. Where literature is a luxury, + confined to few, each of them must pay high. If the Empress Catherine, for + example, wanted an epic poem, she must have wholly supported the poet;—just + as, in a remote country village, a man who wants a muttonchop is sometimes + forced to take the whole sheep;—a thing which never happens where + the demand is large. But men who pay largely for the gratification of + their taste, will expect to have it united with some gratification to + their vanity. Flattery is carried to a shameless extent; and the habit of + flattery almost inevitably introduces a false taste into composition. Its + language is made up of hyperbolical commonplaces,—offensive from + their triteness,—still more offensive from their extravagance. In no + school is the trick of overstepping the modesty of nature so speedily + acquired. The writer, accustomed to find exaggeration acceptable and + necessary on one subject, uses it on all. It is not strange, therefore, + that the early panegyrical verses of Dryden should be made up of meanness + and bombast. They abound with the conceits which his immediate + predecessors had brought into fashion. But his language and his + versification were already far superior to theirs. + </p> + <p> + The Annus Mirabilis shows great command of expression, and a fine ear for + heroic rhyme. Here its merits end. Not only has it no claim to be called + poetry, but it seems to be the work of a man who could never, by any + possibility, write poetry. Its affected similes are the best part of it. + Gaudy weeds present a more encouraging spectacle than utter barrenness. + There is scarcely a single stanza in this long work to which the + imagination seems to have contributed anything. It is produced, not by + creation, but by construction. It is made up, not of pictures, but of + inferences. We will give a single instance, and certainly a favourable + instance,—a quatrain which Johnson has praised. Dryden is describing + the sea-fight with the Dutch— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Amidst whole heaps of spices lights a ball; + And now their odours armed against them fly. + Some preciously by shattered porcelain fall, + And some by aromatic splinters die." +</pre> + <p> + The poet should place his readers, as nearly as possible, in the situation + of the sufferers or the spectators. His narration ought to produce + feelings similar to those which would be excited by the event itself. Is + this the case here? Who, in a sea-fight, ever thought of the price of the + china which beats out the brains of a sailor; or of the odour of the + splinter which shatters his leg? It is not by an act of the imagination, + at once calling up the scene before the interior eye, but by painful + meditation,—by turning the subject round and round,—by tracing + out facts into remote consequences,—that these incongruous topics + are introduced into the description. Homer, it is true, perpetually uses + epithets which are not peculiarly appropriate. Achilles is the + swift-footed, when he is sitting still. Ulysses is the much-enduring, when + he has nothing to endure. Every spear casts a long shadow, every ox has + crooked horns, and every woman a high bosom, though these particulars may + be quite beside the purpose. In our old ballads a similar practice + prevails. The gold is always red, and the ladies always gay, though + nothing whatever may depend on the hue of the gold, or the temper of the + ladies. But these adjectives are mere customary additions. They merge in + the substantives to which they are attached. If they at all colour the + idea, it is with a tinge so slight as in no respect to alter the general + effect. In the passage which we have quoted from Dryden the case is very + different. "Preciously" and "aromatic" divert our whole attention to + themselves, and dissolve the image of the battle in a moment. The whole + poem reminds us of Lucan, and of the worst parts of Lucan,—the + sea-fight in the Bay of Marseilles, for example. The description of the + two fleets during the night is perhaps the only passage which ought to be + exempted from this censure. If it was from the Annus Mirabilis that Milton + formed his opinion, when he pronounced Dryden a good rhymer but no poet, + he certainly judged correctly. But Dryden was, as we have said, one of + those writers in whom the period of imagination does not precede, but + follow, the period of observation and reflection. + </p> + <p> + His plays, his rhyming plays in particular, are admirable subjects for + those who wish to study the morbid anatomy of the drama. He was utterly + destitute of the power of exhibiting real human beings. Even in the far + inferior talent of composing characters out of those elements into which + the imperfect process of our reason can resolve them, he was very + deficient. His men are not even good personifications; they are not + well-assorted assemblages of qualities. Now and then, indeed, he seizes a + very coarse and marked distinction, and gives us, not a likeness, but a + strong caricature, in which a single peculiarity is protruded, and + everything else neglected; like the Marquis of Granby at an inn-door, whom + we know by nothing but his baldness; or Wilkes, who is Wilkes only in his + squint. These are the best specimens of his skill. For most of his + pictures seem, like Turkey carpets, to have been expressly designed not to + resemble anything in the heavens above, in the earth beneath, or in the + waters under the earth. + </p> + <p> + The latter manner he practises most frequently in his tragedies, the + former in his comedies. The comic characters are, without mixture, + loathsome and despicable. The men of Etherege and Vanbrugh are bad enough. + Those of Smollett are perhaps worse. But they do not approach to the + Celadons, the Wildbloods, the Woodalls, and the Rhodophils of Dryden. The + vices of these last are set off by a certain fierce hard impudence, to + which we know nothing comparable. Their love is the appetite of beasts; + their friendship the confederacy of knaves. The ladies seem to have been + expressly created to form helps meet for such gentlemen. In deceiving and + insulting their old fathers they do not perhaps exceed the license which, + by immemorial prescription, has been allowed to heroines. But they also + cheat at cards, rob strong boxes, put up their favours to auction, betray + their friends, abuse their rivals in the style of Billingsgate, and invite + their lovers in the language of the Piazza. These, it must be remembered, + are not the valets and waiting-women, the Mascarilles and Nerines, but the + recognised heroes and heroines who appear as the representatives of good + society, and who, at the end of the fifth act, marry and live very happily + ever after. The sensuality, baseness, and malice of their natures is + unredeemed by any quality of a different description,—by any touch + of kindness,—or even by any honest burst of hearty hatred and + revenge. We are in a world where there is no humanity, no veracity, no + sense of shame,—a world for which any good-natured man would gladly + take in exchange the society of Milton's devils. But as soon as we enter + the regions of Tragedy, we find a great change. There is no lack of fine + sentiment there. Metastasio is surpassed in his own department. Scuderi is + out-scuderied. We are introduced to people whose proceedings we can trace + to no motive,—of whose feelings we can form no more idea than of a + sixth sense. We have left a race of creatures, whose love is as delicate + and affectionate as the passion which an alderman feels for a turtle. We + find ourselves among beings, whose love is a purely disinterested emotion,—a + loyalty extending to passive obedience,—a religion, like that of the + Quietists, unsupported by any sanction of hope or fear. We see nothing but + despotism without power, and sacrifices without compensation. + </p> + <p> + We will give a few instances. In Aurengzebe, Arimant, governor of Agra, + falls in love with his prisoner Indamora. She rejects his suit with scorn; + but assures him that she shall make great use of her power over him. He + threatens to be angry. She answers, very coolly: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Do not: your anger, like your love, is vain: + Whene'er I please, you must be pleased again. + Knowing what power I have your will to bend, + I'll use it; for I need just such a friend." +</pre> + <p> + This is no idle menace. She soon brings a letter addressed to his rival,—orders + him to read it,—asks him whether he thinks it sufficiently tender,—and + finally commands him to carry it himself. Such tyranny as this, it may be + thought, would justify resistance. Arimant does indeed venture to + remonstrate:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "This fatal paper rather let me tear, + Than, like Bellerophon, my sentence bear." +</pre> + <p> + The answer of the lady is incomparable:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "You may; but 'twill not be your best advice; + 'Twill only give me pains of writing twice. + You know you must obey me, soon or late. + Why should you vainly struggle with your fate?" +</pre> + <p> + Poor Arimant seems to be of the same opinion. He mutters something about + fate and free-will, and walks off with the billet-doux. + </p> + <p> + In the Indian Emperor, Montezuma presents Almeria with a garland as a + token of his love, and offers to make her his queen. She replies:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "I take this garland, not as given by you; + But as my merit's and my beauty's due; + As for the crown which you, my slave, possess, + To share it with you would but make me less." +</pre> + <p> + In return for such proofs of tenderness as these, her admirer consents to + murder his two sons and a benefactor to whom he feels the warmest + gratitude. Lyndaraxa, in the Conquest of Granada, assumes the same lofty + tone with Abdelmelech. He complains that she smiles upon his rival. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Lynd. And when did I my power so far resign, + That you should regulate each look of mine? + + Abdel. Then, when you gave your love, you gave that power. + + Lynd. 'Twas during pleasure—'tis revoked this hour. + + Abdel. I'll hate you, and this visit is my last. + + Lynd. Do, if you can: you know I hold you fast." +</pre> + <p> + That these passages violate all historical propriety, that sentiments to + which nothing similar was ever even affected except by the cavaliers of + Europe, are transferred to Mexico and Agra, is a light accusation. We have + no objection to a conventional world, an Illyrian puritan, or a Bohemian + seaport. While the faces are good, we care little about the back-ground. + Sir Joshua Reynolds says that the curtains and hangings in an historical + painting ought to be, not velvet or cotton, but merely drapery. The same + principle should be applied to poetry and romance. The truth of character + is the first object; the truth of place and time is to be considered only + in the second place. Puff himself could tell the actor to turn out his + toes, and remind him that Keeper Hatton was a great dancer. We wish that, + in our own time, a writer of a very different order from Puff had not too + often forgotten human nature in the niceties of upholstery, millinery, and + cookery. + </p> + <p> + We blame Dryden, not because the persons of his dramas are not Moors or + Americans, but because they are not men and women;—not because love, + such as he represents it, could not exist in a harem or in a wigwam, but + because it could not exist anywhere. As is the love of his heroes, such + are all their other emotions. All their qualities, their courage, their + generosity, their pride, are on the same colossal scale. Justice and + prudence are virtues which can exist only in a moderate degree, and which + change their nature and their name if pushed to excess. Of justice and + prudence, therefore, Dryden leaves his favourites destitute. He did not + care to give them what he could not give without measure. The tyrants and + ruffians are merely the heroes altered by a few touches, similar to those + which transformed the honest face of Sir Roger de Coverley into the + Saracen's head. Through the grin and frown the original features are still + perceptible. + </p> + <p> + It is in the tragi-comedies that these absurdities strike us most. The two + races of men, or rather the angels and the baboons, are there presented to + us together. We meet in one scene with nothing but gross, selfish, + unblushing, lying libertines of both sexes, who, as a punishment, we + suppose, for their depravity, are condemned to talk nothing but prose. + But, as soon as we meet with people who speak in verse, we know that we + are in society which would have enraptured the Cathos and Madelon of + Moliere, in society for which Oroondates would have too little of the + lover, and Clelia too much of the coquette. + </p> + <p> + As Dryden was unable to render his plays interesting by means of that + which is the peculiar and appropriate excellence of the drama, it was + necessary that he should find some substitute for it. In his comedies he + supplied its place, sometimes by wit, but more frequently by intrigue, by + disguises, mistakes of persons, dialogues at cross purposes, hair-breadth + escapes, perplexing concealments, and surprising disclosures. He thus + succeeded at least in making these pieces very amusing. + </p> + <p> + In his tragedies he trusted, and not altogether without reason, to his + diction and his versification. It was on this account, in all probability, + that he so eagerly adopted, and so reluctantly abandoned, the practice of + rhyming in his plays. What is unnatural appears less unnatural in that + species of verse than in lines which approach more nearly to common + conversation; and in the management of the heroic couplet Dryden has never + been equalled. It is unnecessary to urge any arguments against a fashion + now universally condemned. But it is worthy of observation, that, though + Dryden was deficient in that talent which blank verse exhibits to the + greatest advantage, and was certainly the best writer of heroic rhyme in + our language, yet the plays which have, from the time of their first + appearance, been considered as his best, are in blank verse. No experiment + can be more decisive. + </p> + <p> + It must be allowed that the worst even of the rhyming tragedies contains + good description and magnificent rhetoric. But, even when we forget that + they are plays, and, passing by their dramatic improprieties, consider + them with reference to the language, we are perpetually disgusted by + passages which it is difficult to conceive how any author could have + written, or any audience have tolerated, rants in which the raving + violence of the manner forms a strange contrast with the abject tameness + of the thought. The author laid the whole fault on the audience, and + declared that, when he wrote them, he considered them bad enough to + please. This defence is unworthy of a man of genius, and after all, is no + defence. Otway pleased without rant; and so might Dryden have done, if he + had possessed the powers of Otway. The fact is, that he had a tendency to + bombast, which, though subsequently corrected by time and thought, was + never wholly removed, and which showed itself in performances not designed + to please the rude mob of the theatre. + </p> + <p> + Some indulgent critics have represented this failing as an indication of + genius, as the profusion of unlimited wealth, the wantonness of exuberant + vigour. To us it seems to bear a nearer affinity to the tawdriness of + poverty, or the spasms and convulsions of weakness. Dryden surely had not + more imagination than Homer, Dante, or Milton, who never fall into this + vice. The swelling diction of Aeschylus and Isaiah resembles that of + Almanzor and Maximin no more than the tumidity of a muscle resembles the + tumidity of a boil. The former is symptomatic of health and strength, the + latter of debility and disease. If ever Shakspeare rants, it is not when + his imagination is hurrying him along, but when he is hurrying his + imagination along,—when his mind is for a moment jaded,—when, + as was said of Euripides, he resembles a lion, who excites his own fury by + lashing himself with his tail. What happened to Shakspeare from the + occasional suspension of his powers happened to Dryden from constant + impotence. He, like his confederate Lee, had judgment enough to appreciate + the great poets of the preceding age, but not judgment enough to shun + competition with them. He felt and admired their wild and daring + sublimity. That it belonged to another age than that in which he lived and + required other talents than those which he possessed, that, in aspiring to + emulate it, he was wasting, in a hopeless attempt, powers which might + render him pre-eminent in a different career, was a lesson which he did + not learn till late. As those knavish enthusiasts, the French prophets, + courted inspiration by mimicking the writhings, swoonings, and gaspings + which they considered as its symptoms, he attempted, by affected fits of + poetical fury, to bring on a real paroxysm; and, like them, he got nothing + but his distortions for his pains. + </p> + <p> + Horace very happily compares those who, in his time, imitated Pindar to + the youth who attempted to fly to heaven on waxen wings, and who + experienced so fatal and ignominious a fall. His own admirable good sense + preserved him from this error, and taught him to cultivate a style in + which excellence was within his reach. Dryden had not the same + self-knowledge. He saw that the greatest poets were never so successful as + when they rushed beyond the ordinary bounds, and that some inexplicable + good fortune preserved them from tripping even when they staggered on the + brink of nonsense. He did not perceive that they were guided and sustained + by a power denied to himself. They wrote from the dictation of the + imagination; and they found a response in the imaginations of others. He, + on the contrary, sat down to work himself, by reflection and argument, + into a deliberate wildness, a rational frenzy. + </p> + <p> + In looking over the admirable designs which accompany the Faust, we have + always been much struck by one which represents the wizard and the tempter + riding at full speed. The demon sits on his furious horse as heedlessly as + if he were reposing on a chair. That he should keep his saddle in such a + posture, would seem impossible to any who did not know that he was secure + in the privileges of a superhuman nature. The attitude of Faust, on the + contrary, is the perfection of horsemanship. Poets of the first order + might safely write as desperately as Mephistopheles rode. But Dryden, + though admitted to communion with higher spirits, though armed with a + portion of their power, and intrusted with some of their secrets, was of + another race. What they might securely venture to do, it was madness in + him to attempt. It was necessary that taste and critical science should + supply his deficiencies. + </p> + <p> + We will give a few examples. Nothing can be finer than the description of + Hector at the Grecian wall:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + o d ar esthore phaidimos Ektor, + Nukti thoe atalantos upopia lampe de chalko + Smerdaleo, ton eesto peri chroi doia de chersi + Dour echen ouk an tis min erukakoi antibolesas, + Nosphi theun, ot esalto pulas puri d osse dedeei. + —Autika d oi men teichos uperbasan, oi de kat autas + Poietas esechunto pulas Danaioi d ephobethen + Neas ana glaphuras omados d aliastos etuchthe. +</pre> + <p> + What daring expressions! Yet how significant! How picturesque! Hector + seems to rise up in his strength and fury. The gloom of night in his + frown,—the fire burning in his eyes,—the javelins and the + blazing armour,—the mighty rush through the gates and down the + battlements,—the trampling and the infinite roar of the multitude,—everything + is with us; everything is real. + </p> + <p> + Dryden has described a very similar event in Maximin, and has done his + best to be sublime, as follows:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "There with a forest of their darts he strove, + And stood like Capaneus defying Jove; + With his broad sword the boldest beating down, + Till Fate grew pale, lest he should win the town, + And turn'd the iron leaves of its dark book + To make new dooms, or mend what it mistook." +</pre> + <p> + How exquisite is the imagery of the fairy-songs in the Tempest and the + Midsummer Night's Dream; Ariel riding through the twilight on the bat, or + sucking in the bells of flowers with the bee; or the little bower-women of + Titania, driving the spiders from the couch of the Queen! Dryden truly + said, that + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Shakspeare's magic could not copied be; + Within that circle none durst walk but he." +</pre> + <p> + It would have been well if he had not himself dared to step within the + enchanted line, and drawn on himself a fate similar to that which, + according to the old superstition, punished such presumptuous + interference. The following lines are parts of the song of his fairies:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Merry, merry, merry, we sail from the East, + Half-tippled at a rainbow feast. + In the bright moonshine, while winds whistle loud, + Tivy, tivy, tivy, we mount and we fly, + All racking along in a downy white cloud; + And lest our leap from the sky prove too far, + We slide on the back of a new falling star, + And drop from above + In a jelly of love." +</pre> + <p> + These are very favourable instances. Those who wish for a bad one may read + the dying speeches of Maximin, and may compare them with the last scenes + of Othello and Lear. + </p> + <p> + If Dryden had died before the expiration of the first of the periods into + which we have divided his literary life, he would have left a reputation, + at best, little higher than that of Lee or Davenant. He would have been + known only to men of letters; and by them he would have been mentioned as + a writer who threw away, on subjects which he was incompetent to treat, + powers which, judiciously employed, might have raised him to eminence; + whose diction and whose numbers had sometimes very high merit, but all + whose works were blemished by a false taste, and by errors of gross + negligence. A few of his prologues and epilogues might perhaps still have + been remembered and quoted. In these little pieces he early showed all the + powers which afterwards rendered him the greatest of modern satirists. + But, during the latter part of his life, he gradually abandoned the drama. + His plays appeared at longer intervals. He renounced rhyme in tragedy. His + language became less turgid—his characters less exaggerated. He did + not indeed produce correct representations of human nature; but he ceased + to daub such monstrous chimeras as those which abound in his earlier + pieces. Here and there passages occur worthy of the best ages of the + British stage. The style which the drama requires changes with every + change of character and situation. He who can vary his manner to suit the + variation is the great dramatist; but he who excels in one manner only + will, when that manner happens to be appropriate, appear to be a great + dramatist; as the hands of a watch which does not go point right once in + the twelve hours. Sometimes there is a scene of solemn debate. This a mere + rhetorician may write as well as the greatest tragedian that ever lived. + We confess that to us the speech of Sempronius in Cato seems very nearly + as good as Shakspeare could have made it. But when the senate breaks up, + and we find that the lovers and their mistresses, the hero, the villain, + and the deputy-villain, all continue to harangue in the same style, we + perceive the difference between a man who can write a play and a man who + can write a speech. In the same manner, wit, a talent for description, or + a talent for narration, may, for a time, pass for dramatic genius. Dryden + was an incomparable reasoner in verse. He was conscious of his power; he + was proud of it; and the authors of the Rehearsal justly charged him with + abusing it. His warriors and princesses are fond of discussing points of + amorous casuistry, such as would have delighted a Parliament of Love. They + frequently go still deeper, and speculate on philosophical necessity and + the origin of evil. + </p> + <p> + There were, however, some occasions which absolutely required this + peculiar talent. Then Dryden was indeed at home. All his best scenes are + of this description. They are all between men; for the heroes of Dryden, + like many other gentlemen, can never talk sense when ladies are in + company. They are all intended to exhibit the empire of reason over + violent passion. We have two interlocutors, the one eager and impassioned, + the other high, cool, and judicious. The composed and rational character + gradually acquires the ascendency. His fierce companion is first inflamed + to rage by his reproaches, then overawed by his equanimity, convinced by + his arguments, and soothed by his persuasions. This is the case in the + scene between Hector and Troilus, in that between Antony and Ventidius, + and in that between Sebastian and Dorax. Nothing of the same kind in + Shakspeare is equal to them, except the quarrel between Brutus and + Cassius, which is worth them all three. + </p> + <p> + Some years before his death, Dryden altogether ceased to write for the + stage. He had turned his powers in a new direction, with success the most + splendid and decisive. His taste had gradually awakened his creative + faculties. The first rank in poetry was beyond his reach; but he + challenged and secured the most honourable place in the second. His + imagination resembled the wings of an ostrich; it enabled him to run, + though not to soar. When he attempted the highest flights, he became + ridiculous; but, while he remained in a lower region, he out-stripped all + competitors. + </p> + <p> + All his natural and all his acquired powers fitted him to found a good + critical school of poetry. Indeed he carried his reforms too far for his + age. After his death our literature retrograded; and a century was + necessary to bring it back to the point at which he left it. The general + soundness and healthfulness of his mental constitution, his information, + of vast superficies, though of small volume, his wit scarcely inferior to + that of the most distinguished followers of Donne, his eloquence, grave, + deliberate, and commanding, could not save him from disgraceful failure as + a rival of Shakspeare, but raised him far above the level of Boileau. His + command of language was immense. With him died the secret of the old + poetical diction of England,—the art of producing rich effects by + familiar words. In the following century it was as completely lost as the + Gothic method of painting glass, and was but poorly supplied by the + laborious and tesselated imitations of Mason and Gray. On the other hand, + he was the first writer under whose skilful management the scientific + vocabulary fell into natural and pleasing verse. In this department, he + succeeded as completely as his contemporary Gibbons succeeded in the + similar enterprise of carving the most delicate flowers from heart of oak. + The toughest and most knotty parts of language became ductile at his + touch. His versification, in the same manner, while it gave the first + model of that neatness and precision which the following generation + esteemed so highly, exhibited at the same time, the last examples of + nobleness, freedom, variety of pause, and cadence. His tragedies in rhyme, + however worthless in themselves, had at least served the purpose of + nonsense-verses; they had taught him all the arts of melody which the + heroic couplet admits. For bombast, his prevailing vice, his new subjects + gave little opportunity; his better taste gradually discarded it. + </p> + <p> + He possessed, as we have said, in a pre-eminent degree the power of + reasoning in verse; and this power was now peculiarly useful to him. His + logic is by no means uniformly sound. On points of criticism, he always + reasons ingeniously; and when he is disposed to be honest, correctly. But + the theological and political questions which he undertook to treat in + verse were precisely those which he understood least. His arguments, + therefore, are often worthless. But the manner in which they are stated is + beyond all praise. The style is transparent. The topics follow each other + in the happiest order. The objections are drawn up in such a manner that + the whole fire of the reply may be brought to bear on them. The + circumlocutions which are substituted for technical phrases are clear, + neat, and exact. The illustrations at once adorn and elucidate the + reasoning. The sparkling epigrams of Cowley, and the simple garrulity of + the burlesque poets of Italy, are alternately employed, in the happiest + manner, to give effect to what is obvious or clearness to what is obscure. + </p> + <p> + His literary creed was catholic, even to latitudinarianism; not from any + want of acuteness, but from a disposition to be easily satisfied. He was + quick to discern the smallest glimpse of merit; he was indulgent even to + gross improprieties, when accompanied by any redeeming talent. When he + said a severe thing, it was to serve a temporary purpose,—to support + an argument, or to tease a rival. Never was so able a critic so free from + fastidiousness. He loved the old poets, especially Shakspeare. He admired + the ingenuity which Donne and Cowley had so wildly abused. He did justice, + amidst the general silence, to the memory of Milton. He praised to the + skies the school-boy lines of Addison. Always looking on the fair side of + every object, he admired extravagance on account of the invention which he + supposed it to indicate; he excused affectation in favour of wit; he + tolerated even tameness for the sake of the correctness which was its + concomitant. + </p> + <p> + It was probably to this turn of mind, rather than to the more disgraceful + causes which Johnson has assigned, that we are to attribute the + exaggeration which disfigures the panegyrics of Dryden. No writer, it must + be owned, has carried the flattery of dedication to a greater length. But + this was not, we suspect, merely interested servility: it was the + overflowing of a mind singularly disposed to admiration,—of a mind + which diminished vices, and magnified virtues and obligations. The most + adulatory of his addresses is that in which he dedicates the State of + Innocence to Mary of Modena. Johnson thinks it strange that any man should + use such language without self-detestation. But he has not remarked that + to the very same work is prefixed an eulogium on Milton, which certainly + could not have been acceptable at the Court of Charles the Second. Many + years later, when Whig principles were in a great measure triumphant, + Sprat refused to admit a monument of John Phillips into Westminster Abbey—because, + in the epitaph, the name of Milton incidentally occurred. The walls of his + church, he declared, should not be polluted by the name of a republican! + Dryden was attached, both by principle and interest, to the Court. But + nothing could deaden his sensibility to excellence. We are unwilling to + accuse him severely, because the same disposition, which prompted him to + pay so generous a tribute to the memory of a poet whom his patrons + detested, hurried him into extravagance when he described a princess + distinguished by the splendour of her beauty and the graciousness of her + manners. + </p> + <p> + This is an amiable temper; but it is not the temper of great men. Where + there is elevation of character, there will be fastidiousness. It is only + in novels and on tombstones that we meet with people who are indulgent to + the faults of others, and unmerciful to their own; and Dryden, at all + events, was not one of these paragons. His charity was extended most + liberally to others; but it certainly began at home. In taste he was by no + means deficient. His critical works are, beyond all comparison, superior + to any which had, till then, appeared in England. They were generally + intended as apologies for his own poems, rather than as expositions of + general principles; he, therefore, often attempts to deceive the reader by + sophistry which could scarcely have deceived himself. His dicta are the + dicta, not of a judge, but of an advocate:—often of an advocate in + an unsound cause. Yet, in the very act of misrepresenting the laws of + composition, he shows how well he understands them. But he was perpetually + acting against his better knowledge. His sins were sins against light. He + trusted that what was bad would be pardoned for the sake of what was good. + What was good, he took no pains to make better. He was not, like most + persons who rise to eminence, dissatisfied even with his best productions. + He had set up no unattainable standard of perfection, the contemplation of + which might at once improve and mortify him. His path was not attended by + an unapproachable mirage of excellence, for ever receding, and for ever + pursued. He was not disgusted by the negligence of others; and he extended + the same toleration to himself. His mind was of a slovenly character,—fond + of splendour, but indifferent to neatness. Hence most of his writings + exhibit the sluttish magnificence of a Russian noble, all vermin and + diamonds, dirty linen and inestimable sables. Those faults which spring + from affectation, time and thought in a great measure removed from his + poems. But his carelessness he retained to the last. If towards the close + of his life he less frequently went wrong from negligence, it was only + because long habits of composition rendered it more easy to go right. In + his best pieces we find false rhymes,—triplets, in which the third + line appears to be a mere intruder, and, while it breaks the music, adds + nothing to the meaning,—gigantic Alexandrines of fourteen and + sixteen syllables, and truncated verses for which he never troubled + himself to find a termination or a partner. + </p> + <p> + Such are the beauties and the faults which may be found in profusion + throughout the later works of Dryden. A more just and complete estimate of + his natural and acquired powers,—of the merits of his style and of + its blemishes,—may be formed from the Hind and Panther, than from + any of his other writings. As a didactic poem, it is far superior to the + Religio Laici. The satirical parts, particularly the character of Burnet, + are scarcely inferior to the best passages in Absalom and Achitophel. + There are, moreover, occasional touches of a tenderness which affects us + more, because it is decent, rational, and manly, and reminds us of the + best scenes in his tragedies. His versification sinks and swells in happy + unison with the subject; and his wealth of language seems to be unlimited. + Yet, the carelessness with which he has constructed his plot, and the + innumerable inconsistencies into which he is every moment falling, detract + much from the pleasure which such various excellence affords. + </p> + <p> + In Absalom and Achitophel he hit upon a new and rich vein, which he worked + with signal success. They ancient satirists were the subjects of a + despotic government. They were compelled to abstain from political topics, + and to confine their attention to the frailties of private life. They + might, indeed, sometimes venture to take liberties with public men, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina." +</pre> + <p> + Thus Juvenal immortalised the obsequious senators who met to decide the + fate of the memorable turbot. His fourth satire frequently reminds us of + the great political poem of Dryden; but it was not written till Domitian + had fallen: and it wants something of the peculiar flavour which belongs + to contemporary invective alone. His anger has stood so long that, though + the body is not impaired, the effervescence, the first cream, is gone. + Boileau lay under similar restraints; and, if he had been free from all + restraints, would have been no match for our countryman. + </p> + <p> + The advantages which Dryden derived from the nature of his subject he + improved to the very utmost. His manner is almost perfect. The style of + Horace and Boileau is fit only for light subjects. The Frenchman did + indeed attempt to turn the theological reasonings of the Provincial + Letters into verse, but with very indifferent success. The glitter of Pope + is gold. The ardour of Persius is without brilliancy. Magnificent + versification and ingenious combinations rarely harmonise with the + expression of deep feeling. In Juvenal and Dryden alone we have the + sparkle and the heat together. Those great satirists succeeded in + communicating the fervour of their feelings to materials the most + incombustible, and kindled the whole mass into a blaze, at once dazzling + and destructive. We cannot, indeed, think, without regret, of the part + which so eminent a writer as Dryden took in the disputes of that period. + There was, no doubt, madness and wickedness on both sides. But there was + liberty on the one, and despotism on the other. On this point, however, we + will not dwell. At Talavera the English and French troops for a moment + suspended their conflict, to drink of a stream which flowed between them. + The shells were passed across from enemy to enemy without apprehension or + molestation. We, in the same manner, would rather assist our political + adversaries to drink with us of that fountain of intellectual pleasure, + which should be the common refreshment of both parties, than disturb and + pollute it with the havoc of unseasonable hostilities. + </p> + <p> + Macflecnoe is inferior to Absalom and Achitophel only in the subject. In + the execution it is even superior. But the greatest work of Dryden was the + last, the Ode on Saint Cecilia's Day. It is the masterpiece of the second + class of poetry, and ranks but just below the great models of the first. + It reminds us of the Pedasus of Achilles— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + os, kai thnetos eon, epeth ippois athanatoisi. +</pre> + <p> + By comparing it with the impotent ravings of the heroic tragedies we may + measure the progress which the mind of Dryden had made. He had learned to + avoid a too audacious competition with higher natures, to keep at a + distance from the verge of bombast or nonsense, to venture on no + expression which did not convey a distinct idea to his own mind. There is + none of that "darkness visible" of style which he had formerly affected, + and in which the greatest poets only can succeed. Everything is definite, + significant, and picturesque. His early writings resembled the gigantic + works of those Chinese gardeners who attempt to rival nature herself, to + form cataracts of terrific height and sound, to raise precipitous ridges + of mountains, and to imitate in artificial plantations the vastness and + the gloom of some primeval forest. This manner he abandoned; nor did he + ever adopt the Dutch taste which Pope affected, the trim parterres, and + the rectangular walks. He rather resembled our Kents and Browns, who + imitating the great features of landscape without emulating them, + consulting the genius of the place, assisting nature and carefully + disguising their art, produced, not a Chamouni or a Niagara, but a Stowe + or a Hagley. + </p> + <p> + We are, on the whole, inclined to regret that Dryden did not accomplish + his purpose of writing an epic poem. It certainly would not have been a + work of the highest rank. It would not have rivalled the Iliad, the + Odyssey, or the Paradise Lost; but it would have been superior to the + productions of Apollonius, Lucan, or Statius, and not inferior to the + Jerusalem Delivered. It would probably have been a vigorous narrative, + animated with something of the spirit of the old romances, enriched with + much splendid description, and interspersed with fine declamations and + disquisitions. The danger of Dryden would have been from aiming too high; + from dwelling too much, for example, on his angels of kingdoms, and + attempting a competition with that great writer who in his own time had so + incomparably succeeded in representing to us the sights and sounds of + another world. To Milton, and to Milton alone, belonged the secrets of the + great deep, the beach of sulphur, the ocean of fire, the palaces of the + fallen dominations, glimmering through the everlasting shade, the silent + wilderness of verdure and fragrance where armed angels kept watch over the + sleep of the first lovers, the portico of diamond, the sea of jasper, the + sapphire pavement empurpled with celestial roses, and the infinite ranks + of the Cherubim, blazing with adamant and gold. The council, the + tournament, the procession, the crowded cathedral, the camp, the + guard-room, the chase, were the proper scenes for Dryden. + </p> + <p> + But we have not space to pass in review all the works which Dryden wrote. + We, therefore, will not speculate longer on those which he might possibly + have written. He may, on the whole, be pronounced to have been a man + possessed of splendid talents, which he often abused, and of a sound + judgment, the admonitions of which he often neglected; a man who succeeded + only in an inferior department of his art, but who, in that department, + succeeded pre-eminently; and who with a more independent spirit, a more + anxious desire of excellence, and more respect for himself, would, in his + own walk, have attained to absolute perfection. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + HISTORY. (May 1828.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "The Romance of History. England." By Henry Neele. + London, 1828. +</pre> + <p> + To write history respectably—that is, to abbreviate despatches, and + make extracts from speeches, to intersperse in due proportion epithets of + praise and abhorrence, to draw up antithetical characters of great men, + setting forth how many contradictory virtues and vices they united, and + abounding in "withs" and "withouts"—all this is very easy. But to be + a really great historian is perhaps the rarest of intellectual + distinctions. Many scientific works are, in their kind, absolutely + perfect. There are poems which we should be inclined to designate as + faultless, or as disfigured only by blemishes which pass unnoticed in the + general blaze of excellence. There are speeches, some speeches of + Demosthenes particularly, in which it would be impossible to alter a word + without altering it for the worse. But we are acquainted with no history + which approaches to our notion of what a history ought to be—with no + history which does not widely depart, either on the right hand or on the + left, from the exact line. + </p> + <p> + The cause may easily be assigned. This province of literature is a + debatable land. It lies on the confines of two distinct territories. It is + under the jurisdiction of two hostile powers; and, like other districts + similarly situated, it is ill defined, ill cultivated, and ill regulated. + Instead of being equally shared between its two rulers, the Reason and the + Imagination, it falls alternately under the sole and absolute dominion of + each. It is sometimes fiction. It is sometimes theory. + </p> + <p> + History, it has been said, is philosophy teaching by examples. Unhappily, + what the philosophy gains in soundness and depth the examples generally + lose in vividness. A perfect historian must possess an imagination + sufficiently powerful to make his narrative affecting and picturesque. Yet + he must control it so absolutely as to content himself with the materials + which he finds, and to refrain from supplying deficiencies by additions of + his own. He must be a profound and ingenious reasoner. Yet he must possess + sufficient self-command to abstain from casting his facts in the mould of + his hypothesis. Those who can justly estimate these almost insuperable + difficulties will not think it strange that every writer should have + failed, either in the narrative or in the speculative department of + history. + </p> + <p> + It may be laid down as a general rule, though subject to considerable + qualifications and exceptions, that history begins in novel and ends in + essay. Of the romantic historians Herodotus is the earliest and the best. + His animation, his simple-hearted tenderness, his wonderful talent for + description and dialogue, and the pure sweet flow of his language, place + him at the head of narrators. He reminds us of a delightful child. There + is a grace beyond the reach of affectation in his awkwardness, a malice in + his innocence, an intelligence in his nonsense, an insinuating eloquence + in his lisp. We know of no writer who makes such interest for himself and + his book in the heart of the reader. At the distance of three-and-twenty + centuries, we feel for him the same sort of pitying fondness which + Fontaine and Gay are said to have inspired in society. He has written an + incomparable book. He has written something better perhaps than the best + history; but he has not written a good history; he is, from the first to + the last chapter, an inventor. We do not here refer merely to those gross + fictions with which he has been reproached by the critics of later times. + We speak of that colouring which is equally diffused over his whole + narrative, and which perpetually leaves the most sagacious reader in doubt + what to reject and what to receive. The most authentic parts of his work + bear the same relation to his wildest legends which Henry the Fifth bears + to the Tempest. There was an expedition undertaken by Xerxes against + Greece; and there was an invasion of France. There was a battle at + Plataea; and there was a battle at Agincourt. Cambridge and Exeter, the + Constable and the Dauphin, were persons as real as Demaratus and + Pausanias. The harangue of the Archbishop on the Salic Law and the Book of + Numbers differs much less from the orations which have in all ages + proceeded from the right reverend bench than the speeches of Mardonius and + Artabanus from those which were delivered at the council-board of Susa. + Shakspeare gives us enumerations of armies, and returns of killed and + wounded, which are not, we suspect, much less accurate than those of + Herodotus. There are passages in Herodotus nearly as long as acts of + Shakspeare, in which everything is told dramatically, and in which the + narrative serves only the purpose of stage-directions. It is possible, no + doubt, that the substance of some real conversations may have been + reported to the historian. But events which, if they ever happened, + happened in ages and nations so remote that the particulars could never + have been known to him, are related with the greatest minuteness of + detail. We have all that Candaules said to Gyges, and all that passed + between Astyages and Harpagus. We are, therefore, unable to judge whether, + in the account which he gives of transactions respecting which he might + possibly have been well informed, we can trust to anything beyond the + naked outline; whether, for example, the answer of Gelon to the + ambassadors of the Grecian confederacy, or the expressions which passed + between Aristides and Themistocles at their famous interview, have been + correctly transmitted to us. The great events are, no doubt, faithfully + related. So, probably, are many of the slighter circumstances; but which + of them it is impossible to ascertain. The fictions are so much like the + facts, and the facts so much like the fictions, that, with respect to many + most interesting particulars, our belief is neither given nor withheld, + but remains in an uneasy and interminable state of abeyance. We know that + there is truth; but we cannot exactly decide where it lies. + </p> + <p> + The faults of Herodotus are the faults of a simple and imaginative mind. + Children and servants are remarkably Herodotean in their style of + narration. They tell everything dramatically. Their "says hes" and "says + shes" are proverbial. Every person who has had to settle their disputes + knows that, even when they have no intention to deceive, their reports of + conversation always require to be carefully sifted. If an educated man + were giving an account of the late change of administration, he would say—"Lord + Goderich resigned; and the King, in consequence, sent for the Duke of + Wellington." A porter tells the story as if he had been hid behind the + curtains of the royal bed at Windsor: "So Lord Goderich says, 'I cannot + manage this business; I must go out.' So the King says,—says he, + 'Well, then, I must send for the Duke of Wellington—that's all.'" + This is in the very manner of the father of history. + </p> + <p> + Herodotus wrote as it was natural that he should write. He wrote for a + nation susceptible, curious, lively, insatiably desirous of novelty and + excitement; for a nation in which the fine arts had attained their highest + excellence, but in which philosophy was still in its infancy. His + countrymen had but recently begun to cultivate prose composition. Public + transactions had generally been recorded in verse. The first historians + might, therefore, indulge without fear of censure in the license allowed + to their predecessors the bards. Books were few. The events of former + times were learned from tradition and from popular ballads; the manners of + foreign countries from the reports of travellers. It is well known that + the mystery which overhangs what is distant, either in space or time, + frequently prevents us from censuring as unnatural what we perceive to be + impossible. We stare at a dragoon who has killed three French cuirassiers, + as a prodigy; yet we read, without the least disgust, how Godfrey slew his + thousands, and Rinaldo his ten thousands. Within the last hundred years, + stories about China and Bantam, which ought not to have imposed on an old + nurse, were gravely laid down as foundations of political theories by + eminent philosophers. What the time of the Crusades is to us, the + generation of Croesus and Solon was to the Greeks of the time of + Herodotus. Babylon was to them what Pekin was to the French academicians + of the last century. + </p> + <p> + For such a people was the book of Herodotus composed; and, if we may trust + to a report, not sanctioned indeed by writers of high authority, but in + itself not improbable, it was composed, not to be read, but to be heard. + It was not to the slow circulation of a few copies, which the rich only + could possess, that the aspiring author looked for his reward. The great + Olympian festival,—the solemnity which collected multitudes, proud + of the Grecian name, from the wildest mountains of Doris, and the remotest + colonies of Italy and Libya,—was to witness his triumph. The + interest of the narrative, and the beauty of the style, were aided by the + imposing effect of recitation,—by the splendour of the spectacle,—by + the powerful influence of sympathy. A critic who could have asked for + authorities in the midst of such a scene must have been of a cold and + sceptical nature; and few such critics were there. As was the historian, + such were the auditors,—inquisitive, credulous, easily moved by + religious awe or patriotic enthusiasm. They were the very men to hear with + delight of strange beasts, and birds, and trees,—of dwarfs, and + giants, and cannibals—of gods, whose very names it was impiety to + utter,—of ancient dynasties, which had left behind them monuments + surpassing all the works of later times,—of towns like provinces,—of + rivers like seas,—of stupendous walls, and temples, and pyramids,—of + the rites which the Magi performed at daybreak on the tops of the + mountains,—of the secrets inscribed on the eternal obelisks of + Memphis. With equal delight they would have listened to the graceful + romances of their own country. They now heard of the exact accomplishment + of obscure predictions, of the punishment of crimes over which the justice + of heaven had seemed to slumber,—of dreams, omens, warnings from the + dead,—of princesses, for whom noble suitors contended in every + generous exercise of strength and skill,—of infants, strangely + preserved from the dagger of the assassin, to fulfil high destinies. + </p> + <p> + As the narrative approached their own times, the interest became still + more absorbing. The chronicler had now to tell the story of that great + conflict from which Europe dates its intellectual and political supremacy,—a + story which, even at this distance of time, is the most marvellous and the + most touching in the annals of the human race,—a story abounding + with all that is wild and wonderful, with all that is pathetic and + animating; with the gigantic caprices of infinite wealth and despotic + power—with the mightier miracles of wisdom, of virtue, and of + courage. He told them of rivers dried up in a day,—of provinces + famished for a meal,—of a passage for ships hewn through the + mountains,—of a road for armies spread upon the waves,—of + monarchies and commonwealths swept away,—of anxiety, of terror, of + confusion, of despair!—and then of proud and stubborn hearts tried + in that extremity of evil, and not found wanting,—of resistance long + maintained against desperate odds,—of lives dearly sold, when + resistance could be maintained no more,—of signal deliverance, and + of unsparing revenge. Whatever gave a stronger air of reality to a + narrative so well calculated to inflame the passions, and to flatter + national pride, was certain to be favourably received. + </p> + <p> + Between the time at which Herodotus is said to have composed his history, + and the close of the Peloponnesian war, about forty years elapsed,—forty + years, crowded with great military and political events. The circumstances + of that period produced a great effect on the Grecian character; and + nowhere was this effect so remarkable as in the illustrious democracy of + Athens. An Athenian, indeed, even in the time of Herodotus, would scarcely + have written a book so romantic and garrulous as that of Herodotus. As + civilisation advanced, the citizens of that famous republic became still + less visionary, and still less simple-hearted. They aspired to know where + their ancestors had been content to doubt; they began to doubt where their + ancestors had thought it their duty to believe. Aristophanes is fond of + alluding to this change in the temper of his countrymen. The father and + son, in the Clouds, are evidently representatives of the generations to + which they respectively belonged. Nothing more clearly illustrates the + nature of this moral revolution than the change which passed upon tragedy. + The wild sublimity of Aeschylus became the scoff of every young + Phidippides. Lectures on abstruse points of philosophy, the fine + distinctions of casuistry, and the dazzling fence of rhetoric, were + substituted for poetry. The language lost something of that infantine + sweetness which had characterised it. It became less like the ancient + Tuscan, and more like the modern French. + </p> + <p> + The fashionable logic of the Greeks was, indeed, far from strict. Logic + never can be strict where books are scarce, and where information is + conveyed orally. We are all aware how frequently fallacies, which, when + set down on paper, are at once detected, pass for unanswerable arguments + when dexterously and volubly urged in Parliament, at the bar, or in + private conversation. The reason is evident. We cannot inspect them + closely enough to perceive their inaccuracy. We cannot readily compare + them with each other. We lose sight of one part of the subject before + another, which ought to be received in connection with it, comes before + us; and as there is no immutable record of what has been admitted and of + what has been denied, direct contradictions pass muster with little + difficulty. Almost all the education of a Greek consisted in talking and + listening. His opinions on government were picked up in the debates of the + assembly. If he wished to study metaphysics, instead of shutting himself + up with a book, he walked down to the market-place to look for a sophist. + So completely were men formed to these habits, that even writing acquired + a conversational air. The philosophers adopted the form of dialogue, as + the most natural mode of communicating knowledge. Their reasonings have + the merits and the defects which belong to that species of composition, + and are characterised rather by quickness and subtilty than by depth and + precision. Truth is exhibited in parts, and by glimpses. Innumerable + clever hints are given; but no sound and durable system is erected. The + argumentum ad hominem, a kind of argument most efficacious in debate, but + utterly useless for the investigation of general principles, is among + their favourite resources. Hence, though nothing can be more admirable + than the skill which Socrates displays in the conversations which Plato + has reported or invented, his victories, for the most part, seem to us + unprofitable. A trophy is set up; but no new province is added to the + dominions of the human mind. + </p> + <p> + Still, where thousands of keen and ready intellects were constantly + employed in speculating on the qualiies of actions and on the principles + of government, it was impossible that history should retain its whole + character. It became less gossiping and less picturesque; but much more + accurate, and somewhat more scientific. + </p> + <p> + The history of Thucydides differs from that of Herodotus as a portrait + differs from the representation of an imaginary scene; as the Burke or Fox + of Reynolds differs from his Ugolino or his Beaufort. In the former case, + the archetype is given: in the latter it is created. The faculties which + are required for the latter purpose are of a higher and rarer order than + those which suffice for the former, and indeed necessarily comprise them. + He who is able to paint what he sees with the eye of the mind will surely + be able to paint what he sees with the eye of the body. He who can invent + a story, and tell it well, will also be able to tell, in an interesting + manner, a story which he has not invented. If, in practice, some of the + best writers of fiction have been among the worst writers of history, it + has been because one of their talents had merged in another so completely + that it could not be severed; because, having long been habituated to + invent and narrate at the same time, they found it impossible to narrate + without inventing. + </p> + <p> + Some capricious and discontented artists have affected to consider + portrait-painting as unworthy of a man of genius. Some critics have spoken + in the same contemptuous manner of history. Johnson puts the case thus: + The historian tells either what is false or what is true: in the former + case he is no historian: in the latter he has no opportunity for + displaying his abilities: for truth is one: and all who tell the truth + must tell it alike. + </p> + <p> + It is not difficult to elude both the horns of this dilemma. We will recur + to the analogous art of portrait-painting. Any man with eyes and hands may + be taught to take a likeness. The process, up to a certain point, is + merely mechanical. If this were all, a man of talents might justly despise + the occupation. But we could mention portraits which are resemblances,—but + not mere resemblances; faithful,—but much more than faithful; + portraits which condense into one point of time, and exhibit, at a single + glance, the whole history of turbid and eventful lives—in which the + eye seems to scrutinise us, and the mouth to command us—in which the + brow menaces, and the lip almost quivers with scorn—in which every + wrinkle is a comment on some important transaction. The account which + Thucydides has given of the retreat from Syracuse is, among narratives, + what Vandyke's Lord Strafford is among paintings. + </p> + <p> + Diversity, it is said, implies error: truth is one, and admits of no + degrees. We answer, that this principle holds good only in abstract + reasonings. When we talk of the truth of imitation in the fine arts, we + mean an imperfect and a graduated truth. No picture is exactly like the + original; nor is a picture good in proportion as it is like the original. + When Sir Thomas Lawrence paints a handsome peeress, he does not + contemplate her through a powerful microscope, and transfer to the canvas + the pores of the skin, the blood-vessels of the eye, and all the other + beauties which Gulliver discovered in the Brobdingnagian maids of honour. + If he were to do this, the effect would not merely be unpleasant, but, + unless the scale of the picture were proportionably enlarged, would be + absolutely FALSE. And, after all, a microscope of greater power than that + which he had employed would convict him of innumerable omissions. The same + may be said of history. Perfectly and absolutely true it cannot be: for, + to be perfectly and absolutely true, it ought to record ALL the slightest + particulars of the slightest transactions—all the things done and + all the words uttered during the time of which it treats. The omission of + any circumstance, however insignificant, would be a defect. If history + were written thus, the Bodleian Library would not contain the occurrences + of a week. What is told in the fullest and most accurate annals bears an + infinitely small proportion to what is suppressed. The difference between + the copious work of Clarendon and the account of the civil wars in the + abridgment of Goldsmith vanishes when compared with the immense mass of + facts respecting which both are equally silent. + </p> + <p> + No picture, then, and no history, can present us with the whole truth: but + those are the best pictures and the best histories which exhibit such + parts of the truth as most nearly produce the effect of the whole. He who + is deficient in the art of selection may, by showing nothing but the + truth, produce all the effect of the grossest falsehood. It perpetually + happens that one writer tells less truth than another, merely because he + tells more truths. In the imitative arts we constantly see this. There are + lines in the human face, and objects in landscape, which stand in such + relations to each other, that they ought either to be all introduced into + a painting together or all omitted together. A sketch into which none of + them enters may be excellent; but, if some are given and others left out, + though there are more points of likeness, there is less likeness. An + outline scrawled with a pen, which seizes the marked features of a + countenance, will give a much stronger idea of it than a bad painting in + oils. Yet the worst painting in oils that ever hung at Somerset House + resembles the original in many more particulars. A bust of white marble + may give an excellent idea of a blooming face. Colour the lips and cheeks + of the bust, leaving the hair and eyes unaltered, and the similarity, + instead of being more striking, will be less so. + </p> + <p> + History has its foreground and its background: and it is principally in + the management of its perspective that one artist differs from another. + Some events must be represented on a large scale, others diminished; the + great majority will be lost in the dimness of the horizon; and a general + idea of their joint effect will be given by a few slight touches. + </p> + <p> + In this respect no writer has ever equalled Thucydides. He was a perfect + master of the art of gradual diminution. His history is sometimes as + concise as a chronological chart; yet it is always perspicuous. It is + sometimes as minute as one of Lovelace's letters; yet it is never prolix. + He never fails to contract and to expand it in the right place. + </p> + <p> + Thucydides borrowed from Herodotus the practice of putting speeches of his + own into the mouths of his characters. In Herodotus this usage is scarcely + censurable. It is of a piece with his whole manner. But it is altogether + incongruous in the work of his successor, and violates, not only the + accuracy of history, but the decencies of fiction. When once we enter into + the spirit of Herodotus, we find no inconsistency. The conventional + probability of his drama is preserved from the beginning to the end. The + deliberate orations, and the familiar dialogues, are in strict keeping + with each other. But the speeches of Thucydides are neither preceded nor + followed by anything with which they harmonise. They give to the whole + book something of the grotesque character of those Chinese + pleasure-grounds in which perpendicular rocks of granite start up in the + midst of a soft green plain. Invention is shocking where truth is in such + close juxtaposition with it. + </p> + <p> + Thucydides honestly tells us that some of these discourses are purely + fictitious. He may have reported the substance of others correctly, but it + is clear from the internal evidence that he has preserved no more than the + substance. His own peculiar habits of thought and expression are + everywhere discernible. Individual and national peculiarities are seldom + to be traced in the sentiments, and never in the diction. The oratory of + the Corinthians and Thebans is not less Attic, either in matter or in + manner, than that of the Athenians. The style of Cleon is as pure, as + austere, as terse, and as significant, as that of Pericles. + </p> + <p> + In spite of this great fault, it must be allowed that Thucydides has + surpassed all his rivals in the art of historical narration, in the art of + producing an effect on the imagination, by skilful selection and + disposition, without indulging in the license of invention. But narration, + though an important part of the business of a historian, is not the whole. + To append a moral to a work of fiction is either useless or superfluous. A + fiction may give a more impressive effect to what is already known; but it + can teach nothing new. If it presents to us characters and trains of + events to which our experience furnishes us with nothing similar, instead + of deriving instruction from it, we pronounce it unnatural. We do not form + our opinions from it; but we try it by our preconceived opinions. Fiction, + therefore, is essentially imitative. Its merit consists in its resemblance + to a model with which we are already familiar, or to which at least we can + instantly refer. Hence it is that the anecdotes which interest us most + strongly in authentic narrative are offensive when introduced into novels; + that what is called the romantic part of history is in fact the least + romantic. It is delightful as history, because it contradicts our previous + notions of human nature, and of the connection of causes and effects. It + is, on that very account, shocking and incongruous in fiction. In fiction, + the principles are given, to find the facts: in history, the facts are + given, to find the principles; and the writer who does not explain the + phenomena as well as state them, performs only one half of his office. + Facts are the mere dross of history. It is from the abstract truth which + interpenetrates them, and lies latent among them like gold in the ore, + that the mass derives its whole value: and the precious particles are + generally combined with the baser in such a manner that the separation is + a task of the utmost difficulty. + </p> + <p> + Here Thucydides is deficient: the deficiency, indeed, is not discreditable + to him. It was the inevitable effect of circumstances. It was in the + nature of things necessary that, in some part of its progress through + political science, the human mind should reach that point which it + attained in his time. Knowledge advances by steps, and not by leaps. The + axioms of an English debating club would have been startling and + mysterious paradoxes to the most enlightened statesmen of Athens. But it + would be as absurd to speak contemptuously of the Athenian on this account + as to ridicule Strabo for not having given us an account of Chili, or to + talk of Ptolemy as we talk of Sir Richard Phillips. Still, when we wish + for solid geographical information, we must prefer the solemn coxcombry of + Pinkerton to the noble work of Strabo. If we wanted instruction respecting + the solar system, we should consult the silliest girl from a + boarding-school, rather than Ptolemy. + </p> + <p> + Thucydides was undoubtedly a sagacious and reflecting man. This clearly + appears from the ability with which he discusses practical questions. But + the talent of deciding on the circumstances of a particular case is often + possessed in the highest perfection by persons destitute of the power of + generalisation. Men skilled in the military tactics of civilised nations + have been amazed at the far-sightedness and penetration which a Mohawk + displays in concerting his stratagems, or in discerning those of his + enemies. In England, no class possesses so much of that peculiar ability + which is required for constructing ingenious schemes, and for obviating + remote difficulties, as the thieves and the thief-takers. Women have more + of this dexterity than men. Lawyers have more of it than statesmen: + statesmen have more of it than philosophers. Monk had more of it than + Harrington and all his club. Walpole had more of it than Adam Smith or + Beccaria. Indeed, the species of discipline by which this dexterity is + acquired tends to contract the mind, and to render it incapable of + abstract reasoning. + </p> + <p> + The Grecian statesmen of the age of Thucydides were distinguished by their + practical sagacity, their insight into motives, their skill in devising + means for the attainment of their ends. A state of society in which the + rich were constantly planning the oppression of the poor, and the poor the + spoliation of the rich, in which the ties of party had superseded those of + country, in which revolutions and counter-revolutions were events of daily + occurrence, was naturally prolific in desperate and crafty political + adventurers. This was the very school in which men were likely to acquire + the dissimulation of Mazarin, the judicious temerity of Richelieu, the + penetration, the exquisite tact, the almost instinctive presentiment of + approaching events which gave so much authority to the counsel of + Shaftesbury, that "it was as if a man had inquired of the oracle of God." + In this school Thucydides studied; and his wisdom is that which such a + school would naturally afford. He judges better of circumstances than of + principles. The more a question is narrowed, the better he reasons upon + it. His work suggests many most important considerations respecting the + first principles of government and morals, the growth of factions, the + organisation of armies, and the mutual relations of communities. Yet all + his general observations on these subjects are very superficial. His most + judicious remarks differ from the remarks of a really philosophical + historian, as a sum correctly cast up by a bookkeeper from a general + expression discovered by an algebraist. The former is useful only in a + single transaction; the latter may be applied to an infinite number of + cases. + </p> + <p> + This opinion will, we fear, be considered as heterodox. For, not to speak + of the illusion which the sight of a Greek type, or the sound of a Greek + diphthong, often produces, there are some peculiarities in the manner of + Thucydides which in no small degree have tended to secure to him the + reputation of profundity. His book is evidently the book of a man and a + statesman; and in this respect presents a remarkable contrast to the + delightful childishness of Herodotus. Throughout it there is an air of + matured power, of grave and melancholy reflection, of impartiality and + habitual self-command. His feelings are rarely indulged, and speedily + repressed. Vulgar prejudices of every kind, and particularly vulgar + superstitions, he treats with a cold and sober disdain peculiar to + himself. His style is weighty, condensed, antithetical, and not + unfrequently obscure. But, when we look at his political philosophy, + without regard to these circumstances, we find him to have been, what + indeed it would have been a miracle if he had not been, simply an Athenian + of the fifth century before Christ. + </p> + <p> + Xenophon is commonly placed, but we think without much reason, in the same + rank with Herodotus and Thucydides. He resembles them, indeed, in the + purity and sweetness of his style; but in spirit, he rather resembles that + later school of historians whose works seem to be fables composed for a + moral, and who, in their eagerness to give us warnings and examples, + forget to give us men and women. The Life of Cyrus, whether we look upon + it as a history or as a romance, seems to us a very wretched performance. + The Expedition of the Ten Thousand, and the History of Grecian Affairs, + are certainly pleasant reading; but they indicate no great power of mind. + In truth, Xenophon, though his taste was elegant, his disposition amiable, + and his intercourse with the world extensive, had, we suspect, rather a + weak head. Such was evidently the opinion of that extraordinary man to + whom he early attached himself, and for whose memory he entertained an + idolatrous veneration. He came in only for the milk with which Socrates + nourished his babes in philosophy. A few saws of morality, and a few of + the simplest doctrines of natural religion, were enough for the good young + man. The strong meat, the bold speculations on physical and metaphysical + science, were reserved for auditors of a different description. Even the + lawless habits of a captain of mercenary troops could not change the + tendency which the character of Xenophon early acquired. To the last, he + seems to have retained a sort of heathen Puritanism. The sentiments of + piety and virtue which abound in his works are those of a well-meaning + man, somewhat timid and narrow-minded, devout from constitution rather + than from rational conviction. He was as superstitious as Herodotus, but + in a way far more offensive. The very peculiarities which charm us in an + infant, the toothless mumbling, the stammering, the tottering, the + helplessness, the causeless tears and laughter, are disgusting in old age. + In the same manner, the absurdity which precedes a period of general + intelligence is often pleasing; that which follows it is contemptible. The + nonsense of Herodotus is that of a baby. The nonsense of Xenophon is that + of a dotard. His stories about dreams, omens, and prophecies, present a + strange contrast to the passages in which the shrewd and incredulous + Thucydides mentions the popular superstitions. It is not quite clear that + Xenophon was honest in his credulity; his fanaticism was in some degree + politic. He would have made an excellent member of the Apostolic + Camarilla. An alarmist by nature, an aristocrat by party, he carried to an + unreasonable excess his horror of popular turbulence. The quiet atrocity + of Sparta did not shock him in the same manner; for he hated tumult more + than crimes. He was desirous to find restraints which might curb the + passions of the multitude; and he absurdly fancied that he had found them + in a religion without evidences or sanction, precepts or example, in a + frigid system of Theophilanthropy, supported by nursery tales. + </p> + <p> + Polybius and Arrian have given us authentic accounts of facts; and here + their merit ends. They were not men of comprehensive minds; they had not + the art of telling a story in an interesting manner. They have in + consequence been thrown into the shade by writers who, though less + studious of truth than themselves, understood far better the art of + producing effect,—by Livy and Quintus Curtius. + </p> + <p> + Yet Polybius and Arrian deserve high praise when compared with the writers + of that school of which Plutarch may be considered as the head. For the + historians of this class we must confess that we entertain a peculiar + aversion. They seem to have been pedants, who, though destitute of those + valuable qualities which are frequently found in conjunction with + pedantry, thought themselves great philosophers and great politicians. + They not only mislead their readers in every page, as to particular facts, + but they appear to have altogether misconceived the whole character of the + times of which they write. They were inhabitants of an empire bounded by + the Atlantic Ocean and the Euphrates, by the ice of Scythia and the sands + of Mauritania; composed of nations whose manners, whose languages, whose + religion, whose countenances and complexions, were widely different; + governed by one mighty despotism, which had risen on the ruins of a + thousand commonwealths and kingdoms. Of liberty, such as it is in small + democracies, of patriotism, such as it is in small independent communities + of any kind, they had, and they could have, no experimental knowledge. But + they had read of men who exerted themselves in the cause of their country + with an energy unknown in later times, who had violated the dearest of + domestic charities, or voluntarily devoted themselves to death for the + public good; and they wondered at the degeneracy of their contemporaries. + It never occurred to them that the feelings which they so greatly admired + sprung from local and occasional causes; that they will always grow up + spontaneously in small societies; and that, in large empires, though they + may be forced into existence for a short time by peculiar circumstances, + they cannot be general or permanent. It is impossible that any man should + feel for a fortress on a remote frontier as he feels for his own house; + that he should grieve for a defeat in which ten thousand people whom he + never saw have fallen as he grieves for a defeat which has half unpeopled + the street in which he lives; that he should leave his home for a military + expedition in order to preserve the balance of power, as cheerfully as he + would leave it to repel invaders who had begun to burn all the corn fields + in his neighbourhood. + </p> + <p> + The writers of whom we speak should have considered this. They should have + considered that in patriotism, such as it existed amongst the Greeks, + there was nothing essentially and eternally good; that an exclusive + attachment to a particular society, though a natural, and, under certain + restrictions, a most useful sentiment, implies no extraordinary + attainments in wisdom or virtue; that, where it has existed in an intense + degree, it has turned states into gangs of robbers whom their mutual + fidelity has rendered more dangerous, has given a character of peculiar + atrocity to war, and has generated that worst of all political evils, the + tyranny of nations over nations. + </p> + <p> + Enthusiastically attached to the name of liberty, these historians + troubled themselves little about its definition. The Spartans, tormented + by ten thousand absurd restraints, unable to please themselves in the + choice of their wives, their suppers, or their company, compelled to + assume a peculiar manner, and to talk in a peculiar style, gloried in + their liberty. The aristocracy of Rome repeatedly made liberty a plea for + cutting off the favourites of the people. In almost all the little + commonwealths of antiquity, liberty was used as a pretext for measures + directed against everything which makes liberty valuable, for measures + which stifled discussion, corrupted the administration of justice, and + discouraged the accumulation of property. The writers, whose works we are + considering, confounded the sound with the substance, and the means with + the end. Their imaginations were inflamed by mystery. They conceived of + liberty as monks conceive of love, as cockneys conceive of the happiness + and innocence of rural life, as novel-reading sempstresses conceive of + Almack's and Grosvenor Square, accomplished Marquesses and handsome + Colonels of the Guards. In the relation of events, and the delineation of + characters, they have paid little attention to facts, to the costume of + the times of which they pretend to treat, or to the general principles of + human nature. They have been faithful only to their own puerile and + extravagant doctrines. Generals and statesmen are metamorphosed into + magnanimous coxcombs, from whose fulsome virtues we turn away with + disgust. The fine sayings and exploits of their heroes remind us of the + insufferable perfections of Sir Charles Grandison, and affect us with a + nausea similar to that which we feel when an actor, in one of Morton's or + Kotzebue's plays, lays his hand on his heart, advances to the + ground-lights, and mouths a moral sentence for the edification of the + gods. + </p> + <p> + These writers, men who knew not what it was to have a country, men who had + never enjoyed political rights, brought into fashion an offensive cant + about patriotism and zeal for freedom. What the English Puritans did for + the language of Christianity, what Scuderi did for the language of love, + they did for the language of public spirit. By habitual exaggeration they + made it mean. By monotonous emphasis they made it feeble. They abused it + till it became scarcely possible to use it with effect. + </p> + <p> + Their ordinary rules of morality are deduced from extreme cases. The + common regimen which they prescribe for society is made up of those + desperate remedies which only its most desperate distempers require. They + look with peculiar complacency on actions which even those who approve + them consider as exceptions to laws of almost universal application—which + bear so close an affinity to the most atrocious crimes that, even where it + may be unjust to censure them, it is unsafe to praise them. It is not + strange, therefore, that some flagitious instances of perfidy and cruelty + should have been passed unchallenged in such company, that grave + moralists, with no personal interest at stake, should have extolled, in + the highest terms, deeds of which the atrocity appalled even the + infuriated factions in whose cause they were perpetrated. The part which + Timoleon took in the assassination of his brother shocked many of his own + partisans. The recollection of it preyed long on his own mind. But it was + reserved for historians who lived some centuries later to discover that + his conduct was a glorious display of virtue, and to lament that, from the + frailty of human nature, a man who could perform so great an exploit could + repent of it. + </p> + <p> + The writings of these men, and of their modern imitators, have produced + effects which deserve some notice. The English have been so long + accustomed to political speculation, and have enjoyed so large a measure + of practical liberty, that such works have produced little effect on their + minds. We have classical associations and great names of our own which we + can confidently oppose to the most splendid of ancient times. Senate has + not to our ears a sound so venerable as Parliament. We respect to the + Great Charter more than the laws of Solon. The Capitol and the Forum + impress us with less awe than our own Westminster Hall and Westminster + Abbey, the place where the great men of twenty generations have contended, + the place where they sleep together! The list of warriors and statesmen by + whom our constitution was founded or preserved, from De Montfort down to + Fox, may well stand a comparison with the Fasti of Rome. The dying + thanksgiving of Sidney is as noble as the libation which Thrasea poured to + Liberating Jove: and we think with far less pleasure of Cato tearing out + his entrails than of Russell saying, as he turned away from his wife, that + the bitterness of death was past. Even those parts of our history over + which, on some accounts, we would gladly throw a veil may be proudly + opposed to those on which the moralists of antiquity loved most to dwell. + The enemy of English liberty was not murdered by men whom he had pardoned + and loaded with benefits. He was not stabbed in the back by those who + smiled and cringed before his face. He was vanquished on fields of + stricken battle; he was arraigned, sentenced, and executed in the face of + heaven and earth. Our liberty is neither Greek nor Roman; but essentially + English. It has a character of its own,—a character which has taken + a tinge from the sentiments of the chivalrous ages, and which accords with + the peculiarities of our manners and of our insular situation. It has a + language, too, of its own, and a language singularly idiomatic, full of + meaning to ourselves, scarcely intelligible to strangers. + </p> + <p> + Here, therefore, the effect of books such as those which we have been + considering has been harmless. They have, indeed, given currency to many + very erroneous opinions with respect to ancient history. They have heated + the imaginations of boys. They have misled the judgment and corrupted the + taste of some men of letters, such as Akenside and Sir William Jones. But + on persons engaged in public affairs they have had very little influence. + The foundations of our constitution were laid by men who knew nothing of + the Greeks but that they denied the orthodox procession and cheated the + Crusaders; and nothing of Rome, but that the Pope lived there. Those who + followed, contented themselves with improving on the original plan. They + found models at home and therefore they did not look for them abroad. But, + when enlightened men on the Continent began to think about political + reformation, having no patterns before their eyes in their domestic + history, they naturally had recourse to those remains of antiquity, the + study of which is considered throughout Europe as an important part of + education. The historians of whom we have been speaking had been members + of large communities, and subjects of absolute sovereigns. Hence it is, as + we have already said, that they commit such gross errors in speaking of + the little republics of antiquity. Their works were now read in the spirit + in which they had been written. They were read by men placed in + circumstances closely resembling their own, unacquainted with the real + nature of liberty, but inclined to believe everything good which could be + told respecting it. How powerfully these books impressed these speculative + reformers, is well known to all who have paid any attention to the French + literature of the last century. But, perhaps, the writer on whom they + produced the greatest effect was Vittorio Alfieri. In some of his plays, + particularly in Virginia, Timoleon, and Brutus the Younger, he has even + caricatured the extravagance of his masters. + </p> + <p> + It was not strange that the blind, thus led by the blind, should stumble. + The transactions of the French Revolution, in some measure, took their + character from these works. Without the assistance of these works, indeed, + a revolution would have taken place,—a revolution productive of much + good and much evil, tremendous but shortlived, evil dearly purchased, but + durable good. But it would not have been exactly such a revolution. The + style, the accessories, would have been in many respects different. There + would have been less of bombast in language, less of affectation in + manner, less of solemn trifling and ostentatious simplicity. The acts of + legislative assemblies, and the correspondence of diplomatists, would not + have been disgraced by rants worthy only of a college declamation. The + government of a great and polished nation would not have rendered itself + ridiculous by attempting to revive the usages of a world which had long + passed away, or rather of a world which had never existed except in the + description of a fantastic school of writers. These second-hand imitations + resembled the originals about as much as the classical feast with which + the Doctor in Peregrine Pickle turned the stomachs of all his guests + resembled one of the suppers of Lucullus in the Hall of Apollo. + </p> + <p> + These were mere follies. But the spirit excited by these writers produced + more serious effects. The greater part of the crimes which disgraced the + revolution sprung indeed from the relaxation of law, from popular + ignorance, from the remembrance of past oppression, from the fear of + foreign conquest, from rapacity, from ambition, from party-spirit. But + many atrocious proceedings must, doubtless, be ascribed to heated + imagination, to perverted principle, to a distaste for what was vulgar in + morals, and a passion for what was startling and dubious. Mr Burke has + touched on this subject with great felicity of expression: "The gradation + of their republic," says he, "is laid in moral paradoxes. All those + instances to be found in history, whether real or fabulous, of a doubtful + public spirit, at which morality is perplexed, reason is staggered, and + from which affrighted nature recoils, are their chosen and almost sole + examples for the instruction of their youth." This evil, we believe, is to + be directly ascribed to the influence of the historians whom we have + mentioned, and their modern imitators. + </p> + <p> + Livy had some faults in common with these writers. But on the whole he + must be considered as forming a class by himself: no historian with whom + we are acquainted has shown so complete an indifference to truth. He seems + to have cared only about the picturesque effect of his book, and the + honour of his country. On the other hand, we do not know, in the whole + range of literature, an instance of a bad thing so well done. The painting + of the narrative is beyond description vivid and graceful. The abundance + of interesting sentiments and splendid imagery in the speeches is almost + miraculous. His mind is a soil which is never over-teemed, a fountain + which never seems to trickle. It pours forth profusely; yet it gives no + sign of exhaustion. It was probably to this exuberance of thought and + language, always fresh, always sweet, always pure, no sooner yielded than + repaired, that the critics applied that expression which has been so much + discussed lactea ubertas. + </p> + <p> + All the merits and all the defects of Livy take a colouring from the + character of his nation. He was a writer peculiarly Roman; the proud + citizen of a commonwealth which had indeed lost the reality of liberty, + but which still sacredly preserved its forms—in fact, the subject of + an arbitrary prince, but in his own estimation one of the masters of the + world, with a hundred kings below him, and only the gods above him. He, + therefore, looked back on former times with feelings far different from + those which were naturally entertained by his Greek contemporaries, and + which at a later period became general among men of letters throughout the + Roman Empire. He contemplated the past with interest and delight, not + because it furnished a contrast to the present, but because it had led to + the present. He recurred to it, not to lose in proud recollections the + sense of national degradation, but to trace the progress of national + glory. It is true that his veneration for antiquity produced on him some + of the effects which it produced on those who arrived at it by a very + different road. He has something of their exaggeration, something of their + cant, something of their fondness for anomalies and lusus naturae in + morality. Yet even here we perceive a difference. They talk rapturously of + patriotism and liberty in the abstract. He does not seem to think any + country but Rome deserving of love; nor is it for liberty as liberty, but + for liberty as a part of the Roman institutions, that he is zealous. + </p> + <p> + Of the concise and elegant accounts of the campaigns of Caesar little can + be said. They are incomparable models for military despatches. But + histories they are not, and do not pretend to be. + </p> + <p> + The ancient critics placed Sallust in the same rank with Livy; and + unquestionably the small portion of his works which has come down to us is + calculated to give a high opinion of his talents. But his style is not + very pleasant: and his most powerful work, the account of the Conspiracy + of Catiline, has rather the air of a clever party pamphlet than that of a + history. It abounds with strange inconsistencies, which, unexplained as + they are, necessarily excite doubts as to the fairness of the narrative. + It is true, that many circumstances now forgotten may have been familiar + to his contemporaries, and may have rendered passages clear to them which + to us appear dubious and perplexing. But a great historian should remember + that he writes for distant generations, for men who will perceive the + apparent contradictions, and will possess no means of reconciling them. We + can only vindicate the fidelity of Sallust at the expense of his skill. + But in fact all the information which we have from contemporaries + respecting this famous plot is liable to the same objection, and is read + by discerning men with the same incredulity. It is all on one side. No + answer has reached our times. Yet on the showing of the accusers the + accused seem entitled to acquittal. Catiline, we are told, intrigued with + a Vestal virgin, and murdered his own son. His house was a den of gamblers + and debauchees. No young man could cross his threshold without danger to + his fortune and reputation. Yet this is the man with whom Cicero was + willing to coalesce in a contest for the first magistracy of the republic; + and whom he described, long after the fatal termination of the conspiracy, + as an accomplished hypocrite, by whom he had himself been deceived, and + who had acted with consummate skill the character of a good citizen and a + good friend. We are told that the plot was the most wicked and desperate + ever known, and, almost in the same breath, that the great body of the + people, and many of the nobles, favoured it; that the richest citizens of + Rome were eager for the spoliation of all property, and its highest + functionaries for the destruction of all order; that Crassus, Caesar, the + Praetor Lentulus, one of the consuls of the year, one of the consuls + elect, were proved or suspected to be engaged in a scheme for subverting + institutions to which they owed the highest honours, and introducing + universal anarchy. We are told that a government, which knew all this, + suffered the conspirator, whose rank, talents, and courage rendered him + most dangerous, to quit Rome without molestation. We are told that bondmen + and gladiators were to be armed against the citizens. Yet we find that + Catiline rejected the slaves who crowded to enlist in his army, lest, as + Sallust himself expresses it, "he should seem to identify their cause with + that of the citizens." Finally, we are told that the magistrate, who was + universally allowed to have saved all classes of his countrymen from + conflagration and massacre, rendered himself so unpopular by his conduct + that a marked insult was offered to him at the expiration of his office, + and a severe punishment inflicted on him shortly after. + </p> + <p> + Sallust tells us, what, indeed, the letters and speeches of Cicero + sufficiently prove, that some persons consider the shocking, and atrocious + parts of the plot as mere inventions of the government, designed to excuse + its unconstitutional measures. We must confess ourselves to be of that + opinion. There was, undoubtedly, a strong party desirous to change the + administration. While Pompey held the command of an army, they could not + effect their purpose without preparing means for repelling force, if + necessary, by force. In all this there is nothing different from the + ordinary practice of Roman factions. The other charges brought against the + conspirators are so inconsistent and improbable, that we give no credit + whatever to them. If our readers think this scepticism unreasonable, let + them turn to the contemporary accounts of the Popish plot. Let them look + over the votes of Parliament, and the speeches of the king; the charges of + Scroggs, and the harangues of the managers employed against Strafford. A + person who should form his judgment from these pieces alone would believe + that London was set on fire by the Papists, and that Sir Edmondbury + Godfrey was murdered for his religion. Yet these stories are now + altogether exploded. They have been abandoned by statesmen to aldermen, by + aldermen to clergymen, by clergymen to old women, and by old women to Sir + Harcourt Lees. + </p> + <p> + Of the Latin historians, Tacitus was certainly the greatest. His style, + indeed, is not only faulty in itself, but is, in some respects, peculiarly + unfit for historical composition. He carries his love of effect far beyond + the limits of moderation. He tells a fine story finely, but he cannot tell + a plain story plainly. He stimulates till stimulants lose their power. + Thucydides, as we have already observed, relates ordinary transactions + with the unpretending clearness and succinctness of a gazette. His great + powers of painting he reserves for events of which the slightest details + are interesting. The simplicity of the setting gives additional lustre to + the brilliants. There are passages in the narrative of Tacitus superior to + the best which can be quoted from Thucydides. But they are not enchased + and relieved with the same skill. They are far more striking when + extracted from the body of the work to which they belong than when they + occur in their place, and are read in connection with what precedes and + follows. + </p> + <p> + In the delineation of character, Tacitus is unrivalled among historians, + and has very few superiors among dramatists and novelists. By the + delineation of character, we do not mean the practice of drawing up + epigrammatic catalogues of good and bad qualities, and appending them to + the names of eminent men. No writer, indeed, has done this more skilfully + than Tacitus; but this is not his peculiar glory. All the persons who + occupy a large space in his works have an individuality of character which + seems to pervade all their words and actions. We know them as if we had + lived with them. Claudius, Nero, Otho, both the Agrippinas, are + masterpieces. But Tiberius is a still higher miracle of art. The historian + undertook to make us intimately acquainted with a man singularly dark and + inscrutable,—with a man whose real disposition long remained swathed + up in intricate folds of factitious virtues, and over whose actions the + hypocrisy of his youth, and the seclusion of his old age, threw a singular + mystery. He was to exhibit the specious qualities of the tyrant in a light + which might render them transparent, and enable us at once to perceive the + covering and the vices which it concealed. He was to trace the gradations + by which the first magistrate of a republic, a senator mingling freely in + debate, a noble associating with his brother nobles, was transformed into + an Asiatic sultan; he was to exhibit a character, distinguished by + courage, self-command, and profound policy, yet defiled by all + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "th' extravagancy + And crazy ribaldry of fancy." +</pre> + <p> + He was to mark the gradual effect of advancing age and approaching death + on this strange compound of strength and weakness; to exhibit the old + sovereign of the world sinking into a dotage which, though it rendered his + appetites eccentric, and his temper savage, never impaired the powers of + his stern and penetrating mind—conscious of failing strength, raging + with capricious sensuality, yet to the last the keenest of observers, the + most artful of dissemblers, and the most terrible of masters. The task was + one of extreme difficulty. The execution is almost perfect. + </p> + <p> + The talent which is required to write history thus bears a considerable + affinity to the talent of a great dramatist. There is one obvious + distinction. The dramatist creates; the historian only disposes. The + difference is not in the mode of execution, but in the mode of conception. + Shakspeare is guided by a model which exists in his imagination; Tacitus, + by a model furnished from without. Hamlet is to Tiberius what the Laocoon + is to the Newton of Roubilliac. + </p> + <p> + In this part of his art Tacitus certainly had neither equal nor second + among the ancient historians. Herodotus, though he wrote in a dramatic + form, had little of dramatic genius. The frequent dialogues which he + introduces give vivacity and movement to the narrative, but are not + strikingly characteristic. Xenophon is fond of telling his readers, at + considerable length, what he thought of the persons whose adventures he + relates. But he does not show them the men, and enable them to judge for + themselves. The heroes of Livy are the most insipid of all beings, real or + imaginary, the heroes of Plutarch always excepted. Indeed, the manner of + Plutarch in this respect reminds us of the cookery of those continental + inns, the horror of English travellers, in which a certain nondescript + broth is kept constantly boiling, and copiously poured, without + distinction, over every dish as it comes up to table. Thucydides, though + at a wide interval, comes next to Tacitus. His Pericles, his Nicias, his + Cleon, his Brasidas, are happily discriminated. The lines are few, the + colouring faint: but the general air and expression is caught. + </p> + <p> + We begin, like the priest in Don Quixote's library, to be tired with + taking down books one after another for separate judgment, and feel + inclined to pass sentence on them in masses. We shall therefore, instead + of pointing out the defects and merits of the different modern historians, + state generally in what particulars they have surpassed their + predecessors, and in what we conceive them to have failed. + </p> + <p> + They have certainly been, in one sense, far more strict in their adherence + to truth than most of the Greek and Roman writers. They do not think + themselves entitled to render their narrative interesting by introducing + descriptions, conversations, and harangues which have no existence but in + their own imagination. This improvement was gradually introduced. History + commenced among the modern nations of Europe, as it had commenced among + the Greeks, in romance. Froissart was our Herodotus. Italy was to Europe + what Athens was to Greece. In Italy, therefore, a more accurate and manly + mode of narration was early introduced. Machiavelli and Guicciardini, in + imitation of Livy and Thucydides, composed speeches for their historical + personages. But, as the classical enthusiasm which distinguished the age + of Lorenzo and Leo gradually subsided, this absurd practice was abandoned. + In France, we fear, it still, in some degree, keeps its ground. In our own + country, a writer who should venture on it would be laughed to scorn. + Whether the historians of the last two centuries tell more truth than + those of antiquity, may perhaps be doubted. But it is quite certain that + they tell fewer falsehoods. + </p> + <p> + In the philosophy of history, the moderns have very far surpassed the + ancients. It is not, indeed, strange that the Greeks and Romans should not + have carried the science of government, or any other experimental science, + so far as it has been carried in our time; for the experimental sciences + are generally in a state of progression. They were better understood in + the seventeenth century than in the sixteenth, and in the eighteenth + century than in the seventeenth. But this constant improvement, this + natural growth of knowledge, will not altogether account for the immense + superiority of the modern writers. The difference is a difference not in + degree, but of kind. It is not merely that new principles have been + discovered, but that new faculties seem to be exerted. It is not that at + one time the human intellect should have made but small progress, and at + another time have advanced far: but that at one time it should have been + stationary, and at another time constantly proceeding. In taste and + imagination, in the graces of style, in the arts of persuasion, in the + magnificence of public works, the ancients were at least our equals. They + reasoned as justly as ourselves on subjects which required pure + demonstration. But in the moral sciences they made scarcely any advance. + During the long period which elapsed between the fifth century before the + Christian era and the fifth century after it little perceptible progress + was made. All the metaphysical discoveries of all the philosophers, from + the time of Socrates to the northern invasion, are not to be compared in + importance with those which have been made in England every fifty years + since the time of Elizabeth. There is not the least reason to believe that + the principles of government, legislation, and political economy, were + better understood in the time of Augustus Caesar than in the time of + Pericles. In our own country, the sound doctrines of trade and + jurisprudence have been, within the lifetime of a single generation, dimly + hinted, boldly propounded, defended, systematised, adopted by all + reflecting men of all parties, quoted in legislative assemblies, + incorporated into laws and treaties. + </p> + <p> + To what is this change to be attributed? Partly, no doubt, to the + discovery of printing, a discovery which has not only diffused knowledge + widely, but, as we have already observed, has also introduced into + reasoning a precision unknown in those ancient communities, in which + information, was, for the most part, conveyed orally. There was, we + suspect, another cause, less obvious, but still more powerful. + </p> + <p> + The spirit of the two most famous nations of antiquity was remarkably + exclusive. In the time of Homer the Greeks had not begun to consider + themselves as a distinct race. They still looked with something of + childish wonder and awe on the riches and wisdom of Sidon and Egypt. From + what causes, and by what gradations, their feelings underwent a change, it + is not easy to determine. Their history, from the Trojan to the Persian + war, is covered with an obscurity broken only by dim and scattered gleams + of truth. But it is certain that a great alteration took place. They + regarded themselves as a separate people. They had common religious rites, + and common principles of public law, in which foreigners had no part. In + all their political systems, monarchical, aristocratical, and + democratical, there was a strong family likeness. After the retreat of + Xerxes and the fall of Mardonius, national pride rendered the separation + between the Greeks and the barbarians complete. The conquerors considered + themselves men of a superior breed, men who, in their intercourse with + neighbouring nations, were to teach, and not to learn. They looked for + nothing out of themselves. They borrowed nothing. They translated nothing. + We cannot call to mind a single expression of any Greek writer earlier + than the age of Augustus, indicating an opinion that anything worth + reading could be written in any language except his own. The feelings + which sprung from national glory were not altogether extinguished by + national degradation. They were fondly cherished through ages of slavery + and shame. The literature of Rome herself was regarded with contempt by + those who had fled before her arms, and who bowed beneath her fasces. + Voltaire says, in one of his six thousand pamphlets, that he was the first + person who told the French that England had produced eminent men besides + the Duke of Marlborough. Down to a very late period, the Greeks seem to + have stood in need of similar information with respect to their masters. + With Paulus Aemilius, Sylla, and Caesar, they were well acquainted. But + the notions which they entertained respecting Cicero and Virgil were, + probably, not unlike those which Boileau may have formed about Shakspeare. + Dionysius lived in the most splendid age of Latin poetry and eloquence. He + was a critic, and, after the manner of his age, an able critic. He studied + the language of Rome, associated with its learned men, and compiled its + history. Yet he seems to have thought its literature valuable only for the + purpose of illustrating its antiquities. His reading appears to have been + confined to its public records, and to a few old annalists. Once, and but + once, if we remember rightly, he quotes Ennius, to solve a question of + etymology. He has written much on the art of oratory: yet he has not + mentioned the name of Cicero. + </p> + <p> + The Romans submitted to the pretensions of a race which they despised. + Their epic poet, while he claimed for them pre-eminence in the arts of + government and war, acknowledged their inferiority in taste, eloquence, + and science. Men of letters affected to understand the Greek language + better than their own. Pomponius preferred the honour of becoming an + Athenian, by intellectual naturalisation, to all the distinctions which + were to be acquired in the political contests of Rome. His great friend + composed Greek poems and memoirs. It is well-known that Petrarch + considered that beautiful language in which his sonnets are written, as a + barbarous jargon, and intrusted his fame to those wretched Latin + hexameters which, during the last four centuries, have scarcely found four + readers. Many eminent Romans appear to have felt the same contempt for + their native tongue as compared with the Greek. The prejudice continued to + a very late period. Julian was as partial to the Greek language as + Frederic the Great to the French: and it seems that he could not express + himself with elegance in the dialect of the state which he ruled. + </p> + <p> + Even those Latin writers who did not carry this affectation so far looked + on Greece as the only fount of knowledge. From Greece they derived the + measures of their poetry, and, indeed, all of poetry that can be imported. + From Greece they borrowed the principles and the vocabulary of their + philosophy. To the literature of other nations they do not seem to have + paid the slightest attention. The sacred books of the Hebrews, for + example, books which, considered merely as human compositions, are + invaluable to the critic, the antiquarian, and the philosopher, seem to + have been utterly unnoticed by them. The peculiarities of Judaism, and the + rapid growth of Christianity, attracted their notice. They made war + against the Jews. They made laws against the Christians. But they never + opened the books of Moses. Juvenal quotes the Pentateuch with censure. The + author of the treatise on "the Sublime" quotes it with praise: but both of + them quote it erroneously. When we consider what sublime poetry, what + curious history, what striking and peculiar views of the Divine nature and + of the social duties of men, are to be found in the Jewish scriptures, + when we consider that two sects on which the attention of the government + was constantly fixed appealed to those scriptures as the rule of their + faith and practice, this indifference is astonishing. The fact seems to + be, that the Greeks admired only themselves, and that the Romans admired + only themselves and the Greeks. Literary men turned away with disgust from + modes of thought and expression so widely different from all that they had + been accustomed to admire. The effect was narrowness and sameness of + thought. Their minds, if we may so express ourselves, bred in and in, and + were accordingly cursed with barrenness and degeneracy. No extraneous + beauty or vigour was engrafted on the decaying stock. By an exclusive + attention to one class of phenomena, by an exclusive taste for one species + of excellence, the human intellect was stunted. Occasional coincidences + were turned into general rules. Prejudices were confounded with instincts. + On man, as he was found in a particular state of society—on + government, as it had existed in a particular corner of the world, many + just observations were made; but of man as man, or government as + government, little was known. Philosophy remained stationary. Slight + changes, sometimes for the worse and sometimes for the better, were made + in the superstructure. But nobody thought of examining the foundations. + </p> + <p> + The vast despotism of the Caesars, gradually effacing all national + peculiarities, and assimilating the remotest provinces of the empire to + each other, augmented the evil. At the close of the third century after + Christ, the prospects of mankind were fearfully dreary. A system of + etiquette, as pompously frivolous as that of the Escurial, had been + established. A sovereign almost invisible; a crowd of dignitaries minutely + distinguished by badges and titles; rhetoricians who said nothing but what + had been said ten thousand times; schools in which nothing was taught but + what had been known for ages: such was the machinery provided for the + government and instruction of the most enlightened part of the human race. + That great community was then in danger of experiencing a calamity far + more terrible than any of the quick, inflammatory, destroying maladies, to + which nations are liable,—a tottering, drivelling, paralytic + longevity, the immortality of the Struldbrugs, a Chinese civilisation. It + would be easy to indicate many points of resemblance between the subjects + of Diocletian and the people of that Celestial Empire, where, during many + centuries, nothing has been learned or unlearned; where government, where + education, where the whole system of life, is a ceremony; where knowledge + forgets to increase and multiply, and, like the talent buried in the + earth, or the pound wrapped up in the napkin, experiences neither waste no + augmentation. + </p> + <p> + The torpor was broken by two great revolutions, the one moral, the other + political, the one from within, the other from without. The victory of + Christianity over Paganism, considered with relation to this subject only, + was of great importance. It overthrew the old system of morals; and with + it much of the old system of metaphysics. It furnished the orator with new + topics of declamation, and the logician with new points of controversy. + Above all, it introduced a new principle, of which the operation was + constantly felt in every part of society. It stirred the stagnant mass + from the inmost depths. It excited all the passions of a stormy democracy + in the quiet and listless population of an overgrown empire. The fear of + heresy did what the sense of oppression could not do; it changed men, + accustomed to be turned over like sheep from tyrant to tyrant, into + devoted partisans and obstinate rebels. The tones of an eloquence which + had been silent for ages resounded from the pulpit of Gregory. A spirit + which had been extinguished on the plains of Philippi revived in + Athanasius and Ambrose. + </p> + <p> + Yet even this remedy was not sufficiently violent for the disease. It did + not prevent the empire of Constantinople from relapsing, after a short + paroxysm of excitement, into a state of stupefaction, to which history + furnishes scarcely any parallel. We there find that a polished society, a + society in which a most intricate and elaborate system of jurisprudence + was established, in which the arts of luxury were well understood, in + which the works of the great ancient writers were preserved and studied, + existed for nearly a thousand years without making one great discovery in + science, or producing one book which is read by any but curious inquirers. + There were tumults, too, and controversies, and wars in abundance: and + these things, bad as they are in themselves, have generally been + favourable to the progress of the intellect. But here they tormented + without stimulating. The waters were troubled; but no healing influence + descended. The agitations resembled the grinnings and writhings of a + galvanised corpse, not the struggles of an athletic man. + </p> + <p> + From this miserable state the Western Empire was saved by the fiercest and + most destroying visitation with which God has ever chastened his creatures—the + invasion of the Northern nations. Such a cure was required for such a + distemper. The fire of London, it has been observed was a blessing. It + burned down the city; but it burned out the plague. The same may be said + of the tremendous devastation of the Roman dominions. It annihilated the + noisome recesses in which lurked the seeds of great moral maladies; it + cleared an atmosphere fatal to the health and vigour of the human mind. It + cost Europe a thousand years of barbarism to escape the fate of China. + </p> + <p> + At length the terrible purification was accomplished; and the second + civilisation of mankind commenced, under circumstances which afforded a + strong security that it would never retrograde and never pause. Europe was + now a great federal community. Her numerous states were united by the easy + ties of international law and a common religion. Their institutions, their + languages, their manners, their tastes in literature, their modes of + education, were widely different. Their connection was close enough to + allow of mutual observation and improvement, yet not so close as to + destroy the idioms of national opinion and feeling. + </p> + <p> + The balance of moral and intellectual influence thus established between + the nations of Europe is far more important than the balance of political + power. Indeed, we are inclined to think that the latter is valuable + principally because it tends to maintain the former. The civilised world + has thus been preserved from a uniformity of character fatal to all + improvement. Every part of it has been illuminated with light reflected + from every other. Competition has produced activity where monopoly would + have produced sluggishness. The number of experiments in moral science + which the speculator has an opportunity of witnessing has been increased + beyond all calculation. Society and human nature, instead of being seen in + a single point of view, are presented to him under ten thousand different + aspects. By observing the manners of surrounding nations, by studying + their literature, by comparing it with that of his own country and of the + ancient republics, he is enabled to correct those errors into which the + most acute men must fall when they reason from a single species to a + genus. He learns to distinguish what is local from what is universal: what + is transitory from what is eternal; to discriminate between exceptions and + rules; to trace the operation of disturbing causes; to separate those + general principles which are always true and everywhere applicable from + the accidental circumstances with which, in every community, they are + blended, and with which, in an isolated community, they are confounded by + the most philosophical mind. + </p> + <p> + Hence it is that, in generalisation, the writers of modern times have far + surpassed those of antiquity. The historians of our own country are + unequalled in depth and precision of reason; and, even in the works of our + mere compilers, we often meet with speculations beyond the reach of + Thucydides or Tacitus. + </p> + <p> + But it must, at the same time, be admitted that they have characteristic + faults, so closely connected with their characteristic merits, and of such + magnitude, that it may well be doubted whether, on the whole, this + department of literature has gained or lost during the last two-and-twenty + centuries. + </p> + <p> + The best historians of later times have been seduced from truth, not by + their imagination, but by their reason. They far excel their predecessors + in the art of deducing general principles from facts. But unhappily they + have fallen into the error of distorting facts to suit general principles. + They arrive at a theory from looking at some of the phenomena; and the + remaining phenomena they strain or curtail to suit the theory. For this + purpose it is not necessary that they should assert what is absolutely + false; for all questions in morals and politics are questions of + comparison and degree. Any proposition which does not involve a + contradiction in terms may by possibility be true; and, if all the + circumstances which raise a probability in its favour, be stated and + enforced, and those which lead to an opposite conclusion be omitted or + lightly passed over, it may appear to be demonstrated. In every human + character and transaction there is a mixture of good and evil: a little + exaggeration, a little suppression, a judicious use of epithets, a + watchful and searching scepticism with respect to the evidence on one + side, a convenient credulity with respect to every report or tradition on + the other, may easily make a saint of Laud, or a tyrant of Henry the + Fourth. + </p> + <p> + This species of misrepresentation abounds in the most valuable works of + modern historians. Herodotus tells his story like a slovenly witness, who, + heated by partialities and prejudices, unacquainted with the established + rules of evidence, and uninstructed as to the obligations of his oath, + confounds what he imagines with what he has seen and heard, and brings out + facts, reports, conjectures, and fancies, in one mass. Hume is an + accomplished advocate. Without positively asserting much more than he can + prove, he gives prominence to all the circumstances which support his + case; he glides lightly over those which are unfavourable to it; his own + witnesses are applauded and encouraged; the statements which seem to throw + discredit on them are controverted; the contradictions into which they + fall are explained away; a clear and connected abstract of their evidence + is given. Everything that is offered on the other side is scrutinised with + the utmost severity; every suspicious circumstance is a ground for comment + and invective; what cannot be denied is extenuated, or passed by without + notice; concessions even are sometimes made: but this insidious candour + only increases the effect of the vast mass of sophistry. + </p> + <p> + We have mentioned Hume as the ablest and most popular writer of his class; + but the charge which we have brought against him is one to which all our + most distinguished historians are in some degree obnoxious. Gibbon, in + particular, deserves very severe censure. Of all the numerous culprits, + however, none is more deeply guilty than Mr Mitford. We willingly + acknowledge the obligations which are due to his talents and industry. The + modern historians of Greece had been in the habit of writing as if the + world had learned nothing new during the last sixteen hundred years. + Instead of illustrating the events which they narrated by the philosophy + of a more enlightened age, they judged of antiquity by itself alone. They + seemed to think that notions, long driven from every other corner of + literature, had a prescriptive right to occupy this last fastness. They + considered all the ancient historians as equally authentic. They scarcely + made any distinction between him who related events at which he had + himself been present and him who five hundred years after composed a + philosophic romance for a society which had in the interval undergone a + complete change. It was all Greek, and all true! The centuries which + separated Plutarch from Thucydides seemed as nothing to men who lived in + an age so remote. The distance of time produced an error similar to that + which is sometimes produced by distance of place. There are many good + ladies who think that all the people in India live together, and who + charge a friend setting out for Calcutta with kind messages to Bombay. To + Rollin and Barthelemi, in the same manner, all the classics were + contemporaries. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mitford certainly introduced great improvements; he showed us that men + who wrote in Greek and Latin sometimes told lies; he showed us that + ancient history might be related in such a manner as to furnish not only + allusions to schoolboys, but important lessons to statesmen. From that + love of theatrical effect and high-flown sentiment which had poisoned + almost every other work on the same subject his book is perfectly free. + But his passion for a theory as false, and far more ungenerous, led him + substantially to violate truth in every page. Statements unfavourable to + democracy are made with unhesitating confidence, and with the utmost + bitterness of language. Every charge brought against a monarch or an + aristocracy is sifted with the utmost care. If it cannot be denied, some + palliating supposition is suggested; or we are at least reminded that some + circumstances now unknown MAY have justified what at present appears + unjustifiable. Two events are reported by the same author in the same + sentence; their truth rests on the same testimony; but the one supports + the darling hypothesis, and the other seems inconsistent with it. The one + is taken and the other is left. + </p> + <p> + The practice of distorting narrative into a conformity with theory is a + vice not so unfavourable as at first sight it may appear to the interests + of political science. We have compared the writers who indulge in it to + advocates; and we may add, that their conflicting fallacies, like those of + advocates, correct each other. It has always been held, in the most + enlightened nations, that a tribunal will decide a judicial question most + fairly when it has heard two able men argue, as unfairly as possible, on + the two opposite sides of it; and we are inclined to think that this + opinion is just. Sometimes, it is true, superior eloquence and dexterity + will make the worse appear the better reason; but it is at least certain + that the judge will be compelled to contemplate the case under two + different aspects. It is certain that no important consideration will + altogether escape notice. + </p> + <p> + This is at present the state of history. The poet laureate appears for the + Church of England, Lingard for the Church of Rome. Brodie has moved to set + aside the verdicts obtained by Hume; and the cause in which Mitford + succeeded is, we understand, about to be reheard. In the midst of these + disputes, however, history proper, if we may use the term, is + disappearing. The high, grave, impartial summing up of Thucydides is + nowhere to be found. + </p> + <p> + While our historians are practising all the arts of controversy, they + miserably neglect the art of narration, the art of interesting the + affections and presenting pictures to the imagination. That a writer may + produce these effects without violating truth is sufficiently proved by + many excellent biographical works. The immense popularity which + well-written books of this kind have acquired deserves the serious + consideration of historians. Voltaire's Charles the Twelfth, Marmontel's + Memoirs, Boswell's Life of Johnson, Southey's account of Nelson, are + perused with delight by the most frivolous and indolent. Whenever any + tolerable book of the same description makes its appearance, the + circulating libraries are mobbed; the book societies are in commotion; the + new novel lies uncut; the magazines and newspapers fill their columns with + extracts. In the meantime histories of great empires, written by men of + eminent ability, lie unread on the shelves of ostentatious libraries. + </p> + <p> + The writers of history seem to entertain an aristocratical contempt for + the writers of memoirs. They think it beneath the dignity of men who + describe the revolutions of nations to dwell on the details which + constitute the charm of biography. They have imposed on themselves a code + of conventional decencies as absurd as that which has been the bane of the + French drama. The most characteristic and interesting circumstances are + omitted or softened down, because, as we are told, they are too trivial + for the majesty of history. The majesty of history seems to resemble the + majesty of the poor King of Spain, who died a martyr to ceremony because + the proper dignitaries were not at hand to render him assistance. + </p> + <p> + That history would be more amusing if this etiquette were relaxed will, we + suppose, be acknowledged. But would it be less dignified or less useful? + What do we mean when we say that one past event is important and another + insignificant? No past event has any intrinsic importance. The knowledge + of it is valuable only as it leads us to form just calculations with + respect to the future. A history which does not serve this purpose, though + it may be filled with battles, treaties, and commotions, is as useless as + the series of turnpike tickets collected by Sir Matthew Mite. + </p> + <p> + Let us suppose that Lord Clarendon, instead of filling hundreds of folio + pages with copies of state papers, in which the same assertions and + contradictions are repeated till the reader is overpowered with weariness, + had condescended to be the Boswell of the Long Parliament. Let us suppose + that he had exhibited to us the wise and lofty self-government of Hampden, + leading while he seemed to follow, and propounding unanswerable arguments + in the strongest forms with the modest air of an inquirer anxious for + information; the delusions which misled the noble spirit of Vane; the + coarse fanaticism which concealed the yet loftier genius of Cromwell, + destined to control a motionless army and a factious people, to abase the + flag of Holland, to arrest the victorious arms of Sweden, and to hold the + balance firm between the rival monarchies of France and Spain. Let us + suppose that he had made his Cavaliers and Roundheads talk in their own + style; that he had reported some of the ribaldry of Rupert's pages, and + some of the cant of Harrison and Fleetwood. Would not his work in that + case have been more interesting? Would it not have been more accurate? + </p> + <p> + A history in which every particular incident may be true may on the whole + be false. The circumstances which have most influence on the happiness of + mankind, the changes of manners and morals, the transition of communities + from poverty to wealth, from knowledge to ignorance, from ferocity to + humanity—these are, for the most part, noiseless revolutions. Their + progress is rarely indicated by what historians are pleased to call + important events. They are not achieved by armies, or enacted by senates. + They are sanctioned by no treaties, and recorded in no archives. They are + carried on in every school, in every church, behind ten thousand counters, + at ten thousand firesides. The upper current of society presents no + certain criterion by which we can judge of the direction in which the + under current flows. We read of defeats and victories. But we know that + nations may be miserable amidst victories and prosperous amidst defeats. + We read of the fall of wise ministers and of the rise of profligate + favourites. But we must remember how small a proportion the good or evil + effected by a single statesman can bear to the good or evil of a great + social system. + </p> + <p> + Bishop Watson compares a geologist to a gnat mounted on an elephant, and + laying down theories as to the whole internal structure of the vast + animal, from the phenomena of the hide. The comparison is unjust to the + geologists; but is very applicable to those historians who write as if the + body politic were homogeneous, who look only on the surface of affairs, + and never think of the mighty and various organisation which lies deep + below. + </p> + <p> + In the works of such writers as these, England, at the close of the Seven + Years' War, is in the highest state of prosperity: at the close of the + American war she is in a miserable and degraded condition; as if the + people were not on the whole as rich, as well governed, and as well + educated at the latter period as at the former. We have read books called + Histories of England, under the reign of George the Second, in which the + rise of Methodism is not even mentioned. A hundred years hence this breed + of authors will, we hope, be extinct. If it should still exist, the late + ministerial interregnum will be described in terms which will seem to + imply that all government was at an end; that the social contract was + annulled; and that the hand of every man was against his neighbour, until + the wisdom and virtue of the new cabinet educed order out of the chaos of + anarchy. We are quite certain that misconceptions as gross prevail at this + moment respecting many important parts of our annals. + </p> + <p> + The effect of historical reading is analogous, in many respects, to that + produced by foreign travel. The student, like the tourist, is transported + into a new state of society. He sees new fashions. He hears new modes of + expression. His mind is enlarged by contemplating the wide diversities of + laws, of morals, and of manners. But men may travel far, and return with + minds as contracted as if they had never stirred from their own + market-town. In the same manner, men may know the dates of many battles + and the genealogies of many royal houses, and yet be no wiser. Most people + look at past times as princes look at foreign countries. More than one + illustrious stranger has landed on our island amidst the shouts of a mob, + has dined with the king, has hunted with the master of the stag-hounds, + has seen the guards reviewed, and a knight of the garter installed, has + cantered along Regent Street, has visited Saint Paul's, and noted down its + dimensions; and has then departed, thinking that he has seen England. He + has, in fact, seen a few public buildings, public men, and public + ceremonies. But of the vast and complex system of society, of the fine + shades of national character, of the practical operation of government and + laws, he knows nothing. He who would understand these things rightly must + not confine his observations to palaces and solemn days. He must see + ordinary men as they appear in their ordinary business and in their + ordinary pleasures. He must mingle in the crowds of the exchange and the + coffee-house. He must obtain admittance to the convivial table and the + domestic hearth. He must bear with vulgar expressions. He must not shrink + from exploring even the retreats of misery. He who wishes to understand + the condition of mankind in former ages must proceed on the same + principle. If he attends only to public transactions, to wars, congresses, + and debates, his studies will be as unprofitable as the travels of those + imperial, royal, and serene sovereigns who form their judgment of our + island from having gone in state to a few fine sights, and from having + held formal conferences with a few great officers. + </p> + <p> + The perfect historian is he in whose work the character and spirit of an + age is exhibited in miniature. He relates no fact, he attributes no + expression to his characters, which is not authenticated by sufficient + testimony. But, by judicious selection, rejection, and arrangement, he + gives to truth those attractions which have been usurped by fiction. In + his narrative a due subordination is observed: some transactions are + prominent; others retire. But the scale on which he represents them is + increased or diminished, not according to the dignity of the persons + concerned in them, but according to the degree in which they elucidate the + condition of society and the nature of man. He shows us the court, the + camp, and the senate. But he shows us also the nation. He considers no + anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no familiar saying, as too + insignificant for his notice which is not too insignificant to illustrate + the operation of laws, of religion, and of education, and to mark the + progress of the human mind. Men will not merely be described, but will be + made intimately known to us. The changes of manners will be indicated, not + merely by a few general phrases or a few extracts from statistical + documents, but by appropriate images presented in every line. + </p> + <p> + If a man, such as we are supposing, should write the history of England, + he would assuredly not omit the battles, the sieges, the negotiations, the + seditions, the ministerial changes. But with these he would intersperse + the details which are the charm of historical romances. At Lincoln + Cathedral there is a beautiful painted window, which was made by an + apprentice out of the pieces of glass which had been rejected by his + master. It is so far superior to every other in the church, that, + according to the tradition, the vanquished artist killed himself from + mortification. Sir Walter Scott, in the same manner, has used those + fragments of truth which historians have scornfully thrown behind them in + a manner which may well excite their envy. He has constructed out of their + gleanings works which, even considered as histories, are scarcely less + valuable than theirs. But a truly great historian would reclaim those + materials which the novelist has appropriated. The history of the + government, and the history of the people, would be exhibited in that mode + in which alone they can be exhibited justly, in inseparable conjunction + and intermixture. We should not then have to look for the wars and votes + of the Puritans in Clarendon, and for their phraseology in Old Mortality; + for one half of King James in Hume, and for the other half in the Fortunes + of Nigel. + </p> + <p> + The early part of our imaginary history would be rich with colouring from + romance, ballad, and chronicle. We should find ourselves in the company of + knights such as those of Froissart, and of pilgrims such as those who rode + with Chaucer from the Tabard. Society would be shown from the highest to + the lowest,—from the royal cloth of state to the den of the outlaw; + from the throne of the legate to the chimney-corner where the begging + friar regaled himself. Palmers, minstrels, crusaders,—the stately + monastery, with the good cheer in its refectory and the high-mass in its + chapel,—the manor-house, with its hunting and hawking,—the + tournament, with the heralds and ladies, the trumpets and the cloth of + gold,—would give truth and life to the representation. We should + perceive, in a thousand slight touches, the importance of the privileged + burgher, and the fierce and haughty spirit which swelled under the collar + of the degraded villain. The revival of letters would not merely be + described in a few magnificent periods. We should discern, in innumerable + particulars, the fermentation of mind, the eager appetite for knowledge, + which distinguished the sixteenth from the fifteenth century. In the + Reformation we should see, not merely a schism which changed the + ecclesiastical constitution of England and the mutual relations of the + European powers, but a moral war which raged in every family, which set + the father against the son, and the son against the father, the mother + against the daughter, and the daughter against the mother. Henry would be + painted with the skill of Tacitus. We should have the change of his + character from his profuse and joyous youth to his savage and imperious + old age. We should perceive the gradual progress of selfish and tyrannical + passions in a mind not naturally insensible or ungenerous; and to the last + we should detect some remains of that open and noble temper which endeared + him to a people whom he oppressed, struggling with the hardness of + despotism and the irritability of disease. We should see Elizabeth in all + her weakness and in all her strength, surrounded by the handsome + favourites whom she never trusted, and the wise old statesmen whom she + never dismissed, uniting in herself the most contradictory qualities of + both her parents,—the coquetry, the caprice, the petty malice of + Anne,—the haughty and resolute spirit of Henry. We have no + hesitation in saying that a great artist might produce a portrait of this + remarkable woman at least as striking as that in the novel of Kenilworth, + without employing a single trait not authenticated by ample testimony. In + the meantime, we should see arts cultivated, wealth accumulated, the + conveniences of life improved. We should see the keeps, where nobles, + insecure themselves, spread insecurity around them, gradually giving place + to the halls of peaceful opulence, to the oriels of Longleat, and the + stately pinnacles of Burleigh. We should see towns extended, deserts + cultivated, the hamlets of fishermen turned into wealthy havens, the meal + of the peasant improved, and his hut more commodiously furnished. We + should see those opinions and feelings which produced the great struggle + against the House of Stuart slowly growing up in the bosom of private + families, before they manifested themselves in parliamentary debates. Then + would come the civil war. Those skirmishes on which Clarendon dwells so + minutely would be told, as Thucydides would have told them, with + perspicuous conciseness. They are merely connecting links. But the great + characteristics of the age, the loyal enthusiasm of the brave English + gentry, the fierce licentiousness of the swearing, dicing, drunken + reprobates, whose excesses disgraced the royal cause,—the austerity + of the Presbyterian Sabbaths in the city, the extravagance of the + independent preachers in the camp, the precise garb, the severe + countenance, the petty scruples, the affected accent, the absurd names and + phrases which marked the Puritans,—the valour, the policy, the + public spirit, which lurked beneath these ungraceful disguises,—the + dreams of the raving Fifth-monarchy-man, the dreams, scarcely less wild, + of the philosophic republican, all these would enter into the + representation, and render it at once more exact and more striking. + </p> + <p> + The instruction derived from history thus written would be of a vivid and + practical character. It would be received by the imagination as well as by + the reason. It would be not merely traced on the mind, but branded into + it. Many truths, too, would be learned, which can be learned in no other + manner. As the history of states is generally written, the greatest and + most momentous revolutions seem to come upon them like supernatural + inflictions, without warning or cause. But the fact is, that such + revolutions are almost always the consequences of moral changes, which + have gradually passed on the mass of the community, and which originally + proceed far before their progress is indicated by any public measure. An + intimate knowledge of the domestic history of nations is therefore + absolutely necessary to the prognosis of political events. A narrative, + defective in this respect, is as useless as a medical treatise which + should pass by all the symptoms attendant on the early stage of a disease + and mention only what occurs when the patient is beyond the reach of + remedies. + </p> + <p> + A historian, such as we have been attempting to describe, would indeed be + an intellectual prodigy. In his mind, powers scarcely compatible with each + other must be tempered into an exquisite harmony. We shall sooner see + another Shakspeare or another Homer. The highest excellence to which any + single faculty can be brought would be less surprising than such a happy + and delicate combination of qualities. Yet the contemplation of imaginary + models is not an unpleasant or useless employment of the mind. It cannot + indeed produce perfection; but it produces improvement and nourishes that + generous and liberal fastidiousness which is not inconsistent with the + strongest sensibility to merit, and which, while it exalts our conceptions + of the art, does not render us unjust to the artist. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MILL ON GOVERNMENT. (March 1829.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Essays on Government, Jurisprudence, the Liberty of the + Press, Prisons, and Prison Discipline, Colonies, the Law of + Nations, and Education." By James Mill, Esq., author of the + History of British India. Reprinted by permission from the + Supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica. (Not for sale.) + London, 1828. +</pre> + <p> + Of those philosophers who call themselves Utilitarians, and whom others + generally call Benthamites, Mr Mill is, with the exception of the + illustrious founder of the sect, by far the most distinguished. The little + work now before us contains a summary of the opinions held by this + gentleman and his brethren on several subjects most important to society. + All the seven essays of which it consists abound in curious matter. But at + present we intend to confine our remarks to the Treatise on Government, + which stands first in the volume. On some future occasion, we may perhaps + attempt to do justice to the rest. + </p> + <p> + It must be owned that to do justice to any composition of Mr Mill is not, + in the opinion of his admirers, a very easy task. They do not, indeed, + place him in the same rank with Mr Bentham; but the terms in which they + extol the disciple, though feeble when compared with the hyperboles of + adoration employed by them in speaking of the master, are as strong as any + sober man would allow himself to use concerning Locke or Bacon. The essay + before us is perhaps the most remarkable of the works to which Mr Mill + owes his fame. By the members of his sect, it is considered as perfect and + unanswerable. Every part of it is an article of their faith; and the + damnatory clauses, in which their creed abounds far beyond any theological + symbol with which we are acquainted, are strong and full against all who + reject any portion of what is so irrefragably established. No man, they + maintain, who has understanding sufficient to carry him through the first + proposition of Euclid, can read this masterpiece of demonstration and + honestly declare that he remains unconvinced. + </p> + <p> + We have formed a very different opinion of this work. We think that the + theory of Mr Mill rests altogether on false principles, and that even on + those false principles he does not reason logically. Nevertheless, we do + not think it strange that his speculations should have filled the + Utilitarians with admiration. We have been for some time past inclined to + suspect that these people, whom some regard as the lights of the world and + others as incarnate demons, are in general ordinary men, with narrow + understandings and little information. The contempt which they express for + elegant literature is evidently the contempt of ignorance. We apprehend + that many of them are persons who, having read little or nothing, are + delighted to be rescued from the sense of their own inferiority by some + teacher who assures them that the studies which they have neglected are of + no value, puts five or six phrases into their mouths, lends them an old + number of the Westminster Review, and in a month transforms them into + philosophers. Mingled with these smatterers, whose attainments just + suffice to elevate them from the insignificance of dunces to the dignity + of bores, and to spread dismay among their pious aunts and grandmothers, + there are, we well know, many well-meaning men who have really read and + thought much; but whose reading and meditation have been almost + exclusively confined to one class of subjects; and who, consequently, + though they possess much valuable knowledge respecting those subjects, are + by no means so well qualified to judge of a great system as if they had + taken a more enlarged view of literature and society. + </p> + <p> + Nothing is more amusing or instructive than to observe the manner in which + people who think themselves wiser than all the rest of the world fall into + snares which the simple good sense of their neighbours detects and avoids. + It is one of the principle tenets of the Utilitarians that sentiment and + eloquence serve only to impede the pursuit of truth. They therefore affect + a quakerly plainness, or rather a cynical negligence and impurity, of + style. The strongest arguments, when clothed in brilliant language, seem + to them so much wordy nonsense. In the meantime they surrender their + understandings, with a facility found in no other party, to the meanest + and most abject sophisms, provided those sophisms come before them + disguised with the externals of demonstration. They do not seem to know + that logic has its illusions as well as rhetoric,—that a fallacy may + lurk in a syllogism as well as in a metaphor. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill is exactly the writer to please people of this description. His + arguments are stated with the utmost affectation of precision; his + divisions are awfully formal; and his style is generally as dry as that of + Euclid's Elements. Whether this be a merit, we must be permitted to doubt. + Thus much is certain: that the ages in which the true principles of + philosophy were least understood were those in which the ceremonial of + logic was most strictly observed, and that the time from which we date the + rapid progress of the experimental sciences was also the time at which a + less exact and formal way of writing came into use. + </p> + <p> + The style which the Utilitarians admire suits only those subjects on which + it is possible to reason a priori. It grew up with the verbal sophistry + which flourished during the dark ages. With that sophistry it fell before + the Baconian philosopher in the day of the great deliverance of the human + mind. The inductive method not only endured but required greater freedom + of diction. It was impossible to reason from phenomena up to principles, + to mark slight shades of difference in quality, or to estimate the + comparative effect of two opposite considerations between which there was + no common measure, by means of the naked and meagre jargon of the + schoolmen. Of those schoolmen Mr Mill has inherited both the spirit and + the style. He is an Aristotelian of the fifteenth century, born out of due + season. We have here an elaborate treatise on Government, from which, but + for two or three passing allusions, it would not appear that the author + was aware that any governments actually existed among men. Certain + propensities of human nature are assumed; and from these premises the + whole science of politics is synthetically deduced! We can scarcely + persuade ourselves that we are not reading a book written before the time + of Bacon and Galileo,—a book written in those days in which + physicians reasoned from the nature of heat to the treatment of fever, and + astronomers proved syllogistically that the planets could have no + independent motion,—because the heavens were incorruptible, and + nature abhorred a vacuum! + </p> + <p> + The reason, too, which Mr Mill has assigned for taking this course strikes + us as most extraordinary. + </p> + <p> + "Experience," says he, "if we look only at the outside of the facts, + appears to be DIVIDED on this subject. Absolute monarchy, under Neros and + Caligulas, under such men as the Emperors of Morocco and Sultans of + Turkey, is the scourge of human nature. On the other side, the people of + Denmark, tired out with the oppression of an aristocracy, resolved that + their king should be absolute; and, under their absolute monarch, are as + well governed as any people in Europe." + </p> + <p> + This Mr Mill actually gives as a reason for pursuing the a priori method. + But, in our judgment, the very circumstances which he mentions + irresistibly prove that the a priori method is altogether unfit for + investigations of this kind, and that the only way to arrive at the truth + is by induction. EXPERIENCE can never be divided, or even appear to be + divided, except with reference to some hypothesis. When we say that one + fact is inconsistent with another fact, we mean only that it is + inconsistent with THE THEORY which we have founded on that other fact. + But, if the fact be certain, the unavoidable conclusion is that our theory + is false; and, in order to correct it, we must reason back from an + enlarged collection of facts to principles. + </p> + <p> + Now here we have two governments which, by Mr Mill's own account, come + under the same head in his THEORETICAL classification. It is evident, + therefore, that, by reasoning on that theoretical classification, we shall + be brought to the conclusion that these two forms of government must + produce the same effects. But Mr Mill himself tells us that they do not + produce the same effects. Hence he infers that the only way to get at + truth is to place implicit confidence in that chain of proof a priori from + which it appears that they must produce the same effects! To believe at + once in a theory and in a fact which contradicts it is an exercise of + faith sufficiently hard: but to believe in a theory BECAUSE a fact + contradicts it is what neither philosopher nor pope ever before required. + This, however, is what Mr Mill demands of us. He seems to think that, if + all despots, without exception, governed ill, it would be unnecessary to + prove, by a synthetical argument, what would then be sufficiently clear + from experience. But, as some despots will be so perverse as to govern + well, he finds himself compelled to prove the impossibility of their + governing well by that synthetical argument which would have been + superfluous had not the facts contradicted it. He reasons a priori, + because the phenomena are not what, by reasoning a priori, he will prove + them to be. In other words, he reasons a priori, because, by so reasoning, + he is certain to arrive at a false conclusion! + </p> + <p> + In the course of the examination to which we propose to subject the + speculations of Mr Mill we shall have to notice many other curious + instances of that turn of mind which the passage above quoted indicates. + </p> + <p> + The first chapter of his Essay relates to the ends of government. The + conception on this subject, he tells us, which exists in the minds of most + men is vague and undistinguishing. He first assumes, justly enough, that + the end of government is "to increase to the utmost the pleasures, and + diminish to the utmost the pains, which men derive from each other." He + then proceeds to show, with great form, that "the greatest possible + happiness of society is attained by insuring to every man the greatest + possible quantity of the produce of his labour." To effect this is, in his + opinion, the end of government. It is remarkable that Mr Mill, with all + his affected display of precision, has here given a description of the + ends of government far less precise than that which is in the mouths of + the vulgar. The first man with whom Mr Mill may travel in a stage coach + will tell him that government exists for the protection of the PERSONS and + property of men. But Mr Mill seems to think that the preservation of + property is the first and only object. It is true, doubtless, that many of + the injuries which are offered to the persons of men proceed from a desire + to possess their property. But the practice of vindictive assassination as + it has existed in some parts of Europe—the practice of fighting + wanton and sanguinary duels, like those of the sixteenth and seventeenth + centuries, in which bands of seconds risked their lives as well as the + principals;—these practices, and many others which might be named, + are evidently injurious to society; and we do not see how a government + which tolerated them could be said "to diminish to the utmost the pains + which men derive from each other." Therefore, according to Mr Mill's very + correct assumption, such a government would not perfectly accomplish the + end of its institution. Yet such a government might, as far as we can + perceive, "insure to every man the greatest possible quantity of the + produce of his labour." Therefore such a government might, according to Mr + Mill's subsequent doctrine, perfectly accomplish the end of its + institution. The matter is not of much consequence, except as an instance + of that slovenliness of thinking which is often concealed beneath a + peculiar ostentation of logical neatness. + </p> + <p> + Having determined the ends, Mr Mill proceeds to consider the means. For + the preservation of property some portion of the community must be + intrusted with power. This is government; and the question is, how are + those to whom the necessary power is intrusted to be prevented from + abusing it? + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill first passes in review the simple forms of government. He allows + that it would be inconvenient, if not physically impossible, that the + whole community should meet in a mass; it follows, therefore, that the + powers of government cannot be directly exercised by the people. But he + sees no objection to pure and direct Democracy, except the difficulty + which we have mentioned. + </p> + <p> + "The community," says he, "cannot have an interest opposite to its + interests. To affirm this would be a contradiction in terms. The community + within itself, and with respect to itself, can have no sinister interest. + One community may intend the evil of another; never its own. This is an + indubitable proposition, and one of great importance." + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill then proceeds to demonstrate that a purely aristocratical form of + government is necessarily bad. + </p> + <p> + "The reason for which government exists is, that one man, if stronger than + another, will take from him whatever that other possesses and he desires. + But if one man will do this, so will several. And if powers are put into + the hands of a comparatively small number, called an aristocracy,—powers + which make them stronger than the rest of the community, they will take + from the rest of the community as much as they please of the objects of + desire. They will thus defeat the very end for which government was + instituted. The unfitness, therefore, of an aristocracy to be intrusted + with the powers of government, rests on demonstration." + </p> + <p> + In exactly the same manner Mr Mill proves absolute monarchy to be a bad + form of government. + </p> + <p> + "If government is founded upon this as a law of human nature, that a man, + if able, will take from others anything which they have and he desires, it + is sufficiently evident, that when a man is called a king he does not + change his nature; so that when he has got power to enable him to take + from every man what he pleases, he will take whatever he pleases. To + suppose that he will not, is to affirm that government is unnecessary, and + that human beings will abstain from injuring one another of their own + accord." + </p> + <p> + "It is very evident that this reasoning extends to every modification of + the smaller number. Whenever the powers of government are placed in any + hands other than those of the community, whether those of one man, of a + few, or of several, those principles of human nature which imply that + government is at all necessary, imply that those persons will make use of + them to defeat the very end for which government exists." + </p> + <p> + But is it not possible that a king or an aristocracy may soon be saturated + with the objects of their desires, and may then protect the community in + the enjoyment of the rest? Mr Mill answers in the negative. He proves, + with great pomp, that every man desires to have the actions of every other + correspondent to his will. Others can be induced to conform to our will + only by motives derived from pleasure or from pain. The infliction of pain + is of course direct injury; and, even if it take the milder course, in + order to produce obedience by motives derived from pleasure, the + government must confer favours. But, as there is no limit to its desire of + obedience, there will be no limit to its disposition to confer favours; + and, as it can confer favours only by plundering the people, there will be + no limit to its disposition to plunder the people. It is therefore not + true that there is in the mind of a king, or in the minds of an + aristocracy, any point of saturation with the objects of desire. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill then proceeds to show that, as monarchical and oligarchical + governments can influence men by motives drawn from pain, as well as by + motives drawn from pleasure, they will carry their cruelty, as well as + their rapacity, to a frightful extent. As he seems greatly to admire his + own reasonings on this subject, we think it but fair to let him speak for + himself. + </p> + <p> + "The chain of inference in this case is close and strong to a most unusual + degree. A man desires that the actions of other men shall be instantly and + accurately correspondent to his will. He desires that the actions of the + greatest possible number shall be so. Terror is the grand instrument. + Terror can work only through assurance that evil will follow any failure + of conformity between the will and the actions willed. Every failure must + therefore be punished. As there are no bounds to the mind's desire of its + pleasure, there are, of course, no bounds to its desire of perfection in + the instruments of that pleasure. There are, therefore, no bounds to its + desire of exactness in the conformity between its will and the actions + willed; and by consequence to the strength of that terror which is its + procuring cause. Even the most minute failure must be visited with the + heaviest infliction; and as failure in extreme exactness must frequently + happen, the occasions of cruelty must be incessant. + </p> + <p> + "We have thus arrived at several conclusions of the highest possible + importance. We have seen that the principle of human nature, upon which + the necessity of government is founded, the propensity of one man to + possess himself of the objects of desire at the cost of another, leads on, + by infallible sequence, where power over a community is attained, and + nothing checks, not only to that degree of plunder which leaves the + members (excepting always the recipients and instruments of the plunder) + the bare means of subsistence, but to that degree of cruelty which is + necessary to keep in existence the most intense terrors." + </p> + <p> + Now, no man who has the least knowledge of the real state of the world, + either in former ages or at the present moment, can possibly be convinced, + though he may perhaps be bewildered, by arguments like these. During the + last two centuries, some hundreds of absolute princes have reigned in + Europe. Is it true, that their cruelty has kept in existence the most + intense degree of terror; that their rapacity has left no more than the + bare means of subsistence to any of their subjects, their ministers and + soldiers excepted? Is this true of all of them? Of one half of them? Of + one tenth part of them? Of a single one? Is it true, in the full extent, + even of Philip the Second, of Louis the Fifteenth, or of the Emperor Paul? + But it is scarcely necessary to quote history. No man of common sense, + however ignorant he may be of books, can be imposed on by Mr Mill's + argument; because no man of common sense can live among his + fellow-creatures for a day without seeing innumerable facts which + contradict it. It is our business, however, to point out its fallacy; and + happily the fallacy is not very recondite. + </p> + <p> + We grant that rulers will take as much as they can of the objects of their + desires; and that, when the agency of other men is necessary to that end, + they will attempt by all means in their power to enforce the prompt + obedience of such men. But what are the objects of human desire? Physical + pleasure, no doubt, in part. But the mere appetites which we have in + common with the animals would be gratified almost as cheaply and easily as + those of the animals are gratified, if nothing were given to taste, to + ostentation, or to the affections. How small a portion of the income of a + gentleman in easy circumstances is laid out merely in giving pleasurable + sensations to the body of the possessor! The greater part even of what is + spent on his kitchen and his cellar goes, not to titillate his palate, but + to keep up his character for hospitality, to save him from the reproach of + meanness in housekeeping, and to cement the ties of good neighbourhood. It + is clear that a king or an aristocracy may be supplied to satiety with + mere corporal pleasures, at an expense which the rudest and poorest + community would scarcely feel. + </p> + <p> + Those tastes and propensities which belong to us as reasoning and + imaginative beings are not indeed so easily gratified. There is, we admit, + no point of saturation with objects of desire which come under this head. + And therefore the argument of Mr Mill will be just, unless there be + something in the nature of the objects of desire themselves which is + inconsistent with it. Now, of these objects there is none which men in + general seem to desire more than the good opinion of others. The hatred + and contempt of the public are generally felt to be intolerable. It is + probable that our regard for the sentiments of our fellow-creatures + springs, by association, from a sense of their ability to hurt or to serve + us. But, be this as it may, it is notorious that, when the habit of mind + of which we speak has once been formed, men feel extremely solicitous + about the opinions of those by whom it is most improbable, nay, absolutely + impossible, that they should ever be in the slightest degree injured or + benefited. The desire of posthumous fame and the dread of posthumous + reproach and execration are feelings from the influence of which scarcely + any man is perfectly free, and which in many men are powerful and constant + motives of action. As we are afraid that, if we handle this part of the + argument after our own manner, we shall incur the reproach of + sentimentality, a word which, in the sacred language of the Benthamites, + is synonymous with idiocy, we will quote what Mr Mill himself says on the + subject, in his Treatise on Jurisprudence. + </p> + <p> + "Pains from the moral source are the pains derived from the unfavourable + sentiments of mankind...These pains are capable of rising to a height with + which hardly any other pains incident to our nature can be compared. There + is a certain degree of unfavourableness in the sentiments of his + fellow-creatures, under which hardly any man, not below the standard of + humanity, can endure to live. + </p> + <p> + "The importance of this powerful agency, for the prevention of injurious + acts, is too obvious to need to be illustrated. If sufficiently at + command, it would almost supersede the use of other means... + </p> + <p> + "To know how to direct the unfavourable sentiments of mankind, it is + necessary to know in as complete, that is, in as comprehensive, a way as + possible, what it is which gives them birth. Without entering into the + metaphysics of the question, it is a sufficient practical answer, for the + present purpose, to say that the unfavourable sentiments of man are + excited by everything which hurts them." + </p> + <p> + It is strange that a writer who considers the pain derived from the + unfavourable sentiments of others as so acute that, if sufficiently at + command, it would supersede the use of the gallows and the tread-mill, + should take no notice of this most important restraint when discussing the + question of government. We will attempt to deduce a theory of politics in + the mathematical form, in which Mr Mill delights, from the premises with + which he has himself furnished us. + </p> + <p> + PROPOSITION I. THEOREM. + </p> + <p> + No rulers will do anything which may hurt the people. + </p> + <p> + This is the thesis to be maintained; and the following we humbly offer to + Mr Mill, as its syllogistic demonstration. + </p> + <p> + No rulers will do that which produces pain to themselves. + </p> + <p> + But the unfavourable sentiments of the people will give pain to them. + </p> + <p> + Therefore no rulers will do anything which may excite the unfavourable + sentiments of the people. + </p> + <p> + But the unfavourable sentiments of the people are excited by everything + which hurts them. + </p> + <p> + Therefore no rulers will do anything which may hurt the people. Which was + the thing to be proved. + </p> + <p> + Having thus, as we think, not unsuccessfully imitated Mr Mill's logic, we + do not see why we should not imitate, what is at least equally perfect in + its kind, its self-complacency, and proclaim our Eureka in his own words: + "The chain of inference, in this case, is close and strong to a most + unusual degree." + </p> + <p> + The fact is, that, when men, in treating of things which cannot be + circumscribed by precise definitions, adopt this mode of reasoning, when + once they begin to talk of power, happiness, misery, pain, pleasure, + motives, objects of desire, as they talk of lines and numbers, there is no + end to the contradictions and absurdities into which they fall. There is + no proposition so monstrously untrue in morals or politics that we will + not undertake to prove it, by something which shall sound like a logical + demonstration from admitted principles. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill argues that, if men are not inclined to plunder each other, + government is unnecessary; and that, if they are so inclined, the powers + of government, when entrusted to a small number of them, will necessarily + be abused. Surely it is not by propounding dilemmas of this sort that we + are likely to arrive at sound conclusions in any moral science. The whole + question is a question of degree. If all men preferred the moderate + approbation of their neighbours to any degree of wealth or grandeur, or + sensual pleasure, government would be unnecessary. If all men desired + wealth so intensely as to be willing to brave the hatred of their + fellow-creatures for sixpence, Mr Mill's argument against monarchies and + aristocracies would be true to the full extent. But the fact is, that all + men have some desires which impel them to injure their neighbours, and + some desires which impel them to benefit their neighbours. Now, if there + were a community consisting of two classes of men, one of which should be + principally influenced by the one set of motives and the other by the + other, government would clearly be necessary to restrain the class which + was eager for plunder and careless of reputation: and yet the powers of + government might be safely intrusted to the class which was chiefly + actuated by the love of approbation. Now, it might with no small + plausibility be maintained that, in many countries, THERE ARE two classes + which, in some degree, answer to this description; that the poor compose + the class which government is established to restrain, and the people of + some property the class to which the powers of government may without + danger be confided. It might be said that a man who can barely earn a + livelihood by severe labour is under stronger temptations to pillage + others than a man who enjoys many luxuries. It might be said that a man + who is lost in the crowd is less likely to have the fear of public opinion + before his eyes than a man whose station and mode of living render him + conspicuous. We do not assert all this. We only say that it was Mr Mill's + business to prove the contrary; and that, not having proved the contrary, + he is not entitled to say, "that those principles which imply that + government is at all necessary, imply that an aristocracy will make use of + its power to defeat the end for which governments exist." This is not + true, unless it be true that a rich man is as likely to covet the goods of + his neighbours as a poor man, and that a poor man is as likely to be + solicitous about the opinions of his neighbours as a rich man. + </p> + <p> + But we do not see that, by reasoning a priori on such subjects as these, + it is possible to advance one single step. We know that every man has some + desires which he can gratify only by hurting his neighbours, and some + which he can gratify only by pleasing them. Mr Mill has chosen to look + only at one-half of human nature, and to reason on the motives which impel + men to oppress and despoil others, as if they were the only motives by + which men could possibly be influenced. We have already shown that, by + taking the other half of the human character, and reasoning on it as if it + were the whole, we can bring out a result diametrically opposite to that + at which Mr Mill has arrived. We can, by such a process, easily prove that + any form of government is good, or that all government is superfluous. + </p> + <p> + We must now accompany Mr Mill on the next stage of his argument. + </p> + <p> + Does any combination of the three simple forms of government afford the + requisite securities against the abuse of power? Mr Mill complains that + those who maintain the affirmative generally beg the question; and + proceeds to settle the point by proving, after his fashion, that no + combination of the three simple forms, or of any two of them, can possibly + exist. + </p> + <p> + "From the principles which we have already laid down it follows that, of + the objects of human desire, and, speaking more definitely, of the means + to the ends of human desire, namely, wealth and power, each party will + endeavour to obtain as much as possible. + </p> + <p> + "If any expedient presents itself to any of the supposed parties effectual + to this end, and not opposed to any preferred object of pursuit, we may + infer with certainty that it will be adopted. One effectual expedient is + not more effectual than obvious. Any two of the parties, by combining, may + swallow up the third. That such combination will take place appears to be + as certain as anything which depends upon human will; because there are + strong motives in favour of it, and none that can be conceived in + opposition to it...The mixture of three of the kinds of government, it is + thus evident, cannot possibly exist...It may be proper to enquire whether + an union may not be possible of two of them... + </p> + <p> + "Let us first suppose, that monarchy is united with aristocracy. Their + power is equal or not equal. If it is not equal, it follows, as a + necessary consequence, from the principles which we have already + established, that the stronger will take from the weaker till it engrosses + the whole. The only question therefore is, What will happen when the power + is equal? + </p> + <p> + "In the first place, it seems impossible that such equality should ever + exist. How is it to be established? or, by what criterion is it to be + ascertained? If there is no such criterion, it must, in all cases, be the + result of chance. If so, the chances against it are as infinity to one. + The idea, therefore, is wholly chimerical and absurd... + </p> + <p> + "In this doctrine of the mixture of the simple forms of government is + included the celebrated theory of the balance among the component parts of + a government. By this it is supposed that, when a government is composed + of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, they balance one another, and by + mutual checks produce good government. A few words will suffice to show + that, if any theory deserves the epithets of 'wild, visionary, and + chimerical,' it is that of the balance. If there are three powers, how is + it possible to prevent two of them from combining to swallow up the third? + </p> + <p> + "The analysis which we have already performed will enable us to trace + rapidly the concatenation of causes and effects in this imagined case. + </p> + <p> + "We have already seen that the interests of the community, considered in + the aggregate, or in the democratical point of view, is, that each + individual should receive protection; and that the powers which are + constituted for that purpose should be employed exclusively for that + purpose...We have also seen that the interest of the king and of the + governing aristocracy is directly the reverse. It is to have unlimited + power over the rest of the community, and to use it for their own + advantage. In the supposed case of the balance of the monarchical, + aristocratical, and democratical powers, it cannot be for the interest of + either the monarchy or the aristocracy to combine with the democracy; + because it is the interest of the democracy, or community at large, that + neither the king nor the aristocracy should have one particle of power, or + one particle of the wealth of the community, for their own advantage. + </p> + <p> + "The democracy or community have all possible motives to endeavour to + prevent the monarchy and aristocracy from exercising power, or obtaining + the wealth of the community for their own advantage. The monarchy and + aristocracy have all possible motives for endeavouring to obtain unlimited + power over the persons and property of the community. The consequence is + inevitable: they have all possible motives for combining to obtain that + power." + </p> + <p> + If any part of this passage be more eminently absurd than another, it is, + we think, the argument by which Mr Mill proves that there cannot be an + union of monarchy and aristocracy. Their power, he says, must be equal or + not equal. But of equality there is no criterion. Therefore the chances + against its existence are as infinity to one. If the power be not equal, + then it follows, from the principles of human nature, that the stronger + will take from the weaker, till it has engrossed the whole. + </p> + <p> + Now, if there be no criterion of equality between two portions of power + there can be no common measure of portions of power. Therefore it is + utterly impossible to compare them together. But where two portions of + power are of the same kind, there is no difficulty in ascertaining, + sufficiently for all practical purposes, whether they are equal or + unequal. It is easy to judge whether two men run equally fast, or can lift + equal weights. Two arbitrators, whose joint decision is to be final, and + neither of whom can do anything without the assent of the other, possess + equal power. Two electors, each of whom has a vote for a borough, possess, + in that respect, equal power. If not, all Mr Mill's political theories + fall to the ground at once. For, if it be impossible to ascertain whether + two portions of power are equal, he never can show that even under a + system of universal suffrage, a minority might not carry every thing their + own way, against the wishes and interests of the majority. + </p> + <p> + Where there are two portions of power differing in kind, there is, we + admit, no criterion of equality. But then, in such a case, it is absurd to + talk, as Mr Mill does, about the stronger and the weaker. Popularly, + indeed, and with reference to some particular objects, these words may + very fairly be used. But to use them mathematically is altogether + improper. If we are speaking of a boxing-match, we may say that some + famous bruiser has greater bodily power than any man in England. If we are + speaking of a pantomime, we may say the same of some very agile harlequin. + But it would be talking nonsense to say, in general, that the power of + Harlequin either exceeded that of the pugilist or fell short of it. + </p> + <p> + If Mr Mill's argument be good as between different branches of a + legislature, it is equally good as between sovereign powers. Every + government, it may be said, will, if it can, take the objects of its + desires from every other. If the French government can subdue England it + will do so. If the English government can subdue France it will do so. But + the power of England and France is either equal or not equal. The chance + that it is not exactly equal is as infinity to one, and may safely be left + out of the account; and then the stronger will infallibly take from the + weaker till the weaker is altogether enslaved. + </p> + <p> + Surely the answer to all this hubbub of unmeaning words is the plainest + possible. For some purposes France is stronger than England. For some + purposes England is stronger than France. For some, neither has any power + at all. France has the greater population, England the greater capital; + France has the greater army, England the greater fleet. For an expedition + to Rio Janeiro or the Philippines, England has the greater power. For a + war on the Po or the Danube, France has the greater power. But neither has + power sufficient to keep the other in quiet subjection for a month. + Invasion would be very perilous; the idea of complete conquest on either + side utterly ridiculous. This is the manly and sensible way of discussing + such questions. The ergo, or rather the argal, of Mr Mill cannot impose on + a child. Yet we ought scarcely to say this; for we remember to have heard + A CHILD ask whether Bonaparte was stronger than an elephant! + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill reminds us of those philosophers of the sixteenth century who, + having satisfied themselves a priori that the rapidity with which bodies + descended to the earth varied exactly as their weights, refused to believe + the contrary on the evidence of their own eyes and ears. The British + constitution, according to Mr Mill's classification, is a mixture of + monarchy and aristocracy; one House of Parliament being composed of + hereditary nobles, and the other almost entirely chosen by a privileged + class who possess the elective franchise on account of their property, or + their connection with certain corporations. Mr Mill's argument proves + that, from the time that these two powers were mingled in our government, + that is, from the very first dawn of our history, one or the other must + have been constantly encroaching. According to him, moreover, all the + encroachments must have been on one side. For the first encroachment could + only have been made by the stronger; and that first encroachment would + have made the stronger stronger still. It is, therefore, matter of + absolute demonstration, that either the Parliament was stronger than the + Crown in the reign of Henry VIII., or that the Crown was stronger than the + Parliament in 1641. "Hippocrate dira ce que lui plaira," says the girl in + Moliere; "mais le cocher est mort." Mr Mill may say what he pleases; but + the English constitution is still alive. That since the Revolution the + Parliament has possessed great power in the State, is what nobody will + dispute. The King, on the other hand, can create new peers, and can + dissolve Parliaments. William sustained severe mortifications from the + House of Commons, and was, indeed, unjustifiably oppressed. Anne was + desirous to change a ministry which had a majority in both Houses. She + watched her moment for a dissolution, created twelve Tory peers, and + succeeded. Thirty years later, the House of Commons drove Walpole from his + seat. In 1784, George III. was able to keep Mr Pitt in office in the face + of a majority of the House of Commons. In 1804, the apprehension of a + defeat in Parliament compelled the same King to part from his most + favoured minister. But, in 1807, he was able to do exactly what Anne had + done nearly a hundred years before. Now, had the power of the King + increased during the intervening century, or had it remained stationary? + Is it possible that the one lot among the infinite number should have + fallen to us? If not, Mr Mill has proved that one of the two parties must + have been constantly taking from the other. Many of the ablest men in + England think that the influence of the Crown has, on the whole, increased + since the reign of Anne. Others think that the Parliament has been growing + in strength. But of this there is no doubt, that both sides possessed + great power then, and possess great power now. Surely, if there were the + least truth in the argument of Mr Mill, it could not possibly be a matter + of doubt, at the end of a hundred and twenty years, whether the one side + or the other had been the gainer. + </p> + <p> + But we ask pardon. We forgot that a fact, irreconcilable with Mr Mill's + theory, furnishes, in his opinion, the strongest reason for adhering to + the theory. To take up the question in another manner, is it not plain + that there may be two bodies, each possessing a perfect and entire power, + which cannot be taken from it without its own concurrence? What is the + meaning of the words stronger and weaker, when applied to such bodies as + these? The one may, indeed, by physical force, altogether destroy the + other. But this is not the question. A third party, a general of their + own, for example, may, by physical force, subjugate them both. Nor is + there any form of government, Mr Mill's utopian democracy not excepted, + secure from such an occurrence. We are speaking of the powers with which + the constitution invests the two branches of the legislature; and we ask + Mr Mill how, on his own principles, he can maintain that one of them will + be able to encroach on the other, if the consent of the other be necessary + to such encroachment? + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill tells us that, if a government be composed of the three simple + forms, which he will not admit the British constitution to be, two of the + component parts will inevitably join against the third. Now, if two of + them combine and act as one, this case evidently resolves itself into the + last: and all the observations which we have just made will fully apply to + it. Mr Mill says, that "any two of the parties, by combining, may swallow + up the third;" and afterwards asks, "How is it possible to prevent two of + them from combining to swallow up the third?" Surely Mr Mill must be aware + that in politics two is not always the double of one. If the concurrence + of all the three branches of the legislature be necessary to every law, + each branch will possess constitutional power sufficient to protect it + against anything but that physical force from which no form of government + is secure. Mr Mill reminds us of the Irishman, who could not be brought to + understand how one juryman could possibly starve out eleven others. + </p> + <p> + But is it certain that two of the branches of the legislature will combine + against the third? "It appears to be as certain," says Mr Mill, "as + anything which depends upon human will; because there are strong motives + in favour of it, and none that can be conceived in opposition to it." He + subsequently sets forth what these motives are. The interest of the + democracy is that each individual should receive protection. The interest + of the King and the aristocracy is to have all the power that they can + obtain, and to use it for their own ends. Therefore the King and the + aristocracy have all possible motives for combining against the people. If + our readers will look back to the passage quoted above, they will see that + we represent Mr Mill's argument quite fairly. + </p> + <p> + Now we should have thought that, without the help of either history or + experience, Mr Mill would have discovered, by the light of his own logic, + the fallacy which lurks, and indeed scarcely lurks, under this pretended + demonstration. The interest of the King may be opposed to that of the + people. But is it identical with that of the aristocracy? In the very page + which contains this argument, intended to prove that the King and the + aristocracy will coalesce against the people, Mr Mill attempts to show + that there is so strong an opposition of interest between the King and the + aristocracy that if the powers of government are divided between them the + one will inevitably usurp the power of the other. If so, he is not + entitled to conclude that they will combine to destroy the power of the + people merely because their interests may be at variance with those of the + people. He is bound to show, not merely that in all communities the + interest of a king must be opposed to that of the people, but also that, + in all communities, it must be more directly opposed to the interest of + the people than to the interest of the aristocracy. But he has not shown + this. Therefore he has not proved his proposition on his own principles. + To quote history would be a mere waste of time. Every schoolboy, whose + studies have gone so far as the Abridgments of Goldsmith, can mention + instances in which sovereigns have allied themselves with the people + against the aristocracy, and in which the nobles have allied themselves + with the people against the sovereign. In general, when there are three + parties, every one of which has much to fear from the others, it is not + found that two of them combine to plunder the third. If such a combination + be formed, it scarcely ever effects its purpose. It soon becomes evident + which member of the coalition is likely to be the greater gainer by the + transaction. He becomes an object of jealousy to his ally, who, in all + probability, changes sides, and compels him to restore what he has taken. + Everybody knows how Henry VIII. trimmed between Francis and the Emperor + Charles. But it is idle to cite examples of the operation of a principle + which is illustrated in almost every page of history, ancient or modern, + and to which almost every state in Europe has, at one time or another, + been indebted for its independence. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill has now, as he conceives, demonstrated that the simple forms of + government are bad, and that the mixed forms cannot possibly exist. There + is still, however, it seems, a hope for mankind. + </p> + <p> + "In the grand discovery of modern times, the system of representation, the + solution of all the difficulties, both speculative and practical, will + perhaps be found. If it cannot, we seem to be forced upon the + extraordinary conclusion, that good government is impossible. For, as + there is no individual or combination of individuals, except the community + itself, who would not have an interest in bad government if intrusted with + its powers, and as the community itself is incapable of exercising those + powers, and must intrust them to certain individuals, the conclusion is + obvious: the community itself must check those individuals; else they will + follow their interest, and produce bad government. But how is it the + community can check? The community can act only when assembled; and when + assembled, it is incapable of acting. The community, however, can choose + representatives." + </p> + <p> + The next question is—How must the representative body be + constituted? Mr Mill lays down two principles, about which, he says, "it + is unlikely that there will be any dispute." + </p> + <p> + "First, The checking body must have a degree of power sufficient for the + business of checking." + </p> + <p> + "Secondly, It must have an identity of interest with the community. + Otherwise, it will make a mischievous use of its power." + </p> + <p> + The first of these propositions certainly admits of no dispute. As to the + second, we shall hereafter take occasion to make some remarks on the sense + in which Mr Mill understands the words "interest of the community." + </p> + <p> + It does not appear very easy, on Mr Mill's principles, to find out any + mode of making the interest of the representative body identical with that + of the constituent body. The plan proposed by Mr Mill is simply that of + very frequent election. "As it appears," says he, "that limiting the + duration of their power is a security against the sinister interest of the + people's representatives, so it appears that it is the only security of + which the nature of the case admits." But all the arguments by which Mr + Mill has proved monarchy and aristocracy to be pernicious will, as it + appears to us, equally prove this security to be no security at all. Is it + not clear that the representatives, as soon as they are elected, are an + aristocracy, with an interest opposed to the interest of the community? + Why should they not pass a law for extending the term of their power from + one year to ten years, or declare themselves senators for life? If the + whole legislative power is given to them, they will be constitutionally + competent to do this. If part of the legislative power is withheld from + them, to whom is that part given? Is the people to retain it, and to + express its assent or dissent in primary assemblies? Mr Mill himself tells + us that the community can only act when assembled, and that, when + assembled, it is incapable of acting. Or is it to be provided, as in some + of the American republics, that no change in the fundamental laws shall be + made without the consent of a convention, specially elected for the + purpose? Still the difficulty recurs: Why may not the members of the + convention betray their trust, as well as the members of the ordinary + legislature? When private men, they may have been zealous for the + interests of the community. When candidates, they may have pledged + themselves to the cause of the constitution. But, as soon as they are a + convention, as soon as they are separated from the people, as soon as the + supreme power is put into their hands, commences that interest opposite to + the interest of the community which must, according to Mr Mill, produce + measures opposite to the interests of the community. We must find some + other means, therefore, of checking this check upon a check; some other + prop to carry the tortoise, that carries the elephant, that carries the + world. + </p> + <p> + We know well that there is no real danger in such a case. But there is no + danger only because there is no truth in Mr Mill's principles. If men were + what he represents them to be, the letter of the very constitution which + he recommends would afford no safeguard against bad government. The real + security is this, that legislators will be deterred by the fear of + resistance and of infamy from acting in the manner which we have + described. But restraints, exactly the same in kind, and differing only in + degree, exist in all forms of government. That broad line of distinction + which Mr Mill tries to point out between monarchies and aristocracies on + the one side, and democracies on the other, has in fact no existence. In + no form of government is there an absolute identity of interest between + the people and their rulers. In every form of government, the rulers stand + in some awe of the people. The fear of resistance and the sense of shame + operate in a certain degree, on the most absolute kings and the most + illiberal oligarchies. And nothing but the fear of resistance and the + sense of shame preserves the freedom of the most democratic communities + from the encroachments of their annual and biennial delegates. + </p> + <p> + We have seen how Mr Mill proposes to render the interest of the + representative body identical with that of the constituent body. The next + question is, in what manner the interest of the constituent body is to be + rendered identical with that of the community. Mr Mill shows that a + minority of the community, consisting even of many thousands, would be a + bad constituent body, and, indeed, merely a numerous aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + "The benefits of the representative system," says he, "are lost in all + cases in which the interests of the choosing body are not the same with + those of the community. It is very evident, that if the community itself + were the choosing body, the interests of the community and that of the + choosing body would be the same." + </p> + <p> + On these grounds Mr Mill recommends that all males of mature age, rich and + poor, educated and ignorant, shall have votes. But why not the women too? + This question has often been asked in parliamentary debate, and has never, + to our knowledge, received a plausible answer. Mr Mill escapes from it as + fast as he can. But we shall take the liberty to dwell a little on the + words of the oracle. "One thing," says he, "is pretty clear, that all + those individuals whose interests are involved in those of other + individuals, may be struck off without inconvenience...In this light women + may be regarded, the interest of almost all of whom is involved either in + that of their fathers, or in that of their husbands." + </p> + <p> + If we were to content ourselves with saying, in answer to all the + arguments in Mr Mill's essay, that the interest of a king is involved in + that of the community, we should be accused, and justly, of talking + nonsense. Yet such an assertion would not, as far as we can perceive, be + more unreasonable than that which Mr Mill has here ventured to make. + Without adducing one fact, without taking the trouble to perplex the + question by one sophism, he placidly dogmatises away the interest of one + half of the human race. If there be a word of truth in history, women have + always been, and still are, over the greater part of the globe, humble + companions, play things, captives, menials, beasts of burden. Except in a + few happy and highly civilised communities, they are strictly in a state + of personal slavery. Even in those countries where they are best treated, + the laws are generally unfavourable to them, with respect to almost all + the points in which they are most deeply interested. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill is not legislating for England or the United States, but for + mankind. Is then the interest of a Turk the same with that of the girls + who compose his harem? Is the interest of a Chinese the same with that of + the woman whom he harnesses to his plough? Is the interest of an Italian + the same with that of the daughter whom he devotes to God? The interest of + a respectable Englishman may be said, without any impropriety, to be + identical with that of his wife. But why is it so? Because human nature is + NOT what Mr Mill conceives it to be; because civilised men, pursuing their + own happiness in a social state, are not Yahoos fighting for carrion; + because there is a pleasure in being loved and esteemed, as well as in + being feared and servilely obeyed. Why does not a gentleman restrict his + wife to the bare maintenance which the law would compel him to allow her, + that he may have more to spend on his personal pleasures? Because, if he + loves her, he has pleasure in seeing her pleased; and because, even if he + dislikes her, he is unwilling that the whole neighbourhood should cry + shame on his meanness and ill-nature. Why does not the legislature, + altogether composed of males, pass a law to deprive women of all civil + privileges whatever, and reduce them to the state of slaves? By passing + such a law, they would gratify what Mr Mill tells us is an inseparable + part of human nature, the desire to possess unlimited power of inflicting + pain upon others. That they do not pass such a law, though they have the + power to pass it, and that no man in England wishes to see such a law + passed, proves that the desire to possess unlimited power of inflicting + pain is not inseparable from human nature. + </p> + <p> + If there be in this country an identity of interest between the two sexes, + it cannot possibly arise from anything but the pleasure of being loved, + and of communicating happiness. For, that it does not spring from the mere + instinct of sex, the treatment which women experience over the greater + part of the world abundantly proves. And, if it be said that our laws of + marriage have produced it, this only removes the argument a step further; + for those laws have been made by males. Now, if the kind feelings of one + half of the species be a sufficient security for the happiness of the + other, why may not the kind feelings of a monarch or an aristocracy be + sufficient at least to prevent them from grinding the people to the very + utmost of their power? + </p> + <p> + If Mr Mill will examine why it is that women are better treated in England + than in Persia, he may perhaps find out, in the course of his inquiries, + why it is that the Danes are better governed than the subjects of + Caligula. + </p> + <p> + We now come to the most important practical question in the whole essay. + Is it desirable that all males arrived at years of discretion should vote + for representatives, or should a pecuniary qualification be required? Mr + Mill's opinion is, that the lower the qualification the better; and that + the best system is that in which there is none at all. + </p> + <p> + "The qualification," says he, "must either be such as to embrace the + majority of the population, or something less than the majority. Suppose, + in the first place, that it embraces the majority, the question is, + whether the majority would have an interest in oppressing those who, upon + this supposition, would be deprived of political power? If we reduce the + calculation to its elements, we shall see that the interest which they + would have of this deplorable kind, though it would be something, would + not be very great. Each man of the majority, if the majority were + constituted the governing body, would have something less than the benefit + of oppressing a single man. If the majority were twice as great as the + minority, each man of the majority would only have one half the benefit of + oppressing a single man...Suppose in the second place, that the + qualification did not admit a body of electors so large as the majority, + in that case, taking again the calculation in its elements, we shall see + that each man would have a benefit equal to that derived from the + oppression of more than one man; and that, in proportion as the elective + body constituted a smaller and smaller minority, the benefit of misrule to + the elective body would be increased, and bad government would be + insured." + </p> + <p> + The first remark which we have to make on this argument is, that, by Mr + Mill's own account, even a government in which every human being should + vote would still be defective. For, under a system of universal suffrage, + the majority of the electors return the representative, and the majority + of the representatives make the law. The whole people may vote, therefore; + but only the majority govern. So that, by Mr Mill's own confession, the + most perfect system of government conceivable is one in which the interest + of the ruling body to oppress, though not great, is something. + </p> + <p> + But is Mr Mill in the right when he says that such an interest could not + be very great? We think not. If, indeed, every man in the community + possessed an equal share of what Mr Mill calls the objects of desire, the + majority would probably abstain from plundering the minority. A large + minority would offer a vigorous resistance; and the property of a small + minority would not repay the other members of the community for the + trouble of dividing it. But it happens that in all civilised communities + there is a small minority of rich men, and a great majority of poor men. + If there were a thousand men with ten pounds apiece, it would not be worth + while for nine hundred and ninety of them to rob ten, and it would be a + bold attempt for six hundred of them to rob four hundred. But, if ten of + them had a hundred thousand pounds apiece, the case would be very + different. There would then be much to be got, and nothing to be feared. + </p> + <p> + "That one human being will desire to render the person and property of + another subservient to his pleasures, notwithstanding the pain or loss of + pleasure which it may occasion to that other individual, is," according to + Mr Mill, "the foundation of government." That the property of the rich + minority can be made subservient to the pleasures of the poor majority + will scarcely be denied. But Mr Mill proposes to give the poor majority + power over the rich minority. Is it possible to doubt to what, on his own + principles, such an arrangement must lead? + </p> + <p> + It may perhaps be said that, in the long run, it is for the interest of + the people that property should be secure, and that therefore they will + respect it. We answer thus:—It cannot be pretended that it is not + for the immediate interest of the people to plunder the rich. Therefore, + even if it were quite certain that, in the long run, the people would, as + a body, lose by doing so, it would not necessarily follow that the fear of + remote ill consequences would overcome the desire of immediate + acquisitions. Every individual might flatter himself that the punishment + would not fall on him. Mr Mill himself tells us, in his Essay on + Jurisprudence, that no quantity of evil which is remote and uncertain will + suffice to prevent crime. + </p> + <p> + But we are rather inclined to think that it would, on the whole, be for + the interest of the majority to plunder the rich. If so, the Utilitarians + will say, that the rich OUGHT to be plundered. We deny the inference. For, + in the first place, if the object of government be the greatest happiness + of the greatest number, the intensity of the suffering which a measure + inflicts must be taken into consideration, as well as the number of the + sufferers. In the next place, we have to notice one most important + distinction which Mr Mill has altogether overlooked. Throughout his essay, + he confounds the community with the species. He talks of the greatest + happiness of the greatest number: but, when we examine his reasonings, we + find that he thinks only of the greatest number of a single generation. + </p> + <p> + Therefore, even if we were to concede that all those arguments of which we + have exposed the fallacy are unanswerable, we might still deny the + conclusion at which the essayist arrives. Even if we were to grant that he + had found out the form of government which is best for the majority of the + people now living on the face of the earth, we might still without + inconsistency maintain that form of government to be pernicious to + mankind. It would still be incumbent on Mr Mill to prove that the interest + of every generation is identical with the interest of all succeeding + generations. And how on his own principles he could do this we are at a + loss to conceive. + </p> + <p> + The case, indeed, is strictly analogous to that of an aristocratic + government. In an aristocracy, says Mr Mill, the few being invested with + the powers of government, can take the objects of their desires from the + people. In the same manner, every generation in turn can gratify itself at + the expense of posterity,—priority of time, in the latter case, + giving an advantage exactly corresponding to that which superiority of + station gives in the former. That an aristocracy will abuse its advantage, + is, according to Mr Mill, matter of demonstration. Is it not equally + certain that the whole people will do the same: that, if they have the + power, they will commit waste of every sort on the estate of mankind, and + transmit it to posterity impoverished and desolated? + </p> + <p> + How is it possible for any person who holds the doctrines of Mr Mill to + doubt that the rich, in a democracy such as that which he recommends, + would be pillaged as unmercifully as under a Turkish Pacha? It is no doubt + for the interest of the next generation, and it may be for the remote + interest of the present generation, that property should be held sacred. + And so no doubt it will be for the interest of the next Pacha, and even + for that of the present Pacha, if he should hold office long, that the + inhabitants of his Pachalik should be encouraged to accumulate wealth. + Scarcely any despotic sovereign has plundered his subjects to a large + extent without having reason before the end of his reign to regret it. + Everybody knows how bitterly Louis the Fourteenth, towards the close of + his life, lamented his former extravagance. If that magnificent prince had + not expended millions on Marli and Versailles, and tens of millions on the + aggrandisement of his grandson, he would not have been compelled at last + to pay servile court to low-born money-lenders, to humble himself before + men on whom, in the days of his pride, he would not have vouchsafed to + look, for the means of supporting even his own household. Examples to the + same effect might easily be multiplied. But despots, we see, do plunder + their subjects, though history and experience tell them that, by + prematurely exacting the means of profusion, they are in fact devouring + the seed-corn from which the future harvest of revenue is to spring. Why + then should we suppose that the people will be deterred from procuring + immediate relief and enjoyment by the fear of distant calamities, of + calamities which perhaps may not be fully felt till the times of their + grandchildren? + </p> + <p> + These conclusions are strictly drawn from Mr Mill's own principles: and, + unlike most of the conclusions which he has himself drawn from those + principles, they are not as far as we know contradicted by facts. The case + of the United States is not in point. In a country where the necessaries + of life are cheap and the wages of labour high, where a man who has no + capital but his legs and arms may expect to become rich by industry and + frugality, it is not very decidedly even for the immediate advantage of + the poor to plunder the rich; and the punishment of doing so would very + speedily follow the offence. But in countries in which the great majority + live from hand to mouth, and in which vast masses of wealth have been + accumulated by a comparatively small number, the case is widely different. + The immediate want is, at particular seasons, craving, imperious, + irresistible. In our own time it has steeled men to the fear of the + gallows, and urged them on the point of the bayonet. And, if these men had + at their command that gallows and those bayonets which now scarcely + restrain them, what is to be expected? Nor is this state of things one + which can exist only under a bad government. If there be the least truth + in the doctrines of the school to which Mr Mill belongs, the increase of + population will necessarily produce it everywhere. The increase of + population is accelerated by good and cheap government. Therefore, the + better the government, the greater is the inequality of conditions: and + the greater the inequality of conditions, the stronger are the motives + which impel the populace to spoliation. As for America, we appeal to the + twentieth century. + </p> + <p> + It is scarcely necessary to discuss the effects which a general spoliation + of the rich would produce. It may indeed happen that, where a legal and + political system full of abuses is inseparably bound up with the + institution of property, a nation may gain by a single convulsion, in + which both perish together. The price is fearful. But if, when the shock + is over, a new order of things should arise under which property may enjoy + security, the industry of individuals will soon repair the devastation. + Thus we entertain no doubt that the Revolution was, on the whole, a most + salutary event for France. But would France have gained if, ever since the + year 1793, she had been governed by a democratic convention? If Mr Mill's + principles be sound, we say that almost her whole capital would by this + time have been annihilated. As soon as the first explosion was beginning + to be forgotten, as soon as wealth again began to germinate, as soon as + the poor again began to compare their cottages and salads with the hotels + and banquets of the rich, there would have been another scramble for + property, another maximum, another general confiscation, another reign of + terror. Four or five such convulsions following each other, at intervals + of ten or twelve years, would reduce the most flourishing countries of + Europe to the state of Barbary or the Morea. + </p> + <p> + The civilised part of the world has now nothing to fear from the hostility + of savage nations. Once the deluge of barbarism has passed over it, to + destroy and to fertilise; and in the present state of mankind we enjoy a + full security against that calamity. That flood will no more return to + cover the earth. But is it possible that in the bosom of civilisation + itself may be engendered the malady which shall destroy it? Is it possible + that institutions may be established which, without the help of + earthquake, of famine, of pestilence, or of the foreign sword, may undo + the work of so many ages of wisdom and glory, and gradually sweep away + taste, literature, science, commerce, manufactures, everything but the + rude arts necessary to the support of animal life? Is it possible that, in + two or three hundred years, a few lean and half-naked fishermen may divide + with owls and foxes the ruins of the greatest European cities—may + wash their nets amidst the relics of her gigantic docks, and build their + huts out of the capitals of her stately cathedrals? If the principles of + Mr Mill be sound, we say, without hesitation, that the form of government + which he recommends will assuredly produce all this. But, if these + principles be unsound, if the reasonings by which we have opposed them be + just, the higher and middling orders are the natural representatives of + the human race. Their interest may be opposed in some things to that of + their poorer contemporaries; but it is identical with that of the + innumerable generations which are to follow. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill concludes his essay, by answering an objection often made to the + project of universal suffrage—that the people do not understand + their own interests. We shall not go through his arguments on this + subject, because, till he has proved that it is for the interest of the + people to respect property, he only makes matters worse by proving that + they understand their interests. But we cannot refrain from treating our + readers with a delicious bonne bouche of wisdom, which he has kept for the + last moment. + </p> + <p> + "The opinions of that class of the people who are below the middle rank + are formed, and their minds are directed, by that intelligent, that + virtuous rank, who come the most immediately in contact with them, who are + in the constant habit of intimate communication with them, to whom they + fly for advice and assistance in all their numerous difficulties, upon + whom they feel an immediate and daily dependence in health and in + sickness, in infancy and in old age, to whom their children look up as + models for their imitation, whose opinions they hear daily repeated, and + account it their honour to adopt. There can be no doubt that the middle + rank, which gives to science, to art, and to legislation itself their most + distinguished ornaments, and is the chief source of all that has exalted + and refined human nature, is that portion of the community, of which, if + the basis of representation were ever so far extended, the opinion would + ultimately decide. Of the people beneath them, a vast majority would be + sure to be guided by their advice and example." + </p> + <p> + This single paragraph is sufficient to upset Mr Mill's theory. Will the + people act against their own interest? Or will the middle rank act against + its own interest? Or is the interest of the middle rank identical with the + interest of the people? If the people act according to the directions of + the middle rank, as Mr Mill says that they assuredly will, one of these + three questions must be answered in the affirmative. But, if any one of + the three be answered in the affirmative, his whole system falls to the + ground. If the interest of the middle rank be identical with that of the + people, why should not the powers of government be intrusted to that rank? + If the powers of government were intrusted to that rank, there would + evidently be an aristocracy of wealth; and "to constitute an aristocracy + of wealth, though it were a very numerous one, would," according to Mr + Mill, "leave the community without protection, and exposed to all the + evils of unbridled power." Will not the same motives which induce the + middle classes to abuse one kind of power induce them to abuse another? If + their interest be the same with that of the people they will govern the + people well. If it be opposite to that of the people they will advise the + people ill. The system of universal suffrage, therefore, according to Mr + Mill's own account, is only a device for doing circuitously what a + representative system, with a pretty high qualification, would do + directly. + </p> + <p> + So ends this celebrated Essay. And such is this philosophy for which the + experience of three thousand years is to be discarded; this philosophy, + the professors of which speak as if it had guided the world to the + knowledge of navigation and alphabetical writing; as if, before its dawn, + the inhabitants of Europe had lived in caverns and eaten each other! We + are sick, it seems, like the children of Israel, of the objects of our old + and legitimate worship. We pine for a new idolatry. All that is costly and + all that is ornamental in our intellectual treasures must be delivered up, + and cast into the furnace—and there comes out this Calf! + </p> + <p> + Our readers can scarcely mistake our object in writing this article. They + will not suspect us of any disposition to advocate the cause of absolute + monarchy, or of any narrow form of oligarchy, or to exaggerate the evils + of popular government. Our object at present is, not so much to attack or + defend any particular system of polity, as to expose the vices of a kind + of reasoning utterly unfit for moral and political discussions; of a kind + of reasoning which may so readily be turned to purposes of falsehood that + it ought to receive no quarter, even when by accident it may be employed + on the side of truth. + </p> + <p> + Our objection to the essay of Mr Mill is fundamental. We believe that it + is utterly impossible to deduce the science of government from the + principles of human nature. + </p> + <p> + What proposition is there respecting human nature which is absolutely and + universally true? We know of only one: and that is not only true, but + identical; that men always act from self-interest. This truism the + Utilitarians proclaim with as much pride as if it were new, and as much + zeal as if it were important. But in fact, when explained, it means only + that men, if they can, will do as they choose. When we see the actions of + a man we know with certainty what he thinks his interest to be. But it is + impossible to reason with certainty from what WE take to be his interest + to his actions. One man goes without a dinner that he may add a shilling + to a hundred thousand pounds: another runs in debt to give balls and + masquerades. One man cuts his father's throat to get possession of his old + clothes: another hazards his own life to save that of an enemy. One man + volunteers on a forlorn hope: another is drummed out of a regiment for + cowardice. Each of these men has, no doubt, acted from self-interest. But + we gain nothing by knowing this, except the pleasure, if it be one, of + multiplying useless words. In fact, this principle is just as recondite + and just as important as the great truth that whatever is, is. If a + philosopher were always to state facts in the following form—"There + is a shower: but whatever is, is; therefore, there is a shower,"—his + reasoning would be perfectly sound; but we do not apprehend that it would + materially enlarge the circle of human knowledge. And it is equally idle + to attribute any importance to a proposition, which, when interpreted + means only that a man had rather do what he had rather do. + </p> + <p> + If the doctrine, that men always act from self-interest, be laid down in + any other sense than this—if the meaning of the word self-interest + be narrowed so as to exclude any one of the motives which may by + possibility act on any human being, the proposition ceases to be + identical: but at the same time it ceases to be true. + </p> + <p> + What we have said of the word "self-interest" applies to all the synonymes + and circumlocutions which are employed to convey the same meaning; pain + and pleasure, happiness and misery, objects of desire, and so forth. + </p> + <p> + The whole art of Mr Mill's essay consists in one simple trick of + legerdemain. It consists in using words of the sort which we have been + describing first in one sense and then in another. Men will take the + objects of their desire if they can. Unquestionably:—but this is an + identical proposition: for an object of desire means merely a thing which + a man will procure if he can. Nothing can possibly be inferred from a + maxim of this kind. When we see a man take something we shall know that it + was an object of his desire. But till then we have no means of judging + with certainty what he desires or what he will take. The general + proposition, however, having been admitted, Mr Mill proceeds to reason as + if men had no desires but those which can be gratified only by spoliation + and oppression. It then becomes easy to deduce doctrines of vast + importance from the original axiom. The only misfortune is, that by thus + narrowing the meaning of the word desire the axiom becomes false, and all + the doctrines consequent upon it are false likewise. + </p> + <p> + When we pass beyond those maxims which it is impossible to deny without a + contradiction in terms, and which, therefore, do not enable us to advance + a single step in practical knowledge, we do not believe that it is + possible to lay down a single general rule respecting the motives which + influence human actions. There is nothing which may not, by association or + by comparison, become an object either of desire or of aversion. The fear + of death is generally considered as one of the strongest of our feelings. + It is the most formidable sanction which legislators have been able to + devise. Yet it is notorious that, as Lord Bacon has observed, there is no + passion by which that fear has not been often overcome. Physical pain is + indisputably an evil; yet it has been often endured and even welcomed. + Innumerable martyrs have exulted in torments which made the spectators + shudder: and to use a more homely illustration, there are few wives who do + not long to be mothers. + </p> + <p> + Is the love of approbation a stronger motive than the love of wealth? It + is impossible to answer this question generally even in the case of an + individual with whom we are very intimate. We often say, indeed, that a + man loves fame more than money, or money more than fame. But this is said + in a loose and popular sense; for there is scarcely a man who would not + endure a few sneers for a great sum of money, if he were in pecuniary + distress; and scarcely a man, on the other hand, who, if he were in + flourishing circumstances, would expose himself to the hatred and contempt + of the public for a trifle. In order, therefore, to return a precise + answer even about a single human being, we must know what is the amount of + the sacrifice of reputation demanded and of the pecuniary advantage + offered, and in what situation the person to whom the temptation is + proposed stands at the time. But, when the question is propounded + generally about the whole species, the impossibility of answering is still + more evident. Man differs from man; generation from generation; nation + from nation. Education, station, sex, age, accidental associations, + produce infinite shades of variety. + </p> + <p> + Now, the only mode in which we can conceive it possible to deduce a theory + of government from the principles of human nature is this. We must find + out what are the motives which, in a particular form of government, impel + rulers to bad measures, and what are those which impel them to good + measures. We must then compare the effect of the two classes of motives; + and according as we find the one or the other to prevail, we must + pronounce the form of government in question good or bad. + </p> + <p> + Now let it be supposed that, in aristocratical and monarchical states, the + desire of wealth and other desires of the same class always tend to + produce misgovernment, and that the love of approbation and other kindred + feelings always tend to produce good government. Then, if it be + impossible, as we have shown that it is, to pronounce generally which of + the two classes of motives is the more influential, it is impossible to + find out, a priori, whether a monarchical or aristocratical form of + government be good or bad. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill has avoided the difficulty of making the comparison, by very + coolly putting all the weights into one of the scales,—by reasoning + as if no human being had ever sympathised with the feelings, been + gratified by the thanks, or been galled by the execrations, of another. + </p> + <p> + The case, as we have put it, is decisive against Mr Mill, and yet we have + put it in a manner far too favourable to him. For, in fact, it is + impossible to lay it down as a general rule that the love of wealth in a + sovereign always produces misgovernment, or the love of approbation good + government. A patient and far-sighted ruler, for example, who is less + desirous of raising a great sum immediately than of securing an + unencumbered and progressive revenue, will, by taking off restraints from + trade and giving perfect security to property, encourage accumulation and + entice capital from foreign countries. The commercial policy of Prussia, + which is perhaps superior to that of any country in the world, and which + puts to shame the absurdities of our republican brethren on the other side + of the Atlantic, has probably sprung from the desire of an absolute ruler + to enrich himself. On the other hand, when the popular estimate of virtues + and vices is erroneous, which is too often the case, the love of + approbation leads sovereigns to spend the wealth of the nation on useless + shows, or to engage in wanton and destructive wars. If then we can neither + compare the strength of two motives, nor determine with certainty to what + description of actions either motive will lead, how can we possibly deduce + a theory of government from the nature of man? + </p> + <p> + How, then, are we to arrive at just conclusions on a subject so important + to the happiness of mankind? Surely by that method which, in every + experimental science to which it has been applied, has signally increased + the power and knowledge of our species,—by that method for which our + new philosophers would substitute quibbles scarcely worthy of the + barbarous respondents and opponents of the middle ages,—by the + method of Induction;—by observing the present state of the world,—by + assiduously studying the history of past ages,—by sifting the + evidence of facts,—by carefully combining and contrasting those + which are authentic,—by generalising with judgment and diffidence,—by + perpetually bringing the theory which we have constructed to the test of + new facts,—by correcting, or altogether abandoning it, according as + those new facts prove it to be partially or fundamentally unsound. + Proceeding thus,—patiently,—diligently,—candidly,—we + may hope to form a system as far inferior in pretension to that which we + have been examining and as far superior to it in real utility as the + prescriptions of a great physician, varying with every stage of every + malady and with the constitution of every patient, to the pill of the + advertising quack which is to cure all human beings, in all climates, of + all diseases. + </p> + <p> + This is that noble Science of Politics, which is equally removed from the + barren theories of the Utilitarian sophists, and from the petty craft, so + often mistaken for statesmanship by minds grown narrow in habits of + intrigue, jobbing, and official etiquette;—which of all sciences is + the most important to the welfare of nations,—which of all sciences + most tends to expand and invigorate the mind,—which draws nutriment + and ornament from every part of philosophy and literature, and dispenses + in return nutriment and ornament to all. We are sorry and surprised when + we see men of good intentions and good natural abilities abandon this + healthful and generous study to pore over speculations like those which we + have been examining. And we should heartily rejoice to find that our + remarks had induced any person of this description to employ, in + researches of real utility, the talents and industry which are now wasted + on verbal sophisms, wretched of their wretched kind. + </p> + <p> + As to the greater part of the sect, it is, we apprehend, of little + consequence what they study or under whom. It would be more amusing, to be + sure, and more reputable, if they would take up the old republican cant + and declaim about Brutus and Timoleon, the duty of killing tyrants and the + blessedness of dying for liberty. But, on the whole, they might have + chosen worse. They may as well be Utilitarians as jockeys or dandies. And, + though quibbling about self-interest and motives, and objects of desire, + and the greatest happiness of the greatest number, is but a poor + employment for a grown man, it certainly hurts the health less than hard + drinking, and the fortune less than high play; it is not much more + laughable than phrenology, and is immeasurably more humane than + cock-fighting. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WESTMINSTER REVIEWER'S DEFENCE OF MILL. (June 1829.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Westminster Review" Number XXI., Article XVI. "Edinburgh + Review" Number XCVII., Article on Mill's Essays on + Government, etc. +</pre> + <p> + We have had great reason, we think, to be gratified by the success of our + late attack on the Utilitarians. We could publish a long list of the cures + which it has wrought in cases previously considered as hopeless. Delicacy + forbids us to divulge names; but we cannot refrain from alluding to two + remarkable instances. A respectable lady writes to inform us that her son, + who was plucked at Cambridge last January, has not been heard to call Sir + James Mackintosh a poor ignorant fool more than twice since the appearance + of our article. A distinguished political writer in the Westminster and + Parliamentary Reviews has borrowed Hume's History, and has actually got as + far as the battle of Agincourt. He assures us that he takes great pleasure + in his new study, and that he is very impatient to learn how Scotland and + England became one kingdom. But the greatest compliment that we have + received is that Mr Bentham himself should have condescended to take the + field in defence of Mr Mill. We have not been in the habit of reviewing + reviews: but, as Mr Bentham is a truly great man, and as his party have + thought fit to announce in puffs and placards that this article is written + by him, and contains not only an answer to our attacks, but a development + of the "greatest happiness principle," with the latest improvements of the + author, we shall for once depart from our general rule. However the + conflict may terminate, we shall at least not have been vanquished by an + ignoble hand. + </p> + <p> + Of Mr Bentham himself we shall endeavour, even while defending ourselves + against his reproaches, to speak with the respect to which his venerable + age, his genius, and his public services entitle him. If any harsh + expression should escape us, we trust that he will attribute it to + inadvertence, to the momentary warmth of controversy,—to anything, + in short, rather than to a design of affronting him. Though we have + nothing in common with the crew of Hurds and Boswells, who, either from + interested motives, or from the habit of intellectual servility and + dependence, pamper and vitiate his appetite with the noxious sweetness of + their undiscerning praise, we are not perhaps less competent than they to + appreciate his merit, or less sincerely disposed to acknowledge it. Though + we may sometimes think his reasonings on moral and political questions + feeble and sophistical—though we may sometimes smile at his + extraordinary language—we can never be weary of admiring the + amplitude of his comprehension, the keenness of his penetration, the + exuberant fertility with which his mind pours forth arguments and + illustrations. However sharply he may speak of us, we can never cease to + revere in him the father of the philosophy of Jurisprudence. He has a full + right to all the privileges of a great inventor: and, in our court of + criticism, those privileges will never be pleaded in vain. But they are + limited in the same manner in which, fortunately for the ends of justice, + the privileges of the peerage are now limited. The advantage is personal + and incommunicable. A nobleman can now no longer cover with his protection + every lackey who follows his heels, or every bully who draws in his + quarrel: and, highly as we respect the exalted rank which Mr Bentham holds + among the writers of our time, yet when, for the due maintenance of + literary police, we shall think it necessary to confute sophists, or to + bring pretenders to shame, we shall not depart from the ordinary course of + our proceedings because the offenders call themselves Benthamites. + </p> + <p> + Whether Mr Mill has much reason to thank Mr Bentham for undertaking his + defence, our readers, when they have finished this article, will perhaps + be inclined to doubt. Great as Mr Bentham's talents are, he has, we think, + shown an undue confidence in them. He should have considered how dangerous + it is for any man, however eloquent and ingenious he may be, to attack or + defend a book without reading it: and we feel quite convinced that Mr + Bentham would never have written the article before us if he had, before + he began, perused our review with attention, and compared it with Mr + Mill's Essay. + </p> + <p> + He has utterly mistaken our object and meaning. He seems to think that we + have undertaken to set up some theory of government in opposition to that + of Mr Mill. But we distinctly disclaimed any such design. From the + beginning to the end of our article, there is not, as far as we remember, + a single sentence which, when fairly construed, can be considered as + indicating any such design. If such an expression can be found, it has + been dropped by inadvertence. Our object was to prove, not that monarchy + and aristocracy are good, but that Mr Mill had not proved them to be bad; + not that democracy is bad, but that Mr Mill had not proved it to be good. + The points in issue are these: whether the famous Essay on Government be, + as it has been called, a perfect solution of the great political problem, + or a series of sophisms and blunders; and whether the sect which, while it + glories in the precision of its logic, extols this Essay as a masterpiece + of demonstration be a sect deserving of the respect or of the derision of + mankind. These, we say, are the issues; and on these we with full + confidence put ourselves on the country. + </p> + <p> + It is not necessary, for the purposes of this investigation, that we + should state what our political creed is, or whether we have any political + creed at all. A man who cannot act the most trivial part in a farce has a + right to hiss Romeo Coates: a man who does not know a vein from an artery + may caution a simple neighbour against the advertisements of Dr Eady. A + complete theory of government would indeed be a noble present to mankind; + but it is a present which we do not hope and do not pretend that we can + offer. If, however, we cannot lay the foundation, it is something to clear + away the rubbish; if we cannot set up truth, it is something to pull down + error. Even if the subjects of which the Utilitarians treat were subjects + of less fearful importance, we should think it no small service to the + cause of good sense and good taste to point out the contrast between their + magnificent pretensions and their miserable performances. Some of them + have, however, thought fit to display their ingenuity on questions of the + most momentous kind, and on questions concerning which men cannot reason + ill with impunity. We think it, under these circumstances, an absolute + duty to expose the fallacy of their arguments. It is no matter of pride or + of pleasure. To read their works is the most soporific employment that we + know; and a man ought no more to be proud of refuting them than of having + two legs. We must now come to close quarters with Mr Bentham, whom, we + need not say, we do not mean to include in this observation. He charges us + with maintaining,— + </p> + <p> + "First, 'That it is not true that all despots govern ill;'—whereon + the world is in a mistake, and the Whigs have the true light. And for + proof, principally,—that the King of Denmark is not Caligula. To + which the answer is, that the King of Denmark is not a despot. He was put + in his present situation by the people turning the scale in his favour in + a balanced contest between himself and the nobility. And it is quite clear + that the same power would turn the scale the other way the moment a King + of Denmark should take into his head to be Caligula. It is of little + consequence by what congeries of letters the Majesty of Denmark is + typified in the royal press of Copenhagen, while the real fact is that the + sword of the people is suspended over his head, in case of ill-behaviour, + as effectually as in other countries where more noise is made upon the + subject. Everybody believes the sovereign of Denmark to be a good and + virtuous gentleman; but there is no more superhuman merit in his being so + than in the case of a rural squire who does not shoot his land-steward or + quarter his wife with his yeomanry sabre. + </p> + <p> + "It is true that there are partial exceptions to the rule, that all men + use power as badly as they dare. There may have been such things as + amiable negro-drivers and sentimental masters of press-gangs; and here and + there, among the odd freaks of human nature, there may have been specimens + of men who were 'No tyrants, though bred up to tyranny.' But it would be + as wise to recommend wolves for nurses at the Foundling on the credit of + Romulus and Remus as to substitute the exception for the general fact, and + advise mankind to take to trusting to arbitrary power on the credit of + these specimens." + </p> + <p> + Now, in the first place, we never cited the case of Denmark to prove that + all despots do not govern ill. We cited it to prove that Mr Mill did not + know how to reason. Mr Mill gave it as a reason for deducing the theory of + government from the general laws of human nature that the King of Denmark + was not Caligula. This we said, and we still say, was absurd. + </p> + <p> + In the second place, it was not we, but Mr Mill, who said that the King of + Denmark was a despot. His words are these:—"The people of Denmark, + tired out with the oppression of an aristocracy, resolved that their king + should be absolute; and under their absolute monarch are as well governed + as any people in Europe." We leave Mr Bentham to settle with Mr Mill the + distinction between a despot and an absolute king. + </p> + <p> + In the third place, Mr Bentham says that there was in Denmark a balanced + contest between the king and the nobility. We find some difficulty in + believing that Mr Bentham seriously means to say this, when we consider + that Mr Mill has demonstrated the chance to be as infinity to one against + the existence of such a balanced contest. + </p> + <p> + Fourthly, Mr Bentham says that in this balanced contest the people turned + the scale in favour of the king against the aristocracy. But Mr Mill has + demonstrated that it cannot possibly be for the interest of the monarchy + and democracy to join against the aristocracy; and that wherever the three + parties exist, the king and the aristocracy will combine against the + people. This, Mr Mill assures us, is as certain as anything which depends + upon human will. + </p> + <p> + Fifthly, Mr Bentham says that, if the King of Denmark were to oppress his + people, the people and nobles would combine against the king. But Mr Mill + has proved that it can never be for the interest of the aristocracy to + combine with the democracy against the king. It is evidently Mr Bentham's + opinion, that "monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy may balance each + other, and by mutual checks produce good government." But this is the very + theory which Mr Mill pronounces to be the wildest, the most visionary, the + most chimerical ever broached on the subject of government. + </p> + <p> + We have no dispute on these heads with Mr Bentham. On the contrary, we + think his explanation true—or at least, true in part; and we + heartily thank him for lending us his assistance to demolish the essay of + his follower. His wit and his sarcasm are sport to us; but they are death + to his unhappy disciple. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham seems to imagine that we have said something implying an + opinion favourable to despotism. We can scarcely suppose that, as he has + not condescended to read that portion of our work which he undertook to + answer, he can have bestowed much attention on its general character. Had + he done so he would, we think, scarcely have entertained such a suspicion. + Mr Mill asserts, and pretends to prove, that under no despotic government + does any human being, except the tools of the sovereign, possess more than + the necessaries of life, and that the most intense degree of terror is + kept up by constant cruelty. This, we say, is untrue. It is not merely a + rule to which there are exceptions: but it is not the rule. Despotism is + bad; but it is scarcely anywhere so bad as Mr Mill says that it is + everywhere. This we are sure Mr Bentham will allow. If a man were to say + that five hundred thousand people die every year in London of + dram-drinking, he would not assert a proposition more monstrously false + than Mr Mill's. Would it be just to charge us with defending intoxication + because we might say that such a man was grossly in the wrong? + </p> + <p> + We say with Mr Bentham that despotism is a bad thing. We say with Mr + Bentham that the exceptions do not destroy the authority of the rule. But + this we say—that a single exception overthrows an argument which + either does not prove the rule at all, or else proves the rule to be TRUE + WITHOUT EXCEPTIONS; and such an argument is Mr Mill's argument against + despotism. In this respect there is a great difference between rules drawn + from experience and rules deduced a priori. We might believe that there + had been a fall of snow last August, and yet not think it likely that + there would be snow next August. A single occurrence opposed to our + general experience would tell for very little in our calculation of the + chances. But, if we could once satisfy ourselves that in ANY single + right-angled triangle the square of the hypothenuse might be less than the + squares of the sides, we must reject the forty-seventh proposition of + Euclid altogether. We willingly adopt Mr Bentham's lively illustration + about the wolf; and we will say in passing that it gives us real pleasure + to see how little old age has diminished the gaiety of this eminent man. + We can assure him that his merriment gives us far more pleasure on his + account than pain on our own. We say with him, Keep the wolf out of the + nursery, in spite of the story of Romulus and Remus. But, if the shepherd + who saw the wolf licking and suckling those famous twins were, after + telling this story to his companions, to assert that it was an infallible + rule that no wolf ever had spared, or ever would spare, any living thing + which might fall in its way—that its nature was carnivorous—and + that it could not possibly disobey its nature, we think that the hearers + might have been excused for staring. It may be strange, but is not + inconsistent, that a wolf which has eaten ninety-nine children should + spare the hundredth. But the fact that a wolf has once spared a child is + sufficient to show that there must be some flaw in the chain of reasoning + purporting to prove that wolves cannot possibly spare children. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham proceeds to attack another position which he conceives us to + maintain:— + </p> + <p> + "Secondly, That a government not under the control of the community (for + there is no question upon any other) 'MAY SOON BE SATURATED.' Tell it not + in Bow Street, whisper it not in Hatton Garden,—that there is a plan + for preventing injustice by 'saturation.' With what peals of unearthly + merriment would Minos, Aeacus, and Rhadamanthus be aroused upon their + benches, if the 'light wings of saffron and of blue' should bear this + theory into their grim domains! Why do not the owners of + pocket-handkerchiefs try to 'saturate?' Why does not the cheated publican + beg leave to check the gulosity of his defrauder with a repetatur haustus, + and the pummelled plaintiff neutralise the malice of his adversary, by + requesting to have the rest of the beating in presence of the court,—if + it is not that such conduct would run counter to all the conclusions of + experience, and be the procreation of the mischief it affected to destroy? + Woful is the man whose wealth depends on his having more than somebody + else can be persuaded to take from him; and woful also is the people that + is in such a case!" + </p> + <p> + Now this is certainly very pleasant writing: but there is no great + difficulty in answering the argument. The real reason which makes it + absurd to think of preventing theft by pensioning off thieves is this, + that there is no limit to the number of thieves. If there were only a + hundred thieves in a place, and we were quite sure that no person not + already addicted to theft would take to it, it might become a question + whether to keep the thieves from dishonesty by raising them above distress + would not be a better course than to employ officers against them. But the + actual cases are not parallel. Every man who chooses can become a thief; + but a man cannot become a king or a member of the aristocracy whenever he + chooses. The number of the depredators is limited; and therefore the + amount of depredation, so far as physical pleasures are concerned, must be + limited also. Now, we made the remark which Mr Bentham censures with + reference to physical pleasures only. The pleasures of ostentation, of + taste, of revenge, and other pleasures of the same description, have, we + distinctly allowed, no limit. Our words are these:—"a king or an + aristocracy may be supplied to satiety with CORPORAL PLEASURES, at an + expense which the rudest and poorest community would scarcely feel." Does + Mr Bentham deny this? If he does, we leave him to Mr Mill. "What," says + that philosopher, in his Essay on Education, "what are the ordinary + pursuits of wealth and power, which kindle to such a height the ardour of + mankind? Not the mere love of eating and of drinking, or all the physical + objects together which wealth can purchase or power command. With these + every man is in the long run speedily satisfied." What the difference is + between being speedily satisfied and being soon saturated, we leave Mr + Bentham and Mr Mill to settle together. + </p> + <p> + The word "saturation," however, seems to provoke Mr Bentham's mirth. It + certainly did not strike us as very pure English; but, as Mr Mill used it, + we supposed it to be good Benthamese. With the latter language we are not + critically acquainted, though, as it has many roots in common with our + mother tongue, we can contrive, by the help of a converted Utilitarian, + who attends us in the capacity of Moonshee, to make out a little. But Mr + Bentham's authority is of course decisive; and we bow to it. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham next represents us as maintaining:— + </p> + <p> + "Thirdly, That 'though there may be some tastes and propensities that have + no point of saturation, there exists a sufficient check in the desire of + the good opinion of others.' The misfortune of this argument is, that no + man cares for the good opinion of those he has been accustomed to wrong, + If oysters have opinions, it is probable they think very ill of those who + eat them in August; but small is the effect upon the autumnal glutton that + engulfs their gentle substances within his own. The planter and the + slave-driver care just as much about negro opinion, as the epicure about + the sentiments of oysters. M. Ude throwing live eels into the fire as a + kindly method of divesting them of the unsavoury oil that lodges beneath + their skins, is not more convinced of the immense aggregate of good which + arises to the lordlier parts of the creation, than is the gentle peer who + strips his fellow man of country and of family for a wild-fowl slain. The + goodly landowner, who lives by morsels squeezed indiscriminately from the + waxy hands of the cobbler and the polluted ones of the nightman, is in no + small degree the object of both hatred and contempt; but it is to be + feared that he is a long way from feeling them to be intolerable. The + principle of 'At mihi plaudo ipse domi, simul ac nummos contemplor in + arca,' is sufficient to make a wide interval between the opinions of the + plaintiff and defendant in such cases. In short, to banish law and leave + all plaintiffs to trust to the desire of reputation on the opposite side, + would only be transporting the theory of the Whigs from the House of + Commons to Westminster Hall." + </p> + <p> + Now, in the first place, we never maintained the proposition which Mr + Bentham puts into our mouths. We said, and say, that there is a CERTAIN + check to the rapacity and cruelty of men, in their desire of the good + opinion of others. We never said that it was sufficient. Let Mr Mill show + it to be insufficient. It is enough for us to prove that there is a + set-off against the principle from which Mr Mill deduces the whole theory + of government. The balance may be, and, we believe, will be, against + despotism and the narrower forms of aristocracy. But what is this to the + correctness or incorrectness of Mr Mill's accounts? The question is not, + whether the motives which lead rulers to behave ill are stronger than + those which lead them to behave well;—but, whether we ought to form + a theory of government by looking ONLY at the motives which lead rulers to + behave ill and never noticing those which lead them to behave well. + </p> + <p> + Absolute rulers, says Mr Bentham, do not care for the good opinion of + their subjects; for no man cares for the good opinion of those whom he has + been accustomed to wrong. By Mr Bentham's leave, this is a plain begging + of the question. The point at issue is this:—Will kings and nobles + wrong the people? The argument in favour of kings and nobles is this:—they + will not wrong the people, because they care for the good opinion of the + people. But this argument Mr Bentham meets thus:—they will not care + for the good opinion of the people, because they are accustomed to wrong + the people. + </p> + <p> + Here Mr Mill differs, as usual, from Mr Bentham. "The greatest princes," + says he, in his Essay on Education, "the most despotical masters of human + destiny, when asked what they aim at by their wars and conquests, would + answer, if sincere, as Frederick of Prussia answered, pour faire parler de + soi;—to occupy a large space in the admiration of mankind." Putting + Mr Mill's and Mr Bentham's principles together, we might make out very + easily that "the greatest princes, the most despotical masters of human + destiny," would never abuse their power. + </p> + <p> + A man who has been long accustomed to injure people must also have been + long accustomed to do without their love, and to endure their aversion. + Such a man may not miss the pleasure of popularity; for men seldom miss a + pleasure which they have long denied themselves. An old tyrant does + without popularity just as an old water-drinker does without wine. But, + though it is perfectly true that men who for the good of their health have + long abstained from wine feel the want of it very little, it would be + absurd to infer that men will always abstain from wine when their health + requires that they should do so. And it would be equally absurd to say, + because men who have been accustomed to oppress care little for + popularity, that men will therefore necessarily prefer the pleasure of + oppression to those of popularity. + </p> + <p> + Then, again, a man may be accustomed to wrong people in one point and not + in another. He may care for their good opinion with regard to one point + and not with regard to another. The Regent Orleans laughed at charges of + impiety, libertinism, extravagance, idleness, disgraceful promotions. But + the slightest allusion to the charge of poisoning threw him into + convulsions. Louis the Fifteenth braved the hatred and contempt of his + subjects during many years of the most odious and imbecile misgovernment. + But, when a report was spread that he used human blood for his baths, he + was almost driven mad by it. Surely Mr Bentham's position "that no man + cares for the good opinion of those whom he has been accustomed to wrong" + would be objectionable, as far too sweeping and indiscriminate, even if it + did not involve, as in the present case we have shown that it does, a + direct begging of the question at issue. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham proceeds:— + </p> + <p> + "Fourthly, The Edinburgh Reviewers are of opinion, that 'it might, with no + small plausibility, be maintained, that in many countries, there are two + classes which, in some degree, answer to this description;' [viz.] 'that + the poor compose the class which government is established to restrain; + and the people of some property the class to which the powers of + government may without danger be confided.' + </p> + <p> + "They take great pains, it is true, to say this and not to say it. They + shuffle and creep about, to secure a hole to escape at, if 'what they do + not assert' should be found in any degree inconvenient. A man might waste + his life in trying to find out whether the Misses of the 'Edinburgh' mean + to say Yes or No in their political coquetry. But whichever way the lovely + spinsters may decide, it is diametrically opposed to history and the + evidence of facts, that the poor ARE the class whom there is any + difficulty in restraining. It is not the poor but the rich that have a + propensity to take the property of other people. There is no instance upon + earth of the poor having combined to take away the property of the rich; + and all the instances habitually brought forward in support of it are + gross misrepresentations, founded upon the most necessary acts of + self-defence on the part of the most numerous classes. Such a + misrepresentation is the common one of the Agrarian law; which was nothing + but an attempt on the part of the Roman people to get back some part of + what had been taken from them by undisguised robbery. Such another is the + stock example of the French Revolution, appealed to by the 'Edinburgh + Review' in the actual case. It is utterly untrue that the French + Revolution took place because 'the poor began to compare their cottages + and salads with the hotels and banquets of the rich;' it took place + because they were robbed of their cottages and salads to support the + hotels and banquets of their oppressors. It is utterly untrue that there + was either a scramble for property or a general confiscation; the classes + who took part with the foreign invaders lost their property, as they would + have done here, and ought to do everywhere. All these are the vulgar + errors of the man on the lion's back,—which the lion will set to + rights when he can tell his own story. History is nothing but the relation + of the sufferings of the poor from the rich; except precisely so far as + the numerous classes of the community have contrived to keep the virtual + power in their hands, or, in other words, to establish free governments. + If a poor man injures the rich, the law is instantly at his heels; the + injuries of the rich towards the poor are always inflicted BY the law. And + to enable the rich to do this to any extent that may be practicable or + prudent, there is clearly one postulate required, which is, that the rich + shall make the law." + </p> + <p> + This passage is alone sufficient to prove that Mr Bentham has not taken + the trouble to read our article from beginning to end. We are quite sure + that he would not stoop to misrepresent it. And, if he had read it with + any attention, he would have perceived that all this coquetry, this + hesitation, this Yes and No, this saying and not saying, is simply an + exercise of the undeniable right which in controversy belongs to the + defensive side—to the side which proposes to establish nothing. The + affirmative of the issue and the burden of the proof are with Mr Mill, not + with us. We are not bound, perhaps we are not able, to show that the form + of government which he recommends is bad. It is quite enough if we can + show that he does not prove it to be good. In his proof, among many other + flaws, is this—He says, that if men are not inclined to plunder each + other, government is unnecessary, and that, if men are so inclined, kings + and aristocracies will plunder the people. Now, this we say, is a fallacy. + That SOME men will plunder their neighbours if they can, is a sufficient + reason for the existence of governments. But it is not demonstrated that + kings and aristocracies will plunder the people, unless it be true that + ALL men will plunder their neighbours, if they can. Men are placed in very + different situations. Some have all the bodily pleasures that they desire, + and many other pleasures besides, without plundering anybody. Others can + scarcely obtain their daily bread without plundering. It may be true, but + surely it is not self-evident, that the former class is under as strong + temptations to plunder as the latter. Mr Mill was therefore bound to prove + it. That he has not proved it is one of thirty or forty fatal errors in + his argument. It is not necessary that we should express an opinion or + even have an opinion on the subject. Perhaps we are in a state of perfect + scepticism: but what then? Are we the theorymakers? When we bring before + the world a theory of government, it will be time to call upon us to offer + proof at every step. At present we stand on our undoubted logical right. + We concede nothing; and we deny nothing. We say to the Utilitarian + theorists:—When you prove your doctrine, we will believe it; and, + till you prove it, we will not believe it. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham has quite misunderstood what we said about the French + Revolution. We never alluded to that event for the purpose of proving that + the poor were inclined to rob the rich. Mr Mill's principles of human + nature furnished us with that part of our argument ready-made. We alluded + to the French Revolution for the purpose of illustrating the effects which + general spoliation produces on society, not for the purpose of showing + that general spoliation will take place under a democracy. We allowed + distinctly that, in the peculiar circumstances of the French monarchy, the + Revolution, though accompanied by a great shock to the institution of + property, was a blessing. Surely Mr Bentham will not maintain that the + injury produced by the deluge of assignats and by the maximum fell only on + the emigrants,—or that there were not many emigrants who would have + stayed and lived peaceably under any government if their persons and + property had been secure. + </p> + <p> + We never said that the French Revolution took place because the poor began + to compare their cottages and salads with the hotels and banquets of the + rich. We were not speaking about THE CAUSES of the Revolution, or thinking + about them. This we said, and say, that, if a democratic government had + been established in France, the poor, when they began to compare their + cottages and salads with the hotels and banquets of the rich, would, on + the supposition that Mr Mill's principles are sound, have plundered the + rich, and repeated without provocation all the severities and + confiscations which at the time of the Revolution, were committed with + provocation. We say that Mr Mill's favourite form of government would, if + his own views of human nature be just, make those violent convulsions and + transfers of property which now rarely happen, except, as in the case of + the French Revolution, when the people are maddened by oppression, events + of annual or biennial occurrence. We gave no opinion of our own. We give + none now. We say that this proposition may be proved from Mr Mill's own + premises, by steps strictly analogous to those by which he proves monarchy + and aristocracy to be bad forms of government. To say this, is not to say + that the proposition is true. For we hold both Mr Mill's premises and his + deduction to be unsound throughout. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham challenges us to prove from history that the people will + plunder the rich. What does history say to Mr Mill's doctrine, that + absolute kings will always plunder their subjects so unmercifully as to + leave nothing but a bare subsistence to any except their own creatures? If + experience is to be the test, Mr Mill's theory is unsound. If Mr Mill's + reasoning a priori be sound, the people in a democracy will plunder the + rich. Let us use one weight and one measure. Let us not throw history + aside when we are proving a theory, and take it up again when we have to + refute an objection founded on the principles of that theory. + </p> + <p> + We have not done, however, with Mr Bentham's charges against us. + </p> + <p> + "Among other specimens of their ingenuity, they think they embarrass the + subject by asking why, on the principles in question, women should not + have votes as well as men. AND WHY NOT? + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 'Gentle shepherd, tell me why?'— +</pre> + <p> + If the mode of election was what it ought to be, there would be no more + difficulty in women voting for a representative in Parliament than for a + director at the India House. The world will find out at some time that the + readiest way to secure justice on some points is to be just on all:—that + the whole is easier to accomplish than the part; and that, whenever the + camel is driven through the eye of the needle, it would be simple folly + and debility that would leave a hoof behind." + </p> + <p> + Why, says or sings Mr Bentham, should not women vote? It may seem uncivil + in us to turn a deaf ear to his Arcadian warblings. But we submit, with + great deference, that it is not OUR business to tell him why. We fully + agree with him that the principle of female suffrage is not so palpably + absurd that a chain of reasoning ought to be pronounced unsound merely + because it leads to female suffrage. We say that every argument which + tells in favour of the universal suffrage of the males tells equally in + favour of female suffrage. Mr Mill, however, wishes to see all men vote, + but says that it is unnecessary that women should vote; and for making + this distinction HE gives as a reason an assertion which, in the first + place, is not true, and which, in the next place, would, if true, overset + his whole theory of human nature; namely, that the interest of the women + is identical with that of the men. We side with Mr Bentham, so far, at + least, as this: that, when we join to drive the camel through the needle, + he shall go through hoof and all. We at present desire to be excused from + driving the camel. It is Mr Mill who leaves the hoof behind. But we should + think it uncourteous to reproach him in the language which Mr Bentham, in + the exercise of his paternal authority over the sect, thinks himself + entitled to employ. + </p> + <p> + "Another of their perverted ingenuities is, that 'they are rather inclined + to think,' that it would, on the whole, be for the interest of the + majority to plunder the rich; and if so, the Utilitarians will say that + the rich OUGHT to be plundered. On which it is sufficient to reply, that + for the majority to plunder the rich would amount to a declaration that + nobody should be rich; which, as all men wish to be rich, would involve a + suicide of hope. And as nobody has shown a fragment of reason why such a + proceeding should be for the general happiness, it does not follow that + the 'Utilitarians' would recommend it. The Edinburgh Reviewers have a + waiting gentlewoman's ideas of 'Utilitarianism.' It is unsupported by + anything but the pitiable 'We are rather inclined to think'—and is + utterly contradicted by the whole course of history and human experience + besides,—that there is either danger or possibility of such a + consummation as the majority agreeing on the plunder of the rich. There + have been instances in human memory, of their agreeing to plunder rich + oppressors, rich traitors, rich enemies,—but the rich simpliciter + never. It is as true now as in the days of Harrington that 'a people never + will, nor ever can, never did, nor ever shall, take up arms for + levelling.' All the commotions in the world have been for something else; + and 'levelling' is brought forward as the blind to conceal what the other + was." + </p> + <p> + We say, again and again, that we are on the defensive. We do not think it + necessary to prove that a quack medicine is poison. Let the vendor prove + it to be sanative. We do not pretend to show that universal suffrage is an + evil. Let its advocates show it to be a good. Mr Mill tells us that, if + power be given for short terms to representatives elected by all the males + of mature age, it will then be for the interest of those representatives + to promote the greatest happiness of the greatest number. To prove this, + it is necessary that he should prove three propositions: first, that the + interest of such a representative body will be identical with the interest + of the constituent body; secondly, that the interest of the constituent + body will be identical with that of the community; thirdly, that the + interest of one generation of a community is identical with that of all + succeeding generations. The two first propositions Mr Mill attempts to + prove and fails. The last he does not even attempt to prove. We therefore + refuse our assent to his conclusions. Is this unreasonable? + </p> + <p> + We never even dreamed, what Mr Bentham conceives us to have maintained, + that it could be for the greatest happiness of MANKIND to plunder the + rich. But we are "rather inclined to think," though doubtingly and with a + disposition to yield to conviction, that it may be for the pecuniary + interest of the majority of a single generation in a thickly-peopled + country to plunder the rich. Why we are inclined to think so we will + explain, whenever we send a theory of government to an Encyclopaedia. At + present we are bound to say only that we think so, and shall think so till + somebody shows us a reason for thinking otherwise. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham's answer to us is simple assertion. He must not think that we + mean any discourtesy by meeting it with a simple denial. The fact is, that + almost all the governments that have ever existed in the civilised world + have been, in part at least, monarchical and aristocratical. The first + government constituted on principles approaching to those which the + Utilitarians hold was, we think, that of the United States. That the poor + have never combined to plunder the rich in the governments of the old + world, no more proves that they might not combine to plunder the rich + under a system of universal suffrage, than the fact that the English kings + of the House of Brunswick have not been Neros and Domitians proves that + sovereigns may safely be intrusted with absolute power. Of what the people + would do in a state of perfect sovereignty we can judge only by + indications, which, though rarely of much moment in themselves, and though + always suppressed with little difficulty, are yet of great significance, + and resemble those by which our domestic animals sometimes remind us that + they are of kin with the fiercest monsters of the forest. It would not be + wise to reason from the behaviour of a dog crouching under the lash, which + is the case of the Italian people, or from the behaviour of a dog pampered + with the best morsels of a plentiful kitchen, which is the case of the + purpose of America, to the behaviour of a wolf, which is nothing but a dog + run wild, after a week's fast among the snows of the Pyrenees. No + commotion, says Mr Bentham, was ever really produced by the wish of + levelling; the wish has been put forward as a blind; but something else + has been the real object. Grant all this. But why has levelling been put + forward as a blind in times of commotion to conceal the real objects of + the agitators? Is it with declarations which involve "a suicide of hope" + that man attempt to allure others? Was famine, pestilence, slavery, ever + held out to attract the people? If levelling has been made a pretence for + disturbances, the argument against Mr Bentham's doctrine is as strong as + if it had been the real object of disturbances. + </p> + <p> + But the great objection which Mr Bentham makes to our review, still + remains to be noticed:— + </p> + <p> + "The pith of the charge against the author of the Essays is, that he has + written 'an elaborate Treatise on Government,' and 'deduced the whole + science from the assumption of certain propensities of human nature.' Now, + in the name of Sir Richard Birnie and all saints, from what else SHOULD it + be deduced? What did ever anybody imagine to be the end, object, and + design of government AS IT OUGHT TO BE but the same operation, on an + extended scale, which that meritorious chief magistrate conducts on a + limited one at Bow Street; to wit, the preventing one man from injuring + another? Imagine, then, that the Whiggery of Bow Street were to rise up + against the proposition that their science was to be deduced from 'certain + propensities of human nature,' and thereon were to ratiocinate as follows:— + </p> + <p> + "'How then are we to arrive at just conclusions on a subject so important + to the happiness of mankind? Surely by that method, which, in every + experimental science to which it has been applied, has signally increased + the power and knowledge of our species,—by that method for which our + new philosophers would substitute quibbles scarcely worthy of the + barbarous respondents and opponents of the middle ages,—by the + method of induction,—by observing the present state of the world,—by + assiduously studying the history of past ages,—by sifting the + evidence of facts,—by carefully combining and contrasting those + which are authentic,—by generalising with judgment and diffidence,—by + perpetually bringing the theory which we have constructed to the test of + new facts,—by correcting, or altogether abandoning it, according as + those new facts prove it to be partially or fundamentally unsound. + Proceeding thus,—patiently, diligently, candidly, we may hope to + form a system as far inferior in pretension to that which we have been + examining, and as far superior to it in real utility, as the prescriptions + of a great physician, varying with every stage of every malady, and with + the constitution of every patient, to the pill of the advertising quack, + which is to cure all human beings, in all climates, of all diseases.' + </p> + <p> + "Fancy now,—only fancy,—the delivery of these wise words at + Bow Street; and think how speedily the practical catchpolls would reply, + that all this might be very fine, but, as far as they had studied history, + the naked story was, after all, that numbers of men had a propensity to + thieving, and their business was to catch them; that they, too, had been + sifters of facts; and, to say the truth, their simple opinion was, that + their brethren of the red waistcoat—though they should be sorry to + think ill of any man—had somehow contracted a leaning to the other + side, and were more bent on puzzling the case for the benefit of the + defendants, than on doing the duty of good officers and true. Such would, + beyond all doubt, be the sentence passed on such trimmers in the microcosm + of Bow Street. It might not absolutely follow that they were in a plot to + rob the goldsmiths' shops, or to set fire to the House of Commons; but it + would be quite clear that they had got A FEELING,—that they were in + process of siding with the thieves,—and that it was not to them that + any man must look who was anxious that pantries should be safe." + </p> + <p> + This is all very witty; but it does not touch us. On the present occasion, + we cannot but flatter ourselves that we bear a much greater resemblance to + a practical catchpoll than either Mr Mill or Mr Bentham. It would, to be + sure, be very absurd in a magistrate discussing the arrangements of a + police-office, to spout in the style either of our article or Mr + Bentham's; but, in substance, he would proceed, if he were a man of sense, + exactly as WE recommend. He would, on being appointed to provide for the + security of property in a town, study attentively the state of the town. + He would learn at what places, at what times, and under what + circumstances, theft and outrage were most frequent. Are the streets, he + would ask, most infested with thieves at sunset or at midnight? Are there + any public places of resort which give peculiar facilities to pickpockets? + Are there any districts completely inhabited by a lawless population? + Which are the flash houses, and which the shops of receivers? Having made + himself master of the facts, he would act accordingly. A strong detachment + of officers might be necessary for Petticoat Lane; another for the pit + entrance of Covent Garden Theatre. Grosvenor Square and Hamilton Place + would require little or no protection. Exactly thus should we reason about + government. Lombardy is oppressed by tyrants; and constitutional checks, + such as may produce security to the people, are required. It is, so to + speak, one of the resorts of thieves; and there is great need of + police-officers. Denmark resembles one of those respectable streets in + which it is scarcely necessary to station a catchpoll, because the + inhabitants would at once join to seize a thief. Yet, even in such a + street, we should wish to see an officer appear now and then, as his + occasional superintence would render the security more complete. And even + Denmark, we think, would be better off under a constitutional form of + government. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill proceeds like a director of police, who, without asking a single + question about the state of his district, should give his orders thus:—"My + maxim is, that every man will take what he can. Every man in London would + be a thief, but for the thieftakers. This is an undeniable principle of + human nature. Some of my predecessors have wasted their time in enquiring + about particular pawnbrokers, and particular alehouses. Experience is + altogether divided. Of people placed in exactly the same situation, I see + that one steals, and that another would sooner burn his hand off. + THEREFORE I trust to the laws of human nature alone, and pronounce all men + thieves alike. Let everybody, high and low, be watched. Let Townsend take + particular care that the Duke of Wellington does not steal the silk + handkerchief of the lord in waiting at the levee. A person has lost a + watch. Go to Lord Fitzwilliam and search him for it; he is as great a + receiver of stolen goods as Ikey Solomons himself. Don't tell me about his + rank, and character, and fortune. He is a man; and a man does not change + his nature when he is called a lord. ("If Government is founded upon this, + as a law of human nature, that a man, if able, will take from others + anything which they have and he desires, it is sufficiently evident that + when a man is called a king, he does not change his nature, so that, when + he has power to take what he pleases, he will take what he pleases. To + suppose that he will not, is to affirm that government is unnecessary and + that human beings will abstain from injuring one another of their own + accord."—"Mill on Government".) Either men will steal or they will + not steal. If they will not, why do I sit here? If they will, his lordship + must be a thief." The Whiggery of Bow Street would perhaps rise up against + this wisdom. Would Mr Bentham think that the Whiggery of Bow Street was in + the wrong? + </p> + <p> + We blamed Mr Mill for deducing his theory of government from the + principles of human nature. "In the name of Sir Richard Birnie and all + saints," cries Mr Bentham, "from what else should it be deduced?" In spite + of this solemn adjuration, with shall venture to answer Mr Bentham's + question by another. How does he arrive at those principles of human + nature from which he proposes to deduce the science of government? We + think that we may venture to put an answer into his mouth; for in truth + there is but one possible answer. He will say—By experience. But + what is the extent of this experience? Is it an experience which includes + experience of the conduct of men intrusted with the powers of government; + or is it exclusive of that experience? If it includes experience of the + manner in which men act when intrusted with the powers of government, then + those principles of human nature from which the science of government is + to be deduced can only be known after going through that inductive process + by which we propose to arrive at the science of government. Our knowledge + of human nature, instead of being prior in order to our knowledge of the + science of government, will be posterior to it. And it would be correct to + say, that by means of the science of government, and of other kindred + sciences—the science of education, for example, which falls under + exactly the same principle—we arrive at the science of human nature. + </p> + <p> + If, on the other hand, we are to deduce the theory of government from + principles of human nature, in arriving at which principles we have not + taken into the account the manner in which men act when invested with the + powers of government, then those principles must be defective. They have + not been formed by a sufficiently copious induction. We are reasoning, + from what a man does in one situation, to what he will do in another. + Sometimes we may be quite justified in reasoning thus. When we have no + means of acquiring information about the particular case before us, we are + compelled to resort to cases which bear some resemblance to it. But the + more satisfactory course is to obtain information about the particular + case; and, whenever this can be obtained, it ought to be obtained. When + first the yellow fever broke out, a physician might be justified in + treating it as he had been accustomed to treat those complaints which, on + the whole, had the most symptoms in common with it. But what should we + think of a physician who should now tell us that he deduced his treatment + of yellow fever from the general theory of pathology? Surely we should ask + him, Whether, in constructing his theory of pathology, he had or had not + taken into the account the facts which had been ascertained respecting the + yellow fever? If he had, then it would be more correct to say that he had + arrived at the principles of pathology partly by his experience of cases + of yellow fever than that he had deduced his treatment of yellow fever + from the principles of pathology. If he had not, he should not prescribe + for us. If we had the yellow fever, we should prefer a man who had never + treated any cases but cases of yellow fever to a man who had walked the + hospitals of London and Paris for years, but who knew nothing of our + particular disease. + </p> + <p> + Let Lord Bacon speak for us: "Inductionem censemus eam esse demonstrandi + formam, quae sensum tuetur, et naturam premit, et operibus imminet, ac + fere immiscetur. Itaque ordo quoque demonstrandi plane invertitur. Adhuc + enim res ita geri consuevit, ut a sensu et particularibus primo loco ad + maxime generalia advoletur, tanquam ad polos fixos, circa quos + disputationes vertantur; ab illis caetera, per media, deriventur; via + certe compendiaria, sed praecipiti, et ad naturam impervia, ad + disputationes proclivi et accommodata. At, secundum nos, axiomata + continenter et gradatim excitantur, ut non, nisi postremo loco, ad maxime + generalia veniatur." Can any words more exactly describe the political + reasonings of Mr Mill than those in which Lord Bacon thus describes the + logomachies of the schoolmen? Mr Mill springs at once to a general + principle of the widest extent, and from that general principle deduces + syllogistically every thing which is included in it. We say with Bacon—"non, + nisi postremo loco, ad maxime generalia veniatur." In the present inquiry, + the science of human nature is the "maxime generale." To this the + Utilitarian rushes at once, and from this he deduces a hundred sciences. + But the true philosopher, the inductive reasoner, travels up to it slowly, + through those hundred sciences, of which the science of government is one. + </p> + <p> + As we have lying before us that incomparable volume, the noblest and most + useful of all the works of the human reason, the Novum Organum, we will + transcribe a few lines, in which the Utilitarian philosophy is portrayed + to the life. + </p> + <p> + "Syllogismus ad 'Principia' scientiarum non adhibetur, ad media axiomata + frustra adhibetur, cum sit subtilitati naturae longe impar. Assensum + itaque constringit, non res. Syllogismus ex propositionibus constat, + propositiones ex verbis, verba notionum tesserae sunt. Itaque si notiones + ipsae, id quod basis rei est, confusae sint, et tenere a rebus abstractae, + nihil in iis quae superstruuntur est firmitudinis. Itaque spes est una in + Inductione vera. In notionibus nil sani est, nec in Logicis nec in + physicis. Non substantia, non qualitas, agere, pati, ipsum esse, bonae + notiones sunt; multo minus grave, leve, densum, tenue, humidum, siccum, + generatio, corruptio, attrahere, fugare, elementum, materia, forma, et id + genus, sed omnes phantasticae et male terminatae." + </p> + <p> + Substitute for the "substantia," the "generatio," the "corruptio," the + "elementum," the "materia," of the old schoolmen, Mr Mill's pain, + pleasure, interest, power, objects of desire,—and the words of Bacon + will seem to suit the current year as well as the beginning of the + seventeenth century. + </p> + <p> + We have now gone through the objections that Mr Bentham makes to our + article: and we submit ourselves on all the charges to the judgment of the + public. + </p> + <p> + The rest of Mr Bentham's article consists of an exposition of the + Utilitarian principle, or, as he decrees that it shall be called, the + "greatest happiness principle." He seems to think that we have been + assailing it. We never said a syllable against it. We spoke slightingly of + the Utilitarian sect, as we thought of them, and think of them; but it was + not for holding this doctrine that we blamed them. In attacking them we no + more meant to attack the "greatest happiness principle" than when we say + that Mahometanism is a false religion we mean to deny the unity of God, + which is the first article of the Mahometan creed;—no more than Mr + Bentham, when he sneers at the Whigs means to blame them for denying the + divine right of kings. We reasoned throughout our article on the + supposition that the end of government was to produce the greatest + happiness to mankind. + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham gives an account of the manner in which he arrived at the + discovery of the "greatest happiness principle." He then proceeds to + describe the effects which, as he conceives, that discovery is producing + in language so rhetorical and ardent that, if it had been written by any + other person, a genuine Utilitarian would certainly have thrown down the + book in disgust. + </p> + <p> + "The only rivals of any note to the new principle which were brought + forward, were those known by the names of the 'moral sense,' and the + 'original contract.' The new principle superseded the first of these, by + presenting it with a guide for its decisions; and the other, by making it + unnecessary to resort to a remote and imaginary contract for what was + clearly the business of every man and every hour. Throughout the whole + horizon of morals and of politics, the consequences were glorious and + vast. It might be said without danger of exaggeration, that they who sat + in darkness had seen a great light. The mists in which mankind had jousted + against each other were swept away, as when the sun of astronomical + science arose in the full development of the principle of gravitation. If + the object of legislation was the greatest happiness, MORALITY was the + promotion of the same end by the conduct of the individual; and by + analogy, the happiness of the world was the morality of nations. + </p> + <p> + "...All the sublime obscurities, which had haunted the mind of man from + the first formation of society,—the phantoms whose steps had been on + earth, and their heads among the clouds—marshalled themselves at the + sound of this new principle of connection and of union, and stood a + regulated band, where all was order, symmetry, and force. What men had + struggled for and bled, while they saw it but as through a glass darkly, + was made the object of substantial knowledge and lively apprehension. The + bones of sages and of patriots stirred within their tombs, that what they + dimly saw and followed had become the world's common heritage. And the + great result was wrought by no supernatural means, nor produced by any + unparallelable concatenation of events. It was foretold by no oracles, and + ushered by no portents; but was brought about by the quiet and reiterated + exercise of God's first gift of common sense." + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham's discovery does not, as we think we shall be able to show, + approach in importance to that of gravitation, to which he compares it. At + all events, Mr Bentham seems to us to act much as Sir Isaac Newton would + have done if he had gone about boasting that he was the first person who + taught bricklayers not to jump off scaffolds and break their legs. + </p> + <p> + Does Mr Bentham profess to hold out any new motive which may induce men to + promote the happiness of the species to which they belong? Not at all. He + distinctly admits that, if he is asked why government should attempt to + produce the greatest possible happiness, he can give no answer. + </p> + <p> + "The real answer," says he, "appeared to be, that men at large OUGHT not + to allow a government to afflict them with more evil or less good than + they can help. What A GOVERNMENT ought to do is a mysterious and searching + question, which those may answer who know what it means; but what other + men ought to do is a question of no mystery at all. The word OUGHT, if it + means anything, must have reference to some kind of interest or motives; + and what interest a government has in doing right, when it happens to be + interested in doing wrong, is a question for the schoolmen. The fact + appears to be, that OUGHT is not predicable of governments. The question + is not why governments are bound not to do this or that, but why OTHER MEN + should let them if they can help it. The point is not to determine why the + lion should not eat sheep, but why men should not eat their own mutton if + they can." + </p> + <p> + The principle of Mr Bentham, if we understand it, is this, that mankind + ought to act so as to produce their greatest happiness. The word OUGHT, he + tells us, has no meaning, unless it be used with reference to some + interest. But the interest of a man is synonymous with his greatest + happiness:—and therefore to say that a man ought to do a thing, is + to say that it is for his greatest happiness to do it. And to say that + mankind OUGHT to act so as to produce their greatest happiness, is to say + that the greatest happiness is the greatest happiness—and this is + all! + </p> + <p> + Does Mr Bentham's principle tend to make any man wish for anything for + which he would not have wished, or do anything which he would not have + done, if the principle had never been heard of? If not, it is an utterly + useless principle. Now, every man pursues his own happiness or interest—call + it which you will. If his happiness coincides with the happiness of the + species, then, whether he ever heard of the "greatest happiness principle" + or not, he will, to the best of his knowledge and ability, attempt to + produce the greatest happiness of the species. But, if what he thinks his + happiness be inconsistent with the greatest happiness of mankind, will + this new principle convert him to another frame of mind? Mr Bentham + himself allows, as we have seen, that he can give no reason why a man + should promote the greatest happiness of others if their greatest + happiness be inconsistent with what he thinks his own. We should very much + like to know how the Utilitarian principle would run when reduced to one + plain imperative proposition? Will it run thus—pursue your own + happiness? This is superfluous. Every man pursues it, according to his + light, and always has pursued it, and always must pursue it. To say that a + man has done anything, is to say that he thought it for his happiness to + do it. Will the principle run thus—pursue the greatest happiness of + mankind, whether it be your own greatest happiness or not? This is absurd + and impossible; and Bentham himself allows it to be so. But, if the + principle be not stated in one of these two ways, we cannot imagine how it + is to be stated at all. Stated in one of these ways, it is an identical + proposition,—true, but utterly barren of consequences. Stated in the + other way, it is a contradiction in terms. Mr Bentham has distinctly + declined the absurdity. Are we then to suppose that he adopts the truism? + </p> + <p> + There are thus, it seems, two great truths which the Utilitarian + philosophy is to communicate to mankind—two truths which are to + produce a revolution in morals, in laws, in governments, in literature, in + the whole system of life. The first of these is speculative; the second is + practical. The speculative truth is, that the greatest happiness is the + greatest happiness. The practical rule is very simple; for it imports + merely that men should never omit, when they wish for anything, to wish + for it, or when they do anything, to do it! It is a great comfort to us to + think that we readily assented to the former of these great doctrines as + soon as it was stated to us; and that we have long endeavoured, as far as + human frailty would permit, to conform to the latter in our practice. We + are, however, inclined to suspect that the calamities of the human race + have been owing, less to their not knowing that happiness was happiness, + than to their not knowing how to obtain it—less to their neglecting + to do what they did, than to their not being able to do what they wished, + or not wishing to do what they ought. + </p> + <p> + Thus frivolous, thus useless is this philosophy,—"controversiarum + ferax, operum effoeta, ad garriendum prompta, ad generandum invalida." + (Bacon, "Novum Organum".) The humble mechanic who discovers some slight + improvement in the construction of safety lamps or steam-vessels does more + for the happiness of mankind than the "magnificent principle," as Mr + Bentham calls it, will do in ten thousand years. The mechanic teaches us + how we may in a small degree be better off than we were. The Utilitarian + advises us with great pomp to be as well off as we can. + </p> + <p> + The doctrine of a moral sense may be very unphilosophical; but we do not + think that it can be proved to be pernicious. Men did not entertain + certain desires and aversions because they believed in a moral sense, but + they gave the name of moral sense to a feeling which they found in their + minds, however it came there. If they had given it no name at all it would + still have influenced their actions; and it will not be very easy to + demonstrate that it has influenced their actions the more because they + have called it the moral sense. The theory of the original contract is a + fiction, and a very absurd fiction; but in practice it meant, what the + "greatest happiness principle," if ever it becomes a watchword of + political warfare, will mean—that is to say, whatever served the + turn of those who used it. Both the one expression and the other sound + very well in debating clubs; but in the real conflicts of life our + passions and interests bid them stand aside and know their place. The + "greatest happiness principle" has always been latent under the words, + social contract, justice, benevolence, patriotism, liberty, and so forth, + just as far as it was for the happiness, real or imagined, of those who + used these words to promote the greatest happiness of mankind. And of this + we may be sure, that the words "greatest happiness" will never, in any + man's mouth, mean more than the greatest happiness of others which is + consistent with what he thinks his own. The project of mending a bad world + by teaching people to give new names to old things reminds us of Walter + Shandy's scheme for compensating the loss of his son's nose by christening + him Trismegistus. What society wants is a new motive—not a new cant. + If Mr Bentham can find out any argument yet undiscovered which may induce + men to pursue the general happiness, he will indeed be a great benefactor + to our species. But those whose happiness is identical with the general + happiness are even now promoting the general happiness to the very best of + their power and knowledge; and Mr Bentham himself confesses that he has no + means of persuading those whose happiness is not identical with the + general happiness to act upon his principle. Is not this, then, darkening + counsel by words without knowledge? If the only fruit of the "magnificent + principle" is to be, that the oppressors and pilferers of the next + generation are to talk of seeking the greatest happiness of the greatest + number, just as the same class of men have talked in our time of seeking + to uphold the Protestant constitution—just as they talked under Anne + of seeking the good of the Church, and under Cromwell of seeking the Lord—where + is the gain? Is not every great question already enveloped in a + sufficiently dark cloud of unmeaning words? Is it so difficult for a man + to cant some one or more of the good old English cants which his father + and grandfather canted before him, that he must learn, in the schools of + the Utilitarians, a new sleight of tongue, to make fools clap and wise men + sneer? Let our countrymen keep their eyes on the neophytes of this sect, + and see whether we turn out to be mistaken in the prediction which we now + hazard. It will before long be found, we prophesy, that, as the corruption + of a dunce is the generation of an Utilitarian, so is the corruption of an + Utilitarian the generation of a jobber. + </p> + <p> + The most elevated station that the "greatest happiness principle" is ever + likely to attain is this, that it may be a fashionable phrase among + newspaper writers and members of parliament—that it may succeed to + the dignity which has been enjoyed by the "original contract," by the + "constitution of 1688," and other expressions of the same kind. We do not + apprehend that it is a less flexible cant than those which have preceded + it, or that it will less easily furnish a pretext for any design for which + a pretext may be required. The "original contract" meant in the Convention + Parliament the co-ordinate authority of the Three Estates. If there were + to be a radical insurrection tomorrow, the "original contract" would stand + just as well for annual parliaments and universal suffrage. The "Glorious + Constitution," again, has meant everything in turn: the Habeas Corpus Act, + the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, the Test Act, the Repeal of the + Test Act. There has not been for many years a single important measure + which has not been unconstitutional with its opponents, and which its + supporters have not maintained to be agreeable to the true spirit of the + constitution. Is it easier to ascertain what is for the greatest happiness + of the human race than what is the constitution of England? If not, the + "greatest happiness principle" will be what the "principles of the + constitution" are, a thing to be appealed to by everybody, and understood + by everybody in the sense which suits him best. It will mean cheap bread, + dear bread, free trade, protecting duties, annual parliaments, septennial + parliaments, universal suffrage, Old Sarum, trial by jury, martial law—everything, + in short, good, bad, or indifferent, of which any person, from rapacity or + from benevolence, chooses to undertake the defence. It will mean + six-and-eightpence with the attorney, tithes at the rectory, and game-laws + at the manor-house. The Statute of Uses, in appearance the most sweeping + legislative reform in our history, was said to have produced no other + effect than that of adding three words to a conveyance. The universal + admission of Mr Bentham's great principle would, as far as we can see, + produce no other effect than that those orators who, while waiting for a + meaning, gain time (like bankers paying in sixpences during a run) by + uttering words that mean nothing would substitute "the greatest + happiness," or rather, as the longer phrase, "the greatest happiness of + the greatest number," for "under existing circumstances,"—"now that + I am on my legs,"—and "Mr Speaker, I, for one, am free to say." In + fact, principles of this sort resemble those forms which are sold by + law-stationers, with blanks for the names of parties, and for the special + circumstances of every case—mere customary headings and conclusions, + which are equally at the command of the most honest and of the most + unrighteous claimant. It is on the filling up that everything depends. + </p> + <p> + The "greatest happiness principle" of Mr Bentham is included in the + Christian morality; and, to our thinking, it is there exhibited in an + infinitely more sound and philosophical form than in the Utilitarian + speculations. For in the New Testament it is neither an identical + proposition, nor a contradiction in terms; and, as laid down by Mr + Bentham, it must be either the one or the other. "Do as you would be done + by: Love your neighbour as yourself:" these are the precepts of Jesus + Christ. Understood in an enlarged sense, these precepts are, in fact, a + direction to every man to promote the greatest happiness of the greatest + number. But this direction would be utterly unmeaning, as it actually is + in Mr Bentham's philosophy, unless it were accompanied by a sanction. In + the Christian scheme, accordingly, it is accompanied by a sanction of + immense force. To a man whose greatest happiness in this world is + inconsistent with the greatest happiness of the greatest number is held + out the prospect of an infinite happiness hereafter, from which he + excludes himself by wronging his fellow-creatures here. + </p> + <p> + This is practical philosophy, as practical as that on which penal + legislation is founded. A man is told to do something which otherwise he + would not do, and is furnished with a new motive for doing it. Mr Bentham + has no new motive to furnish his disciples with. He has talents sufficient + to effect anything that can be effected. But to induce men to act without + an inducement is too much, even for him. He should reflect that the whole + vast world of morals cannot be moved unless the mover can obtain some + stand for his engines beyond it. He acts as Archimedes would have done, if + he had attempted to move the earth by a lever fixed on the earth. The + action and reaction neutralise each other. The artist labours, and the + world remains at rest. Mr Bentham can only tell us to do something which + we have always been doing, and should still have continued to do, if we + had never heard of the "greatest happiness principle"—or else to do + something which we have no conceivable motive for doing, and therefore + shall not do. Mr Bentham's principle is at best no more than the golden + rule of the Gospel without its sanction. Whatever evils, therefore, have + existed in societies in which the authority of the Gospel is recognised + may, a fortiori, as it appears to us, exist in societies in which the + Utilitarian principle is recognised. We do not apprehend that it is more + difficult for a tyrant or a persecutor to persuade himself and others that + in putting to death those who oppose his power or differ from his opinions + he is pursuing "the greatest happiness," than that he is doing as he would + be done by. But religion gives him a motive for doing as he would be done + by: and Mr Bentham furnishes him no motive to induce him to promote the + general happiness. If, on the other hand, Mr Bentham's principle mean only + that every man should pursue his own greatest happiness, he merely asserts + what everybody knows, and recommends what everybody does. + </p> + <p> + It is not upon this "greatest happiness principle" that the fame of Mr + Bentham will rest. He has not taught people to pursue their own happiness; + for that they always did. He has not taught them to promote the happiness + of others, at the expense of their own; for that they will not and cannot + do. But he has taught them HOW, in some most important points, to promote + their own happiness; and, if his school had emulated him as successfully + in this respect as in the trick of passing off truisms for discoveries, + the name of Benthamite would have been no word for the scoffer. But few of + those who consider themselves as in a more especial manner his followers + have anything in common with him but his faults. The whole science of + Jurisprudence is his. He has done much for political economy; but we are + not aware that in either department any improvement has been made by + members of his sect. He discovered truths; all that THEY have done has + been to make those truths unpopular. He investigated the philosophy of + law; he could teach them only to snarl at lawyers. + </p> + <p> + We entertain no apprehensions of danger to the institutions of this + country from the Utilitarians. Our fears are of a different kind. We dread + the odium and discredit of their alliance. We wish to see a broad and + clear line drawn between the judicious friends of practical reform and a + sect which, having derived all its influence from the countenance which + they have imprudently bestowed upon it, hates them with the deadly hatred + of ingratitude. There is not, and we firmly believe that there never was, + in this country a party so unpopular. They have already made the science + of political economy—a science of vast importance to the welfare of + nations—an object of disgust to the majority of the community. The + question of parliamentary reform will share the same fate if once an + association be formed in the public mind between Reform and + Utilitarianism. + </p> + <p> + We bear no enmity to any member of the sect; and for Mr Bentham we + entertain very high admiration. We know that among his followers there are + some well-intentioned men, and some men of talents; but we cannot say that + we think the logic on which they pride themselves likely to improve their + heads, or the scheme of morality which they have adopted likely to improve + their hearts. Their theory of morals, however, well deserves an article to + itself; and perhaps, on some future occasion, we may discuss it more fully + than time and space at present allow. + </p> + <p> + The preceding article was written, and was actually in types, when a + letter from Mr Bentham appeared in the newspapers, importing that, "though + he had furnished the Westminster Review with some memoranda respecting + 'the greatest happiness principle,' he had nothing to do with the remarks + on our former article." We are truly happy to find that this illustrious + man had so small a share in a performance which, for his sake, we have + treated with far greater lenity than it deserved. The mistake, however, + does not in the least affect any part of our arguments; and we have + therefore thought it unnecessary to cancel or cast anew any of the + foregoing pages. Indeed, we are not sorry that the world should see how + respectfully we were disposed to treat a great man, even when we + considered him as the author of a very weak and very unfair attack on + ourselves. We wish, however, to intimate to the actual writer of that + attack that our civilities were intended for the author of the "Preuves + Judiciaires," and the "Defence of Usury"—and not for him. We cannot + conclude, indeed, without expressing a wish—though we fear it has + but little chance of reaching Mr Bentham—that he would endeavour to + find better editors for his compositions. If M. Dumont had not been a + redacteur of a different description from some of his successors, Mr + Bentham would never have attained the distinction of even giving his name + to a sect. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + UTILITARIAN THEORY OF GOVERNMENT. (October 1829.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Westminster Review (XXII., Article 16), on the Strictures + of the Edinburgh Review (XCVIII., Article 1), on the + Utilitarian Theory of Government, and the "Greatest + Happiness Principle." +</pre> + <p> + We have long been of opinion that the Utilitarians have owed all their + influence to a mere delusion—that, while professing to have + submitted their minds to an intellectual discipline of peculiar severity, + to have discarded all sentimentality, and to have acquired consummate + skill in the art of reasoning, they are decidedly inferior to the mass of + educated men in the very qualities in which they conceive themselves to + excel. They have undoubtedly freed themselves from the dominion of some + absurd notions. But their struggle for intellectual emancipation has + ended, as injudicious and violent struggles for political emancipation too + often end, in a mere change of tyrants. Indeed, we are not sure that we do + not prefer the venerable nonsense which holds prescriptive sway over the + ultra-Tory to the upstart dynasty of prejudices and sophisms by which the + revolutionists of the moral world have suffered themselves to be enslaved. + </p> + <p> + The Utilitarians have sometimes been abused as intolerant, arrogant, + irreligious,—as enemies of literature, of the fine arts, and of the + domestic charities. They have been reviled for some things of which they + were guilty, and for some of which they were innocent. But scarcely + anybody seems to have perceived that almost all their peculiar faults + arise from the utter want both of comprehensiveness and of precision in + their mode of reasoning. We have, for some time past, been convinced that + this was really the case; and that, whenever their philosophy should be + boldly and unsparingly scrutinised, the world would see that it had been + under a mistake respecting them. + </p> + <p> + We have made the experiment; and it has succeeded far beyond our most + sanguine expectations. A chosen champion of the School has come forth + against us. A specimen of his logical abilities now lies before us; and we + pledge ourselves to show that no prebendary at an anti-Catholic meeting, + no true-blue baronet after the third bottle at a Pitt Club, ever displayed + such utter incapacity of comprehending or answering an argument as appears + in the speculations of this Utilitarian apostle; that he does not + understand our meaning, or Mr Mill's meaning, or Mr Bentham's meaning, or + his own meaning; and that the various parts of his system—if the + name of system can be so misapplied—directly contradict each other. + </p> + <p> + Having shown this, we intend to leave him in undisputed possession of + whatever advantage he may derive from the last word. We propose only to + convince the public that there is nothing in the far-framed logic of the + Utilitarians of which any plain man has reason to be afraid; that this + logic will impose on no man who dares to look it in the face. + </p> + <p> + The Westminster Reviewer begins by charging us with having misrepresented + an important part of Mr Mill's argument. + </p> + <p> + "The first extract given by the Edinburgh Reviewers from the Essay was an + insulated passage, purposely despoiled of what had preceded and what + followed. The author had been observing, that 'some profound and + benevolent investigators of human affairs had adopted the conclusion that, + of all the possible forms of government, absolute monarchy is the best.' + This is what the reviewers have omitted at the beginning. He then adds, as + in the extract, that 'Experience, IF WE LOOK ONLY AT THE OUTSIDE OF THE + FACTS, appears to be divided on this subject;' there are Caligulas in one + place, and kings of Denmark in another. 'As the surface of history + affords, therefore, no certain principle of decision, WE MUST GO BEYOND + THE SURFACE, and penetrate to the springs within.' This is what the + reviewers have omitted at the end." + </p> + <p> + It is perfectly true that our quotation from Mr Mill's essay was, like + most other quotations, preceded and followed by something which we did not + quote. But, if the Westminster Reviewer means to say that either what + preceded or what followed would, if quoted, have shown that we put a wrong + interpretation on the passage which was extracted, he does not understand + Mr Mill rightly. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill undoubtedly says that, "as the surface of history affords no + certain principle of decision, we must go beyond the surface, and + penetrate to the springs within." But these expressions will admit of + several interpretations. In what sense, then, does Mr Mill use them? If he + means that we ought to inspect the facts with close attention, he means + what is rational. But, if he means that we ought to leave the facts, with + all their apparent inconsistencies, unexplained—to lay down a + general principle of the widest extent, and to deduce doctrines from that + principle by syllogistic argument, without pausing to consider whether + those doctrines be or be not consistent with the facts,—then he + means what is irrational; and this is clearly what he does mean: for he + immediately begins, without offering the least explanation of the + contradictory appearances which he has himself described, to go beyond the + surface in the following manner:—"That one human being will desire + to render the person and property of another subservient to his pleasures, + notwithstanding the pain or loss of pleasure which it may occasion to that + other individual, is the foundation of government. The desire of the + object implies the desire of the power necessary to accomplish the + object." And thus he proceeds to deduce consequences directly inconsistent + with what he has himself stated respecting the situation of the Danish + people. + </p> + <p> + If we assume that the object of government is the preservation of the + persons and property of men, then we must hold that, wherever that object + is attained, there the principle of good government exists. If that object + be attained both in Denmark and in the United States of America, then that + which makes government good must exist, under whatever disguise of title + or name, both in Denmark and in the United States. If men lived in fear + for their lives and their possessions under Nero and under the National + Convention, it follows that the causes from which misgovernment proceeds + existed both in the despotism of Rome and in the democracy of France. + What, then, is that which, being found in Denmark and in the United + States, and not being found in the Roman Empire or under the + administration of Robespierre, renders governments, widely differing in + their external form, practically good? Be it what it may, it certainly is + not that which Mr Mill proves a priori that it must be,—a democratic + representative assembly. For the Danes have no such assembly. + </p> + <p> + The latent principle of good government ought to be tracked, as it appears + to us, in the same manner in which Lord Bacon proposed to track the + principle of Heat. Make as large a list as possible, said that great man, + of those bodies in which, however widely they differ from each other in + appearance, we perceive heat; and as large a list as possible of those + which, while they bear a general resemblance to hot bodies, are + nevertheless not hot. Observe the different degrees of heat in different + hot bodies; and then, if there be something which is found in all hot + bodies, and of which the increase or diminution is always accompanied by + an increase or diminution of heat, we may hope that we have really + discovered the object of our search. In the same manner we ought to + examine the constitution of all those communities in which, under whatever + form, the blessings of good government are enjoyed; and to discover, if + possible, in what they resemble each other, and in what they all differ + from those societies in which the object of government is not attained. By + proceeding thus we shall arrive, not indeed at a perfect theory of + government, but at a theory which will be of great practical use, and + which the experience of every successive generation will probably bring + nearer and nearer to perfection. + </p> + <p> + The inconsistencies into which Mr Mill has been betrayed by taking a + different course ought to serve as a warning to all speculators. Because + Denmark is well governed by a monarch who, in appearance at least, is + absolute, Mr Mill thinks that the only mode of arriving at the true + principles of government is to deduce them a priori from the laws of human + nature. And what conclusion does he bring out by this deduction? We will + give it in his own words:—"In the grand discovery of modern times, + the system of representation, the solution of all the difficulties, both + speculative and practical, will perhaps be found. If it cannot, we seem to + be forced upon the extraordinary conclusion that good government is + impossible." That the Danes are well governed without a representation is + a reason for deducing the theory of government from a general principle + from which it necessarily follows that good government is impossible + without a representation! We have done our best to put this question + plainly; and we think that, if the Westminster Reviewer will read over + what we have written twice or thrice with patience and attention, some + glimpse of our meaning will break in even on his mind. + </p> + <p> + Some objections follow, so frivolous and unfair, that we are almost + ashamed to notice them. + </p> + <p> + "When it was said that there was in Denmark a balanced contest between the + king and the nobility, what was said was, that there was a balanced + contest, but it did not last. It was balanced till something put an end to + the balance; and so is everything else. That such a balance will not last, + is precisely what Mr Mill had demonstrated." + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill, we positively affirm, pretends to demonstrate, not merely that a + balanced contest between the king and the aristocracy will not last, but + that the chances are as infinity to one against the existence of such a + balanced contest. This is a mere question of fact. We quote the words of + the essay, and defy the Westminster Reviewer to impeach our accuracy:— + </p> + <p> + "It seems impossible that such equality should ever exist. How is it to be + established? Or by what criterion is it to be ascertained? If there is no + such criterion, it must, in all cases, be the result of chance. If so, the + chances against it are as infinity to one." + </p> + <p> + The Reviewer has confounded the division of power with the balance or + equal division of power. Mr Mill says that the division of power can never + exist long, because it is next to impossible that the equal division of + power should ever exist at all. + </p> + <p> + "When Mr Mill asserted that it cannot be for the interest of either the + monarchy or the aristocracy to combine with the democracy, it is plain he + did not assert that if the monarchy and aristocracy were in doubtful + contest with each other, they would not, either of them, accept of the + assistance of the democracy. He spoke of their taking the side of the + democracy; not of their allowing the democracy to take side with + themselves." + </p> + <p> + If Mr Mill meant anything, he must have meant this—that the monarchy + and the aristocracy will never forget their enmity to the democracy in + their enmity to each other. + </p> + <p> + "The monarchy and aristocracy," says he, "have all possible motives for + endeavouring to obtain unlimited power over the persons and property of + the community. The consequence is inevitable. They have all possible + motives for combining to obtain that power, and unless the people have + power enough to be a match for both they have no protection. The balance, + therefore, is a thing the existence of which upon the best possible + evidence is to be regarded as impossible." + </p> + <p> + If Mr Mill meant only what the Westminster Reviewer conceives him to have + meant, his argument would leave the popular theory of the balance quite + untouched. For it is the very theory of the balance that the help of the + people will be solicited by the nobles when hard pressed by the king, and + by the king when hard pressed by the nobles; and that, as the price of + giving alternate support to the crown and the aristocracy, they will + obtain something for themselves, as the Reviewer admits that they have + done in Denmark. If Mr Mill admits this, he admits the only theory of the + balance of which we ever heard—that very theory which he has + declared to be wild and chimerical. If he denies it, he is at issue with + the Westminster Reviewer as to the phenomena of the Danish government. + </p> + <p> + We now come to a more important passage. Our opponent has discovered, as + he conceives, a radical error which runs through our whole argument, and + vitiates every part of it. We suspect that we shall spoil his triumph. + </p> + <p> + "Mr Mill never asserted 'THAT UNDER NO DESPOTIC GOVERNMENT DOES ANY HUMAN + BEING, EXCEPT THE TOOLS OF THE SOVEREIGN, POSSESS MORE THAN THE + NECESSARIES OF LIFE, AND THAT THE MOST INTENSE DEGREE OF TERROR IS KEPT UP + BY CONSTANT CRUELTY.' He said that absolute power leads to such results + 'by infallible sequence, where power over a community is attained, AND + NOTHING CHECKS.' The critic on the Mount never made a more palpable + misquotation. + </p> + <p> + "The spirit of this misquotation runs through every part of the reply of + the Edinburgh Review that relates to the Essay on Government; and is + repeated in as many shapes as the Roman pork. The whole description of 'Mr + Mill's argument against despotism,'—including the illustration from + right-angled triangles and the square of the hypothenuse,—is founded + on this invention of saying what an author has not said, and leaving + unsaid what he has." + </p> + <p> + We thought, and still think, for reasons which our readers will soon + understand, that we represented Mr Mill's principle quite fairly, and + according to the rule of law and common sense, ut res magis valeat quam + pereat. Let us, however, give him all the advantage of the explanation + tendered by his advocate, and see what he will gain by it. + </p> + <p> + The Utilitarian doctrine then is, not that despots and aristocracies will + always plunder and oppress the people to the last point, but that they + will do so if nothing checks them. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, it is quite clear that the doctrine thus stated is of + no use at all, unless the force of the checks be estimated. The first law + of motion is, that a ball once projected will fly on to all eternity with + undiminished velocity, unless something checks. The fact is, that a ball + stops in a few seconds after proceeding a few yards with very variable + motion. Every man would wring his child's neck and pick his friend's + pocket if nothing checked him. In fact, the principle thus stated means + only that governments will oppress unless they abstain from oppressing. + This is quite true, we own. But we might with equal propriety turn the + maxim round, and lay it down, as the fundamental principle of government, + that all rulers will govern well, unless some motive interferes to keep + them from doing so. + </p> + <p> + If there be, as the Westminster Reviewer acknowledges, certain checks + which, under political institutions the most arbitrary in seeming, + sometimes produce good government, and almost always place some restraint + on the rapacity and cruelty of the powerful, surely the knowledge of those + checks, of their nature, and of their effect, must be a most important + part of the science of government. Does Mr Mill say anything upon this + part of the subject? Not one word. + </p> + <p> + The line of defence now taken by the Utilitarians evidently degrades Mr + Mill's theory of government from the rank which, till within the last few + months, was claimed for it by the whole sect. It is no longer a practical + system, fit to guide statesmen, but merely a barren exercise of the + intellect, like those propositions in mechanics in which the effect of + friction and of the resistance of the air is left out of the question; and + which, therefore, though correctly deduced from the premises, are in + practice utterly false. For, if Mr Mill professes to prove only that + absolute monarchy and aristocracy are pernicious without checks,—if + he allows that there are checks which produce good government even under + absolute monarchs and aristocracies,—and if he omits to tell us what + those checks are, and what effects they produce under different + circumstances,—he surely gives us no information which can be of + real utility. + </p> + <p> + But the fact is,—and it is most extraordinary that the Westminster + Reviewer should not have perceived it—that if once the existence of + checks on the abuse of power in monarchies and aristocracies be admitted, + the whole of Mr Mill's theory falls to the ground at once. This is so + palpable, that in spite of the opinion of the Westminster Reviewer, we + must acquit Mr Mill of having intended to make such an admission. We still + think that the words, "where power over a community is attained, and + nothing checks," must not be understood to mean that under a monarchical + or aristocratical form of government there can really be any check which + can in any degree mitigate the wretchedness of the people. + </p> + <p> + For all possible checks may be classed under two general heads,—want + of will, and want of power. Now, if a king or an aristocracy, having the + power to plunder and oppress the people, can want the will, all Mr Mill's + principles of human nature must be pronounced unsound. He tells us, "that + the desire to possess unlimited power of inflicting pain upon others, is + an inseparable part of human nature;" and that "a chain of inference, + close and strong to a most unusual degree," leads to the conclusion that + those who possess this power will always desire to use it. It is plain, + therefore, that, if Mr Mill's principles be sound, the check on a + monarchical or an aristocratical government will not be the want of will + to oppress. + </p> + <p> + If a king or an aristocracy, having, as Mr Mill tells us that they always + must have, the will to oppress the people with the utmost severity, want + the power, then the government, by whatever name it may be called, must be + virtually a mixed government or a pure democracy: for it is quite clear + that the people possess some power in the state—some means of + influencing the nominal rulers. But Mr Mill has demonstrated that no mixed + government can possibly exist, or at least that such a government must + come to a very speedy end: therefore, every country in which people not in + the service of the government have, for any length of time, been permitted + to accumulate more than the bare means of subsistence must be a pure + democracy. That is to say, France before the revolution, and Ireland + during the last century, were pure democracies. Prussia, Austria, Russia, + all the governments of the civilised world, are pure democracies. If this + be not a reductio ad absurdum, we do not know what is. + </p> + <p> + The errors of Mr Mill proceed principally from that radical vice in his + reasoning which, in our last number we described in the words of Lord + Bacon. The Westminster Reviewer is unable to discover the meaning of our + extracts from the "Novum Organum", and expresses himself as follows: + </p> + <p> + "The quotations from Lord Bacon are misapplications, such as anybody may + make to anything he dislikes. There is no more resemblance between pain, + pleasure, motives, etc., and substantia, generatio, corruptio, elementum, + materia,—than between lines angles, magnitudes, etc., and the same." + </p> + <p> + It would perhaps be unreasonable to expect that a writer who cannot + understand his own English should understand Lord Bacon's Latin. We will + therefore attempt to make our meaning clearer. + </p> + <p> + What Lord Bacon blames in the schoolmen of his time is this,—that + they reasoned syllogistically on words which had not been defined with + precision; such as moist, dry, generation, corruption, and so forth. Mr + Mill's error is exactly of the same kind. He reasons syllogistically about + power, pleasure, and pain, without attaching any definite notion to any + one of those words. There is no more resemblance, says the Westminster + Reviewer, between pain and substantia than between pain and a line or an + angle. By his permission, in the very point to which Lord Bacon's + observation applies, Mr Mill's subjects do resemble the substantia and + elementum of the schoolmen and differ from the lines and magnitudes of + Euclid. We can reason a priori on mathematics, because we can define with + an exactitude which precludes all possibility of confusion. If a + mathematician were to admit the least laxity into his notions, if he were + to allow himself to be deluded by the vague sense which words bear in + popular use, or by the aspect of an ill-drawn diagram, if he were to + forget in his reasonings that a point was indivisible, or that the + definition of a line excluded breadth, there would be no end to his + blunders. The schoolmen tried to reason mathematically about things which + had not been, and perhaps could not be, defined with mathematical + accuracy. We know the result. Mr Mill has in our time attempted to do the + same. He talks of power, for example, as if the meaning of the word power + were as determinate as the meaning of the word circle. But, when we + analyse his speculations, we find that his notion of power is, in the + words of Bacon, "phantiastica et male terminata." + </p> + <p> + There are two senses in which we may use the word "power," and those words + which denote the various distributions of power, as, for example, + "monarchy":—the one sense popular and superficial, the other more + scientific and accurate. Mr Mill, since he chose to reason a priori, ought + to have clearly pointed out in which sense he intended to use words of + this kind, and to have adhered inflexibly to the sense on which he fixed. + Instead of doing this, he flies backwards and forwards from the one sense + to the other, and brings out conclusions at last which suit neither. + </p> + <p> + The state of those two communities to which he has himself referred—the + kingdom of Denmark and the empire of Rome—may serve to illustrate + our meaning. Looking merely at the surface of things, we should call + Denmark a despotic monarchy, and the Roman world, in the first century + after Christ, an aristocratical republic. Caligula was, in theory, nothing + more than a magistrate elected by the senate, and subject to the senate. + That irresponsible dignity which, in the most limited monarchies of our + time, is ascribed to the person of the sovereign never belonged to the + earlier Caesars. The sentence of death which the great council of the + commonwealth passed on Nero was strictly according to the theory of the + constitution. Yet, in fact, the power of the Roman emperors approached + nearer to absolute dominion than that of any prince in modern Europe. On + the other hand, the King of Denmark, in theory the most despotic of + princes, would in practice find it most perilous to indulge in cruelty and + licentiousness. Nor is there, we believe, at the present moment a single + sovereign in our part of the world who has so much real power over the + lives of his subjects as Robespierre, while he lodged at a chandler's and + dined at a restaurateur's, exercised over the lives of those whom he + called his fellow citizens. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill and the Westminster Reviewer seem to agree that there cannot long + exist in any society a division of power between a monarch, an + aristocracy, and the people, or between any two of them. However the power + be distributed, one of the three parties will, according to them, + inevitably monopolise the whole. Now, what is here meant by power? If Mr + Mill speaks of the external semblance of power,—of power recognised + by the theory of the constitution,—he is palpably wrong. In England, + for example, we have had for ages the name and form of a mixed government, + if nothing more. Indeed, Mr Mill himself owns that there are appearances + which have given colour to the theory of the balance, though he maintains + that these appearances are delusive. But, if he uses the word power in a + deeper and philosophical sense, he is, if possible, still more in the + wrong than on the former supposition. For, if he had considered in what + the power of one human being over other human beings must ultimately + consist, he would have perceived, not only that there are mixed + governments in the world, but that all the governments in the world, and + all the governments which can even be conceived as existing in the world, + are virtually mixed. + </p> + <p> + If a king possessed the lamp of Aladdin,—if he governed by the help + of a genius who carried away the daughters and wives of his subjects + through the air to the royal Parc-aux-cerfs, and turned into stone every + man who wagged a finger against his majesty's government, there would + indeed be an unmixed despotism. But, fortunately, a ruler can be gratified + only by means of his subjects. His power depends on their obedience; and, + as any three or four of them are more than a match for him by himself, he + can only enforce the unwilling obedience of some by means of the willing + obedience of others. + </p> + <p> + Take any of those who are popularly called absolute princes—Napoleon + for example. Could Napoleon have walked through Paris, cutting off the + head of one person in every house which he passed? Certainly not without + the assistance of an army. If not, why not? Because the people had + sufficient physical power to resist him, and would have put forth that + power in defence of their lives and of the lives of their children. In + other words, there was a portion of power in the democracy under Napoleon. + Napoleon might probably have indulged himself in such an atrocious freak + of power if his army would have seconded him. But, if his army had taken + part with the people, he would have found himself utterly helpless; and, + even if they had obeyed his orders against the people, they would not have + suffered him to decimate their own body. In other words, there was a + portion of power in the hands of a minority of the people, that is to say, + in the hands of an aristocracy, under the reign of Napoleon. + </p> + <p> + To come nearer home,—Mr Mill tells us that it is a mistake to + imagine that the English government is mixed. He holds, we suppose, with + all the politicians of the Utilitarian school, that it is purely + aristocratical. There certainly is an aristocracy in England; and we are + afraid that their power is greater than it ought to be. They have power + enough to keep up the game-laws and corn-laws; but they have not power + enough to subject the bodies of men of the lowest class to wanton outrage + at their pleasure. Suppose that they were to make a law that any gentleman + of two thousand a-year might have a day-labourer or a pauper flogged with + a cat-of-nine-tails whenever the whim might take him. It is quite clear + that the first day on which such flagellation should be administered would + be the last day of the English aristocracy. In this point, and in many + other points which might be named, the commonalty in our island enjoy a + security quite as complete as if they exercised the right of universal + suffrage. We say, therefore, that the English people have in their own + hands a sufficient guarantee that in some points the aristocracy will + conform to their wishes;—in other words, they have a certain portion + of power over the aristocracy. Therefore the English government is mixed. + </p> + <p> + Wherever a king or an oligarchy refrains from the last extremity of + rapacity and tyranny through fear of the resistance of the people, there + the constitution, whatever it may be called, is in some measure + democratical. The admixture of democratic power may be slight. It may be + much slighter than it ought to be; but some admixture there is. Wherever a + numerical minority, by means of superior wealth or intelligence, of + political concert, or of military discipline, exercises a greater + influence on the society than any other equal number of persons,—there, + whatever the form of government may be called, a mixture of aristocracy + does in fact exist. And, wherever a single man, from whatever cause, is so + necessary to the community, or to any portion of it, that he possesses + more power than any other man, there is a mixture of monarchy. This is the + philosophical classification of governments: and if we use this + classification we shall find, not only that there are mixed governments, + but that all governments are, and must always be, mixed. But we may safely + challenge Mr Mill to give any definition of power, or to make any + classification of governments, which shall bear him out in his assertion + that a lasting division of authority is impracticable. + </p> + <p> + It is evidently on the real distribution of power, and not on names and + badges, that the happiness of nations must depend. The representative + system, though doubtless a great and precious discovery in politics, is + only one of the many modes in which the democratic part of the community + can efficiently check the governing few. That certain men have been chosen + as deputies of the people,—that there is a piece of paper stating + such deputies to possess certain powers,—these circumstances in + themselves constitute no security for good government. Such a constitution + nominally existed in France; while, in fact, an oligarchy of committees + and clubs trampled at once on the electors and the elected. Representation + is a very happy contrivance for enabling large bodies of men to exert + their power with less risk of disorder than there would otherwise be. But, + assuredly, it does not of itself give power. Unless a representative + assembly is sure of being supported in the last resort by the physical + strength of large masses who have spirit to defend the constitution and + sense to defend it in concert, the mob of the town in which it meets may + overawe it;—the howls of the listeners in its glory may silence its + deliberations;—an able and daring individual may dissolve it. And, + if that sense and that spirit of which we speak be diffused through a + society, then, even without a representative assembly, that society will + enjoy many of the blessings of good government. + </p> + <p> + Which is the better able to defend himself;—a strong man with + nothing but his fists, or a paralytic cripple encumbered with a sword + which he cannot lift? Such, we believe, is the difference between Denmark + and some new republics in which the constitutional forms of the United + States have been most sedulously imitated. + </p> + <p> + Look at the Long Parliament on the day on which Charles came to seize the + five members: and look at it again on the day when Cromwell stamped with + his foot on its floor. On which day was its apparent power the greater? On + which day was its real power the less? Nominally subject, it was able to + defy the sovereign. Nominally sovereign, it was turned out of doors by its + servant. + </p> + <p> + Constitutions are in politics what paper money is in commerce. They afford + great facilities and conveniences. But we must not attribute to them that + value which really belongs to what they represent. They are not power, but + symbols of power, and will, in an emergency, prove altogether useless + unless the power for which they stand be forthcoming. The real power by + which the community is governed is made up of all the means which all its + members possess of giving pleasure or pain to each other. + </p> + <p> + Great light may be thrown on the nature of a circulating medium by the + phenomena of a state of barter. And in the same manner it may be useful to + those who wish to comprehend the nature and operation of the outward signs + of power to look at communities in which no such signs exist; for example, + at the great community of nations. There we find nothing analogous to a + constitution; but do we not find a government? We do in fact find + government in its purest, and simplest, and most intelligible form. We see + one portion of power acting directly on another portion of power. We see a + certain police kept up; the weak to a certain degree protected; the strong + to a certain degree restrained. We see the principle of the balance in + constant operation. We see the whole system sometimes undisturbed by any + attempt at encroachment for twenty or thirty years at a time; and all this + is produced without a legislative assembly, or an executive magistracy—without + tribunals—without any code which deserves the name; solely by the + mutual hopes and fears of the various members of the federation. In the + community of nations, the first appeal is to physical force. In + communities of men, forms of government serve to put off that appeal, and + often render it unnecessary. But it is still open to the oppressed or the + ambitious. + </p> + <p> + Of course, we do not mean to deny that a form of government will, after it + has existed for a long time, materially affect the real distribution of + power throughout the community. This is because those who administer a + government, with their dependants, form a compact and disciplined body, + which, acting methodically and in concert, is more powerful than any other + equally numerous body which is inferior in organisation. The power of + rulers is not, as superficial observers sometimes seem to think, a thing + sui generis. It is exactly similar in kind, though generally superior in + amount, to that of any set of conspirators who plot to overthrow it. We + have seen in our time the most extensive and the best organised conspiracy + that ever existed—a conspiracy which possessed all the elements of + real power in so great a degree that it was able to cope with a strong + government, and to triumph over it—the Catholic Association. An + Utilitarian would tell us, we suppose, that the Irish Catholics had no + portion of political power whatever on the first day of the late Session + of Parliament. + </p> + <p> + Let us really go beyond the surface of facts: let us, in the sound sense + of the words, penetrate to the springs within; and the deeper we go the + more reason shall we find to smile at those theorists who hold that the + sole hope of the human race is in a rule-of-three sum and a ballot-box. + </p> + <p> + We must now return to the Westminster Reviewer. The following paragraph is + an excellent specimen of his peculiar mode of understanding and answering + arguments. + </p> + <p> + "The reply to the argument against 'saturation,' supplies its own answer. + The reason why it is of no use to try to 'saturate' is precisely what the + Edinburgh Reviewers have suggested,—'THAT THERE IS NO LIMIT TO THE + NUMBER OF THIEVES.' There are the thieves, and the thieves' cousins,—with + their men-servants, their maid-servants, and their little ones, to the + fortieth generation. It is true, that 'a man cannot become a king or a + member of the aristocracy whenever he chooses;' but if there is to be no + limit to the depredators except their own inclination to increase and + multiply, the situation of those who are to suffer is as wretched as it + needs be. It is impossible to define what ARE 'corporal pleasures.' A + Duchess of Cleveland was 'a corporal pleasure.' The most disgraceful + period in the history of any nation—that of the Restoration—presents + an instance of the length to which it is possible to go in an attempt to + 'saturate' with pleasures of this kind." + </p> + <p> + To reason with such a writer is like talking to a deaf man who catches at + a stray word, makes answer beside the mark, and is led further and further + into error by every attempt to explain. Yet, that our readers may fully + appreciate the abilities of the new philosophers, we shall take the + trouble to go over some of our ground again. + </p> + <p> + Mr Mill attempts to prove that there is no point of saturation with the + objects of human desire. He then takes it for granted that men have no + objects of desire but those which can be obtained only at the expense of + the happiness of others. Hence he infers that absolute monarchs and + aristocracies will necessarily oppress and pillage the people to a + frightful extent. + </p> + <p> + We answered in substance thus. There are two kinds of objects of desire; + those which give mere bodily pleasure, and those which please through the + medium of associations. Objects of the former class, it is true, a man + cannot obtain without depriving somebody else of a share. But then with + these every man is soon satisfied. A king or an aristocracy cannot spend + any very large portion of the national wealth on the mere pleasures of + sense. With the pleasures which belong to us as reasoning and imaginative + beings we are never satiated, it is true; but then, on the other hand, + many of those pleasures can be obtained without injury to any person, and + some of them can be obtained only by doing good to others. + </p> + <p> + The Westminster Reviewer, in his former attack on us, laughed at us for + saying that a king or an aristocracy could not be easily satiated with the + pleasures of sense, and asked why the same course was not tried with + thieves. We were not a little surprised at so silly an objection from the + pen, as we imagined, of Mr Bentham. We returned, however, a very simple + answer. There is no limit to the number of thieves. Any man who chooses + can steal: but a man cannot become a member of the aristocracy or a king + whenever he chooses. To satiate one thief, is to tempt twenty other people + to steal. But by satiating one king or five hundred nobles with bodily + pleasures we do not produce more kings or more nobles. The answer of the + Westminster Reviewer we have quoted above; and it will amply repay our + readers for the trouble of examining it. We never read any passage which + indicated notions so vague and confused. The number of the thieves, says + our Utilitarian, is not limited. For there are the dependants and friends + of the king and of the nobles. Is it possible that he should not perceive + that this comes under a different head? The bodily pleasures which a man + in power dispenses among his creatures are bodily pleasures as respects + his creatures, no doubt. But the pleasure which he derives from bestowing + them is not a bodily pleasure. It is one of those pleasures which belong + to him as a reasoning and imaginative being. No man of common + understanding can have failed to perceive that, when we said that a king + or an aristocracy might easily be supplied to satiety with sensual + pleasures, we were speaking of sensual pleasures directly enjoyed by + themselves. But "it is impossible," says the Reviewer, "to define what are + corporal pleasures." Our brother would indeed, we suspect, find it a + difficult task; nor, if we are to judge of his genius for classification + from the specimen which immediately follows, would we advise him to make + the attempt. "A Duchess of Cleveland was a corporal pleasure." And to this + wise remark is appended a note, setting forth that Charles the Second gave + to the Duchess of Cleveland the money which he ought to have spent on the + war with Holland. We scarcely know how to answer a man who unites so much + pretension to so much ignorance. There are, among the many Utilitarians + who talk about Hume, Condillac, and Hartley, a few who have read those + writers. Let the Reviewer ask one of these what he thinks on the subject. + We shall not undertake to whip a pupil of so little promise through his + first course of metaphysics. We shall, therefore, only say—leaving + him to guess and wonder what we can mean—that, in our opinion, the + Duchess of Cleveland was not a merely corporal pleasure,—that the + feeling which leads a prince to prefer one woman to all others, and to + lavish the wealth of kingdoms on her, is a feeling which can only be + explained by the law of association. + </p> + <p> + But we are tired, and even more ashamed than tired, of exposing these + blunders. The whole article is of a piece. One passage, however, we must + select, because it contains a very gross misrepresentation. + </p> + <p> + "'THEY NEVER ALLUDED TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION FOR THE PURPOSE OF PROVING + THAT THE POOR WERE INCLINED TO ROB THE RICH.' They only said, 'as soon as + the poor AGAIN began to compare their cottages and salads with the hotels + and banquets of the rich, there would have been another scramble for + property, another general confiscation,' etc." + </p> + <p> + We said that, IF MR MILL'S PRINCIPLES OF HUMAN NATURE WERE CORRECT, there + would have been another scramble for property, and another confiscation. + We particularly pointed this out in our last article. We showed the + Westminster Reviewer that he had misunderstood us. We dwelt particularly + on the condition which was introduced into our statement. We said that we + had not given, and did not mean to give, any opinion of our own. And, + after this, the Westminster Reviewer thinks proper to repeat his former + misrepresentation, without taking the least notice of that qualification + to which we, in the most marked manner, called his attention. + </p> + <p> + We hasten on to the most curious part of the article under our + consideration—the defence of the "greatest happiness principle." The + Reviewer charges us with having quite mistaken its nature. + </p> + <p> + "All that they have established is, that they do not understand it. + Instead of the truism of the Whigs, 'that the greatest happiness is the + greatest happiness,' what Mr Bentham had demonstrated, or at all events + had laid such foundations that there was no trouble in demonstrating, was, + that the greatest happiness of the individual was in the long run to be + obtained by pursuing the greatest happiness of the aggregate." + </p> + <p> + It was distinctly admitted by the Westminster Reviewer, as we remarked in + our last article, that he could give no answer to the question,—why + governments should attempt to produce the greatest possible happiness? The + Reviewer replies thus:— + </p> + <p> + "Nothing of the kind will be admitted at all. In the passage thus selected + to be tacked to the other, the question started was, concerning 'the + object of government;' in which government was spoken of as an operation, + not as anything that is capable of feeling pleasure or pain. In this sense + it is true enough, that OUGHT is not predicable of governments." + </p> + <p> + We will quote, once again, the passage which we quoted in our last Number; + and we really hope that our brother critic will feel something like shame + while he peruses it. + </p> + <p> + "The real answer appeared to be, that men at large OUGHT not to allow a + government to afflict them with more evil or less good, than they can + help. What a GOVERNMENT ought to do is a mysterious and searching question + which those may answer who know what it means; but what other men ought to + do is a question of no mystery at all. The word OUGHT, if it means + anything, must have reference to some kind of interest or motives; and + what interest a government has in doing right, when it happens to be + interested in doing wrong, is a question for the schoolmen. The fact + appears to be that OUGHT is not predicable of governments. The question is + not, why governments are bound not to do this or that, but why other men + should let them if they can help it. The point is not to determine why the + lion should not eat sheep, but why men should not eat their own mutton if + they can." + </p> + <p> + We defy the Westminster Reviewer to reconcile this passage with the + "general happiness principle" as he now states it. He tells us that he + meant by government, not the people invested with the powers of + government, but a mere OPERATION incapable of feeling pleasure or pain. We + say, that he meant the people invested with the powers of government, and + nothing else. It is true that OUGHT is not predicable of an operation. But + who would ever dream of raising any question about the DUTIES of an + operation? What did the Reviewer mean by saying, that a government could + not be interested in doing right because it was interested in doing wrong? + Can an operation be interested in either? And what did he mean by his + comparison about the lion? Is a lion an operation incapable of pain or + pleasure? And what did he mean by the expression, "other men," so + obviously opposed to the word "government?" But let the public judge + between us. It is superfluous to argue a point so clear. + </p> + <p> + The Reviewer does indeed seem to feel that his expressions cannot be + explained away, and attempts to shuffle out of the difficulty by owning, + that "the double meaning of the word government was not got clear of + without confusion." He has now, at all events, he assures us, made himself + master of Mr Bentham's philosophy. The real and genuine "greatest + happiness principle" is, that the greatest happiness of every individual + is identical with the greatest happiness of society; and all other + "greatest happiness principles" whatever are counterfeits. "This," says + he, "is the spirit of Mr Bentham's principle; and if there is anything + opposed to it in any former statement it may be corrected by the present." + </p> + <p> + Assuredly, if a fair and honourable opponent had, in discussing a question + so abstruse as that concerning the origin of moral obligation, made some + unguarded admission inconsistent with the spirit of his doctrines, we + should not be inclined to triumph over him. But no tenderness is due to a + writer who, in the very act of confessing his blunders, insults those by + whom his blunders have been detected, and accuses them of misunderstanding + what, in fact, he has himself mis-stated. + </p> + <p> + The whole of this transaction illustrates excellently the real character + of this sect. A paper comes forth, professing to contain a full + development of the "greatest happiness principle," with the latest + improvements of Mr Bentham. The writer boasts that his article has the + honour of being the announcement and the organ of this wonderful + discovery, which is to make "the bones of sages and patriots stir within + their tombs." + </p> + <p> + This "magnificent principle" is then stated thus: Mankind ought to pursue + their greatest happiness. But there are persons whose interest is opposed + to the greatest happiness of mankind. OUGHT is not predicable of such + persons. For the word OUGHT has no meaning unless it be used with + reference to some interest. + </p> + <p> + We answered, with much more lenity than we should have shown to such + nonsense, had it not proceeded, as we supposed, from Mr Bentham, that + interest was synonymous with greatest happiness; and that, therefore, if + the word OUGHT has no meaning, unless used with reference to interest, + then, to say that mankind ought to pursue their greatest happiness, is + simply to say, that the greatest happiness is the greatest happiness; that + every individual pursues his own happiness; that either what he thinks his + happiness must coincide with the greatest happiness of society or not; + that, if what he thinks his happiness coincides with the greatest + happiness of society, he will attempt to promote the greatest happiness of + society whether he ever heard of the "greatest happiness principle" or + not; and that, by the admission of the Westminster Reviewer, if his + happiness is inconsistent with the greatest happiness of society, there is + no reason why he should promote the greatest happiness of society. Now, + that there are individuals who think that for their happiness which is not + for the greatest happiness of society is evident. The Westminster Reviewer + allowed that some of these individuals were in the right; and did not + pretend to give any reason which could induce any one of them to think + himself in the wrong. So that the "magnificent principle" turned out to + be, either a truism or a contradiction in terms; either this maxim—"Do + what you do;" or this maxim, "Do what you cannot do." + </p> + <p> + The Westminster Reviewer had the wit to see that he could not defend this + palpable nonsense; but, instead of manfully owning that he had + misunderstood the whole nature of the "greatest happiness principle" in + the summer, and had obtained new light during the autumn, he attempts to + withdraw the former principle unobserved, and to substitute another, + directly opposed to it, in its place; clamouring all the time against our + unfairness, like one who, while changing the cards, diverts the attention + of the table from his sleight of hand by vociferating charges of foul play + against other people. + </p> + <p> + The "greatest happiness principle" for the present quarter is then this,—that + every individual will best promote his own happiness in this world, + religious considerations being left out of the question, by promoting the + greatest happiness of the whole species. And this principle, we are told, + holds good with respect to kings and aristocracies as well as with other + people. + </p> + <p> + "It is certain that the individual operators in any government, if they + were thoroughly intelligent and entered into a perfect calculation of all + existing chances, would seek for their own happiness in the promotion of + the general; which brings them, if they knew it, under Mr Bentham's rule. + The mistake of supposing the contrary, lies in confounding criminals who + have had the luck to escape punishment with those who have the risk still + before them. Suppose, for instance, a member of the House of Commons were + at this moment to debate within himself, whether it would be for his + ultimate happiness to begin, according to his ability, to misgovern. If he + could be sure of being as lucky as some that are dead and gone, there + might be difficulty in finding him an answer. But he is NOT sure; and + never can be, till he is dead. He does not know that he is not close upon + the moment when misgovernment such as he is tempted to contemplate, will + be made a terrible example of. It is not fair to pick out the instance of + the thief that has died unhanged. The question is, whether thieving is at + this moment an advisable trade to begin with all the possibilities of + hanging not got over? This is the spirit of Mr Bentham's principle; and if + there is anything opposed to it in any former statement, it may be + corrected by the present." + </p> + <p> + We hope that we have now at last got to the real "magnificent principle,"—to + the principle which is really to make "the bones of the sages and patriots + stir." What effect it may produce on the bones of the dead we shall not + pretend to decide; but we are sure that it will do very little for the + happiness of the living. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, nothing is more certain than this, that the + Utilitarian theory of government, as developed in Mr Mill's Essay and in + all the other works on the subject which have been put forth by the sect, + rests on those two principles,—that men follow their interest, and + that the interest of individuals may be, and in fact perpetually is, + opposed to the interest of society. Unless these two principles be + granted, Mr Mill's Essay does not contain one sound sentence. All his + arguments against monarchy and aristocracy, all his arguments in favour of + democracy, nay, the very argument by which he shows that there is any + necessity for having government at all, must be rejected as utterly + worthless. + </p> + <p> + This is so palpable that even the Westminster Reviewer, though not the + most clear-sighted of men, could not help seeing it. Accordingly, he + attempts to guard himself against the objection, after the manner of such + reasoners, by committing two blunders instead of one. "All this," says he, + "only shows that the members of a government would do well if they were + all-wise," and he proceeds to tell us that, as rulers are not all-wise, + they will invariably act against this principle wherever they can, so that + the democratical checks will still be necessary to produce good + government. + </p> + <p> + No form which human folly takes is so richly and exquisitely laughable as + the spectacle of an Utilitarian in a dilemma. What earthly good can there + be in a principle upon which no man will act until he is all-wise? A + certain most important doctrine, we are told, has been demonstrated so + clearly that it ought to be the foundation of the science of government. + And yet the whole frame of government is to be constituted exactly as if + this fundamental doctrine were false, and on the supposition that no human + being will ever act as if he believed it to be true! + </p> + <p> + The whole argument of the Utilitarians in favour of universal suffrage + proceeds on the supposition that even the rudest and most uneducated men + cannot, for any length of time, be deluded into acting against their own + true interest. Yet now they tell us that, in all aristocratical + communities, the higher and more educated class will, not occasionally, + but invariably, act against its own interest. Now, the only use of proving + anything, as far as we can see, is that people may believe it. To say that + a man does what he believes to be against his happiness is a contradiction + in terms. If, therefore, government and laws are to be constituted on the + supposition on which Mr Mill's Essay is founded, that all individuals + will, whenever they have power over others put into their hands, act in + opposition to the general happiness, then government and laws must be + constituted on the supposition that no individual believes, or ever will + believe, his own happiness to be identical with the happiness of society. + That is to say, government and laws are to be constituted on the + supposition that no human being will ever be satisfied by Mr Bentham's + proof of his "greatest happiness principle,"—a supposition which may + be true enough, but which says little, we think, for the principle in + question. + </p> + <p> + But where has this principle been demonstrated? We are curious, we + confess, to see this demonstration which is to change the face of the + world and yet is to convince nobody. The most amusing circumstance is that + the Westminster Reviewer himself does not seem to know whether the + principle has been demonstrated or not. "Mr Bentham," he says, "has + demonstrated it, or at all events has laid such foundations that there is + no trouble in demonstrating it." Surely it is rather strange that such a + matter should be left in doubt. The Reviewer proposed, in his former + article, a slight verbal emendation in the statement of the principle; he + then announced that the principle had received its last improvement; and + gloried in the circumstance that the Westminster Review had been selected + as the organ of that improvement. Did it never occur to him that one + slight improvement to a doctrine is to prove it? + </p> + <p> + Mr Bentham has not demonstrated the "greatest happiness principle," as now + stated. He is far too wise a man to think of demonstrating any such thing. + In those sections of his "Introduction to the Principles of Morals and + Legislation", to which the Reviewer refers us in his note, there is not a + word of the kind. Mr Bentham says, most truly, that there are no occasions + in which a man has not SOME motives for consulting the happiness of other + men; and he proceeds to set forth what those motives are—sympathy on + all occasions, and the love of reputation on most occasions. This is the + very doctrine which we have been maintaining against Mr Mill and the + Westminster Reviewer. The principal charge which we brought against Mr + Mill was, that those motives to which Mr Bentham ascribes so much + influence were quite left out of consideration in his theory. The + Westminster Reviewer, in the very article now before us, abuses us for + saying, in the spirit, and almost in the words of Mr Bentham, that "there + is a certain check to the rapacity and cruelty of men in their desire of + the good opinion of others." But does this principle, in which we fully + agree with Mr Bentham, go the length of the new "greatest happiness + principle?" The question is, not whether men have SOME motives for + promoting the greatest happiness, but whether the STRONGER motives be + those which impel them to promote the greatest happiness. That this would + always be the case if men knew their own worldly interests is the + assertion of the Reviewer. As he expresses some doubt whether Mr Bentham + has demonstrated this or not, we would advise him to set the point at rest + by giving his own demonstration. + </p> + <p> + The Reviewer has not attempted to give a general confirmation of the + "greatest happiness principle;" but he has tried to prove that it holds + good in one or two particular cases. And even in those particular cases he + has utterly failed. A man, says he, who calculated the chances fairly + would perceive that it would be for his greatest happiness to abstain from + stealing; for a thief runs a greater risk of being hanged than an honest + man. + </p> + <p> + It would have been wise, we think, in the Westminster Reviewer, before he + entered on a discussion of this sort, to settle in what human happiness + consists. Each of the ancient sects of philosophy held some tenet on this + subject which served for a distinguishing badge. The summum bonum of the + Utilitarians, as far as we can judge from the passage which we are now + considering, is the not being hanged. + </p> + <p> + That it is an unpleasant thing to be hanged, we most willingly concede to + our brother. But that the whole question of happiness or misery resolves + itself into this single point, we cannot so easily admit. We must look at + the thing purchased as well as the price paid for it. A thief, assuredly, + runs a greater risk of being hanged than a labourer; and so an officer in + the army runs a greater risk of being shot than a banker's clerk; and a + governor of India runs a greater risk of dying of cholera than a lord of + the bedchamber. But does it therefore follow that every man, whatever his + habits or feelings may be, would, if he knew his own happiness, become a + clerk rather than a cornet, or goldstick in waiting rather than governor + of India? + </p> + <p> + Nothing can be more absurd than to suppose, like the Westminster Reviewer, + that thieves steal only because they do not calculate the chances of being + hanged as correctly as honest men. It never seems to have occurred to him + as possible that a man may so greatly prefer the life of a thief to the + life of a labourer that he may determine to brave the risk of detection + and punishment, though he may even think that risk greater than it really + is. And how, on Utilitarian principles, is such a man to be convinced that + he is in the wrong? "You will be found out."—"Undoubtedly."—"You + will be hanged within two years."—"I expect to be hanged within one + year."—"Then why do you pursue this lawless mode of life?"—"Because + I would rather live for one year with plenty of money, dressed like a + gentleman, eating and drinking of the best, frequenting public places, and + visiting a dashing mistress, than break stones on the road, or sit down to + the loom, with the certainty of attaining a good old age. It is my humour. + Are you answered?" + </p> + <p> + A king, says the Reviewer again, would govern well, if he were wise, for + fear of provoking his subjects to insurrection. Therefore the true + happiness of a king is identical with the greatest happiness of society. + Tell Charles II. that, if he will be constant to his queen, sober at + table, regular at prayers, frugal in his expenses, active in the + transaction of business, if he will drive the herd of slaves, buffoons, + and procurers from Whitehall, and make the happiness of his people the + rule of his conduct, he will have a much greater chance of reigning in + comfort to an advanced age; that his profusion and tyranny have + exasperated his subjects, and may, perhaps, bring him to an end as + terrible as his father's. He might answer, that he saw the danger, but + that life was not worth having without ease and vicious pleasures. And + what has our philosopher to say? Does he not see that it is no more + possible to reason a man out of liking a short life and a merry one more + than a long life and a dull one than to reason a Greenlander out of his + train oil? We may say that the tastes of the thief and the tyrant differ + from ours; but what right have we to say, looking at this world alone, + that they do not pursue their greatest happiness very judiciously? + </p> + <p> + It is the grossest ignorance of human nature to suppose that another man + calculates the chances differently from us, merely because he does what, + in his place, we should not do. Every man has tastes and propensities, + which he is disposed to gratify at a risk and expense which people of + different temperaments and habits think extravagant. "Why," says Horace, + "does one brother like to lounge in the forum, to play in the Campus, and + to anoint himself in the baths, so well, that he would not put himself out + of his way for all the wealth of the richest plantations of the East; + while the other toils from sunrise to sunset for the purpose of increasing + his fortune?" Horace attributes the diversity to the influence of the + Genius and the natal star: and eighteen hundred years have taught us only + to disguise our ignorance beneath a more philosophical language. + </p> + <p> + We think, therefore, that the Westminster Reviewer, even if we admit his + calculation of the chances to be right, does not make out his case. But he + appears to us to miscalculate chances more grossly than any person who + ever acted or speculated in this world. "It is for the happiness," says + he, "of a member of the House of Commons to govern well; for he never can + tell that he is not close on the moment when misgovernment will be + terribly punished: if he was sure that he should be as lucky as his + predecessors, it might be for his happiness to misgovern; but he is not + sure." Certainly a member of Parliament is not sure that he shall not be + torn in pieces by a mob, or guillotined by a revolutionary tribunal for + his opposition to reform. Nor is the Westminster Reviewer sure that he + shall not be hanged for writing in favour of universal suffrage. We may + have democratical massacres. We may also have aristocratical + proscriptions. It is not very likely, thank God, that we should see + either. But the radical, we think, runs as much danger as the aristocrat. + As to our friend the Westminster Reviewer, he, it must be owned, has as + good a right as any man on his side, "Antoni gladios contemnere." But take + the man whose votes, ever since he has sate in Parliament, have been the + most uniformly bad, and oppose him to the man whose votes have been the + most uniformly good. The Westminster Reviewer would probably select Mr + Sadler and Mr Hume. Now, does any rational man think,—will the + Westminster Reviewer himself say,—that Mr Sadler runs more risk of + coming to a miserable end on account of his public conduct than Mr Hume? + Mr Sadler does not know that he is not close on the moment when he will be + made an example of; for Mr Sadler knows, if possible, less about the + future than about the past. But he has no more reason to expect that he + shall be made an example of than to expect that London will be swallowed + up by an earthquake next spring; and it would be as foolish in him to act + on the former supposition as on the latter. There is a risk; for there is + a risk of everything which does not involve a contradiction; but it is a + risk from which no man in his wits would give a shilling to be insured. + Yet our Westminster Reviewer tells us that this risk alone, apart from all + considerations of religion, honour or benevolence, would, as a matter of + mere calculation, induce a wise member of the House of Commons to refuse + any emoluments which might be offered him as the price of his support to + pernicious measures. + </p> + <p> + We have hitherto been examining cases proposed by our opponent. It is now + our turn to propose one; and we beg that he will spare no wisdom in + solving it. + </p> + <p> + A thief is condemned to be hanged. On the eve of the day fixed for the + execution a turnkey enters his cell and tells him that all is safe, that + he has only to slip out, that his friends are waiting in the neighbourhood + with disguises, and that a passage is taken for him in an American packet. + Now, it is clearly for the greatest happiness of society that the thief + should be hanged and the corrupt turnkey exposed and punished. Will the + Westminster Reviewer tell us that it is for the greatest happiness of the + thief to summon the head jailer and tell the whole story? Now, either it + is for the greatest happiness of a thief to be hanged or it is not. If it + is, then the argument, by which the Westminster Reviewer attempts to prove + that men do not promote their own happiness by thieving, falls to the + ground. If it is not, then there are men whose greatest happiness is at + variance with the greatest happiness of the community. + </p> + <p> + To sum up our arguments shortly, we say that the "greatest happiness + principle," as now stated, is diametrically opposed to the principle + stated in the Westminster Review three months ago. + </p> + <p> + We say that, if the "greatest happiness principle," as now stated, be + sound, Mr Mill's Essay, and all other works concerning Government which, + like that Essay, proceed on the supposition that individuals may have an + interest opposed to the greatest happiness of society, are fundamentally + erroneous. + </p> + <p> + We say that those who hold this principle to be sound must be prepared to + maintain, either that monarchs and aristocracies may be trusted to govern + the community, or else that men cannot be trusted to follow their own + interest when that interest is demonstrated to them. + </p> + <p> + We say that, if men cannot be trusted to follow their own interest when + that interest has been demonstrated to them, then the Utilitarian + arguments in favour of universal suffrage are good for nothing. + </p> + <p> + We say that the "greatest happiness principle" has not been proved; that + it cannot be generally proved; that even in the particular cases selected + by the Reviewer it is not clear that the principle is true; and that many + cases might be stated in which the common sense of mankind would at once + pronounce it to be false. + </p> + <p> + We now leave the Westminster Reviewer to alter and amend his "magnificent + principle" as he thinks best. Unlimited, it is false. Properly limited, it + will be barren. The "greatest happiness principle" of the 1st of July, as + far as we could discern its meaning through a cloud of rodomontade, was an + idle truism. The "greatest happiness principle" of the 1st of October is, + in the phrase of the American newspapers, "important if true." But + unhappily it is not true. It is not our business to conjecture what new + maxim is to make the bones of sages and patriots stir on the 1st of + December. We can only say that, unless it be something infinitely more + ingenious than its two predecessors, we shall leave it unmolested. The + Westminster Reviewer may, if he pleases, indulge himself like Sultan + Schahriar with espousing a rapid succession of virgin theories. But we + must beg to be excused from playing the part of the vizier who regularly + attended on the day after the wedding to strangle the new Sultana. + </p> + <p> + The Westminster Reviewer charges us with urging it as an objection to the + "greatest happiness principle" that "it is included in the Christian + morality." This is a mere fiction of his own. We never attacked the + morality of the Gospel. We blamed the Utilitarians for claiming the credit + of a discovery, when they had merely stolen that morality, and spoiled it + in the stealing. They have taken the precept of Christ and left the + motive; and they demand the praise of a most wonderful and beneficial + invention, when all that they have done has been to make a most useful + maxim useless by separating it from its sanction. On religious principles + it is true that every individual will best promote his own happiness by + promoting the happiness of others. But if religious considerations be left + out of the question it is not true. If we do not reason on the supposition + of a future state, where is the motive? If we do reason on that + supposition, where is the discovery? + </p> + <p> + The Westminster Reviewer tells us that "we wish to see the science of + Government unsettled because we see no prospect of a settlement which + accords with our interests." His angry eagerness to have questions settled + resembles that of a judge in one of Dryden's plays—the Amphitryon, + we think—who wishes to decide a cause after hearing only one party, + and, when he has been at last compelled to listen to the statement of the + defendant, flies into a passion, and exclaims, "There now, sir! See what + you have done. The case was quite clear a minute ago; and you must come + and puzzle it!" He is the zealot of a sect. We are searchers after truth. + He wishes to have the question settled. We wish to have it sifted first. + The querulous manner in which we have been blamed for attacking Mr Mill's + system, and propounding no system of our own, reminds us of the horror + with which that shallow dogmatist, Epicurus, the worst parts of whose + nonsense the Utilitarians have attempted to revive, shrank from the keen + and searching scepticism of the second Academy. + </p> + <p> + It is not our fault that an experimental science of vast extent does not + admit of being settled by a short demonstration; that the subtilty of + nature, in the moral as in the physical world, triumphs over the subtilty + of syllogism. The quack, who declares on affidavit that, by using his + pills and attending to his printed directions, hundreds who had been + dismissed incurable from the hospitals have renewed their youth like the + eagles, may, perhaps, think that Sir Henry Halford, when he feels the + pulses of patients, inquires about their symptoms, and prescribes a + different remedy to each, is unsettling the science of medicine for the + sake of a fee. + </p> + <p> + If, in the course of this controversy, we have refrained from expressing + any opinion respecting the political institutions of England, it is not + because we have not an opinion, or because we shrink from avowing it. The + Utilitarians, indeed, conscious that their boasted theory of government + would not bear investigation, were desirous to turn the dispute about Mr + Mill's Essay into a dispute about the Whig party, rotten boroughs, unpaid + magistrates, and ex-officio informations. When we blamed them for talking + nonsense, they cried out that they were insulted for being reformers,—just + as poor Ancient Pistol swore that the scars which he had received from the + cudgel of Fluellen were got in the Gallia wars. We, however, did not think + it desirable to mix up political questions, about which the public mind is + violently agitated, with a great problem in moral philosophy. + </p> + <p> + Our notions about Government are not, however, altogether unsettled. We + have an opinion about parliamentary reform, though we have not arrived at + that opinion by the royal road which Mr Mill has opened for the explorers + of political science. As we are taking leave, probably for the last time, + of this controversy, we will state very concisely what our doctrines are. + On some future occasion we may, perhaps, explain and defend them at + length. + </p> + <p> + Our fervent wish, and we will add our sanguine hope, is that we may see + such a reform of the House of Commons as may render its votes the express + image of the opinion of the middle orders of Britain. A pecuniary + qualification we think absolutely necessary; and in settling its amount, + our object would be to draw the line in such a manner that every decent + farmer and shopkeeper might possess the elective franchise. We should wish + to see an end put to all the advantages which particular forms of property + possess over other forms, and particular portions of property over other + equal portions. And this would content us. Such a reform would, according + to Mr Mill, establish an aristocracy of wealth, and leave the community + without protection and exposed to all the evils of unbridled power. Most + willingly would we stake the whole controversy between us on the success + of the experiment which we propose. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SADLER'S LAW OF POPULATION. (July 1830.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "The Law of Population; a Treatise in Six Books, in Disproof + of the Superfecundity of Human Beings, and developing the + real Principle of their Increase". By Michael Thomas + Sadler, M.P. 2 volumes 8vo. London: 1830. +</pre> + <p> + We did not expect a good book from Mr Sadler: and it is well that we did + not; for he has given us a very bad one. The matter of his treatise is + extraordinary; the manner more extraordinary still. His arrangement is + confused, his repetitions endless, his style everything which it ought not + to be. Instead of saying what he has to say with the perspicuity, the + precision, and the simplicity in which consists the eloquence proper to + scientific writing, he indulges without measure in vague, bombastic + declamation, made up of those fine things which boys of fifteen admire, + and which everybody, who is not destined to be a boy all his life, weeds + vigorously out of his compositions after five-and-twenty. That portion of + his two thick volumes which is not made up of statistical tables, consists + principally of ejaculations, apostrophes, metaphors, similes,—all + the worst of their respective kinds. His thoughts are dressed up in this + shabby finery with so much profusion and so little discrimination, that + they remind us of a company of wretched strolling players, who have + huddled on suits of ragged and faded tinsel, taken from a common wardrobe, + and fitting neither their persons nor their parts; and who then exhibit + themselves to the laughing and pitying spectators, in a state of + strutting, ranting, painted, gilded beggary. "Oh, rare Daniels!" + "Political economist, go and do thou likewise!" "Hear, ye political + economists and anti-populationists!" "Population, if not proscribed and + worried down by the Cerberean dogs of this wretched and cruel system, + really does press against the level of the means of subsistence, and still + elevating that level, it continues thus to urge society through advancing + stages, till at length the strong and resistless hand of necessity presses + the secret spring of human prosperity, and the portals of Providence fly + open, and disclose to the enraptured gaze the promised land of contented + and rewarded labour." These are specimens, taken at random, of Mr Sadler's + eloquence. We could easily multiply them; but our readers, we fear, are + already inclined to cry for mercy. + </p> + <p> + Much blank verse and much rhyme is also scattered through these volumes, + sometimes rightly quoted, sometimes wrongly,—sometimes good, + sometimes insufferable,—sometimes taken from Shakspeare, and + sometimes, for aught we know, Mr Sadler's own. "Let man," cries the + philosopher, "take heed how he rashly violates his trust;" and thereupon + he breaks forth into singing as follows: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "What myriads wait in destiny's dark womb, + Doubtful of life or an eternal tomb! + 'Tis his to blot them from the book of fate, + Or, like a second Deity, create; + To dry the stream of being in its source, + Or bid it, widening, win its restless course; + While, earth and heaven replenishing, the flood + Rolls to its Ocean fount, and rests in God." +</pre> + <p> + If these lines are not Mr Sadler's, we heartily beg his pardon for our + suspicion—a suspicion which, we acknowledge, ought not to be lightly + entertained of any human being. We can only say that we never met with + them before, and that we do not much care how long it may be before we + meet with them, or with any others like them, again. + </p> + <p> + The spirit of this work is as bad as its style. We never met with a book + which so strongly indicated that the writer was in a good humour with + himself, and in a bad humour with everybody else; which contained so much + of that kind of reproach which is vulgarly said to be no slander, and of + that kind of praise which is vulgarly said to be no commendation. Mr + Malthus is attacked in language which it would be scarcely decent to + employ respecting Titus Oates. "Atrocious," "execrable," "blasphemous," + and other epithets of the same kind, are poured forth against that able, + excellent, and honourable man, with a profusion which in the early part of + the work excites indignation, but after the first hundred pages, produces + mere weariness and nausea. In the preface, Mr Sadler excuses himself on + the plea of haste. Two-thirds of his book, he tells us, were written in a + few months. If any terms have escaped him which can be construed into + personal disrespect, he shall deeply regret that he had not more time to + revise them. We must inform him that the tone of his book required a very + different apology; and that a quarter of a year, though it is a short time + for a man to be engaged in writing a book, is a very long time for a man + to be in a passion. + </p> + <p> + The imputation of being in a passion Mr Sadler will not disclaim. His is a + theme, he tells us, on which "it were impious to be calm;" and he boasts + that, "instead of conforming to the candour of the present age, he has + imitated the honesty of preceding ones, in expressing himself with the + utmost plainness and freedom throughout." If Mr Sadler really wishes that + the controversy about his new principle of population should be carried on + with all the license of the seventeenth century, we can have no personal + objections. We are quite as little afraid of a contest in which quarter + shall be neither given nor taken as he can be. But we would advise him + seriously to consider, before he publishes the promised continuation of + his work, whether he be not one of that class of writers who stand + peculiarly in need of the candour which he insults, and who would have + most to fear from that unsparing severity which he practises and + recommends. + </p> + <p> + There is only one excuse for the extreme acrimony with which this book is + written; and that excuse is but a bad one. Mr Sadler imagines that the + theory of Mr Malthus is inconsistent with Christianity, and even with the + purer forms of Deism. Now, even had this been the case, a greater degree + of mildness and self-command than Mr Sadler has shown would have been + becoming in a writer who had undertaken to defend the religion of charity. + But, in fact, the imputation which has been thrown on Mr Malthus and his + followers is so absurd as scarcely to deserve an answer. As it appears, + however, in almost every page of Mr Sadler's book, we will say a few words + respecting it. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler describes Mr Malthus's principle in the following words:— + </p> + <p> + "It pronounces that there exists an evil in the principle of population; + an evil, not accidental, but inherent; not of occasional occurrence, but + in perpetual operation; not light, transient, or mitigated, but productive + of miseries, compared with which all those inflicted by human + institutions, that is to say, by the weakness and wickedness of man, + however instigated, are 'light;' an evil, finally, for which there is no + remedy save one, which had been long overlooked, and which is now + enunciated in terms which evince anything rather than confidence. It is a + principle, moreover, pre-eminently bold, as well as 'clear.' With a + presumption, to call it by no fitter name, of which it may be doubted + whether literature, heathen or Christian, furnishes a parallel, it + professes to trace this supposed evil to its source, 'the laws of nature, + which are those of God;' thereby implying, and indeed asserting, that the + law by which the Deity multiplies his offspring, and that by which he + makes provision for their sustentation, are different, and, indeed, + irreconcilable." + </p> + <p> + "This theory," he adds, "in the plain apprehension of the many, lowers the + character of the Deity in that attribute, which, as Rousseau has well + observed, is the most essential to him, his goodness; or otherwise, + impugns his wisdom." + </p> + <p> + Now nothing is more certain than that there is physical and moral evil in + the world. Whoever, therefore, believes, as we do most firmly believe, in + the goodness of God, must believe that there is no incompatibility between + the goodness of God and the existence of physical and moral evil. If, + then, the goodness of God be not incompatible with the existence of + physical and moral evil, on what grounds does Mr Sadler maintain that the + goodness of God is incompatible with the law of population laid down by Mr + Malthus? + </p> + <p> + Is there any difference between the particular form of evil which would be + produced by over-population, and other forms of evil which we know to + exist in the world? It is, says Mr Sadler, not a light or transient evil, + but a great and permanent evil. What then? The question of the origin of + evil is a question of ay or no,—not a question of more or less. If + any explanation can be found by which the slightest inconvenience ever + sustained by any sentient being can be reconciled with the divine + attribute of benevolence, that explanation will equally apply to the most + dreadful and extensive calamities that can ever afflict the human race. + The difficulty arises from an apparent contradiction in terms; and that + difficulty is as complete in the case of a headache which lasts for an + hour as in the case of a pestilence which unpeoples an empire,—in + the case of the gust which makes us shiver for a moment as in the case of + the hurricane in which an Armada is cast away. + </p> + <p> + It is, according to Mr Sadler, an instance of presumption unparalleled in + literature, heathen or Christian, to trace an evil to "the laws of nature, + which are those of God," as its source. Is not hydrophobia an evil? And is + it not a law of nature that hydrophobia should be communicated by the bite + of a mad dog? Is not malaria an evil? And is it not a law of nature that + in particular situations the human frame should be liable to malaria? We + know that there is evil in the world. If it is not to be traced to the + laws of nature, how did it come into the world? Is it supernatural? And, + if we suppose it to be supernatural, is not the difficulty of reconciling + it with the divine attributes as great as if we suppose it to be natural? + Or, rather, what do the words natural and supernatural mean when applied + to the operations of the Supreme Mind? + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler has attempted, in another part of his work, to meet these + obvious arguments, by a distinction without a difference. + </p> + <p> + "The scourges of human existence, as necessary regulators of the numbers + of mankind, it is also agreed by some, are not inconsistent with the + wisdom or benevolence of the Governor of the universe; though such think + that it is a mere after-concern to 'reconcile the undeniable state of the + fact to the attributes we assign to the Deity.' 'The purpose of the + earthquake,' say they, 'the hurricane, the drought, or the famine, by + which thousands, and sometimes almost millions, of the human race, are at + once overwhelmed, or left the victims of lingering want, is certainly + inscrutable.' How singular is it that a sophism like this, so false, as a + mere illustration, should pass for an argument, as it has long done! The + principle of population is declared to be naturally productive of evils to + mankind, and as having that constant and manifest tendency to increase + their numbers beyond the means of their subsistence, which has produced + the unhappy and disgusting consequences so often enumerated. This is, + then, its universal tendency or rule. But is there in Nature the same + constant tendency to these earthquakes, hurricanes, droughts, and famines + by which so many myriads, if not millions, are overwhelmed or reduced at + once to ruin? No; these awful events are strange exceptions to the + ordinary course of things; their visitations are partial, and they occur + at distant intervals of time. While Religion has assigned to them a very + solemn office, Philosophy readily refers them to those great and + benevolent principles of Nature by which the universe is regulated. But + were there a constantly operating tendency to these calamitous + occurrences; did we feel the earth beneath us tremulous, and giving + ceaseless and certain tokens of the coming catastrophe of Nature; were the + hurricane heard mustering its devastating powers, and perpetually + muttering around us; were the skies 'like brass,' without a cloud to + produce one genial drop to refresh the thirsty earth, and famine, + consequently, visibly on the approach; I say, would such a state of + things, as resulting from the constant laws of Nature, be 'reconcilable + with the attributes we assign to the Deity,' or with any attributes which + in these inventive days could be assigned to him, so as to represent him + as anything but the tormenter, rather than the kind benefactor, of his + creatures? Life, in such a condition, would be like the unceasingly + threatened and miserable existence of Damocles at the table of Dionysius, + and the tyrant himself the worthy image of the Deity of the + anti-populationists." + </p> + <p> + Surely this is wretched trifling. Is it on the number of bad harvests, or + of volcanic eruptions, that this great question depends? Mr Sadler's + piety, it seems, would be proof against one rainy summer, but would be + overcome by three or four in succession. On the coasts of the + Mediterranean, where earthquakes are rare, he would be an optimist. South + America would make him a sceptic, and Java a decided Manichean. To say + that religion assigns a solemn office to these visitations is nothing to + the purpose. Why was man so constituted as to need such warnings? It is + equally unmeaning to say that philosophy refers these events to benevolent + general laws of nature. In so far as the laws of nature produce evil, they + are clearly not benevolent. They may produce much good. But why is this + good mixed with evil? The most subtle and powerful intellects have been + labouring for centuries to solve these difficulties. The true solution, we + are inclined to think, is that which has been rather suggested, than + developed, by Paley and Butler. But there is not one solution which will + not apply quite as well to the evils of over-population as to any other + evil. Many excellent people think that it is presumptuous to meddle with + such high questions at all, and that, though there doubtless is an + explanation, our faculties are not sufficiently enlarged to comprehend + that explanation. This mode of getting rid of the difficulty, again, will + apply quite as well to the evils of over-population as to any other evils. + We are sure that those who humbly confess their inability to expound the + great enigma act more rationally and more decorously than Mr Sadler, who + tells us, with the utmost confidence, which are the means and which the + ends,—which the exceptions and which the rules, in the government of + the universe;—who consents to bear a little evil without denying the + divine benevolence, but distinctly announces that a certain quantity of + dry weather or stormy weather would force him to regard the Deity as the + tyrant of his creatures. + </p> + <p> + The great discovery by which Mr Sadler has, as he conceives, vindicated + the ways of Providence is enounced with all the pomp of capital letters. + We must particularly beg that our readers will peruse it with attention. + </p> + <p> + "No one fact relative to the human species is more clearly ascertained, + whether by general observation or actual proof, than that their fecundity + varies in different communities and countries. The principle which effects + this variation, without the necessity of those cruel and unnatural + expedients so frequently adverted to, constitutes what I presume to call + THE LAW OF POPULATION; and that law may be thus briefly enunciated:— + </p> + <p> + "THE PROLIFICNESS OF HUMAN BEINGS, OTHERWISE SIMILARLY CIRCUMSTANCED, + VARIES INVERSELY AS THEIR NUMBERS. + </p> + <p> + "The preceding definition may be thus amplified and explained. Premising, + as a mere truism, that marriages under precisely similar circumstances + will, on the average, be equally fruitful everywhere, I proceed to state, + first, that the prolificness of a given number of marriages will, all + other circumstances being the same, vary in proportion to the condensation + of the population, so that that prolificness shall be greatest where the + numbers on an equal space are the fewest, and, on the contrary, the + smallest where those numbers are the largest." + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler, at setting out, abuses Mr Malthus for enouncing his theory in + terms taken from the exact sciences. "Applied to the mensuration of human + fecundity," he tells us, "the most fallacious of all things is geometrical + demonstration;" and he again informs us that those "act an irrational and + irrelevant part who affect to measure the mighty depth of God's mercies by + their arithmetic, and to demonstrate, by their geometrical ratios, that it + is inadequate to receive and contain the efflux of that fountain of life + which is in Him." + </p> + <p> + It appears, however, that it is not to the use of mathematical words, but + only to the use of those words in their right senses that Mr Sadler + objects. The law of inverse variation, or inverse proportion, is as much a + part of mathematical science as the law of geometric progression. The only + difference in this respect between Mr Malthus and Mr Sadler is, that Mr + Malthus knows what is meant by geometric progression, and that Mr Sadler + has not the faintest notion of what is meant by inverse variation. Had he + understood the proposition which he has enounced with so much pomp, its + ludicrous absurdity must at once have flashed on his mind. + </p> + <p> + Let it be supposed that there is a tract in the back settlements of + America, or in New South Wales, equal in size to London, with only a + single couple, a man and his wife, living upon it. The population of + London, with its immediate suburbs, is now probably about a million and a + half. The average fecundity of a marriage in London is, as Mr Sadler tells + us 2.35. How many children will the woman in the back settlements bear + according to Mr Sadler's theory? The solution of the problem is easy. As + the population in this tract in the back settlements is to the population + of London, so will be the number of children born from a marriage in + London to the number of children born from the marriage of this couple in + the back settlements. That is to say— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 2 : 1,500,000 :: 2.35 : 1,762,500. +</pre> + <p> + The lady will have 1,762,500 children: a large "efflux of the fountain of + life," to borrow Mr Sadler's sonorous rhetoric, as the most + philoprogenitive parent could possibly desire. + </p> + <p> + But let us, instead of putting cases of our own, look at some of those + which Mr Sadler has brought forward in support of his theory. The + following table, he tells us, exhibits a striking proof of the truth of + his main position. It seems to us to prove only that Mr Sadler does not + know what inverse proportion means. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Countries Inhabitants on a Children to a + Square Mile, about Marriage + + Cape of Good Hope 1 5.48 + North America 4 5.22 + Russia in Europe 23 4.94 + Denmark 73 4.89 + Prussia 100 4.70 + France 140 4.22 + England 160 3.66 +</pre> + <p> + Is 1 to 160 as 3.66 to 5.48? If Mr Sadler's principle were just, the + number of children produced by a marriage at the Cape would be, not 5.48, + but very near 600. Or take America and France. Is 4 to 140 as 4.22 to + 5.22? The number of births to a marriage in North America ought, according + to this proportion, to be about 150. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler states the law of population in England thus:— + </p> + <p> + "Where the inhabitants are found to be on the square mile, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + From To Counties Number of births to 100 marriages + + 50 100 2 420 + 100 150 9 396 + 150 200 16 390 + 200 250 4 388 + 250 300 5 378 + 300 350 3 353 + 500 600 2 331 + 4000 and upwards 1 246 +</pre> + <p> + "Now, I think it quite reasonable to conclude, that, were there not + another document in existence relative to this subject, the facts thus + deduced from the census of England are fully sufficient to demonstrate the + position, that the fecundity of human beings varies inversely as their + numbers. How, I ask, can it be evaded?" + </p> + <p> + What, we ask, is there to evade? Is 246 to 420 as 50 to 4000? Is 331 to + 396 as 100 to 500? If the law propounded by Mr Sadler were correct, the + births to a hundred marriages in the least populous part of England, would + be 246 x 4000 / 50, that is 19,680,—nearly two hundred children to + every mother. But we will not carry on these calculations. The absurdity + of Mr Sadler's proposition is so palpable that it is unnecessary to select + particular instances. Let us see what are the extremes of population and + fecundity in well-known countries. The space which Mr Sadler generally + takes is a square mile. The population at the Cape of Good Hope is, + according to him, one to the square mile. That of London is two hundred + thousand to the square mile. The number of children at the Cape, Mr Sadler + informs us, is 5.48 to a marriage. In London, he states it at 2.35 to a + marriage. Now how can that of which all the variations lie between 2.35 + and 5.48 vary, either directly or inversely, as that which admits of all + the variations between one and two hundred thousand? Mr Sadler evidently + does not know the meaning of the word proportion. A million is a larger + quantity than ten. A hundred is a larger quantity than five. Mr Sadler + thinks, therefore, that there is no impropriety in saying that a hundred + is to five as a million is to ten, or in the inverse ratio of ten to a + million. He proposes to prove that the fecundity of marriages varies in + inverse proportion to the density of the population. But all that he + attempts to prove is that, while the population increases from one to a + hundred and sixty on the square mile, the fecundity will diminish from + 5.48 to 3.66; and that again, while the population increases from one + hundred and sixty to two hundred thousand on the square mile, the + fecundity will diminish from 3.66 to 2.35. + </p> + <p> + The proposition which Mr Sadler enounces, without understanding the words + which he uses, would indeed, if it could be proved, set us at ease as to + the dangers of over-population. But it is, as we have shown, a proposition + so grossly absurd that it is difficult for any man to keep his countenance + while he repeats it. The utmost that Mr Sadler has ever attempted to prove + is this,—that the fecundity of the human race diminishes as + population becomes more condensed,—but that the diminution of + fecundity bears a very small ratio to the increase of population,—so + that, while the population on a square mile is multiplied two + hundred-thousand-fold, the fecundity decreases by little more than one + half. + </p> + <p> + Does this principle vindicate the honour of God? Does it hold out any new + hope or comfort to man? Not at all. We pledge ourselves to show, with the + utmost strictness of reasoning, from Mr Sadler's own principles, and from + facts of the most notorious description, that every consequence which + follows from the law of geometrical progression, laid down by Mr Malthus, + will follow from the law, miscalled a law of inverse variation, which has + been laid down by Mr Sadler. + </p> + <p> + London is the most thickly peopled spot of its size in the known world. + Therefore the fecundity of the population of London must, according to Mr + Sadler, be less than the fecundity of human beings living on any other + spot of equal size. Mr Sadler tells us, that "the ratios of mortality are + influenced by the different degrees in which the population is + condensated; and that, other circumstances being similar, the relative + number of deaths in a thinly-populated, or country district, is less than + that which takes place in towns, and in towns of a moderate size less + again than that which exists in large and populous cities." Therefore the + mortality in London must, according to him, be greater than in other + places. But, though, according to Mr Sadler, the fecundity is less in + London than elsewhere, and though the mortality is greater there than + elsewhere, we find that even in London the number of births greatly + exceeds the number of deaths. During the ten years which ended with 1820, + there were fifty thousand more baptisms than burials within the bills of + mortality. It follows, therefore, that, even within London itself, an + increase of the population is taking place by internal propagation. + </p> + <p> + Now, if the population of a place in which the fecundity is less and the + mortality greater than in other places still goes on increasing by + propagation, it follows that in other places the population will increase, + and increase still faster. There is clearly nothing in Mr Sadler's boasted + law of fecundity which will keep the population from multiplying till the + whole earth is as thick with human beings as St Giles's parish. If Mr + Sadler denies this, he must hold that, in places less thickly peopled than + London, marriages may be less fruitful than in London, which is directly + contrary to his own principles; or that in places less thickly peopled + than London, and similarly situated, people will die faster than in + London, which is again directly contrary to his own principles. Now, if it + follows, as it clearly does follow, from Mr Sadler's own doctrines, that + the human race might be stowed together by three or four hundred to the + acre, and might still, as far as the principle of propagation is + concerned, go on increasing, what advantage, in a religious or moral point + of view, has his theory over that of Mr Malthus? The principle of Mr + Malthus, says Mr Sadler, leads to consequences of the most frightful + description. Be it so. But do not all these consequences spring equally + from his own principle? Revealed religion condemns Mr Malthus. Be it so. + But Mr Sadler must share in the reproach of heresy. The theory of Mr + Malthus represents the Deity as a Dionysius hanging the sword over the + heads of his trembling slaves. Be it so. But under what rhetorical figure + are we to represent the Deity of Mr Sadler? + </p> + <p> + A man who wishes to serve the cause of religion ought to hesitate long + before he stakes the truth of religion on the event of a controversy + respecting facts in the physical world. For a time he may succeed in + making a theory which he dislikes unpopular by persuading the public that + it contradicts the Scriptures and is inconsistent with the attributes of + the Deity. But, if at last an overwhelming force of evidence proves this + maligned theory to be true, what is the effect of the arguments by which + the objector has attempted to prove that it is irreconcilable with natural + and revealed religion? Merely this, to make men infidels. Like the + Israelites, in their battle with the Philistines, he has presumptuously + and without warrant brought down the ark of God into the camp as a means + of ensuring victory:—and the consequence of this profanation is + that, when the battle is lost, the ark is taken. + </p> + <p> + In every age the Church has been cautioned against this fatal and impious + rashness by its most illustrious members,—by the fervid Augustin, by + the subtle Aquinas, by the all-accomplished Pascal. The warning has been + given in vain. That close alliance which, under the disguise of the most + deadly enmity, has always subsisted between fanaticism and atheism is + still unbroken. At one time, the cry was,—"If you hold that the + earth moves round the sun, you deny the truth of the Bible." Popes, + conclaves, and religious orders, rose up against the Copernican heresy. + But, as Pascal said, they could not prevent the earth from moving, or + themselves from moving along with it. One thing, however, they could do, + and they did. They could teach numbers to consider the Bible as a + collection of old women's stories which the progress of civilisation and + knowledge was refuting one by one. They had attempted to show that the + Ptolemaic system was as much a part of Christianity as the resurrection of + the dead. Was it strange, then, that when the Ptolemaic system became an + object of ridicule to every man of education in Catholic countries, the + doctrine of the resurrection should be in peril? In the present + generation, and in our own country, the prevailing system of geology has + been, with equal folly, attacked on the ground that it is inconsistent + with the Mosaic dates. And here we have Mr Sadler, out of his especial + zeal for religion, first proving that the doctrine of superfecundity is + irreconcilable with the goodness of God, and then laying down principles, + and stating facts, from which the doctrine of superfecundity necessarily + follows. This blundering piety reminds us of the adventures of a certain + missionary who went to convert the inhabitants of Madagascar. The good + father had an audience of the king, and began to instruct his majesty in + the history of the human race as given in the Scriptures. "Thus, sir," + said he, "was woman made out of the rib of man, and ever since that time a + woman has had one rib more than a man." "Surely, father, you must be + mistaken there," said the king. "Mistaken!" said the missionary. "It is an + indisputable fact. My faith upon it! My life upon it!" The good man had + heard the fact asserted by his nurse when he was a child,—had always + considered it as a strong confirmation of the Scriptures, and fully + believed it without having ever thought of verifying it. The king ordered + a man and woman, the leanest that could be found, to be brought before + him, and desired his spiritual instructor to count their ribs. The father + counted over and over, upward and downward, and still found the same + number in both. He then cleared his throat, stammered, stuttered, and + began to assure the king that though he had committed a little error in + saying that a woman had more ribs than a man, he was quite right in saying + that the first woman was made out of the rib of the first man. "How can I + tell that?" said the king. "You come to me with a strange story which you + say is revealed to you from heaven. I have already made you confess that + one half of it is a lie: and how can you have the face to expect that I + shall believe the other half?" + </p> + <p> + We have shown that Mr Sadler's theory, if it be true, is as much a theory + of superfecundity as that of Mr Malthus. But it is not true. And from Mr + Sadler's own tables we will prove that it is not true. + </p> + <p> + The fecundity of the human race in England Mr Sadler rates as follows:— + </p> + <p> + "Where the inhabitants are found to be on the square mile— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + From To Counties Number of births per 100 marriages + + 50 100 2 420 + 100 150 9 396 + 150 200 16 390 + 200 250 4 388 + 250 300 5 378 + 300 350 3 353 + 500 600 2 331 + 4000 and upwards 1 246 +</pre> + <p> + Having given this table, he begins, as usual, to boast and triumph. "Were + there not another document on the subject in existence," says he, "the + facts thus deduced from the census of England are sufficient to + demonstrate the position, that the fecundity of human beings varies + inversely as their numbers." In no case would these facts demonstrate that + the fecundity of human beings varies inversely as their numbers in the + right sense of the words inverse variation. But certainly they would, "if + there were no other document in existence," appear to indicate something + like what Mr Sadler means by inverse variation. Unhappily for him, + however, there are other documents in existence; and he has himself + furnished us with them. We will extract another of his tables:— + </p> + <p> + TABLE LXIV. + </p> + <p> + Showing the Operation of the Law of Population in the different Hundreds + of the County of Lancaster. + </p> + <p> + (In the following table the name of the Hundred is followed in order by: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Population on each Square Mile. + Square Miles. + Population in 1821, exclusive of Towns of separate Jurisdiction. + Marriages from 1811 to 1821. + Baptisms from 1811 to 1821. + Baptisms to 100 Marriages.) + + Lonsdale : 96 : 441 : 42,486 : 3,651 : 16,129 : 442 + Almondness : 267 : 228 : 60,930 : 3,670 : 15,228 : 415 + Leyland : 354 : 126 : 44,583 : 2,858 : 11,182 : 391 + West Derby : 409 : 377 : 154,040 : 24,182 : 86,407 : 357 + Blackburn : 513 : 286 : 146,608 : 10,814 : 31,463 : 291 + Salford : 869 : 373 : 322,592 : 40,143 : 114,941 : 286 +</pre> + <p> + Mr Sadler rejoices much over this table. The results, he says, have + surprised himself; and, indeed, as we shall show, they might well have + done so. + </p> + <p> + The result of his inquiries with respect to France he presents in the + following table: + </p> + <p> + "In those departments where there are to each inhabitant— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Hectares Departments Legitimate births to + every 1000 marriages + + 4 to 5 2 5130 + 3 to 4 3 4372 + 2 to 3 30 4250 + 1 to 2 44 4234 + .06 to 1 5 4146 + .06 1 2557 +</pre> + <p> + Then comes the shout of exaltation as regularly as the Gloria Patri at the + end of a Psalm. "Is there any possibility of gainsaying the conclusions + these facts force upon us; namely that the fecundity of marriages is + regulated by the density of the population, and inversely to it?" + </p> + <p> + Certainly these tables, taken separately, look well for Mr Sadler's + theory. He must be a bungling gamester who cannot win when he is suffered + to pack the cards his own way. We must beg leave to shuffle them a little; + and we will venture to promise our readers that some curious results will + follow from the operation. In nine counties of England, says Mr Sadler, in + which the population is from 100 to 150 on the square mile, the births to + 100 marriages are 396. He afterwards expresses some doubt as to the + accuracy of the documents from which this estimate has been formed, and + rates the number of births as high as 414. Let him take his choice. We + will allow him every advantage. + </p> + <p> + In the table which we have quoted, numbered lxiv., he tells us that in + Almondness, where the population is 267 to the square mile, there are 415 + births to 100 marriages. The population of Almondness is twice as thick as + the population of the nine counties referred to in the other table. Yet + the number of births to a marriage is greater in Almondness than in those + counties. + </p> + <p> + Once more, he tells us that in three counties, in which the population was + from 300 to 350 on the square mile, the births to 100 marriages were 353. + He afterwards rates them at 375. Again we say, let him take his choice. + But from his table of the population of Lancashire it appears that, in the + hundred of Leyland, where the population is 354 to the square mile, the + number of births to 100 marriages is 391. Here again we have the marriages + becoming more fruitful as the population becomes denser. + </p> + <p> + Let us now shuffle the censuses of England and France together. In two + English counties which contain from 50 to 100 inhabitants on the square + mile, the births to 100 marriages are, according to Mr Sadler, 420. But in + forty-four departments of France, in which there are from one to two + hecatares to each inhabitant, that is to say, in which the population is + from 125 to 250 or rather more, to the square mile, the number of births + to 100 marriages is 423 and a fraction. + </p> + <p> + Again, in five departments of France in which there is less than one + hecatare to each inhabitant, that is to say, in which the population is + more than 250 to the square mile, the number of births to 100 marriages is + 414 and a fraction. But in the four counties of England in which the + population is from 200 to 250 on the square mile, the number of births to + 100 marriages is, according to one of Mr Sadler's tables, only 388, and by + his very highest estimate no more than 402. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler gives us a long table of all the towns of England and Ireland, + which, he tells us, irrefragably demonstrates his principle. We assert, + and will prove, that these tables are alone sufficient to upset his whole + theory. + </p> + <p> + It is very true that, in the great towns the number of births to a + marriage appears to be smaller than in the less populous towns. But we + learn some other facts from these tables which we should be glad to know + how Mr Sadler will explain. We find that the fecundity in towns of fewer + than 3000 inhabitants is actually much greater than the average fecundity + of the kingdom, and that the fecundity in towns of between 3000 and 4000 + inhabitants is at least as great as the average fecundity of the kingdom. + The average fecundity of a marriage in towns of fewer than 3000 + inhabitants is about four; in towns of between 3000 and 4000 inhabitants + it is 3.60. Now, the average fecundity of England, when it contained only + 160 inhabitants to a square mile, and when, therefore, according to the + new law of population, the fecundity must have been greater than it now + is, was only, according to Mr Sadler, 3.66 to a marriage. To proceed,—the + fecundity of a marriage in the English towns of between 4000 and 5000 + inhabitants is stated at 3.56. But, when we turn to Mr Sadler's table of + counties, we find the fecundity of a marriage in Warwickshire and + Staffordshire rated at only 3.48, and in Lancashire and Surrey at only + 3.41. + </p> + <p> + These facts disprove Mr Sadler's principle; and the fact on which he lays + so much stress—that the fecundity is less in the great towns than in + the small towns—does not tend in any degree to prove his principle. + There is not the least reason to believe that the population is more + dense, ON A GIVEN SPACE, in London or Manchester than in a town of 4000 + inhabitants. But it is quite certain that the population is more dense in + a town of 4000 inhabitants than in Warwickshire or Lancashire. That the + fecundity of Manchester is less than the fecundity of Sandwich or + Guildford is a circumstance which has nothing whatever to do with Mr + Sadler's theory. But that the fecundity of Sandwich is greater than the + average fecundity of Kent,—that the fecundity of Guildford is + greater than the average fecundity of Surrey,—as from his own tables + appears to be the case,—these are facts utterly inconsistent with + his theory. + </p> + <p> + We need not here examine why it is that the human race is less fruitful in + great cities than in small towns or in the open country. The fact has long + been notorious. We are inclined to attribute it to the same causes which + tend to abridge human life in great cities,—to general sickliness + and want of tone, produced by close air and sedentary employments. Thus + far, and thus far only, we agree with Mr Sadler, that, when population is + crowded together in such masses that the general health and energy of the + frame are impaired by the condensation, and by the habits attending on the + condensation, then the fecundity of the race diminishes. But this is + evidently a check of the same class with war, pestilence, and famine. It + is a check for the operation of which Mr Malthus has allowed. + </p> + <p> + That any condensation which does not affect the general health will affect + fecundity, is not only not proved—it is disproved—by Mr + Sadler's own tables. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler passes on to Prussia, and sums up his information respecting + that country as follows:— + </p> + <p> + (In the following table numbers appear in the order: Inhabitants on a + Square Mile, German. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Number of Provinces. + Births to 100 Marriages, 1754. + Births to 100 Marriages, 1784. + Births to 100 Marriages, Busching.) + + Under 1000 : 2 : 434 : 472 : 503 + 1000 to 2000 : 4 : 414 : 455 : 454 + 2000 to 3000 : 6 : 384 : 424 : 426 + 3000 to 4000 : 2 : 365 : 408 : 394 +</pre> + <p> + After the table comes the boast as usual: + </p> + <p> + "Thus is the law of population deduced from the registers of Prussia also: + and were the argument to pause here, it is conclusive. The results + obtained from the registers of this and the preceding countries, + exhibiting, as they do most clearly, the principle of human increase, it + is utterly impossible should have been the work of chance; on the + contrary, the regularity with which the facts class themselves in + conformity with that principle, and the striking analogy which the whole + of them bear to each other, demonstrate equally the design of Nature, and + the certainty of its accomplishment." + </p> + <p> + We are sorry to disturb Mr Sadler's complacency. But, in our opinion, this + table completely disproves his whole principle. If we read the columns + perpendicularly, indeed, they seem to be in his favour. But how stands the + case if we read horizontally? Does Mr Sadler believe that, during the + thirty years which elapsed between 1754 and 1784, the population of + Prussia had been diminishing? No fact in history is better ascertained + than that, during the long peace which followed the seven years' war, it + increased with great rapidity. Indeed, if the fecundity were what Mr + Sadler states it to have been, it must have increased with great rapidity. + Yet, the ratio of births to marriages is greater in 1784 than in 1754, and + that in every province. It is, therefore, perfectly clear that the + fecundity does not diminish whenever the density of the population + increases. + </p> + <p> + We will try another of Mr Sadler's tables: + </p> + <p> + TABLE LXXXI. + </p> + <p> + Showing the Estimated Prolificness of Marriages in England at the close of + the Seventeenth Century. + </p> + <p> + (In the following table the name of the Place is followed in order by: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Number of Inhabitants. + One Annual Marriage, to. + Number of Marriages. + Children to one Marriage. + Total Number of Births. + + London : 530,000 : 106 : 5,000 : 4. : 20,000 + Large Towns : 870,000 : 128 : 6,800 : 4.5 : 30,000 + Small Towns and + Country Places : 4,100,000 : 141 : 29,200 : 4.8 : 140,160 + —————————————————————- + : 5,500,000 : 134 : 41,000 : 4.65 : 190,760 +</pre> + <p> + Standing by itself, this table, like most of the others, seems to support + Mr Sadler's theory. But surely London, at the close of the seventeenth + century, was far more thickly peopled than the kingdom of England now is. + Yet the fecundity in London at the close of the seventeenth century was 4; + and the average fecundity of the whole kingdom now is not more, according + to Mr Sadler, than 3 1/2. Then again, the large towns in 1700 were far + more thickly peopled than Westmoreland and the North Riding of Yorkshire + now are. Yet the fecundity in those large towns was then 4.5. And Mr + Sadler tells us that it is now only 4.2 in Westmoreland and the North + Riding. + </p> + <p> + It is scarcely necessary to say anything about the censuses of the + Netherlands, as Mr Sadler himself confesses that there is some difficulty + in reconciling them with his theory, and helps out his awkward explanation + by supposing, quite gratuitously, as it seems to us, that the official + documents are inaccurate. The argument which he has drawn from the United + States will detain us but for a very short time. He has not told us,—perhaps + he had not the means of telling us,—what proportion the number of + births in the different parts of that country bears to the number of + marriages. He shows that in the thinly peopled states the number of + children bears a greater proportion to the number of grown-up people than + in the old states; and this, he conceives, is a sufficient proof that the + condensation of the population is unfavourable to fecundity. We deny the + inference altogether. Nothing can be more obvious than the explanation of + the phenomenon. The back settlements are for the most part peopled by + emigration from the old states; and emigrants are almost always breeders. + They are almost always vigorous people in the prime of life. Mr Sadler + himself, in another part of his book, in which he tries very + unsuccessfully to show that the rapid multiplication of the people of + America is principally owing to emigration from Europe, states this fact + in the plainest manner: + </p> + <p> + "Nothing is more certain, than that emigration is almost universally + supplied by 'single persons in the beginning of mature life;' nor, + secondly, that such persons, as Dr Franklin long ago asserted, 'marry and + raise families.' + </p> + <p> + "Nor is this all. It is not more true, that emigrants, generally speaking, + consist of individuals in the prime of life, than that 'they are the most + active and vigorous' of that age, as Dr Seybert describes them to be. They + are, as it respects the principle at issue, a select class, even compared + with that of their own age, generally considered. Their very object in + leaving their native countries is to settle in life, a phrase that needs + no explanation; and they do so. No equal number of human beings, + therefore, have ever given so large or rapid an increase to a community as + 'settlers' have invariably done." + </p> + <p> + It is perfectly clear that children are more numerous in the back + settlements of America than in the maritime states, not because unoccupied + land makes people prolific, but because the most prolific people go to the + unoccupied land. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler having, as he conceives, fully established his theory of + population by statistical evidence, proceeds to prove, "that it is in + unison, or rather required by the principles of physiology." The + difference between himself and his opponents he states as follows:— + </p> + <p> + "In pursuing this part of my subject, I must begin by reminding the reader + of the difference between those who hold the superfecundity of mankind and + myself, in regard to those principles which will form the basis of the + present argument. They contend, that production precedes population; I, on + the contrary, maintain that population precedes, and is indeed the cause + of, production. They teach that man breeds up to the capital, or in + proportion to the abundance of the food, he possesses: I assert, that he + is comparatively sterile when he is wealthy, and that he breeds in + proportion to his poverty; not meaning, however, by that poverty, a state + of privation approaching to actual starvation, any more than, I suppose, + they would contend, that extreme and culpable excess is the grand patron + of population. In a word, they hold that a state of ease and affluence is + the great promoter of prolificness. I maintain that a considerable degree + of labour, and even privation, is a more efficient cause of an increased + degree of human fecundity." + </p> + <p> + To prove this point, he quotes Aristotle, Hippocrates, Dr Short, Dr + Gregory, Dr Perceval, M. Villermi, Lord Bacon, and Rousseau. We will not + dispute about it; for it seems quite clear to us that if he succeeds in + establishing it he overturns his own theory. If men breed in proportion to + their poverty, as he tells us here,—and at the same time breed in + inverse proportion to their numbers, as he told us before,—it + necessarily follows that the poverty of men must be in inverse proportion + to their numbers. Inverse proportion, indeed, as we have shown, is not the + phrase which expresses Mr Sadler's meaning. To speak more correctly, it + follows, from his own positions, that, if one population be thinner than + another, it will also be poorer. Is this the fact? Mr Sadler tells us, in + one of those tables which we have already quoted, that in the United + States the population is four to a square mile, and the fecundity 5.22 to + a marriage, and that in Russia the population is twenty-three to a square + mile, and the fecundity 4.94 to a marriage. Is the North American labourer + poorer than the Russian boor? If not, what becomes of Mr Sadler's + argument? + </p> + <p> + The most decisive proof of Mr Sadler's theory, according to him, is that + which he has kept for the last. It is derived from the registers of the + English Peerage. The peers, he says, and says truly, are the class with + respect to whom we possess the most accurate statistical information. + </p> + <p> + "Touching their NUMBER, this has been accurately known and recorded ever + since the order has existed in the country. For several centuries past, + the addition to it of a single individual has been a matter of public + interest and notoriety: this hereditary honour conferring not personal + dignity merely, but important privileges, and being almost always + identified with great wealth and influence. The records relating to it are + kept with the most scrupulous attention, not only by heirs and expectants, + but they are appealed to by more distant connections, as conferring + distinction on all who can claim such affinity. Hence there are few + disputes concerning successions to this rank, but such as go back to very + remote periods. In later times, the marriages, births, and deaths, of the + nobility, have not only been registered by and known to those personally + interested, but have been published periodically, and, consequently, + subject to perpetual correction and revision; while many of the most + powerful motives which can influence the human mind conspire to preserve + these records from the slightest falsification. Compared with these, + therefore, all other registers, or reports, whether of sworn searchers or + others, are incorrectness itself." + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler goes on to tell us that the peers are a marrying class, and that + their general longevity proves them to be a healthy class. Still peerages + often become extinct;—and from this fact he infers that they are a + sterile class. So far, says he, from increasing in geometrical + progression, they do not even keep up their numbers. "Nature interdicts + their increase." + </p> + <p> + "Thus," says he, "in all ages of the world, and in every nation of it, + have the highest ranks of the community been the most sterile, and the + lowest the most prolific. As it respects our own country, from the lowest + grade of society, the Irish peasant, to the highest, the British peer, + this remains a conspicuous truth; and the regulation of the degree of + fecundity conformably to this principle, through the intermediate + gradations of society, constitutes one of the features of the system + developed in these pages." + </p> + <p> + We take the issue which Mr Sadler has himself offered. We agree with him, + that the registers of the English Peerage are of far higher authority than + any other statistical documents. We are content that by those registers + his principle should be judged. And we meet him by positively denying his + facts. We assert that the English nobles are not only not a sterile, but + an eminently prolific, part of the community. Mr Sadler concludes that + they are sterile, merely because peerages often become extinct. Is this + the proper way of ascertaining the point? Is it thus that he avails + himself of those registers on the accuracy and fulness of which he + descants so largely? Surely his right course would have been to count the + marriages, and the number of births in the Peerage. This he has not done;—but + we have done it. And what is the result? + </p> + <p> + It appears from the last edition of Debrett's "Peerage", published in + 1828, that there were at that time 287 peers of the United Kingdom, who + had been married once or oftener. The whole number of marriages contracted + by these 287 peers was 333. The number of children by these marriages was + 1437,—more than five to a peer,—more than 4.3 to a marriage,—more, + that is to say, than the average number in those counties of England in + which, according to Mr Sadler's own statement, the fecundity is the + greatest. + </p> + <p> + But this is not all. These marriages had not, in 1828, produced their full + effect. Some of them had been very lately contracted. In a very large + proportion of them there was every probability of additional issue. To + allow for this probability, we may safely add one to the average which we + have already obtained, and rate the fecundity of a noble marriage in + England at 5.3;—higher than the fecundity which Mr Sadler assigns to + the people of the United States. Even if we do not make this allowance, + the average fecundity of marriages of peers is higher by one-fifth than + the average fecundity of marriages throughout the kingdom. And this is the + sterile class! This is the class which "Nature has interdicted from + increasing!" The evidence to which Mr Sadler has himself appealed proves + that his principle is false,—utterly false,—wildly and + extravagantly false. It proves that a class, living during half of every + year in the most crowded population in the world, breeds faster than those + who live in the country;—that the class which enjoys the greatest + degree of luxury and ease breeds faster than the class which undergoes + labour and privation. To talk a little in Mr Sadler's style, we must own + that we are ourselves surprised at the results which our examination of + the peerage has brought out. We certainly should have thought that the + habits of fashionable life, and long residence even in the most airy parts + of so great a city as London, would have been more unfavourable to the + fecundity of the higher orders than they appear to be. + </p> + <p> + Peerages, it is true, often become extinct. But it is quite clear, from + what we have stated, that this is not because peeresses are barren. There + is no difficulty in discovering what the causes really are. In the first + place, most of the titles of our nobles are limited to heirs male; so + that, though the average fecundity of a noble marriage is upwards of five, + yet, for the purpose of keeping up a peerage, it cannot be reckoned at + much more than two and a half. Secondly, though the peers are, as Mr + Sadler says, a marrying class, the younger sons of peers are decidedly not + a marrying class; so that a peer, though he has at least as great a chance + of having a son as his neighbours, has less chance than they of having a + collateral heir. + </p> + <p> + We have now disposed, we think, of Mr Sadler's principle of population. + Our readers must, by this time, be pretty well satisfied as to his + qualifications for setting up theories of his own. We will, therefore, + present them with a few instances of the skill and fairness which he shows + when he undertakes to pull down the theories of other men. The doctrine of + Mr Malthus, that population, if not checked by want, by vice, by excessive + mortality, or by the prudent self-denial of individuals, would increase in + a geometric progression, is, in Mr Sadler's opinion, at once false and + atrocious. + </p> + <p> + "It may at once be denied," says he, "that human increase proceeds + geometrically; and for this simple but decisive reason, that the existence + of a geometrical ratio of increase in the works of nature is neither true + nor possible. It would fling into utter confusion all order, time, + magnitude, and space." + </p> + <p> + This is as curious a specimen of reasoning as any that has been offered to + the world since the days when theories were founded on the principle that + nature abhors a vacuum. We proceed a few pages further, however; and we + then find that geometric progression is unnatural only in those cases in + which Mr Malthus conceives that it exists; and that, in all cases in which + Mr Malthus denies the existence of a geometric ratio, nature changes + sides, and adopts that ratio as the rule of increase. + </p> + <p> + Mr Malthus holds that subsistence will increase only in an arithmetical + ratio. "As far as nature has to do with the question," says Mr Sadler, + "men might, for instance, plant twice the number of peas, and breed from a + double number of the same animals, with equal prospect of their + multiplication." Now, if Mr Sadler thinks that, as far as nature is + concerned, four sheep will double as fast as two, and eight as fast as + four, how can he deny that the geometrical ratio of increase does exist in + the works of nature? Or has he a definition of his own for geometrical + progression, as well as for inverse proportion? + </p> + <p> + Mr Malthus, and those who agree with him, have generally referred to the + United States, as a country in which the human race increases in a + geometrical ratio, and have fixed on thirty-five years as the term in + which the population of that country doubles itself. Mr Sadler contends + that it is physically impossible for a people to double in twenty-five + years; nay, that thirty-five years is far too short a period,—that + the Americans do not double by procreation in less than forty-seven years,—and + that the rapid increase of their numbers is produced by emigration from + Europe. + </p> + <p> + Emigration has certainly had some effect in increasing the population of + the United States. But so great has the rate of that increase been that, + after making full allowance for the effect of emigration, there will be a + residue, attributable to procreation alone, amply sufficient to double the + population in twenty-five years. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler states the results of the four censuses as follows:— + </p> + <p> + "There were, of white inhabitants, in the whole of the United States in + 1790, 3,093,111; in 1800, 4,309,656; in 1810, 5,862,093; and in 1820, + 7,861,710. The increase, in the first term, being 39 per cent.; that in + the second, 36 per cent.; and that in the third and last, 33 per cent. It + is superfluous to say, that it is utterly impossible to deduce the + geometric theory of human increase, whatever be the period of duplication, + from such terms as these." + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler is a bad arithmetician. The increase in the last term is not as + he states it, 33 per cent., but more than 34 per cent. Now, an increase of + 32 per cent. in ten years, is more than sufficient to double the + population in twenty-five years. And there is, we think, very strong + reason to believe that the white population of the United States does + increase by 32 per cent. every ten years. + </p> + <p> + Our reason is this. There is in the United States a class of persons whose + numbers are not increased by emigration,—the negro slaves. During + the interval which elapsed between the census of 1810 and the census of + 1820, the change in their numbers must have been produced by procreation, + and by procreation alone. Their situation, though much happier than that + of the wretched beings who cultivate the sugar plantations of Trinidad and + Demerara, cannot be supposed to be more favourable to health and fecundity + than that of free labourers. In 1810, the slave-trade had been but + recently abolished; and there were in consequence many more male than + female slaves,—a circumstance, of course, very unfavourable to + procreation. Slaves are perpetually passing into the class of freemen; but + no freeman ever descends into servitude; so that the census will not + exhibit the whole effect of the procreation which really takes place. + </p> + <p> + We find, by the census of 1810, that the number of slaves in the Union was + then 1,191,000. In 1820, they had increased to 1,538,000. That is to say, + in ten years, they had increased 29 per cent.—within three per cent. + of that rate of increase which would double their numbers in twenty-five + years. We may, we think, fairly calculate that, if the female slaves had + been as numerous as the males, and if no manumissions had taken place, the + census of the slave population would have exhibited an increase of 32 per + cent. in ten years. + </p> + <p> + If we are right in fixing on 32 per cent. as the rate at which the white + population of America increases by procreation in ten years, it will + follow that, during the last ten years of the eighteenth century, nearly + one-sixth of the increase was the effect of emigration; from 1800 to 1810, + about one-ninth; and from 1810 to 1820, about one-seventeenth. This is + what we should have expected; for it is clear that, unless the number of + emigrants be constantly increasing, it must, as compared with the resident + population, be relatively decreasing. The number of persons added to the + population of the United States by emigration, between 1810 and 1820, + would be nearly 120,000. From the data furnished by Mr Sadler himself, we + should be inclined to think that this would be a fair estimate. + </p> + <p> + "Dr Seybert says, that the passengers to ten of the principal ports of the + United States, in the year 1817, amounted to 22,235; of whom 11,977 were + from Great Britain and Ireland; 4164 from Germany and Holland; 1245 from + France; 58 from Italy, 2901 from the British possessions in North America; + 1569 from the West Indies; and from all other countries, 321. These, + however, we may conclude, with the editor of Styles's Register, were far + short of the number that arrived." + </p> + <p> + We have not the honour of knowing either Dr Seybert or the editor of + Styles's Register. We cannot, therefore, decide on their respective claims + to our confidence so peremptorily as Mr Sadler thinks fit to do. Nor can + we agree to what Mr Sadler very gravely assigns as a reason for + disbelieving Dr Seyberts's testimony. "Such accounts," he says, "if not + wilfully exaggerated, must always fall short of the truth." It would be a + curious question of casuistry to determine what a man ought to do in a + case in which he cannot tell the truth except by being guilty of wilful + exaggeration. We will, however, suppose, with Mr Sadler, that Dr Seybert, + finding himself compelled to choose between two sins, preferred telling a + falsehood to exaggerating; and that he has consequently underrated the + number of emigrants. We will take it at double of the Doctor's estimate, + and suppose that, in 1817, 45,000 Europeans crossed to the United States. + Now, it must be remembered that the year 1817 was a year of the severest + and most general distress all over Europe,—a year of scarcity + everywhere, and of cruel famine in some places. There can, therefore, be + no doubt that the emigration of 1817 was very far above the average, + probably more than three times that of an ordinary year. Till the year + 1815, the war rendered it almost impossible to emigrate to the United + States either from England or from the Continent. If we suppose the + average emigration of the remaining years to have been 16,000, we shall + probably not be much mistaken. In 1818 and 1819, the number was certainly + much beyond that average; in 1815 and 1816, probably much below it. But, + even if we were to suppose that, in every year from the peace to 1820, the + number of emigrants had been as high as we have supposed it to be in 1817, + the increase by procreation among the white inhabitants of the United + States would still appear to be about 30 per cent. in ten years. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler acknowledges that Cobbett exaggerates the number of emigrants + when he states it at 150,000 a year. Yet even this estimate, absurdly + great as it is, would not be sufficient to explain the increase of the + population of the United States on Mr Sadler's principles. He is, he tells + us, "convinced that doubling in 35 years is a far more rapid duplication + than ever has taken place in that country from procreation only." An + increase of 20 per cent. in ten years, by procreation, would therefore be + the very utmost that he would allow to be possible. We have already shown, + by reference to the census of the slave population, that this doctrine is + quite absurd. And, if we suppose it to be sound, we shall be driven to the + conclusion that above eight hundred thousand people emigrated from Europe + to the United States in a space of little more than five years. The whole + increase of the white population from 1810 to 1820 was within a few + hundreds of 2,000,000. If we are to attribute to procreation only 20 per + cent. on the number returned by the census of 1810, we shall have about + 830,000 persons to account for in some other way;—and to suppose + that the emigrants who went to America between the peace of 1815 and the + census of 1820, with the children who were born to them there, would make + up that number, would be the height of absurdity. + </p> + <p> + We could say much more; but we think it quite unnecessary at present. We + have shown that Mr Sadler is careless in the collection of facts,—that + he is incapable of reasoning on facts when he has collected them,—that + he does not understand the simplest terms of science,—that he has + enounced a proposition of which he does not know the meaning,—that + the proposition which he means to enounce, and which he tries to prove, + leads directly to all those consequences which he represents as impious + and immoral,—and that, from the very documents to which he has + himself appealed, it may be demonstrated that his theory is false. We may, + perhaps, resume the subject when his next volume appears. Meanwhile, we + hope that he will delay its publication until he has learned a little + arithmetic, and unlearned a great deal of eloquence. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SADLER'S REFUTATION REFUTED. (January 1831.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "A Refutation of an Article in the Edinburgh Review (No. + CII.) entitled, 'Sadler's Law of Population, and disproof of + Human Superfecundity;' containing also Additional Proofs of + the Principle enunciated in that Treatise, founded on the + Censuses of different Countries recently published." By + Michael Thomas Sadler, M.P. 8vo. London: 1830. +</pre> + <p> + "Before anything came out against my Essay, I was told I must prepare + myself for a storm coming against it, it being resolved by some men that + it was necessary that book of mine should, as it is phrased, be run down."—John + Locke. + </p> + <p> + We have, in violation of our usual practice, transcribed Mr Sadler's + title-page from top to bottom, motto and all. The parallel implied between + the Essay on the Human Understanding and the Essay on Superfecundity is + exquisitely laughable. We can match it, however, with mottoes as + ludicrous. We remember to have heard of a dramatic piece, entitled "News + from Camperdown," written soon after Lord Duncan's victory, by a man once + as much in his own good graces as Mr Sadler is, and now as much forgotten + as Mr Sadler will soon be, Robert Heron. His piece was brought upon the + stage, and damned, "as it is phrased," in the second act; but the author, + thinking that it had been unfairly and unjustly "run down," published it, + in order to put his critics to shame, with this motto from Swift: "When a + true genius appears in the world, you may know him by this mark—that + the dunces are all in confederacy against him." We remember another + anecdote, which may perhaps be acceptable to so zealous a churchman as Mr + Sadler. A certain Antinomian preacher, the oracle of a barn, in a county + of which we do not think it proper to mention the name, finding that + divinity was not by itself a sufficiently lucrative profession, resolved + to combine with it that of dog-stealing. He was, by ill-fortune, detected + in several offences of this description, and was in consequence brought + before two justices, who, in virtue of the powers given them by an act of + parliament, sentenced him to a whipping for each theft. The degrading + punishment inflicted on the pastor naturally thinned the flock; and the + poor man was in danger of wanting bread. He accordingly put forth a + handbill solemnly protesting his innocence, describing his sufferings, and + appealing to the Christian charity of the public; and to his pathetic + address he prefixed this most appropriate text: "Thrice was I beaten with + rods.—St Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians." He did not perceive + that, though St Paul had been scourged, no number of whippings, however + severe, will of themselves entitle a man to be considered as an apostle. + Mr Sadler seems to us to have fallen into a somewhat similar error. He + should remember that, though Locke may have been laughed at, so has Sir + Claudius Hunter; and that it takes something more than the laughter of all + the world to make a Locke. + </p> + <p> + The body of this pamphlet by no means justifies the parallel so modestly + insinuated on the title-page. Yet we must own that, though Mr Sadler has + not risen to the level of Locke, he has done what was almost as difficult, + if not as honourable—he has fallen below his own. He is at best a + bad writer. His arrangement is an elaborate confusion. His style has been + constructed, with great care, in such a manner as to produce the least + possible effect by means of the greatest possible number of words. + Aspiring to the exalted character of a Christian philosopher, he can never + preserve through a single paragraph either the calmness of a philosopher + or the meekness of a Christian. His ill-nature would make a very little + wit formidable. But, happily, his efforts to wound resemble those of a + juggler's snake. The bags of poison are full, but the fang is wanting. In + this foolish pamphlet, all the unpleasant peculiarities of his style and + temper are brought out in the strongest manner. He is from the beginning + to the end in a paroxysm of rage, and would certainly do us some mischief + if he knew how. We will give a single instance for the present. Others + will present themselves as we proceed. We laughed at some doggerel verses + which he cited, and which we, never having seen them before, suspected to + be his own. We are now sure that if the principle on which Solomon decided + a famous case of filiation were correct, there can be no doubt as to the + justice of our suspicion. Mr Sadler, who, whatever elements of the + poetical character he may lack, possesses the poetical irritability in an + abundance which might have sufficed for Homer himself, resolved to + retaliate on the person, who, as he supposed, had reviewed him. He has, + accordingly, ransacked some collection of college verses, in the hope of + finding, among the performances of his supposed antagonist, something as + bad as his own. And we must in fairness admit that he has succeeded pretty + well. We must admit that the gentleman in question sometimes put into his + exercises, at seventeen, almost as great nonsense as Mr Sadler is in the + habit of putting into his books at sixty. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler complains that we have devoted whole pages to mere abuse of him. + We deny the charge. We have, indeed, characterised, in terms of just + reprehension, that spirit which shows itself in every part of his prolix + work. Those terms of reprehension we are by no means inclined to retract; + and we conceive that we might have used much stronger expressions, without + the least offence either to truth or to decorum. There is a limit + prescribed to us by our sense of what is due to ourselves. But we think + that no indulgence is due to Mr Sadler. A writer who distinctly announces + that he has not conformed to the candour of the age—who makes it his + boast that he expresses himself throughout with the greatest plainness and + freedom—and whose constant practice proves that by plainness and + freedom he means coarseness and rancour—has no right to expect that + others shall remember courtesies which he has forgotten, or shall respect + one who has ceased to respect himself. + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler declares that he has never vilified Mr Malthus personally, and + has confined himself to attacking the doctrines which that gentleman + maintains. We should wish to leave that point to the decision of all who + have read Mr Sadler's book, or any twenty pages of it. To quote particular + instances of a temper which penetrates and inspires the whole work, is to + weaken our charge. Yet, that we may not be suspected of flinching, we will + give two specimens,—the two first which occur to our recollection. + "Whose minister is it that speaks thus?" says Mr Sadler, after + misrepresenting in a most extraordinary manner, though, we are willing to + believe, unintentionally, one of the positions of Mr Malthus. "Whose + minister is it that speaks thus? That of the lover and avenger of little + children?" Again, Mr Malthus recommends, erroneously perhaps, but + assuredly from humane motives, that alms, when given, should be given very + sparingly. Mr Sadler quotes the recommendation, and adds the following + courteous comment:—"The tender mercies of the wicked are cruel." We + cannot think that a writer who indulges in these indecent and unjust + attacks on professional and personal character has any right to complain + of our sarcasms on his metaphors and rhymes. + </p> + <p> + We will now proceed to examine the reply which Mr Sadler has thought fit + to make to our arguments. He begins by attacking our remarks on the origin + of evil. They are, says he, too profound for common apprehension; and he + hopes that they are too profound for our own. That they seem profound to + him we can well believe. Profundity, in its secondary as in its primary + sense, is a relative term. When Grildrig was nearly drowned in the + Brobdingnagian cream-jug he doubtless thought it very deep. But to common + apprehension our reasoning would, we are persuaded, appear perfectly + simple. + </p> + <p> + The theory of Mr Malthus, says Mr Sadler, cannot be true, because it + asserts the existence of a great and terrible evil, and is therefore + inconsistent with the goodness of God. We answer thus. We know that there + are in the world great and terrible evils. In spite of these evils, we + believe in the goodness of God. Why may we not then continue to believe in + his goodness, though another evil should be added to the list? + </p> + <p> + How does Mr Sadler answer this? Merely by telling us, that we are too + wicked to be reasoned with. He completely shrinks from the question; a + question, be it remembered, not raised by us—a question which we + should have felt strong objections to raising unnecessarily—a + question put forward by himself, as intimately connected with the subject + of his two ponderous volumes. He attempts to carp at detached parts of our + reasoning on the subject. With what success he carries on this guerilla + war after declining a general action with the main body of our argument + our readers shall see. + </p> + <p> + "The Reviewer sends me to Paley, who is, I confess, rather more + intelligible on the subject, and who, fortunately, has decided the very + point in dispute. I will first give the words of the Reviewer, who, when + speaking of my general argument regarding the magnitude of the evils, + moral and physical, implied in the theory I oppose, sums up his ideas + thus:—'Mr Sadler says, that it is not a light or transient evil, but + a great and permanent evil. What then? The question of the origin of evil + is a question of aye or no,—not a question of MORE or LESS.' But + what says Paley? His express rule is this, that 'when we cannot resolve + all appearances into benevolence of design, we make the FEW give place to + the MANY, the LITTLE to the GREAT; that we take our judgment from a large + and decided preponderancy.' Now in weighing these two authorities, + directly at issue on this point, I think there will be little trouble in + determining which we shall make 'to give place;' or, if we 'look to a + large and decided preponderancy' of either talent, learning, or + benevolence, from whom we shall 'take our judgment.' The effrontery, or, + to speak more charitably, the ignorance of a reference to Paley on this + subject, and in this instance, is really marvellous." + </p> + <p> + Now, does not Mr Sadler see that the very words which he quotes from Paley + contain in themselves a refutation of his whole argument? Paley says, + indeed, as every man in his senses would say, that in a certain case, + which he has specified, the more and the less come into question. But in + what case? "When we CANNOT resolve all appearances into the benevolence of + design." It is better that there should be a little evil than a great deal + of evil. This is self-evident. But it is also self-evident, that no evil + is better than a little evil. Why, then, is there any evil? It is a + mystery which we cannot solve. It is a mystery which Paley, by the very + words which Mr Sadler has quoted, acknowledges himself unable to solve; + and it is because he cannot solve that mystery that he proceeds to take + into consideration the more and the less. Believing in the divine + goodness, we must necessarily believe that the evils which exist are + necessary to avert greater evils. But what those greater evils are, we do + not know. How the happiness of any part of the sentient creation would be + in any respect diminished if, for example, children cut their teeth + without pain, we cannot understand. The case is exactly the same with the + principle of Mr Malthus. If superfecundity exists, it exists, no doubt, + because it is a less evil than some other evil which otherwise would + exist. Can Mr Sadler prove that this is an impossibility? + </p> + <p> + One single expression which Mr Sadler employs on this subject is + sufficient to show how utterly incompetent he is to discuss it. "On the + Christian hypothesis," says he, "no doubt exists as to the origin of + evil." He does not, we think, understand what is meant by the origin of + evil. The Christian Scriptures profess to give no solution of that + mystery. They relate facts: but they leave the metaphysical question + undetermined. They tell us that man fell; but why he was not so + constituted as to be incapable of falling, or why the Supreme Being has + not mitigated the consequences of the Fall more than they actually have + been mitigated, the Scriptures did not tell us, and, it may without + presumption be said, could not tell us, unless we had been creatures + different from what we are. There is something, either in the nature of + our faculties or in the nature of the machinery employed by us for the + purpose of reasoning, which condemns us, on this and similar subjects, to + hopeless ignorance. Man can understand these high matters only by ceasing + to be man, just as a fly can understand a lemma of Newton only by ceasing + to be a fly. To make it an objection to the Christian system that it gives + us no solution of these difficulties, is to make it an objection to the + Christian system that it is a system formed for human beings. Of the + puzzles of the Academy, there is not one which does not apply as strongly + to Deism as to Christianity, and to Atheism as to Deism. There are + difficulties in everything. Yet we are sure that something must be true. + </p> + <p> + If revelation speaks on the subject of the origin of evil it speaks only + to discourage dogmatism and temerity. In the most ancient, the most + beautiful, and the most profound of all works on the subject, the Book of + Job, both the sufferer who complains of the divine government, and the + injudicious advisers who attempt to defend it on wrong principles, are + silenced by the voice of supreme wisdom, and reminded that the question is + beyond the reach of the human intellect. St Paul silences the supposed + objector, who strives to force him into controversy, in the same manner. + The church has been, ever since the apostolic times, agitated by this + question, and by a question which is inseparable from it, the question of + fate and free-will. The greatest theologians and philosophers have + acknowledged that these things were too high for them, and have contended + themselves with hinting at what seemed to be the most probable solution. + What says Johnson? "All our effort ends in belief that for the evils of + life there is some good reason, and in confession that the reason cannot + be found." What says Paley? "Of the origin of evil no universal solution + has been discovered. I mean no solution which reaches to all cases of + complaint.—The consideration of general laws, although it may + concern the question of the origin of evil very nearly, which I think it + does, rests in views disproportionate to our faculties, and in a knowledge + which we do not possess. It serves rather to account for the obscurity of + the subject, than to supply us with distinct answers to our difficulties." + What says presumptuous ignorance? "No doubt whatever exists as to the + origin of evil." It is remarkable that Mr Sadler does not tell us what his + solution is. The world, we suspect, will lose little by his silence. + </p> + <p> + He falls on the reviewer again. + </p> + <p> + "Though I have shown," says he, "and on authorities from which none can + lightly differ, not only the cruelty and immorality which this system + necessarily involves, but its most revolting feature, its gross + partiality, he has wholly suppressed this, the most important part of my + argument; as even the bare notice of it would have instantly exposed the + sophistry to which he has had recourse. If, however, he would fairly meet + the whole question, let him show me that 'hydrophobia,' which he gives as + an example of the laws of God and nature, is a calamity to which the poor + alone are liable; or that 'malaria,' which, with singular infelicity, he + has chosen as an illustration of the fancied evils of population, is a + respecter of persons." + </p> + <p> + We said nothing about this argument, as Mr Sadler calls it, merely because + we did not think it worth while: and we are half ashamed to say anything + about it now. But, since Mr Sadler is so urgent for an answer, he shall + have one. If there is evil, it must be either partial or universal. Which + is the better of the two? Hydrophobia, says this great philosopher, is no + argument against the divine goodness, because mad dogs bite rich and poor + alike; but if the rich were exempted, and only nine people suffered for + ten who suffer now, hydrophobia would forthwith, simply because it would + produce less evil than at present, become an argument against the divine + goodness! To state such a proposition, is to refute it. And is not the + malaria a respecter of persons? It infests Rome. Does it infest London? + There are complaints peculiar to the tropical countries. There are others + which are found only in mountainous districts; others which are confined + to marshy regions; others again which run in particular families. Is not + this partiality? Why is it more inconsistent with the divine goodness that + poor men should suffer an evil from which rich men are exempt, than that a + particular portion of the community should inherit gout, scrofula, + insanity, and other maladies? And are there no miseries under which, in + fact, the poor alone are suffering? Mr Sadler himself acknowledges, in + this very paragraph, that there are such; but he tells us that these + calamities are the effects of misgovernment, and that this misgovernment + is the effect of political economy. Be it so. But does he not see that he + is only removing the difficulty one step further? Why does Providence + suffer men, whose minds are filled with false and pernicious notions, to + have power in the state? For good ends, we doubt not, if the fact be so; + but for ends inscrutable to us, who see only a small part of the vast + scheme, and who see that small part only for a short period. Does Mr + Sadler doubt that the Supreme Being has power as absolute over the + revolutions of political as over the organisation of natural bodies? + Surely not: and, if not, we do not see that he vindicates the ways of + Providence by attributing the distresses, which the poor, as he confesses, + endure, to an error in legislation rather than to a law of physiology. + Turn the question as we may, disguise it as we may, we shall find that it + at last resolves itself into the same great enigma,—the origin of + physical and moral evil: an enigma which the highest human intellects have + given up in despair, but which Mr Sadler thinks himself perfectly able to + solve. + </p> + <p> + He next accuses us of having paused long on verbal criticism. We certainly + did object to his improper use of the words "inverse variation." Mr Sadler + complains of this with his usual bitterness. + </p> + <p> + "Now what is the Reviewer's quarrel with me on this occasion? That he does + not understand the meaning of my terms? No. He acknowledges the contrary. + That I have not fully explained the sense in which I have used them? No. + An explanation, he knows, is immediately subjoined, though he has + carefully suppressed it. That I have varied the sense in which I have + applied them? No. I challenge him to show it. But he nevertheless goes on + for many pages together in arguing against what he knows, and, in fact, + acknowledges, I did not mean; and then turns round and argues again, + though much more feebly, indeed, against what he says I did mean! Now, + even had I been in error as to the use of a word, I appeal to the reader + whether such an unworthy and disingenuous course would not, if generally + pursued, make controversy on all subjects, however important, that into + which, in such hands, it always degenerates—a dispute about words." + </p> + <p> + The best way to avoid controversies about words is to use words in their + proper senses. Mr Sadler may think our objection captious; but how he can + think it disingenuous we do not well understand. If we had represented him + as meaning what we knew that he did not mean, we should have acted in a + disgraceful manner. But we did not represent him, and he allows that we + did not represent him, as meaning what he did not mean. We blamed him, and + with perfect justice and propriety, for saying what he did not mean. Every + man has in one sense a right to define his own terms; that is to say, if + he chooses to call one two, and two seven, it would be absurd to charge + him with false arithmetic for saying that seven is the double of one. But + it would be perfectly fair to blame him for changing the established sense + of words. The words, "inverse variation," in matters not purely + scientific, have often been used in the loose way in which Mr Sadler has + used them. But we shall be surprised if he can find a single instance of + their having been so used in a matter of pure arithmetic. + </p> + <p> + We will illustrate our meaning thus. Lord Thurlow, in one of his speeches + about Indian affairs, said that one Hastings was worth twenty Macartneys. + He might, with equal propriety, have said ten Macartneys, or a hundred + Macartneys. Nor would there have been the least inconsistency in his using + all the three expressions in one speech. But would this be an excuse for a + financier who, in a matter of account, should reason as if ten, twenty, + and a hundred were the same number? + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler tells us that he purposely avoided the use of the word + proportion in stating his principle. He seems, therefore, to allow that + the word proportion would have been improper. Yet he did in fact employ it + in explaining his principle, accompanied with an awkward explanation + intended to signify that, though he said proportion, he meant something + quite different from proportion. We should not have said so much on this + subject either in our former article, or at present, but that there is in + all Mr Sadler's writings an air of scientific pedantry, which renders his + errors fair game. We will now let the matter rest; and, instead of + assailing Mr Sadler with our verbal criticism, proceed to defend ourselves + against his literal criticism. + </p> + <p> + "The Reviewer promised his readers that some curious results should follow + from his shuffling. We will enable him to keep his word. + </p> + <p> + "'In two English counties,' says he, 'which contain from 50 to 100 + inhabitants on the square mile, the births to 100 marriages are, according + to Mr Sadler, 420; but in 44 departments of France, in which there are + from one to two hecatares [hectares] to each inhabitant, that is to say, + in which the population is from 125 to 250, or rather more, to the square + mile, the number of births to one hundred marriages is 423 and a + fraction.' + </p> + <p> + "The first curious result is, that our Reviewer is ignorant, not only of + the name, but of the extent, of a French hectare; otherwise he is guilty + of a practice which, even if transferred to the gambling-table, would, I + presume, prevent him from being allowed ever to shuffle, even there, + again. He was most ready to pronounce upon a mistake of one per cent. in a + calculation of mine, the difference in no wise affecting the argument in + hand; but here I must inform him, that his error, whether wilfully or + ignorantly put forth, involves his entire argument. + </p> + <p> + "The French hectare I had calculated to contain 107,708 67/100 English + square feet, or 2 47265/100000 acres; Dr Kelly takes it, on authority + which he gives, at 107,644 143923/1000000 English square feet, or 2 + 471169/1000000 acres. The last French "Annuaires", however, state it, I + perceive, as being equal to 2 473614/1000000 acres. The difference is very + trifling, and will not in the slightest degree cover our critic's error. + The first calculation gives about 258 83/100 hectares to an English square + mile; the second, 258 73/100; the last, or French calculation 258 98/100. + When, therefore, the Reviewer calculates the population of the departments + of France thus: 'from one to two hectares to each inhabitant, that is to + say, in which the population is from 125 to 250, or rather more, to the + square mile; his 'that is to say,' is that which he ought not to have said—no + rare case with him, as we shall show throughout." + </p> + <p> + We must inform Mr Sadler, in the first place, that we inserted the vowel + which amuses him so much, not from ignorance or from carelessness, but + advisedly, and in conformity with the practice of several respectable + writers. He will find the word hecatare in Ree's Cyclopaedia. He will find + it also in Dr Young. We prefer the form which we have employed, because it + is etymologically correct. Mr Sadler seems not to know that a hecatare is + so-called, because it contains a hundred ares. + </p> + <p> + We were perfectly acquainted with the extent as well as with the name of a + hecatare. Is it at all strange that we should use the words "250, or + rather more," in speaking of 258 and a fraction? Do not people constantly + employ round numbers with still greater looseness, in translating foreign + distances and foreign money? If indeed, as Mr Sadler says, the difference + which he chooses to call an error involved the entire argument, or any + part of the argument, we should have been guilty of gross unfairness. But + it is not so. The difference between 258 and 250, as even Mr Sadler would + see if he were not blind with fury, was a difference to his advantage. Our + point was this. The fecundity of a dense population in certain departments + of France is greater than that of a thinly scattered population in certain + counties of England. The more dense, therefore, the population in those + departments of France, the stronger was our case. By putting 250, instead + of 258, we understated our case. Mr Sadler's correction of our orthography + leads us to suspect that he knows very little of Greek; and his correction + of our calculation quite satisfies us that he knows very little of logic. + </p> + <p> + But, to come to the gist of the controversy. Our argument, drawn from Mr + Sadler's own tables, remains absolutely untouched. He makes excuses + indeed; for an excuse is the last thing that Mr Sadler will ever want. + There is something half laughable and half provoking in the facility with + which he asserts and retracts, says and unsays, exactly as suits his + argument. Sometimes the register of baptisms is imperfect, and sometimes + the register of burials. Then again these registers become all at once + exact almost to an unit. He brings forward a census of Prussia in proof of + his theory. We show that it directly confutes his theory; and it forthwith + becomes "notoriously and grossly defective." The census of the Netherlands + is not to be easily dealt with; and the census of the Netherlands is + therefore pronounced inaccurate. In his book on the Law of Population, he + tells us that "in the slave-holding States of America, the male slaves + constitute a decided majority of that unfortunate class." This fact we + turned against him; and, forgetting that he had himself stated it, he + tells us that "it is as erroneous as many other ideas which we entertain," + and that "he will venture to assert that the female slaves were, at the + nubile age, as numerous as the males." The increase of the negroes in the + United States puzzles him; and he creates a vast slave-trade to solve it. + He confounds together things perfectly different; the slave-trade carried + on under the American flag, and the slave-trade carried on for the supply + of the American soil,—the slave-trade with Africa, and the internal + slave-trade between the different States. He exaggerates a few occasional + acts of smuggling into an immense and regular importation, and makes his + escape as well as he can under cover of this hubbub of words. Documents + are authentic and facts true precisely in proportion to the support which + they afford to his theory. This is one way, undoubtedly, of making books; + but we question much whether it be the way to make discoveries. + </p> + <p> + As to the inconsistencies which we pointed out between his theory and his + own tables, he finds no difficulty in explaining them away or facing them + out. In one case there would have been no contradiction if, instead of + taking one of his tables, we had multiplied the number of three tables + together, and taken the average. Another would never have existed if there + had not been a great migration of people into Lancashire. Another is not + to be got over by any device. But then it is very small, and of no + consequence to the argument. + </p> + <p> + Here, indeed, he is perhaps right. The inconsistencies which we noticed, + were, in themselves, of little moment. We give them as samples,—as + mere hints, to caution those of our readers who might also happen to be + readers of Mr Sadler against being deceived by his packing. He complains + of the word packing. We repeat it; and, since he has defied us to the + proof, we will go fully into the question which, in our last article, we + only glanced at, and prove, in such a manner as shall not leave even to Mr + Sadler any shadow of excuse, that his theory owes its speciousness to + packing, and to packing alone. + </p> + <p> + That our readers may fully understand our reasoning, we will again state + what Mr Sadler's proposition is. He asserts that, on a given space, the + number of children to a marriage becomes less and less as the population + becomes more and more numerous. + </p> + <p> + We will begin with the census of France given by Mr Sadler. By joining the + departments together in combinations which suit his purpose, he has + contrived to produce three tables, which he presents as decisive proofs of + his theory. + </p> + <p> + The first is as follows:— + </p> + <p> + "The legitimate births are, in those departments where there are to each + inhabitant— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Hectares Departments To every 1000 marriages + + 4 to 5 2 130 + 3 to 4 3 4372 + 2 to 3 30 4250 + 1 to 2 44 4234 + .06 to 1 5 4146 + .06 1 2657 +</pre> + <p> + The two other computations he has given in one table. We subjoin it. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Hect. to each Number of Legit. Births to Legit. Births to + Inhabitant Departments 100 Marriages 100 Mar. (1826) + + 4 to 5 2 497 397 + 3 to 4 3 439 389 + 2 to 3 30 424 379 + 1 to 2 44 420 375 + under 1 5 415 372 + and .06 1 263 253 +</pre> + <p> + These tables, as we said in our former article, certainly look well for Mr + Sadler's theory. "Do they?" says he. "Assuredly they do; and in admitting + this, the Reviewer has admitted the theory to be proved." We cannot + absolutely agree to this. A theory is not proved, we must tell Mr Sadler, + merely because the evidence in its favour looks well at first sight. There + is an old proverb, very homely in expression, but well deserving to be had + in constant remembrance by all men, engaged either in action or in + speculation—"One story is good till another is told!" + </p> + <p> + We affirm, then, that the results which these tables present, and which + seem so favourable to Mr Sadler's theory, are produced by packing, and by + packing alone. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, if we look at the departments singly, the whole is in + disorder. About the department in which Paris is situated there is no + dispute: Mr Malthus distinctly admits that great cities prevent + propagation. There remain eighty-four departments; and of these there is + not, we believe, a single one in the place which, according to Mr Sadler's + principle, it ought to occupy. + </p> + <p> + That which ought to be highest in fecundity is tenth in one table, + fourteenth in another, and only thirty-first according to the third. That + which ought to be third is twenty-second by the table, which places it + highest. That which ought to be fourth is fortieth by the table, which + places it highest. That which ought to be eighth is fiftieth or sixtieth. + That which ought to be tenth from the top is at about the same distance + from the bottom. On the other hand, that which, according to Mr Sadler's + principle, ought to be last but two of all the eighty-four is third in two + of the tables, and seventh in that which places it lowest; and that which + ought to be last is, in one of Mr Sadler's tables, above that which ought + to be first, in two of them, above that which ought to be third, and, in + all of them, above that which ought to be fourth. + </p> + <p> + By dividing the departments in a particular manner, Mr Sadler has produced + results which he contemplates with great satisfaction. But, if we draw the + lines a little higher up or a little lower down, we shall find that all + his calculations are thrown into utter confusion; and that the phenomena, + if they indicate anything, indicate a law the very reverse of that which + he has propounded. + </p> + <p> + Let us take, for example, the thirty-two departments, as they stand in Mr + Sadler's table, from Lozere to Meuse inclusive, and divide them into two + sets of sixteen departments each. The set from Lozere and Loiret inclusive + consists of those departments in which the space to each inhabitant is + from 3.8 hecatares to 2.42. The set from Cantal to Meuse inclusive + consists of those departments in which the space to each inhabitant is + from 2.42 hecatares to 2.07. That is to say, in the former set the + inhabitants are from 68 to 107 on the square mile, or thereabouts. In the + latter they are from 107 to 125. Therefore, on Mr Sadler's principle, the + fecundity ought to be smaller in the latter set than in the former. It is, + however, greater, and that in every one of Mr Sadler's three tables. + </p> + <p> + Let us now go a little lower down, and take another set of sixteen + departments—those which lie together in Mr Sadler's tables, from + Herault to Jura inclusive. Here the population is still thicker than in + the second of those sets which we before compared. The fecundity, + therefore, ought, on Mr Sadler's principle, to be less than in that set. + But it is again greater, and that in all Mr Sadler's three tables. We have + a regularly ascending series, where, if his theory had any truth in it, we + ought to have a regularly descending series. We will give the results of + our calculation. + </p> + <p> + The number of children to 1000 marriages is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1st Table 2nd Table 3rd Table + + In the sixteen departments where + there are from 68 to 107 people + on a square mile................ 4188 4226 3780 + + In the sixteen departments where + there are from 107 to 125 people + on a square mile................ 4374 4332 3855 + + In the sixteen departments where + there are from 134 to 155 people + on a square mile................ 4484 4416 3914 +</pre> + <p> + We will give another instance, if possible still more decisive. We will + take the three departments of France which ought, on Mr Sadler's + principle, to be the lowest in fecundity of all the eighty-five, saving + only that in which Paris stands; and we will compare them with the three + departments in which the fecundity ought, according to him, to be greater + than in any other department of France, two only excepted. We will compare + Bas Rhin, Rhone, and Nord, with Lozere, Landes, and Indre. In Lozere, + Landes, and Indre, the population is from 68 to 84 on the square mile or + nearly so. In Bas Rhin, Rhone, and Nord, it is from 300 to 417 on the + square mile. There cannot be a more overwhelming answer to Mr Sadler's + theory than the table which we subjoin: + </p> + <p> + The number of births to 1000 marriages is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1st Table 2nd Table 3rd Table + + In the three departments in which + there are from 68 to 84 people + on the square mile............... 4372 4390 3890 + + In the three departments in which + there are from 300 to 417 people + on the square mile............... 4457 4510 4060 +</pre> + <p> + These are strong cases. But we have a still stronger case. Take the whole + of the third, fourth, and fifth divisions into which Mr Sadler has + portioned out the French departments. These three divisions make up almost + the whole kingdom of France. They contain seventy-nine out of the + eighty-five departments. Mr Sadler has contrived to divide them in such a + manner that, to a person who looks merely at his averages, the fecundity + seems to diminish as the population thickens. We will separate them into + two parts instead of three. We will draw the line between the department + of Gironde and that of Herault. On the one side are the thirty-two + departments from Cher to Gironde inclusive. On the other side are the + forty-six departments from Herault to Nord inclusive. In all the + departments of the former set, the population is under 132 on the square + mile. In all the departments of the latter set, it is above 132 on the + square mile. It is clear that, if there be one word of truth in Mr + Sadler's theory, the fecundity in the latter of these divisions must be + very decidedly smaller than in the former. Is it so? It is, on the + contrary, greater in all the three tables. We give the result. + </p> + <p> + The number of births to 1000 marriages is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1st Table 2nd Table 3rd Table + + In the thirty-two departments in + which there are from 86 to 132 + people on the square mile....... 4210 4199 3760 + + In the forty-seven departments in + which there are from 132 to 417 + people on the square mile........ 4250 4224 3766 +</pre> + <p> + This fact is alone enough to decide the question. Yet it is only one of a + crowd of similar facts. If the line between Mr Sadler's second and third + division be drawn six departments lower down, the third and fourth + divisions will, in all the tables, be above the second. If the line + between the third and fourth divisions be drawn two departments lower + down, the fourth division will be above the third in all the tables. If + the line between the fourth and fifth division be drawn two departments + lower down, the fifth will, in all the tables, be above the fourth, above + the third, and even above the second. How, then, has Mr Sadler obtained + his results? By packing solely. By placing in one compartment a district + no larger than the Isle of Wight; in another, a district somewhat less + than Yorkshire; in the third, a territory much larger than the island of + Great Britain. + </p> + <p> + By the same artifice it is that he has obtained from the census of England + those delusive averages which he brings forward with the utmost + ostentation in proof of his principle. We will examine the facts relating + to England, as we have examined those relating to France. + </p> + <p> + If we look at the counties one by one, Mr Sadler's principle utterly + fails. Hertfordshire with 251 on the square mile; Worcester with 258; and + Kent with 282, exhibit a far greater fecundity than the East Riding of + York, which has 151 on the square mile; Monmouthshire, which has 145; or + Northumberland, which has 108. The fecundity of Staffordshire, which has + more than 300 on the square mile, is as high as the average fecundity of + the counties which have from 150 to 200 on the square mile. But, instead + of confining ourselves to particular instances, we will try masses. + </p> + <p> + Take the eight counties of England which stand together in Mr Sadler's + list, from Cumberland to Dorset inclusive. In these the population is from + 107 to 150 on the square mile. Compare with these the eight counties from + Berks to Durham inclusive, in which the population is from 175 to 200 on + the square mile. Is the fecundity in the latter counties smaller than in + the former? On the contrary, the result stands thus: + </p> + <p> + The number of children to 100 marriages is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + In the eight counties of England, in which there are + from 107 to 146 people on the square mile............. 388 + + In the eight counties of England, in which there are + from 175 to 200 people on the square mile..............402 +</pre> + <p> + Take the six districts from the East Riding of York to the County of + Norfolk inclusive. Here the population is from 150 to 170 on the square + mile. To these oppose the six counties from Derby to Worcester inclusive. + The population is from 200 to 260. Here again we find that a law, directly + the reverse of that which Mr Sadler has laid down, appears to regulate the + fecundity of the inhabitants. + </p> + <p> + The number of children to 100 marriages is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + In the six counties in which there are from 150 to 170 + people on the square mile................................392 + + In the six counties in which there are from 200 to 260 + people on the square mile................................399 +</pre> + <p> + But we will make another experiment on Mr Sadler's tables, if possible + more decisive than any of those which we have hitherto made. We will take + the four largest divisions into which he has distributed the English + counties, and which follow each other in regular order. That our readers + may fully comprehend the nature of that packing by which his theory is + supported, we will set before them this part of his table. + </p> + <p> + (Here follows a table showing for population on a square mile the + proportion of births to 100 marriages, based on figures for the years 1810 + to 1821. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 100 to 150...396 + 150 to 200...390 + 200 to 250...388 + 250 to 300...378) +</pre> + <p> + These averages look well, undoubtedly, for Mr Sadler's theory. The numbers + 396, 390, 388, 378, follow each other very speciously in a descending + order. But let our readers divide these thirty-four counties into two + equal sets of seventeen counties each, and try whether the principle will + then hold good. We have made this calculation, and we present them with + the following result. + </p> + <p> + The number of children to 100 marriages is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + In the seventeen counties of England in which there + are from 100 to 177 people on the square mile..........387 + + In the seventeen counties in which there + are from 177 to 282 people on the square mile..........389 +</pre> + <p> + The difference is small, but not smaller than differences which Mr Sadler + has brought forward as proofs of his theory. We say that these English + tables no more prove that fecundity increases with the population than + that it diminishes with the population. The thirty-four counties which we + have taken make up, at least four-fifths of the kingdom: and we see that, + through those thirty-four counties, the phenomena are directly opposed to + Mr Sadler's principle. That in the capital, and in great manufacturing + towns, marriages are less prolific than in the open country, we admit, and + Mr Malthus admits. But that any condensation of the population, short of + that which injures all physical energies, will diminish the prolific + powers of man, is, from these very tables of Mr Sadler, completely + disproved. + </p> + <p> + It is scarcely worth while to proceed with instances, after proofs so + overwhelming as those which we have given. Yet we will show that Mr Sadler + has formed his averages on the census of Prussia by an artifice exactly + similar to that which we have already exposed. + </p> + <p> + Demonstrating the Law of Population from the Censuses of Prussia at two + several Periods. + </p> + <p> + (Here follows a table showing for inhabitants on a square league the + average number of births to each marriage from two different censuses.) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1756 1784 + + 832 to 928...4.34 and 4.72 + 1175 to 1909...4.14 and 4.45 (including East Prussia at 1175) + 2083 to 2700...3.84 and 4.24 + 3142 to 3461...3.65 and 4.08 +</pre> + <p> + Of the census of 1756 we will say nothing, as Mr Sadler, finding himself + hard pressed by the argument which we drew from it, now declares it to be + grossly defective. We confine ourselves to the census of 1784: and we will + draw our lines at points somewhat different from those at which Mr Sadler + has drawn his. Let the first compartment remain as it stands. Let East + Prussia, which contains a much larger population than his last + compartment, stand alone in the second division. Let the third consist of + the New Mark, the Mark of Brandenburg, East Friesland and Guelderland, and + the fourth of the remaining provinces. Our readers will find that, on this + arrangement, the division which, on Mr Sadler's principle, ought to be + second in fecundity stands higher than that which ought to be first; and + that the division which ought to be fourth stands higher than that which + ought to be third. We will give the result in one view. + </p> + <p> + The number of births to a marriage is— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + In those provinces of Prussia where there are fewer than + 1000 people on the square league.......................4.72 + + In the province in which there are 1175 people on the + square league..........................................5.10 + + In the provinces in which there are from 1190 to 2083 + people on the square league............................4.10 + + In the provinces in which there are from 2314 to 3461 + people on the square league............................4.27 +</pre> + <p> + We will go no further with this examination. In fact, we have nothing more + to examine. The tables which we have scrutinised constitute the whole + strength of Mr Sadler's case; and we confidently leave it to our readers + to say, whether we have not shown that the strength of his case is + weakness. + </p> + <p> + Be it remembered too that we are reasoning on data furnished by Mr Sadler + himself. We have not made collections of facts to set against his, as we + easily might have done. It is on his own showing, it is out of his own + mouth, that his theory stands condemned. + </p> + <p> + That packing which we have exposed is not the only sort of packing which + Mr Sadler has practised. We mentioned in our review some facts relating to + the towns of England, which appear from Mr Sadler's tables, and which it + seems impossible to explain if his principles be sound. The average + fecundity of a marriage in towns of fewer than 3000 inhabitants is greater + than the average fecundity of the kingdom. The average fecundity in towns + of from 4000 to 5000 inhabitants is greater than the average fecundity of + Warwickshire, Lancashire, or Surrey. How is it, we asked, if Mr Sadler's + principle be correct, that the fecundity of Guildford should be greater + than the average fecundity of the county in which it stands? + </p> + <p> + Mr Sadler, in reply, talks about "the absurdity of comparing the fecundity + in the small towns alluded to with that in the counties of Warwick and + Stafford, or in those of Lancaster and Surrey." He proceeds thus— + </p> + <p> + "In Warwickshire, far above half the population is comprised in large + towns, including, of course, the immense metropolis of one great branch of + our manufactures, Birmingham. In the county of Stafford, besides the large + and populous towns in its iron districts, situated so close together as + almost to form, for considerable distances, a continuous street; there is, + in its potteries, a great population, recently accumulated, not included, + indeed, in the towns distinctly enumerated in the censuses, but vastly + exceeding in its condensation that found in the places to which the + Reviewer alludes. In Lancashire, again, to which he also appeals, + one-fourth of the entire population is made up of the inhabitants of two + only of the towns of that county; far above half of it is contained in + towns, compared with which those he refers to are villages: even the + hamlets of the manufacturing parts of Lancashire are often far more + populous than the places he mentions. But he presents us with a climax of + absurdity in appealing lastly to the population of Surrey as quite rural + compared with that of the twelve towns having less than 5000 inhabitants + in their respective jurisdictions, such as Saffron-Walden, Monmouth, etc. + Now, in the last census, Surrey numbered 398,658 inhabitants, and to say + not a word about the other towns of the county, much above two hundred + thousands of these are WITHIN THE BILLS OF MORTALITY! 'We should, + therefore, be glad to know' how it is utterly inconsistent with my + principle that the fecundity of Guildford, which numbers about 3000 + inhabitants, should be greater than the average fecundity of Surrey, made + up, as the bulk of the population of Surrey is, of the inhabitants of some + of the worst parts of the metropolis? Or why the fecundity of a given + number of marriages in the eleven little rural towns he alludes to, being + somewhat higher than that of an equal number, half taken, for instance, + from the heart of Birmingham or Manchester, and half from the populous + districts by which they are surrounded, is inconsistent with my theory? + </p> + <p> + "Had the Reviewer's object, in this instance, been to discover the truth, + or had he known how to pursue it, it is perfectly clear, at first sight, + that he would not have instituted a comparison between the prolificness + which exists in the small towns he has alluded to, and that in certain + districts, the population of which is made up, partly of rural inhabitants + and partly of accumulations of people in immense masses, the prolificness + of which, if he will allow me still the use of the phrase, is inversely as + their magnitude; but he would have compared these small towns with the + country places properly so called, and then again the different classes of + towns with each other; this method would have led him to certain + conclusions on the subject." + </p> + <p> + Now, this reply shows that Mr Sadler does not in the least understand the + principle which he has himself laid down. What is that principle? It is + this, that the fecundity of human beings ON GIVEN SPACES, varies inversely + as their numbers. We know what he means by inverse variation. But we must + suppose that he uses the words, "given spaces," in the proper sense. Given + spaces are equal spaces. Is there any reason to believe, that in those + parts of Surrey which lie within the bills of mortality, there is any + space equal in area to the space on which Guildford stands, which is more + thickly peopled than the space on which Guildford stands? We do not know + that there is any such. We are sure that there are not many. Why, + therefore, on Mr Sadler's principle, should the people of Guildford be + more prolific than the people who live within the bills of mortality? And, + if the people of Guildford ought, as on Mr Sadler's principle they + unquestionably ought, to stand as low in the scale of fecundity as the + people of Southwark itself, it follows, most clearly, that they ought to + stand far lower than the average obtained by taking all the people of + Surrey together. + </p> + <p> + The same remark applies to the case of Birmingham, and to all the other + cases which Mr Sadler mentions. Towns of 5000 inhabitants may be, and + often are, as thickly peopled "on a given space," as Birmingham. They are, + in other words, as thickly peopled as a portion of Birmingham, equal to + them in area. If so, on Mr Sadler's principle, they ought to be as low in + the scale of fecundity as Birmingham. But they are not so. On the + contrary, they stand higher than the average obtained by taking the + fecundity of Birmingham in combination with the fecundity of the rural + districts of Warwickshire. + </p> + <p> + The plain fact is, that Mr Sadler has confounded the population of a city + with its population "on a given space,"—a mistake which, in a + gentleman who assures us that mathematical science was one of his early + and favourite studies, is somewhat curious. It is as absurd, on his + principle, to say that the fecundity of London ought to be less than the + fecundity of Edinburgh, because London has a greater population than + Edinburgh, as to say that the fecundity of Russia ought to be greater than + that of England, because Russia has a greater population than England. He + cannot say that the spaces on which towns stand are too small to exemplify + the truth of his principle. For he has himself brought forward the scale + of fecundity in towns, as a proof of his principle. And, in the very + passage which we quoted above, he tells us that, if we knew how to pursue + truth or wished to find it, we "should have compared these small towns + with country places, and the different classes of towns with each other." + That is to say, we ought to compare together such unequal spaces as give + results favourable to his theory, and never to compare such equal spaces + as give results opposed to it. Does he mean anything by "a given space?" + Or does he mean merely such a space as suits his argument? It is perfectly + clear that, if he is allowed to take this course, he may prove anything. + No fact can come amiss to him. Suppose, for example, that the fecundity of + New York should prove to be smaller than the fecundity of Liverpool. + "That," says Mr Sadler, "makes for my theory. For there are more people + within two miles of the Broadway of New York, than within two miles of the + Exchange of Liverpool." Suppose, on the other hand, that the fecundity of + New York should be greater than the fecundity of Liverpool. "This," says + Mr Sadler again, "is an unanswerable proof of my theory. For there are + many more people within forty miles of Liverpool than within forty miles + of New York." In order to obtain his numbers, he takes spaces in any + combinations which may suit him. In order to obtain his averages, he takes + numbers in any combinations which may suit him. And then he tells us that, + because his tables, at the first glance, look well for his theory, his + theory is irrefragably proved. + </p> + <p> + We will add a few words respecting the argument which we drew from the + peerage. Mr Sadler asserted that the peers were a class condemned by + nature to sterility. We denied this, and showed from the last edition of + Debrett, that the peers of the United Kingdom have considerably more than + the average number of children to a marriage. Mr Sadler's answer has + amused us much. He denies the accuracy of our counting, and, by reckoning + all the Scotch and Irish peers as peers of the United Kingdom, certainly + makes very different numbers from those which we gave. A member of the + Parliament of the United Kingdom might have been expected, we think, to + know better what a peer of the United Kingdom is. + </p> + <p> + By taking the Scotch and Irish peers, Mr Sadler has altered the average. + But it is considerably higher than the average fecundity of England, and + still, therefore, constitutes an unanswerable argument against his theory. + </p> + <p> + The shifts to which, in this difficulty, he has recourse, are exceedingly + diverting. "The average fecundity of the marriages of peers," said we, "is + higher by one-fifth than the average fecundity of marriages throughout the + kingdom." + </p> + <p> + "Where, or by whom did the Reviewer find it supposed," answers Mr Sadler, + "that the registered baptisms expressed the full fecundity of the + marriages of England?" + </p> + <p> + Assuredly, if the registers of England are so defective as to explain the + difference which, on our calculation, exists between the fecundity of the + peers and the fecundity of the people, no argument against Mr Sadler's + theory can be drawn from that difference. But what becomes of all the + other arguments which Mr Sadler has founded on these very registers? Above + all, what becomes of his comparison between the censuses of England and + France? In the pamphlet before us, he dwells with great complacency on a + coincidence which seems to him to support his theory, and which to us + seems, of itself, sufficient to overthrow it. + </p> + <p> + "In my table of the population of France in the forty-four departments in + which there are from one to two hectares to each inhabitant, the fecundity + of 100 marriages, calculated on the average of the results of the three + computations relating to different periods given in my table, is 406 7/10. + In the twenty-two counties of England in which there is from one to two + hectares to each inhabitant, or from 129 to 259 on the square mile,—beginning, + therefore, with Huntingdonshire, and ending with Worcestershire,—the + whole number of marriages during ten years will be found to amount to + 379,624, and the whole number of the births during the same term to + 1,545,549—or 407 1/10 births to 100 marriages! A difference of one + in one thousand only, compared with the French proportion!" + </p> + <p> + Does not Mr Sadler see that, if the registers of England, which are + notoriously very defective, give a result exactly corresponding almost to + an unit with that obtained from the registers of France, which are + notoriously very full and accurate, this proves the very reverse of what + he employs it to prove? The correspondence of the registers proves that + there is no correspondence in the facts. In order to raise the average + fecundity of England even to the level of the average fecundity of the + peers of the three kingdoms, which is 3.81 to a marriage, it is necessary + to add nearly six per cent. to the number of births given in the English + registers. But, if this addition be made, we shall have, in the counties + of England, from Huntingdonshire to Worcestershire inclusive, 4.30 births + to a marriage or thereabouts: and the boasted coincidence between the + phenomena of propagation in France and England disappears at once. This is + a curious specimen of Mr Sadler's proficiency in the art of making + excuses. In the same pamphlet he reasons as if the same registers were + accurate to one in a thousand, and as if they were wrong at the very least + by one in eighteen. + </p> + <p> + He tries to show that we have not taken a fair criterion of the fecundity + of the peers. We are not quite sure that we understand his reasoning on + this subject. The order of his observations is more than usually confused, + and the cloud of words more than usually thick. We will give the argument + on which he seems to lay most stress in his own words:— + </p> + <p> + "But I shall first notice a far more obvious and important blunder into + which the Reviewer has fallen; or into which, I rather fear, he knowingly + wishes to precipitate his readers, since I have distinctly pointed out + what ought to have preserved him from it in the very chapter he is + criticising and contradicting. It is this:—he has entirely omitted + 'counting' the sterile marriages of all those peerages which have become + extinct during the very period his counting embraces. He counts, for + instance, Earl Fitzwilliam, his marriages, and heir; but has he not + omitted to enumerate the marriages of those branches of the same noble + house, which have become extinct since that venerable individual possessed + his title? He talks of my having appealed merely to the extinction of + peerages in my argument; but, on his plan of computation, extinctions are + perpetually and wholly lost sight of. In computing the average + prolificness of the marriages of the nobles, he positively counts from a + select class of them only, one from which the unprolific are constantly + weeded, and regularly disappear; and he thus comes to the conclusion, that + the peers are 'an eminently prolific class!' Just as though a farmer + should compute the rate of increase; not from the quantity of seed sown, + but from that part of it only which comes to perfection, entirely omitting + all which had failed to spring up or come to maturity. Upon this principle + the most scanty crop ever obtained, in which the husbandman should fail to + receive 'seed again,' as the phrase is, might be so 'counted' as to appear + 'eminently prolific' indeed." + </p> + <p> + If we understand this passage rightly, it decisively proves that Mr Sadler + is incompetent to perform even the lowest offices of statistical research. + What shadow of reason is there to believe that the peers who were alive in + the year 1828 differed as to their prolificness from any other equally + numerous set of peers taken at random? In what sense were the peers who + were alive in 1828 analogous to that part of the seed which comes to + perfection? Did we entirely omit all that failed? On the contrary, we + counted the sterile as well as the fruitful marriages of all the peers of + the United Kingdom living at one time. In what way were the peers who were + alive in 1828 a select class? In what way were the sterile weeded from + among them? Did every peer who had been married without having issue die + in 1827? What shadow of reason is there to suppose that there was not the + ordinary proportion of barren marriages among the marriages contracted by + the noblemen whose names are in Debrett's last edition? But we ought, says + Mr Sadler, to have counted all the sterile marriages of all the peers + "whose titles had become extinct during the period which our counting + embraced;" that is to say, since the earliest marriage contracted by any + peer living in 1828. Was such a proposition ever heard of before? Surely + we were bound to do no such thing, unless at the same time we had counted + also the children born from all the fruitful marriages contracted by peers + during the same period. Mr Sadler would have us divide the number of + children born to peers living in 1828, not by the number of marriages + which those peers contracted, but by the number of marriages which those + peers contracted added to a crowd of marriages selected, on account of + their sterility, from among the noble marriages which have taken place + during the last fifty years. Is this the way to obtain fair averages? We + might as well require that all the noble marriages which during the last + fifty years have produced ten children apiece should be added to those of + the peers living in 1828. The proper way to ascertain whether a set of + people be prolific or sterile is, not to take marriages selected from the + mass either on account of their fruitfulness or on account of their + sterility, but to take a collection of marriages which there is no reason + to think either more or less fruitful than others. What reason is there to + think that the marriages contracted by the peers who were alive in 1828 + were more fruitful than those contracted by the peers who were alive in + 1800 or in 1750? + </p> + <p> + We will add another passage from Mr Sadler's pamphlet on this subject. We + attributed the extinction of peerages partly to the fact that those + honours are for the most part limited to heirs male. + </p> + <p> + "This is a discovery indeed! Peeresses 'eminently prolific,' do not, as + Macbeth conjured his spouse, 'bring forth men-children only;' they + actually produce daughters as well as sons!! Why, does not the Reviewer + see, that so long as the rule of nature, which proportions the sexes so + accurately to each other, continues to exist, a tendency to a diminution + in one sex proves, as certainly as the demonstration of any mathematical + problem, a tendency to a diminution in both; but to talk of 'eminently + prolific' peeresses, and still maintain that the rapid extinction in + peerages is owing to their not bearing male children exclusively, is + arrant nonsense." + </p> + <p> + Now, if there be any proposition on the face of the earth which we should + not have expected to hear characterised as arrant nonsense, it is this,—that + an honour limited to males alone is more likely to become extinct than an + honour which, like the crown of England, descends indifferently to sons + and daughters. We have heard, nay, we actually know families, in which, + much as Mr Sadler may marvel at it, there are daughters and no sons. Nay, + we know many such families. We are as much inclined as Mr Sadler to trace + the benevolent and wise arrangements of Providence in the physical world, + when once we are satisfied as to the facts on which we proceed. And we + have always considered it as an arrangement deserving of the highest + admiration, that, though in families the number of males and females + differs widely, yet in great collections of human beings the disparity + almost disappears. The chance undoubtedly is, that in a thousand marriages + the number of daughters will not very much exceed the number of sons. But + the chance also is, that several of those marriages will produce + daughters, and daughters only. In every generation of the peerage there + are several such cases. When a peer whose title is limited to male heirs + dies, leaving only daughters, his peerage must expire, unless he have, not + only a collateral heir, but a collateral heir descended through an + uninterrupted line of males from the first possessor of the honour. If the + deceased peer was the first nobleman of his family, then, by the + supposition, his peerage will become extinct. If he was the second, it + will become extinct, unless he leaves a brother or a brother's son. If the + second peer had a brother, the first peer must have had at least two sons; + and this is more than the average number of sons to a marriage in England. + When, therefore, it is considered how many peerages are in the first and + second generation, it will not appear strange that extinctions should + frequently take place. There are peerages which descend to females as well + as males. But, in such cases, if a peer dies, leaving only daughters, the + very fecundity of the marriage is a cause of the extinction of the + peerage. If there were only one daughter, the honour would descend. If + there are several, it falls into abeyance. + </p> + <p> + But it is needless to multiply words in a case so clear; and, indeed it is + needless to say anything more about Mr Sadler's book. We have, if we do + not deceive ourselves, completely exposed the calculations on which his + theory rests; and we do not think that we should either amuse our readers + or serve the cause of science if we were to rebut in succession a series + of futile charges brought in the most angry spirit against ourselves; + ignorant imputations of ignorance, and unfair complaints of unfairness,—conveyed + in long, dreary, declamations, so prolix that we cannot find space to + quote them, and so confused that we cannot venture to abridge them. + </p> + <p> + There is much indeed in this foolish pamphlet to laugh at, from the motto + in the first page down to some wisdom about cows in the last. One part of + it indeed is solemn enough, we mean a certain jeu d'esprit of Mr Sadler's + touching a tract of Dr Arbuthnot's. This is indeed "very tragical mirth," + as Peter Quince's playbill has it; and we would not advise any person who + reads for amusement to venture on it as long as he can procure a volume of + the Statutes at Large. This, however, to do Mr Sadler justice, is an + exception. His witticisms, and his tables of figures, constitute the only + parts of his work which can be perused with perfect gravity. His blunders + are diverting, his excuses exquisitely comic. But his anger is the most + grotesque exhibition that we ever saw. He foams at the mouth with the love + of truth, and vindicates the Divine benevolence with a most edifying + heartiness of hatred. On this subject we will give him one word of parting + advice. If he raves in this way to ease his mind, or because he thinks + that he does himself credit by it, or from a sense of religious duty, far + be it from us to interfere. His peace, his reputation, and his religion + are his own concern; and he, like the nobleman to whom his treatise is + dedicated, has a right to do what he will with his own. But, if he has + adopted his abusive style from a notion that it would hurt our feelings, + we must inform him that he is altogether mistaken; and that he would do + well in future to give us his arguments, if he has any, and to keep his + anger for those who fear it. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MIRABEAU. (July 1832.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Souvenirs sur Mirabeau, et sur les deux Premieres + Assemblees Legislatives". Par Etienne Dumont, de Geneve: + ouvrage posthume publie par M.J.L. Duval, Membre du Conseil + Representatif du Canton du Geneve. 8vo. Paris: 1832. +</pre> + <p> + This is a very amusing and a very instructive book: but even if it were + less amusing and less instructive, it would still be interesting as a + relic of a wise and virtuous man. M. Dumont was one of those persons, the + care of whose fame belongs in an especial manner to mankind. For he was + one of those persons who have, for the sake of mankind, neglected the care + of their own fame. In his walk through life there was no obtrusiveness, no + pushing, no elbowing, none of the little arts which bring forward little + men. With every right to the head of the board, he took the lowest room, + and well deserved to be greeted with—Friend, go up higher. Though no + man was more capable of achieving for himself a separate and independent + renown, he attached himself to others; he laboured to raise their fame; he + was content to receive as his share of the reward the mere overflowings + which redounded from the full measure of their glory. Not that he was of a + servile and idolatrous habit of mind:—not that he was one of the + tribe of Boswells,—those literary Gibeonites, born to be hewers of + wood and drawers of water to the higher intellectual castes. Possessed of + talents and acquirements which made him great, he wished only to be + useful. In the prime of manhood, at the very time of life at which + ambitious men are most ambitious, he was not solicitous to proclaim that + he furnished information, arguments, and eloquence to Mirabeau. In his + later years he was perfectly willing that his renown should merge in that + of Mr Bentham. + </p> + <p> + The services which M. Dumont has rendered to society can be fully + appreciated only by those who have studied Mr Bentham's works, both in + their rude and in their finished state. The difference both for show and + for use is as great as the difference between a lump of golden ore and a + rouleau of sovereigns fresh from the mint. Of Mr Bentham we would at all + times speak with the reverence which is due to a great original thinker, + and to a sincere and ardent friend of the human race. If a few weaknesses + were mingled with his eminent virtues,—if a few errors insinuated + themselves among the many valuable truths which he taught,—this is + assuredly no time for noticing those weaknesses or those errors in an + unkind or sarcastic spirit. A great man has gone from among us, full of + years, of good works, and of deserved honours. In some of the highest + departments in which the human intellect can exert itself he has not left + his equal or his second behind him. From his contemporaries he has had, + according to the usual lot, more or less than justice. He has had blind + flatterers and blind detractors—flatterers who could see nothing but + perfection in his style, detractors who could see nothing but nonsense in + his matter. He will now have judges. Posterity will pronounce its calm and + impartial decision; and that decision will, we firmly believe, place in + the same rank with Galileo, and with Locke, the man who found + jurisprudence a gibberish and left it a science. Never was there a + literary partnership so fortunate as that of Mr Bentham and M. Dumont. The + raw material which Mr Bentham furnished was most precious; but it was + unmarketable. He was, assuredly, at once a great logician and a great + rhetorician. But the effect of his logic was injured by a vicious + arrangement, and the effect of his rhetoric by a vicious style. His mind + was vigorous, comprehensive, subtile, fertile of arguments, fertile of + illustrations. But he spoke in an unknown tongue; and, that the + congregation might be edified, it was necessary that some brother having + the gift of interpretation should expound the invaluable jargon. His + oracles were of high import; but they were traced on leaves and flung + loose to the wind. So negligent was he of the arts of selection, + distribution, and compression, that to persons who formed their judgment + of him from his works in their undigested state he seemed to be the least + systematic of all philosophers. The truth is, that his opinions formed a + system, which, whether sound or unsound, is more exact, more entire, and + more consistent with itself than any other. Yet to superficial readers of + his works in their original form, and indeed to all readers of those works + who did not bring great industry and great acuteness to the study, he + seemed to be a man of a quick and ingenious but ill-regulated mind,—who + saw truth only by glimpses,—who threw out many striking hints, but + who had never thought of combining his doctrines in one harmonious whole. + </p> + <p> + M. Dumont was admirably qualified to supply what was wanting in Mr + Bentham. In the qualities in which the French writers surpass those of all + other nations—neatness, clearness, precision, condensation—he + surpassed all French writers. If M. Dumont had never been born, Mr Bentham + would still have been a very great man. But he would have been great to + himself alone. The fertility of his mind would have resembled the + fertility of those vast American wildernesses in which blossoms and decays + a rich but unprofitable vegetation, "wherewith the reaper filleth not his + hand, neither he that bindeth up the sheaves his bosom." It would have + been with his discoveries as it has been with the "Century of Inventions." + His speculations on laws would have been of no more practical use than + Lord Worcester's speculations on steam-engines. Some generations hence, + perhaps, when legislation had found its Watt, an antiquarian might have + published to the world the curious fact that, in the reign of George the + Third, there had been a man called Bentham, who had given hints of many + discoveries made since his time, and who had really, for his age, taken a + most philosophical view of the principles of jurisprudence. + </p> + <p> + Many persons have attempted to interpret between this powerful mind and + the public. But, in our opinion, M. Dumont alone has succeeded. It is + remarkable that, in foreign countries, where Mr Bentham's works are known + solely through the medium of the French version, his merit is almost + universally acknowledged. Even those who are most decidedly opposed to his + political opinions—the very chiefs of the Holy Alliance—have + publicly testified their respect for him. In England, on the contrary, + many persons who certainly entertained no prejudice against him on + political grounds were long in the habit of mentioning him contemptuously. + Indeed, what was said of Bacon's philosophy may be said of Bentham's. It + was in little repute among us, till judgments in its favour came from + beyond sea, and convinced us, to our shame, that we had been abusing and + laughing at one of the greatest men of the age. + </p> + <p> + M. Dumont might easily have found employments more gratifying to personal + vanity than that of arranging works not his own. But he could have found + no employment more useful or more truly honourable. The book before us, + hastily written as it is, contains abundant proof, if proof were needed, + that he did not become an editor because he wanted the talents which would + have made him eminent as a writer. + </p> + <p> + Persons who hold democratical opinions, and who have been accustomed to + consider M. Dumont as one of their party, have been surprised and + mortified to learn that he speaks with very little respect of the French + Revolution and of its authors. Some zealous Tories have naturally + expressed great satisfaction at finding their doctrines, in some respects, + confirmed by the testimony of an unwilling witness. The date of the work, + we think, explains everything. If it had been written ten years earlier, + or twenty years later, it would have been very different from what it is. + It was written, neither during the first excitement of the Revolution, nor + at that later period when the practical good produced by the Revolution + had become manifest to the most prejudiced observers; but in those + wretched times when the enthusiasm had abated, and the solid advantages + were not yet fully seen. It was written in the year 1799,—a year in + which the most sanguine friend of liberty might well feel some misgivings + as to the effects of what the National Assembly had done. The evils which + attend every great change had been severely felt. The benefit was still to + come. The price—a heavy price—had been paid. The thing + purchased had not yet been delivered. Europe was swarming with French + exiles. The fleets and armies of the second coalition were victorious. + Within France, the reign of terror was over; but the reign of law had not + commenced. There had been, indeed, during three or four years, a written + Constitution, by which rights were defined and checks provided. But these + rights had been repeatedly violated; and those checks had proved utterly + inefficient. The laws which had been framed to secure the distinct + authority of the executive magistrates and of the legislative assemblies—the + freedom of election—the freedom of debate—the freedom of the + press—the personal freedom of citizens—were a dead letter. The + ordinary mode in which the Republic was governed was by coups d'etat. On + one occasion, the legislative councils were placed under military + restraint by the directors. Then, again, directors were deposed by the + legislative councils. Elections were set aside by the executive authority. + Ship-loads of writers and speakers were sent, without a legal trial, to + die of fever in Guiana. France, in short, was in that state in which + revolutions, effected by violence, almost always leave a nation. The habit + of obedience had been lost. The spell of prescription had been broken. + Those associations on which, far more than on any arguments about property + and order, the authority of magistrates rests, had completely passed away. + The power of the government consisted merely in the physical force which + it could bring to its support. Moral force it had none. It was itself a + government sprung from a recent convulsion. Its own fundamental maxim was, + that rebellion might be justifiable. Its own existence proved that + rebellion might be successful. The people had been accustomed, during + several years, to offer resistance to the constituted authorities on the + slightest provocation, and to see the constituted authorities yield to + that resistance. The whole political world was "without form and void"—an + incessant whirl of hostile atoms, which, every moment, formed some new + combination. The only man who could fix the agitated elements of society + in a stable form was following a wild vision of glory and empire through + the Syrian deserts. The time was not yet come, when + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Confusion heard his voice; and wild uproar + Stood ruled:" +</pre> + <p> + when, out of the chaos into which the old society had been resolved, were + to rise a new dynasty, a new peerage, a new church, and a new code. + </p> + <p> + The dying words of Madame Roland, "Oh, Liberty! how many crimes are + committed in thy name!" were at that time echoed by many of the most + upright and benevolent of mankind. M. Guizot has, in one of his admirable + pamphlets, happily and justly described M. Laine as "an honest and liberal + man, discouraged by the Revolution." This description, at the time when M. + Dumont's Memoirs were written, would have applied to almost every honest + and liberal man in Europe; and would, beyond all doubt, have applied to M. + Dumont himself. To that fanatical worship of the all-wise and all-good + people, which had been common a few years before, had succeeded an uneasy + suspicion that the follies and vices of the people would frustrate all + attempts to serve them. The wild and joyous exaltation, with which the + meeting of the States-General and the fall of the Bastile had been hailed, + had passed away. In its place was dejection, and a gloomy distrust of + suspicious appearances. The philosophers and philanthropists had reigned. + And what had their reign produced? Philosophy had brought with it + mummeries as absurd as any which had been practised by the most + superstitious zealot of the darkest age. Philanthropy had brought with it + crimes as horrible as the massacre of Saint Bartholomew. This was the + emancipation of the human mind. These were the fruits of the great victory + of reason over prejudice. France had rejected the faith of Pascal and + Descartes as a nursery fable, that a courtezan might be her idol, and a + madman her priest. She had asserted her freedom against Louis, that she + might bow down before Robespierre. For a time men thought that all the + boasted wisdom of the eighteenth century was folly; and that those hopes + of great political and social ameliorations which had been cherished by + Voltaire and Condorcet were utterly delusive. + </p> + <p> + Under the influence of these feelings, M. Dumont has gone so far as to say + that the writings of Mr Burke on the French Revolution, though disfigured + by exaggeration, and though containing doctrines subversive of all public + liberty, had been, on the whole, justified by events, and had probably + saved Europe from great disasters. That such a man as the friend and + fellow-labourer of Mr Bentham should have expressed such an opinion is a + circumstance which well deserves the consideration of uncharitable + politicians. These Memoirs have not convinced us that the French + Revolution was not a great blessing to mankind. But they have convinced us + that very great indulgence is due to those who, while the Revolution was + actually taking place, regarded it with unmixed aversion and horror. We + can perceive where their error lay. We can perceive that the evil was + temporary, and the good durable. But we cannot be sure that, if our lot + had been cast in their times, we should not, like them, have been + discouraged and disgusted—that we should not, like them, have seen, + in that great victory of the French people, only insanity and crime. + </p> + <p> + It is curious to observe how some men are applauded, and others reviled, + for merely being what all their neighbours are,—for merely going + passively down the stream of events,—for merely representing the + opinions and passions of a whole generation. The friends of popular + government ordinarily speak with extreme severity of Mr Pitt, and with + respect and tenderness of Mr Canning. Yet the whole difference, we + suspect, consisted merely in this,—that Mr Pitt died in 1806, and Mr + Canning in 1827. During the years which were common to the public life of + both, Mr Canning was assuredly not a more liberal statesman than his + patron. The truth is that Mr Pitt began his political life at the end of + the American War, when the nation was suffering from the effects of + corruption. He closed it in the midst of the calamities produced by the + French Revolution, when the nation was still strongly impressed with the + horrors of anarchy. He changed, undoubtedly. In his youth he had brought + in reform bills. In his manhood he brought in gagging bills. But the + change, though lamentable, was, in our opinion, perfectly natural, and + might have been perfectly honest. He changed with the great body of his + countrymen. Mr Canning on the other hand, entered into public life when + Europe was in dread of the Jacobins. He closed his public life when Europe + was suffering under the tyranny of the Holy Alliance. He, too, changed + with the nation. As the crimes of the Jacobins had turned the master into + something very like a Tory, the events which followed the Congress of + Vienna turned the pupil into something very like a Whig. + </p> + <p> + So much are men the creatures of circumstances. We see that, if M. Dumont + had died in 1799, he would have died, to use the new cant word, a decided + "Conservative." If Mr Pitt had lived in 1832, it is our firm belief that + he would have been a decided Reformer. + </p> + <p> + The judgment passed by M. Dumont in this work on the French Revolution + must be taken with considerable allowances. It resembles a criticism on a + play of which only the first act has been performed, or on a building from + which the scaffolding has not yet been taken down. We have no doubt that, + if the excellent author had revised these Memoirs thirty years after the + time at which they were written, he would have seen reason to omit a few + passages, and to add many qualifications and explanations. + </p> + <p> + He would not probably have been inclined to retract the censures, just, + though severe, which he has passed on the ignorance, the presumption, and + the pedantry, of the National Assembly. But he would have admitted that, + in spite of those faults, perhaps even by reason of those faults, that + Assembly had conferred inestimable benefits on mankind. It is clear that, + among the French of that day, political knowledge was absolutely in its + infancy. It would indeed have been strange if it had attained maturity in + the time of censors, of lettres-de-cachet, and of beds of justice. The + electors did not know how to elect. The representatives did not know how + to deliberate. M. Dumont taught the constituent body of Montreuil how to + perform their functions, and found them apt to learn. He afterwards tried, + in concert with Mirabeau, to instruct the National Assembly in that + admirable system of Parliamentary tactics which has been long established + in the English House of Commons, and which has made the House of Commons, + in spite of all the defects in its composition, the best and fairest + debating society in the world. But these accomplished legislators, though + quite as ignorant as the mob of Montreuil, proved much less docile, and + cried out that they did not want to go to school to the English. Their + debates consisted of endless successions of trashy pamphlets, all + beginning with something about the original compact of society, man in the + hunting state, and other such foolery. They sometimes diversified and + enlivened these long readings by a little rioting. They bawled; they + hooted; they shook their fists. They kept no order among themselves. They + were insulted with impunity by the crowd which filled their galleries. + They gave long and solemn consideration to trifles. They hurried through + the most important resolutions with fearful expedition. They wasted months + in quibbling about the words of that false and childish Declaration of + Rights on which they professed to found their new constitution, and which + was at irreconcilable variance with every clause of that constitution. + They annihilated in a single night privileges, many of which partook of + the nature of property, and ought therefore to have been most delicately + handled. + </p> + <p> + They are called the Constituent Assembly. Never was a name less + appropriate. They were not constituent, but the very reverse of + constituent. They constituted nothing that stood or that deserved to last. + They had not, and they could not possibly have, the information or the + habits of mind which are necessary for the framing of that most exquisite + of all machines—a government. The metaphysical cant with which they + prefaced their constitution has long been the scoff of all parties. Their + constitution itself,—that constitution which they described as + absolutely perfect, and to which they predicted immortality,—disappeared + in a few months, and left no trace behind it. They were great only in the + work of destruction. + </p> + <p> + The glory of the National Assembly is this, that they were in truth, what + Mr Burke called them in austere irony, the ablest architects of ruin that + ever the world saw. They were utterly incompetent to perform any work + which required a discriminating eye and a skilful hand. But the work which + was then to be done was a work of devastation. They had to deal with + abuses so horrible and so deeply rooted that the highest political wisdom + could scarcely have produced greater good to mankind than was produced by + their fierce and senseless temerity. Demolition is undoubtedly a vulgar + task; the highest glory of the statesman is to construct. But there is a + time for everything,—a time to set up, and a time to pull down. The + talents of revolutionary leaders and those of the legislator have equally + their use and their season. It is the natural, the almost universal, law, + that the age of insurrections and proscriptions shall precede the age of + good government, of temperate liberty, and liberal order. + </p> + <p> + And how should it be otherwise? It is not in swaddling-bands that we learn + to walk. It is not in the dark that we learn to distinguish colours. It is + not under oppression that we learn how to use freedom. The ordinary + sophism by which misrule is defended is, when truly stated, this:—The + people must continue in slavery, because slavery has generated in them all + the vices of slaves. Because they are ignorant, they must remain under a + power which has made and which keeps them ignorant. Because they have been + made ferocious by misgovernment, they must be misgoverned for ever. If the + system under which they live were so mild and liberal that under its + operation they had become humane and enlightened, it would be safe to + venture on a change. But, as this system has destroyed morality, and + prevented the development of the intellect,—as it has turned men, + who might under different training have formed a virtuous and happy + community, into savage and stupid wild beasts,—therefore it ought to + last for ever. The English Revolution, it is said, was truly a glorious + Revolution. Practical evils were redressed; no excesses were committed; no + sweeping confiscations took place; the authority of the laws was scarcely + for a moment suspended; the fullest and freest discussion was tolerated in + Parliament; the nation showed, by the calm and temperate manner in which + it asserted its liberty, that it was fit to enjoy liberty. The French + Revolution was, on the other hand, the most horrible event recorded in + history,—all madness and wickedness,—absurdity in theory, and + atrocity in practice. What folly and injustice in the revolutionary laws! + What grotesque affectation in the revolutionary ceremonies! What + fanaticism! What licentiousness! What cruelty! Anacharsis Clootz and + Marat,—feasts of the Supreme Being, and marriages of the Loire—trees + of liberty, and heads dancing on pikes—the whole forms a kind of + infernal farce, made up of everything ridiculous, and everything + frightful. This it is to give freedom to those who have neither wisdom nor + virtue. + </p> + <p> + It is not only by bad men interested in the defence of abuses that + arguments like these have been urged against all schemes of political + improvement. Some of the highest and purest of human beings conceived such + scorn and aversion for the follies and crimes of the French Revolution + that they recanted, in the moment of triumph, those liberal opinions to + which they had clung in defiance of persecution. And, if we inquire why it + was that they began to doubt whether liberty were a blessing, we shall + find that it was only because events had proved, in the clearest manner, + that liberty is the parent of virtue and of order. They ceased to abhor + tyranny merely because it had been signally shown that the effect of + tyranny on the hearts and understandings of men is more demoralising and + more stupifying than had ever been imagined by the most zealous friend of + popular rights. The truth is, that a stronger argument against the old + monarchy of France may be drawn from the noyades and the fusillades than + from the Bastile and the Parc-aux-cerfs. We believe it to be a rule + without an exception, that the violence of a revolution corresponds to the + degree of misgovernment which has produced that revolution. Why was the + French Revolution so bloody and destructive? Why was our revolution of + 1641 comparatively mild? Why was our revolution of 1688 milder still? Why + was the American Revolution, considered as an internal movement, the + mildest of all? There is an obvious and complete solution of the problem. + The English under James the First and Charles the First were less + oppressed than the French under Louis the Fifteenth and Louis the + Sixteenth. The English were less oppressed after the Restoration than + before the great Rebellion. And America under George the Third was less + oppressed than England under the Stuarts. The reaction was exactly + proportioned to the pressure,—the vengeance to the provocation. + </p> + <p> + When Mr Burke was reminded in his later years of the zeal which he had + displayed in the cause of the Americans, he vindicated himself from the + charge of inconsistency, by contrasting the wisdom and moderation of the + Colonial insurgents of 1776 with the fanaticism and wickedness of the + Jacobins of 1792. He was in fact bringing an argument a fortiori against + himself. The circumstances on which he rested his vindication fully proved + that the old government of France stood in far more need of a complete + change than the old government of America. The difference between + Washington and Robespierre,—the difference between Franklin and + Barere,—the difference between the destruction of a few barrels of + tea and the confiscation of thousands of square miles,—the + difference between the tarring and feathering of a tax-gatherer and the + massacres of September,—measure the difference between the + government of America under the rule of England and the government of + France under the rule of the Bourbons. + </p> + <p> + Louis the Sixteenth made great voluntary concessions to his people; and + they sent him to the scaffold. Charles the Tenth violated the fundamental + laws of the state, established a despotism, and butchered his subjects for + not submitting quietly to that despotism. He failed in his wicked attempt. + He was at the mercy of those whom he had injured. The pavements of Paris + were still heaped up in barricades;—the hospitals were still full of + the wounded;—the dead were still unburied;—a thousand families + were in mourning;—a hundred thousand citizens were in arms. The + crime was recent;—the life of the criminal was in the hands of the + sufferers;—and they touched not one hair of his head. In the first + revolution, victims were sent to death by scores for the most trifling + acts proved by the lowest testimony, before the most partial tribunals. + After the second revolution, those ministers who had signed the + ordinances, those ministers, whose guilt, as it was of the foulest kind, + was proved by the clearest evidence,—were punished only with + imprisonment. In the first revolution, property was attacked. In the + second, it was held sacred. Both revolutions, it is true, left the public + mind of France in an unsettled state. Both revolutions were followed by + insurrectionary movements. But, after the first revolution, the insurgents + were almost always stronger than the law; and, since the second + revolution, the law has invariably been found stronger than the + insurgents. There is, indeed, much in the present state of France which + may well excite the uneasiness of those who desire to see her free, happy, + powerful, and secure. Yet, if we compare the present state of France with + the state in which she was forty years ago, how vast a change for the + better has taken place! How little effect, for example, during the first + revolution, would the sentence of a judicial body have produced on an + armed and victorious partty! If, after the 10th of August, or after the + proscription of the Gironde, or after the 9th of Thermidor, or after the + carnage of Vendemiaire, or after the arrests of Fructidor, any tribunal + had decided against the conquerors in favour of the conquered, with what + contempt, with what derision, would its award have been received! The + judges would have lost their heads, or would have been sent to die in some + unwholesome colony. The fate of the victim whom they had endeavoured to + save would only have been made darker and more hopeless by their + interference. We have lately seen a signal proof that, in France, the law + is now stronger than the sword. We have seen a government, in the very + moment of triumph and revenge, submitting itself to the authority of a + court of law. A just and independent sentence has been pronounced—a + sentence worthy of the ancient renown of that magistracy to which belong + the noblest recollections of French history—which, in an age of + persecutors, produced L'Hopital,—which, in an age of courtiers, + produced D'Aguesseau,—which, in an age of wickedness and madness, + exhibited to mankind a pattern of every virtue in the life and in the + death of Malesherbes. The respectful manner in which that sentence has + been received is alone sufficient to show how widely the French of this + generation differ from their fathers. And how is the difference to be + explained? The race, the soil, the climate, are the same. If those dull, + honest Englishmen, who explain the events of 1793 and 1794 by saying that + the French are naturally frivolous and cruel, were in the right, why is + the guillotine now standing idle? Not surely for want of Carlists, of + aristocrats, of people guilty of incivism, of people suspected of being + suspicious characters. Is not the true explanation this, that the + Frenchman of 1832 has been far better governed than the Frenchman of 1789,—that + his soul has never been galled by the oppressive privileges of a separate + caste,—that he has been in some degree accustomed to discuss + political questions, and to perform political functions,—that he has + lived for seventeen or eighteen years under institutions which, however + defective, have yet been far superior to any institutions that had before + existed in France? + </p> + <p> + As the second French Revolution has been far milder than the first, so + that great change which has just been effected in England has been milder + even than the second French Revolution,—milder than any revolution + recorded in history. Some orators have described the reform of the House + of Commons as a revolution. Others have denied the propriety of the term. + The question, though in seeming merely a question of definition, suggests + much curious and interesting matter for reflection. If we look at the + magnitude of the reform, it may well be called a revolution. If we look at + the means by which it has been effected, it is merely an Act of + Parliament, regularly brought in, read, committed, and passed. In the + whole history of England, there is no prouder circumstance than this,—that + a change, which could not, in any other age, or in any other country, have + been effected without physical violence, should here have been effected by + the force of reason, and under the forms of law. The work of three civil + wars has been accomplished by three sessions of Parliament. An ancient and + deeply rooted system of abuses has been fiercely attacked and stubbornly + defended. It has fallen; and not one sword has been drawn; not one estate + has been confiscated; not one family has been forced to emigrate. The bank + has kept its credit. The funds have kept their price. Every man has gone + forth to his work and to his labour till the evening. During the fiercest + excitement of the contest,—during the first fortnight of that + immortal May,—there was not one moment at which any sanguinary act + committed on the person of any of the most unpopular men in England would + not have filled the country with horror and indignation. + </p> + <p> + And now that the victory is won, has it been abused? An immense mass of + power has been transferred from an oligarchy to the nation. Are the + members of the vanquished oligarchy insecure? Does the nation seem + disposed to play the tyrant? Are not those who, in any other state of + society, would have been visited with the severest vengeance of the + triumphant party,—would have been pining in dungeons, or flying to + foreign countries,—still enjoying their possessions and their + honours, still taking part as freely as ever in public affairs? Two years + ago they were dominant. They are now vanquished. Yet the whole people + would regard with horror any man who should dare to propose any vindictive + measure. So common is this feeling,—so much is it a matter of course + among us,—that many of our readers will scarcely understand what we + see to admire in it. + </p> + <p> + To what are we to attribute the unparalleled moderation and humanity which + the English people had displayed at this great conjuncture? The answer is + plain. This moderation, this humanity, are the fruits of a hundred and + fifty years of liberty. During many generations we have had legislative + assemblies which, however defective their constitution might be, have + always contained many members chosen by the people, and many others eager + to obtain the approbation of the people:—assemblies in which perfect + freedom of debate was allowed;—assemblies in which the smallest + minority had a fair hearing; assemblies in which abuses, even when they + were not redressed, were at least exposed. For many generations we have + had the trial by jury, the Habeas Corpus Act, the freedom of the press, + the right of meeting to discuss public affairs, the right of petitioning + the legislature. A vast portion of the population has long been accustomed + to the exercise of political functions, and has been thoroughly seasoned + to political excitement. In most other countries there is no middle course + between absolute submission and open rebellion. In England there has + always been for centuries a constitutional opposition. Thus our + institutions had been so good that they had educated us into a capacity + for better institutions. There is not a large town in the kingdom which + does not contain better materials for a legislature than all France could + furnish in 1789. There is not a spouting-club at any pot-house in London + in which the rules of debate are not better understood, and more strictly + observed, than in the Constituent Assembly. There is scarcely a Political + Union which could not frame in half an hour a declaration of rights + superior to that which occupied the collective wisdom of France for + several months. + </p> + <p> + It would be impossible even to glance at all the causes of the French + Revolution within the limits to which we must confine ourselves. One thing + is clear. The government, the aristocracy, and the church were rewarded + after their works. They reaped that which they had sown. They found the + nation such as they had made it. That the people had become possessed of + irresistible power before they had attained the slightest knowledge of the + art of government—that practical questions of vast moment were left + to be solved by men to whom politics had been only matter of theory—that + a legislature was composed of persons who were scarcely fit to compose a + debating society—that the whole nation was ready to lend an ear to + any flatterer who appealed to its cupidity, to its fears, or to its thirst + for vengeance—all this was the effect of misrule, obstinately + continued in defiance of solemn warnings, and of the visible signs of an + approaching retribution. + </p> + <p> + Even while the monarchy seemed to be in its highest and most palmy state, + the causes of that great destruction had already begun to operate. They + may be distinctly traced even under the reign of Louis the Fourteenth. + That reign is the time to which the Ultra-Royalists refer as the Golden + Age of France. It was in truth one of those periods which shine with an + unnatural and delusive splendour, and which are rapidly followed by gloom + and decay. + </p> + <p> + Concerning Louis the Fourteenth himself, the world seems at last to have + formed a correct judgment. He was not a great general; he was not a great + statesman; but he was, in one sense of the words, a great king. Never was + there so consummate a master of what our James the First would have called + kingcraft,—of all those arts which most advantageously display the + merits of a prince, and most completely hide his defects. Though his + internal administration was bad,—though the military triumphs which + gave splendour to the early part of his reign were not achieved by + himself,—though his later years were crowded with defeats and + humiliations,—though he was so ignorant that he scarcely understood + the Latin of his mass-book,—though he fell under the control of a + cunning Jesuit and of a more cunning old woman,—he succeeded in + passing himself off on his people as a being above humanity. And this is + the more extraordinary because he did not seclude himself from the public + gaze like those Oriental despots whose faces are never seen, and whose + very names it is a crime to pronounce lightly. It has been said that no + man is a hero to his valet;—and all the world saw as much of Louis + the Fourteenth as his valet could see. Five hundred people assembled to + see him shave and put on his breeches in the morning. He then kneeled down + at the side of his bed, and said his prayer while the whole assembly + awaited the end in solemn silence—the ecclesiastics on their knees, + and the laymen with their hats before their faces. He walked about his + gardens with a train of two hundred courtiers at his heels. All Versailles + came to see him dine and sup. He was put to bed at night in the midst of a + crowd as great as that which had met to see him rise in the morning. He + took his very emetics in state, and vomited majestically in the presence + of all the grandes and petites entrees. Yet, though he constantly exposed + himself to the public gaze in situations in which it is scarcely possible + for any man to preserve much personal dignity, he to the last impressed + those who surrounded him with the deepest awe and reverence. The illusion + which he produced on his worshippers can be compared only to those + illusions to which lovers are proverbially subject during the season of + courtship. It was an illusion which affected even the senses. The + contemporaries of Louis thought him tall. Voltaire, who might have seen + him, and who had lived with some of the most distinguished members of his + court, speaks repeatedly of his majestic stature. Yet it is as certain as + any fact can be, that he was rather below than above the middle size. He + had, it seems, a way of holding himself, a way of walking, a way of + swelling his chest and rearing his head, which deceived the eyes of the + multitude. Eighty years after his death, the royal cemetery was violated + by the revolutionists, his coffin was opened; his body was dragged out; + and it appeared that the prince, whose majestic figure had been so long + and loudly extolled, was in truth a little man. (Even M. de Chateaubriand, + to whom we should have thought all the Bourbons would have seemed at least + six feet high, admits this fact. "C'est une erreur," says he in his + strange memoirs of the Duke of Berri, "de croire que Louis XIV. etait + d'une haute stature. Une cuirasse qui nous reste de lui, et les + exhumations de St Denys, n'ont laisse sur certain point aucun doute.") + That fine expression of Juvenal is singularly applicable, both in its + literal and in its metaphorical sense, to Louis the Fourteenth: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Mors sola fatetur + Quantula sint hominum corpuscula." +</pre> + <p> + His person and his government have had the same fate. He had the art of + making both appear grand and august, in spite of the clearest evidence + that both were below the ordinary standard. Death and time have exposed + both the deceptions. The body of the great king has been measured more + justly than it was measured by the courtiers who were afraid to look above + his shoe-tie. His public character has been scrutinized by men free from + the hopes and fears of Boileau and Moliere. In the grave, the most + majestic of princes is only five feet eight. In history, the hero and the + politician dwindles into a vain and feeble tyrant,—the slave of + priests and women—little in war,—little in government,—little + in everything but the art of simulating greatness. + </p> + <p> + He left to his infant successor a famished and miserable people, a beaten + and humbled army, provinces turned into deserts by misgovernment and + persecution, factions dividing the court, a schism raging in the church, + an immense debt, an empty treasury, immeasurable palaces, an innumerable + household, inestimable jewels and furniture. All the sap and nutriment of + the state seemed to have been drawn to feed one bloated and unwholesome + excrescence. The nation was withered. The court was morbidly flourishing. + Yet it does not appear that the associations which attached the people to + the monarchy had lost strength during his reign. He had neglected or + sacrificed their dearest interests; but he had struck their imaginations. + The very things which ought to have made him most unpopular,—the + prodigies of luxury and magnificence with which his person was surrounded, + while, beyond the inclosure of his parks, nothing was to be seen but + starvation and despair,—seemed to increase the respectful attachment + which his subjects felt for him. That governments exist only for the good + of the people, appears to be the most obvious and simple of all truths. + Yet history proves that it is one of the most recondite. We can scarcely + wonder that it should be so seldom present to the minds of rulers, when we + see how slowly, and through how much suffering, nations arrive at the + knowledge of it. + </p> + <p> + There was indeed one Frenchman who had discovered those principles which + it now seems impossible to miss,—that the many are not made for the + use of one,—that the truly good government is not that which + concentrates magnificence in a court, but that which diffuses happiness + among a people,—that a king who gains victory after victory, and + adds province to province, may deserve, not the admiration, but the + abhorrence and contempt of mankind. These were the doctrines which Fenelon + taught. Considered as an epic poem, Telemachus can scarcely be placed + above Glover's Leonidas or Wilkie's Epigoniad. Considered as a treatise on + politics and morals, it abounds with errors of detail; and the truths + which it inculcates seem trite to a modern reader. But, if we compare the + spirit in which it is written with the spirit which pervades the rest of + the French literature of that age, we shall perceive that, though in + appearance trite, it was in truth one of the most original works that have + ever appeared. The fundamental principles of Fenelon's political morality, + the test by which he judged of institutions and of men, were absolutely + new to his countrymen. He had taught them indeed, with the happiest + effect, to his royal pupil. But how incomprehensible they were to most + people, we learn from Saint Simon. That amusing writer tells us, as a + thing almost incredible, that the Duke of Burgundy declared it to be his + opinion that kings existed for the good of the people, and not the people + for the good of kings. Saint Simon is delighted with the benevolence of + this saying; but startled by its novelty and terrified by its boldness. + Indeed he distinctly says that it was not safe to repeat the sentiment in + the court of Louis. Saint Simon was, of all the members of that court, the + least courtly. He was as nearly an oppositionist as any man of his time. + His disposition was proud, bitter, and cynical. In religion he was a + Jansenist; in politics, a less hearty royalist than most of his + neighbours. His opinions and his temper had preserved him from the + illusions which the demeanour of Louis produced on others. He neither + loved nor respected the king. Yet even this man,—one of the most + liberal men in France,—was struck dumb with astonishment at hearing + the fundamental axiom of all government propounded,—an axiom which, + in our time, nobody in England or France would dispute,—which the + stoutest Tory takes for granted as much as the fiercest Radical, and + concerning which the Carlist would agree with the most republican deputy + of the "extreme left." No person will do justice to Fenelon, who does not + constantly keep in mind that Telemachus was written in an age and nation + in which bold and independent thinkers stared to hear that twenty millions + of human beings did not exist for the gratification of one. That work is + commonly considered as a schoolbook, very fit for children, because its + style is easy and its morality blameless, but unworthy of the attention of + statesmen and philosophers. We can distinguish in it, if we are not + greatly mistaken, the first faint dawn of a long and splendid day of + intellectual light,—the dim promise of a great deliverance,—the + undeveloped germ of the charter and of the code. + </p> + <p> + What mighty interests were staked on the life of the Duke of Burgundy! and + how different an aspect might the history of France have borne if he had + attained the age of his grandfather or of his son;—if he had been + permitted to show how much could be done for humanity by the highest + virtue in the highest fortune! There is scarcely anything in history more + remarkable than the descriptions which remain to us of that extraordinary + man. The fierce and impetuous temper which he showed in early youth,—the + complete change which a judicious education produced in his character,—his + fervid piety,—his large benevolence,—the strictness with which + he judged himself,—the liberality with which he judged others,—the + fortitude with which alone, in the whole court, he stood up against the + commands of Louis, when a religious scruple was concerned,—the + charity with which alone, in the whole court, he defended the profligate + Orleans against calumniators,—his great projects for the good of the + people,—his activity in business,—his taste for letters,—his + strong domestic attachments,—even the ungraceful person and the shy + and awkward manner which concealed from the eyes of the sneering courtiers + of his grandfather so many rare endowments,—make his character the + most interesting that is to be found in the annals of his house. He had + resolved, if he came to the throne, to disperse that ostentatious court, + which was supported at an expense ruinous to the nation,—to preserve + peace,—to correct the abuses which were found in every part of the + system of revenue,—to abolish or modify oppressive privileges,—to + reform the administration of justice,—to revive the institution of + the States-General. If he had ruled over France during forty or fifty + years, that great movement of the human mind, which no government could + have arrested, which bad government only rendered more violent, would, we + are inclined to think, have been conducted, by peaceable means to a happy + termination. + </p> + <p> + Disease and sorrow removed from the world that wisdom and virtue of which + it was not worthy. During two generations France was ruled by men who, + with all the vices of Louis the Fourteenth, had none of the art by which + that magnificent prince passed off his vices for virtues. The people had + now to see tyranny naked. That foul Duessa was stripped of her gorgeous + ornaments. She had always been hideous; but a strange enchantment had made + her seem fair and glorious in the eyes of her willing slaves. The spell + was now broken; the deformity was made manifest; and the lovers, lately so + happy and so proud, turned away loathing and horror-struck. + </p> + <p> + First came the Regency. The strictness with which Louis had, towards the + close of his life, exacted from those around him an outward attention to + religious duties, produced an effect similar to that which the rigour of + the Puritans had produced in England. It was the boast of Madame de + Maintenon, in the time of her greatness, that devotion had become the + fashion. A fashion indeed it was; and, like a fashion, it passed away. The + austerity of the tyrant's old age had injured the morality of the higher + orders more than even the licentiousness of his youth. Not only had he not + reformed their vices, but, by forcing them to be hypocrites, he had shaken + their belief in virtue. They had found it so easy to perform the grimace + of piety, that it was natural for them to consider all piety as grimace. + The times were changed. Pensions, regiments, and abbeys, were no longer to + be obtained by regular confession and severe penance: and the obsequious + courtiers, who had kept Lent like monks of La Trappe, and who had turned + up the whites of their eyes at the edifying parts of sermons preached + before the king, aspired to the title of roue as ardently as they had + aspired to that of devot; and went, during Passion Week, to the revels of + the Palais Royal as readily as they had formerly repaired to the sermons + of Massillon. + </p> + <p> + The Regent was in many respects the fac-simile of our Charles the Second. + Like Charles, he was a good-natured man, uttl destitute of sensibility. + Like Charles, he had good natural talents, which a deplorable indolence + rendered useless to the state. Like Charles, he thought all men corrupted + and interested, and yet did not dislike them for being so. His opinion of + human nature was Gulliver's; but he did not regard human nature with + Gulliver's horror. He thought that he and his fellow-creatures were + Yahoos; and he thought a Yahoo a very agreeable kind of animal. No princes + were ever more social than Charles and Philip of Orleans: yet no princes + ever had less capacity for friendship. The tempers of these clever cynics + were so easy, and their minds so languid, that habit supplied in them the + place of affection, and made them the tools of people for whom they cared + not one straw. In love, both were mere sensualists without delicacy or + tenderness. In politics, both were utterly careless of faith and of + national honour. Charles shut up the Exchequer. Philip patronised the + System. The councils of Charles were swayed by the gold of Barillon; the + councils of Philip by the gold of Walpole. Charles for private objects + made war on Holland, the natural ally of England. Philip for private + objects made war on the Spanish branch of the house of Bourbon, the + natural ally, indeed the creature of France. Even in trifling + circumstances the parallel might be carried on. Both these princes were + fond of experimental philosophy, and passed in the laboratory much time + which would have been more advantageously passed at the council-table. + Both were more strongly attached to their female relatives than to any + other human being; and in both cases it was suspected that this attachment + was not perfectly innocent. In personal courage, and in all the virtues + which are connected with personal courage, the Regent was indisputably + superior to Charles. Indeed Charles but narrowly escaped the stain of + cowardice. Philip was eminently brave, and, like most brave men, was + generally open and sincere. Charles added dissimulation to his other + vices. + </p> + <p> + The administration of the Regent was scarcely less pernicious, and + infinitely more scandalous, than that of the deceased monarch. It was by + magnificent public works, and by wars conducted on a gigantic scale, that + Louis had brought distress on his people. The Regent aggravated that + distress by frauds of which a lame duck on the stock-exchange would have + been ashamed. France, even while suffering under the most severe + calamities, had reverenced the conqueror. She despised the swindler. + </p> + <p> + When Orleans and the wretched Dubois had disappeared, the power passed to + the Duke of Bourbon; a prince degraded in the public eye by the infamously + lucrative part which he had taken in the juggles of the System, and by the + humility with which he bore the caprices of a loose and imperious woman. + It seemed to be decreed that every branch of the royal family should + successively incur the abhorrence and contempt of the nation. + </p> + <p> + Between the fall of the Duke of Bourbon and the death of Fleury, a few + years of frugal and moderate government intervened. Then recommenced the + downward progress of the monarchy. Profligacy in the court, extravagance + in the finances, schism in the church, faction in the Parliaments, unjust + war terminated by ignominious peace,—all that indicates and all that + produces the ruin of great empires, make up the history of that miserable + period. Abroad, the French were beaten and humbled everywhere, by land and + by sea, on the Elbe and on the Rhine, in Asia and in America. At home, + they were turned over from vizier to vizier, and from sultana to sultana, + till they had reached that point beneath which there was no lower abyss of + infamy,—till the yoke of Maupeou had made them pine for Choiseul,—till + Madame du Barri had taught them to regret Madame de Pompadour. + </p> + <p> + But unpopular as the monarchy had become, the aristocracy was more + unpopular still; and not without reason. The tyranny of an individual is + far more supportable than the tyranny of a caste. The old privileges were + galling and hateful to the new wealth and the new knowledge. Everything + indicated the approach of no common revolution,—of a revolution + destined to change, not merely the form of government, but the + distribution of property and the whole social system,—of a + revolution the effects of which were to be felt at every fireside in + France,—of a new Jaquerie, in which the victory was to remain with + Jaques bonhomme. In the van of the movement were the moneyed men and the + men of letters,—the wounded pride of wealth, and the wounded pride + of intellect. An immense multitude, made ignorant and cruel by oppression, + was raging in the rear. + </p> + <p> + We greatly doubt whether any course which could have been pursued by Louis + the Sixteenth could have averted a great convulsion. But we are sure that, + if there was such a course, it was the course recommended by M. Turgot. + The church and the aristocracy, with that blindness to danger, that + incapacity of believing that anything can be except what has been, which + the long possession of power seldom fails to generate, mocked at the + counsel which might have saved them. They would not have reform; and they + had revolution. They would not pay a small contribution in place of the + odious corvees; and they lived to see their castles demolished, and their + lands sold to strangers. They would not endure Turgot; and they were + forced to endure Robespierre. + </p> + <p> + Then the rulers of France, as if smitten with judicial blindness, plunged + headlong into the American war. They thus committed at once two great + errors. They encouraged the spirit of revolution. They augmented at the + same time those public burdens, the pressure of which is generally the + immediate cause of revolutions. The event of the war carried to the height + the enthusiasm of speculative democrats. The financial difficulties + produced by the war carried to the height the discontent of that larger + body of people who cared little about theories, and much about taxes. + </p> + <p> + The meeting of the States-General was the signal for the explosion of all + the hoarded passions of a century. In that assembly, there were + undoubtedly very able men. But they had no practical knowledge of the art + of government. All the great English revolutions have been conducted by + practical statesmen. The French Revolution was conducted by mere + speculators. Our constitution has never been so far behind the age as to + have become an object of aversion to the people. The English revolutions + have therefore been undertaken for the purpose of defending, correcting, + and restoring,—never for the mere purpose of destroying. Our + countrymen have always, even in times of the greatest excitement, spoken + reverently of the form of government under which they lived, and attacked + only what they regarded as its corruptions. In the very act of innovating + they have constantly appealed to ancient prescription; they have seldom + looked abroad for models; they have seldom troubled themselves with + Utopian theories; they have not been anxious to prove that liberty is a + natural right of men; they have been content to regard it as the lawful + birthright of Englishmen. Their social contract is no fiction. It is still + extant on the original parchment, sealed with wax which was affixed at + Runnymede, and attested by the lordly names of the Marischals and + Fitzherberts. No general arguments about the original equality of men, no + fine stories out of Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos, have ever affected them + so much as their own familiar words,—Magna Charta,—Habeas + Corpus,—Trial by Jury,—Bill of Rights. This part of our + national character has undoubtedly its disadvantages. An Englishman too + often reasons on politics in the spirit rather of a lawyer than of a + philosopher. There is too often something narrow, something exclusive, + something Jewish, if we may use the word, in his love of freedom. He is + disposed to consider popular rights as the special heritage of the chosen + race to which he belongs. He is inclined rather to repel than to encourage + the alien proselyte who aspires to a share of his privileges. Very + different was the spirit of the Constituent Assembly. They had none of our + narrowness; but they had none of our practical skill in the management of + affairs. They did not understand how to regulate the order of their own + debates; and they thought themselves able to legislate for the whole + world. All the past was loathsome to them. All their agreeable + associations were connected with the future. Hopes were to them all that + recollections are to us. In the institutions of their country they found + nothing to love or to admire. As far back as they could look, they saw + only the tyranny of one class and the degradation of another,—Frank + and Gaul, knight and villein, gentleman and roturier. They hated the + monarchy, the church, the nobility. They cared nothing for the States or + the Parliament. It was long the fashion to ascribe all the follies which + they committed to the writings of the philosophers. We believe that it was + misrule, and nothing but misrule, that put the sting into those writings. + It is not true that the French abandoned experience for theories. They + took up with theories because they had no experience of good government. + It was because they had no charter that they ranted about the original + contract. As soon as tolerable institutions were given to them, they began + to look to those institutions. In 1830 their rallying cry was "Vive la + Charte". In 1789 they had nothing but theories round which to rally. They + had seen social distinctions only in a bad form; and it was therefore + natural that they should be deluded by sophisms about the equality of men. + They had experienced so much evil from the sovereignty of kings that they + might be excused for lending a ready ear to those who preached, in an + exaggerated form, the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people. + </p> + <p> + The English, content with their own national recollections and names, have + never sought for models in the institutions of Greece or Rome. The French, + having nothing in their own history to which they could look back with + pleasure, had recourse to the history of the great ancient commonwealths: + they drew their notions of those commonwealths, not from contemporary + writers, but from romances written by pedantic moralists long after the + extinction of public liberty. They neglected Thucydides for Plutarch. + Blind themselves, they took blind guides. They had no experience of + freedom; and they took their opinions concerning it from men who had no + more experience of it than themselves, and whose imaginations, inflamed by + mystery and privation, exaggerated the unknown enjoyment;—from men + who raved about patriotism without having ever had a country, and + eulogised tyrannicide while crouching before tyrants. The maxim which the + French legislators learned in this school was, that political liberty is + an end, and not a means; that it is not merely valuable as the great + safeguard of order, of property, and of morality, but that it is in itself + a high and exquisite happiness to which order, property, and morality + ought without one scruple to be sacrificed. The lessons which may be + learned from ancient history are indeed most useful and important; but + they were not likely to be learned by men who, in all their rhapsodies + about the Athenian democracy, seemed utterly to forget that in that + democracy there were ten slaves to one citizen; and who constantly + decorated their invectives against the aristocrats with panegyrics on + Brutus and Cato,—two aristocrats, fiercer, prouder, and more + exclusive, than any that emigrated with the Count of Artois. + </p> + <p> + We have never met with so vivid and interesting a picture of the National + Assembly as that which M. Dumont has set before us. His Mirabeau, in + particular, is incomparable. All the former Mirabeaus were daubs in + comparison. Some were merely painted from the imagination—others + were gross caricatures: this is the very individual, neither god nor + demon, but a man—a Frenchman—a Frenchman of the eighteenth + century, with great talents, with strong passions, depraved by bad + education, surrounded by temptations of every kind,—made desperate + at one time by disgrace, and then again intoxicated by fame. All his + opposite and seemingly inconsistent qualities are in this representation + so blended together as to make up a harmonious and natural whole. Till + now, Mirabeau was to us, and, we believe, to most readers of history, not + a man, but a string of antitheses. Henceforth he will be a real human + being, a remarkable and eccentric being indeed, but perfectly conceivable. + </p> + <p> + He was fond, M. Dumont tells us, of giving odd compound nicknames. Thus, + M. de Lafayette was Grandison-Cromwell; the King of Prussia was + Alaric-Cottin; D'Espremenil was Crispin-Catiline. We think that Mirabeau + himself might be described, after his own fashion, as a Wilkes-Chatham. He + had Wilkes's sensuality, Wilkes's levity, Wilkes's insensibility to shame. + Like Wilkes, he had brought on himself the censure even of men of pleasure + by the peculiar grossness of his immorality, and by the obscenity of his + writings. Like Wilkes, he was heedless, not only of the laws of morality, + but of the laws of honour. Yet he affected, like Wilkes, to unite the + character of the demagogue to that of the fine gentleman. Like Wilkes, he + conciliated, by his good-humour and his high spirits, the regard of many + who despised his character. Like Wilkes, he was hideously ugly; like + Wilkes, he made a jest of his own ugliness; and, like Wilkes, he was, in + spite of his ugliness, very attentive to his dress, and very successful in + affairs of gallantry. + </p> + <p> + Resembling Wilkes in the lower and grosser parts of his character, he had, + in his higher qualities, some affinity to Chatham. His eloquence, as far + as we can judge of it, bore no inconsiderable resemblance to that of the + great English minister. He was not eminently successful in long set + speeches. He was not, on the other hand, a close and ready debater. Sudden + bursts, which seemed to be the effect of inspiration—short sentences + which came like lightning, dazzling, burning, striking down everything + before them—sentences which, spoken at critical moments, decided the + fate of great questions—sentences which at once became proverbs—sentences + which everybody still knows by heart—in these chiefly lay the + oratorical power both of Chatham and of Mirabeau. There have been far + greater speakers, and far greater statesmen, than either of them; but we + doubt whether any men have, in modern times, exercised such vast personal + influence over stormy and divided assemblies. The power of both was as + much moral as intellectual. In true dignity of character, in private and + public virtue, it may seem absurd to institute any comparison between + them; but they had the same haughtiness and vehemence of temper. In their + language and manner there was a disdainful self-confidence, an + imperiousness, a fierceness of passion, before which all common minds + quailed. Even Murray and Charles Townshend, though intellectually not + inferior to Chatham, were always cowed by him. Barnave, in the same + manner, though the best debater in the National Assembly, flinched before + the energy of Mirabeau. Men, except in bad novels, are not all good or all + evil. It can scarcely be denied that the virtue of Lord Chatham was a + little theatrical. On the other hand there was in Mirabeau, not indeed + anything deserving the name of virtue, but that imperfect substitute for + virtue which is found in almost all superior minds,—a sensibility to + the beautiful and the good, which sometimes amounted to sincere + enthusiasm; and which, mingled with the desire of admiration, sometimes + gave to his character a lustre resembling the lustre of true goodness,—as + the "faded splendour wan" which lingered round the fallen archangel + resembled the exceeding brightness of those spirits who had kept their + first estate. + </p> + <p> + There are several other admirable portraits of eminent men in these + Memoirs. That of Sieyes in particular, and that of Talleyrand, are + master-pieces, full of life and expression. But nothing in the book has + interested us more than the view which M. Dumont has presented to us, + unostentatiously, and, we may say, unconsciously, of his own character. + The sturdy rectitude, the large charity, the good-nature, the modesty, the + independent spirit, the ardent philanthropy, the unaffected indifference + to money and to fame, make up a character which, while it has nothing + unnatural, seems to us to approach nearer to perfection than any of the + Grandisons and Allworthys of fiction. The work is not indeed precisely + such a work as we had anticipated—it is more lively, more + picturesque, more amusing than we had promised ourselves; and it is, on + the other hand, less profound and philosophic. But, if it is not, in all + respects, such as might have been expected from the intellect of M. + Dumont, it is assuredly such as might have been expected from his heart. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + BARERE. (April 1844.) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Memoires de Bertrand Barere": publies par MM. Hippolyte + Carnot, Membre de la Chambre des Deputes, et David d'Angers, + Membre de l'Institut: precedes d'une Notice Historique par + H. Carnot. 4 tomes. Paris: 1843. +</pre> + <p> + This book has more than one title to our serious attention. It is an + appeal, solemnly made to posterity by a man who played a conspicuous part + in great events, and who represents himself as deeply aggrieved by the + rash and malevolent censure of his contemporaries. To such an appeal we + shall always give ready audience. We can perform no duty more useful to + society, or more agreeable to our own feelings, than that of making, as + far as our power extends, reparation to the slandered and persecuted + benefactors of mankind. We therefore promptly took into our consideration + this copious apology for the life of Bertrand Barere. We have made up our + minds; and we now purpose to do him, by the blessing of God, full and + signal justice. It is to be observed that the appellant in this case does + not come into court alone. He is attended to the bar of public opinion by + two compurgators who occupy highly honourable stations. One of these is M. + David of Angers, member of the institute, an eminent sculptor, and, if we + have been rightly informed, a favourite pupil, though not a kinsman, of + the painter who bore the same name. The other, to whom we owe the + biographical preface, is M. Hippolyte Carnot, member of the Chamber of + Deputies, and son of the celebrated Director. In the judgment of M. David + and of M. Hippolyte Carnot, Barere was a deserving and an ill-used man—a + man who, though by no means faultless, must yet, when due allowance is + made for the force of circumstances and the infirmity of human nature, be + considered as on the whole entitled to our esteem. It will be for the + public to determine, after a full hearing, whether the editors have, by + thus connecting their names with that of Barere, raised his character or + lowered their own. + </p> + <p> + We are not conscious that, when we opened this book, we were under the + influence of any feeling likely to pervert our judgment. Undoubtedly we + had long entertained a most unfavourable opinion of Barere: but to this + opinion we were not tied by any passion or by any interest. Our dislike + was a reasonable dislike, and might have been removed by reason. Indeed + our expectation was, that these Memoirs would in some measure clear + Barere's fame. That he could vindicate himself from all the charges which + had been brought against him, we knew to be impossible; and his editors + admit that he has not done so. But we thought it highly probable that some + grave accusations would be refuted, and that many offences to which he + would have been forced to plead guilty would be greatly extenuated. We + were not disposed to be severe. We were fully aware that temptations such + as those to which the members of the Convention and of the Committee of + Public Safety were exposed must try severely the strength of the firmest + virtue. Indeed our inclination has always been to regard with an + indulgence, which to some rigid moralists appears excessive, those faults + into which gentle and noble spirits are sometimes hurried by the + excitement of conflict, by the maddening influence of sympathy, and by + ill-regulated zeal for a public cause. + </p> + <p> + With such feelings we read this book, and compared it with other accounts + of the events in which Barere bore a part. It is now our duty to express + the opinion to which this investigation has led us. + </p> + <p> + Our opinion then is this: that Barere approached nearer than any person + mentioned in history or fiction, whether man or devil, to the idea of + consummate and universal depravity. In him the qualities which are the + proper objects of hatred, and the qualities which are the proper objects + of contempt, preserve an exquisite and absolute harmony. In almost every + particular sort of wickedness he has had rivals. His sensuality was + immoderate; but this was a failing common to him with many great and + amiable men. There have been many men as cowardly as he, some as cruel, a + few as mean, a few as impudent. There may also have been as great liars, + though we never met with them or read of them. But when we put everything + together, sensuality, poltroonery, baseness, effrontery, mendacity, + barbarity, the result is something which in a novel we should condemn as + caricature, and to which, we venture to say, no parallel can be found in + history. + </p> + <p> + It would be grossly unjust, we acknowledge, to try a man situated as + Barere was by a severe standard. Nor have we done so. We have formed our + opinion of him, by comparing him, not with politicians of stainless + character, not with Chancellor D'Aguesseau, or General Washington, or Mr + Wilberforce, or Earl Grey, but with his own colleagues of the Mountain. + That party included a considerable number of the worst men that ever + lived; but we see in it nothing like Barere. Compared with him, Fouche + seems honest; Billaud seems humane; Hebert seems to rise into dignity. + Every other chief of a party, says M. Hippolyte Carnot, has found + apologists: one set of men exalts the Girondists; another set justifies + Danton; a third deifies Robespierre: but Barere has remained without a + defender. We venture to suggest a very simple solution of this phenomenon. + All the other chiefs of parties had some good qualities; and Barere had + none. The genius, courage, patriotism, and humanity of the Girondist + statesmen more than atoned for what was culpable in their conduct, and + should have protected them from the insult of being compared with such a + thing as Barere. Danton and Robespierre were indeed bad men; but in both + of them some important parts of the mind remained sound. Danton was brave + and resolute, fond of pleasure, of power, and of distinction, with + vehement passions, with lax principles, but with some kind and manly + feelings, capable of great crimes, but capable also of friendship and of + compassion. He, therefore, naturally finds admirers among persons of bold + and sanguine dispositions. Robespierre was a vain, envious, and suspicious + man, with a hard heart, weak nerves, and a gloomy temper. But we cannot + with truth deny that he was, in the vulgar sense of the word, + disinterested, that his private life was correct, or that he was sincerely + zealous for his own system of politics and morals. He, therefore, + naturally finds admirers among honest but moody and bitter democrats. If + no class has taken the reputation of Barere under its patronage, the + reason is plain: Barere had not a single virtue, nor even the semblance of + one. + </p> + <p> + It is true that he was not, as far as we are able to judge, originally of + a savage disposition; but this circumstance seems to us only to aggravate + his guilt. There are some unhappy men constitutionally prone to the darker + passions, men all whose blood is gall, and to whom bitter words and harsh + actions are as natural as snarling and biting to a ferocious dog. To come + into the world with this wretched mental disease is a greater calamity + than to be born blind or deaf. A man who, having such a temper, keeps it + in subjection, and constrains himself to behave habitually with justice + and humanity towards those who are in his power, seems to us worthy of the + highest admiration. There have been instances of this self-command; and + they are among the most signal triumphs of philosophy and religion. On the + other hand, a man who, having been blessed by nature with a bland + disposition, gradually brings himself to inflict misery on his + fellow-creatures with indifference, with satisfaction, and at length with + a hideous rapture, deserves to be regarded as a portent of wickedness; and + such a man was Barere. The history of his downward progress is full of + instruction. Weakness, cowardice, and fickleness were born with him; the + best quality which he received from nature was a good temper. These, it is + true, are not very promising materials; yet, out of materials as + unpromising, high sentiments of piety and of honour have sometimes made + martyrs and heroes. Rigid principles often do for feeble minds what stays + do for feeble bodies. But Barere had no principles at all. His character + was equally destitute of natural and of acquired strength. Neither in the + commerce of life, nor in books, did we ever become acquainted with any + mind so unstable, so utterly destitute of tone, so incapable of + independent thought and earnest preference, so ready to take impressions + and so ready to lose them. He resembled those creepers which must lean on + something, and which, as soon as their prop is removed, fall down in utter + helplessness. He could no more stand up, erect and self-supported, in any + cause, than the ivy can rear itself like the oak, or the wild vine shoot + to heaven like the cedar of Lebanon. It is barely possible that, under + good guidance and in favourable circumstances, such a man might have + slipped through life without discredit. But the unseaworthy craft, which + even in still water would have been in danger of going down from its own + rottenness, was launched on a raging ocean, amidst a storm in which a + whole armada of gallant ships was cast away. The weakest and most servile + of human beings found himself on a sudden an actor in a Revolution which + convulsed the whole civilised world. At first he fell under the influence + of humane and moderate men, and talked the language of humanity and + moderation. But he soon found himself surrounded by fierce and resolute + spirits, scared by no danger and restrained by no scruple. He had to + choose whether he would be their victim or their accomplice. His choice + was soon made. He tasted blood, and felt no loathing; he tasted it again, + and liked it well. Cruelty became with him, first a habit, then a passion, + at last a madness. So complete and rapid was the degeneracy of his nature, + that within a very few months after the time when he had passed for a + good-natured man, he had brought himself to look on the despair and misery + of his fellow-creatures with a glee resembling that of the fiends whom + Dante saw watching the pool of seething pitch in Malebolge. He had many + associates in guilt; but he distinguished himself from them all by the + Bacchanalian exaltation which he seemed to feel in the work of death. He + was drunk with innocent and noble blood, laughed and shouted as he + butchered, and howled strange songs and reeled in strange dances amidst + the carnage. Then came a sudden and violent turn of fortune. The miserable + man was hurled down from the height of power to hopeless ruin and infamy. + The shock sobered him at once. The fumes of his horrible intoxication + passed away. But he was now so irrecoverably depraved that the discipline + of adversity only drove him further into wickedness. Ferocious vices, of + which he had never been suspected, had been developed in him by power. + Another class of vices, less hateful perhaps, but more despicable, was now + developed in him by poverty and disgrace. Having appalled the whole world + by great crimes perpetrated under the pretence of zeal for liberty, he + became the meanest of all the tools of despotism. It is not easy to settle + the order of precedence among his vices, but we are inclined to think that + his baseness was, on the whole, a rarer and more marvellous thing than his + cruelty. + </p> + <p> + This is the view which we have long taken of Barere's character; but, till + we read these Memoirs, we held our opinion with the diffidence which + becomes a judge who has only heard one side. The case seemed strong, and + in parts unanswerable; yet we did not know what the accused party might + have to say for himself; and, not being much inclined to take our + fellow-creatures either for angels of light or for angels of darkness, we + could not but feel some suspicion that his offences had been exaggerated. + That suspicion is now at an end. The vindication is before us. It occupies + four volumes. It was the work of forty years. It would be absurd to + suppose that it does not refute every serious charge which admitted of + refutation. How many serious charges, then, are here refuted? Not a single + one. Most of the imputations which have been thrown on Barere he does not + even notice. In such cases, of course, judgment must go against him by + default. The fact is, that nothing can be more meagre and uninteresting + than his account of the great public transactions in which he was engaged. + He gives us hardly a word of new information respecting the proceedings of + the Committee of Public Safety; and, by way of compensation, tells us long + stories about things which happened before he emerged from obscurity, and + after he had again sunk into it. Nor is this the worst. As soon as he + ceases to write trifles, he begins to write lies; and such lies! A man who + has never been within the tropics does not know what a thunderstorm means; + a man who has never looked on Niagara has but a faint idea of a cataract; + and he who has not read Barere's Memoirs may be said not to know what it + is to lie. Among the numerous classes which make up the great genus + Mendacium, the Mendacium Vasconicum, or Gascon lie, has, during some + centuries, been highly esteemed as peculiarly circumstantial and + peculiarly impudent; and, among the Mendacia Vasconica, the Mendacium + Barerianum is, without doubt, the finest species. It is indeed a superb + variety, and quite throws into the shade some Mendacia which we were used + to regard with admiration. The Mendacium Wraxallianum, for example, though + by no means to be despised, will not sustain the comparison for a moment. + Seriously, we think that M. Hippolyte Carnot is much to blame in this + matter. We can hardly suppose him to be worse read than ourselves in the + history of the Convention, a history which must interest him deeply, not + only as a Frenchman, but also as a son. He must, therefore, be perfectly + aware that many of the most important statements which these volumes + contain are falsehoods, such as Corneille's Dorante, or Moliere's Scapin, + or Colin d'Harleville's Monsieur de Crac would have been ashamed to utter. + We are far, indeed, from holding M. Hippolyte Carnot answerable for + Barere's want of veracity; but M. Hippolyte Carnot has arranged these + Memoirs, has introduced them to the world by a laudatory preface, has + described them as documents of great historical value, and has illustrated + them by notes. We cannot but think that, by acting thus, he contracted + some obligations of which he does not seem to have been at all aware; and + that he ought not to have suffered any monstrous fiction to go forth under + the sanction of his name, without adding a line at the foot of the page + for the purpose of cautioning the reader. + </p> + <p> + We will content ourselves at present with pointing out two instances of + Barere's wilful and deliberate mendacity; namely, his account of the death + of Marie Antoinette, and his account of the death of the Girondists. His + account of the death of Marie Antoinette is as follows:—"Robespierre + in his turn proposed that the members of the Capet family should be + banished, and that Marie Antoinette should be brought to trial before the + Revolutionary Tribunal. He would have been better employed in concerting + military measures which might have repaired our disasters in Belgium, and + might have arrested the progress of the enemies of the Revolution in the + west."—(Volume ii. page 312.) + </p> + <p> + Now, it is notorious that Marie Antoinette was sent before the + Revolutionary Tribunal, not at Robespierre's instance, but in direct + opposition to Robespierre's wishes. We will cite a single authority, which + is quite decisive. Bonaparte, who had no conceivable motive to disguise + the truth, who had the best opportunities of knowing the truth, and who, + after his marriage with the Archduchess, naturally felt an interest in the + fate of his wife's kinswomen, distinctly affirmed that Robespierre opposed + the trying of the Queen. (O'Meara's "Voice from St Helena", ii. 170.) Who, + then, was the person who really did propose that the Capet family should + be banished, and that Marie Antoinette should be tried? Full information + will be found in the "Moniteur". ("Moniteur", 2d, 7th and 9th of August, + 1793.) From that valuable record it appears that, on the first of August + 1793, an orator, deputed by the Committee of Public Safety, addressed the + Convention in a long and elaborate discourse. He asked, in passionate + language, how it happened that the enemies of the Republic still continued + to hope for success. "Is it," he cried, "because we have too long + forgotten the crimes of the Austrian woman? Is it because we have shown so + strange an indulgence to the race of our ancient tyrants? It is time that + this unwise apathy should cease; it is time to extirpate from the soil of + the Republic the last roots of royalty. As for the children of Louis the + conspirator, they are hostages for the Republic. The charge of their + maintenance shall be reduced to what is necessary for the food and keep of + two individuals. The public treasure shall no longer be lavished on + creatures who have too long been considered as privileged. But behind them + lurks a woman who has been the cause of all the disasters of France, and + whose share in every project adverse to the revolution has long been + known. National justice claims its rights over her. It is to the tribunal + appointed for the trial of conspirators that she ought to be sent. It is + only by striking the Austrian woman that you can make Francis and George, + Charles and William, sensible of the crimes which their ministers and + their armies have committed." The speaker concluded by moving that Marie + Antoinette should be brought to judgment, and should, for that end, be + forthwith transferred to the Conciergerie; and that all the members of the + house of Capet, with the exception of those who were under the sword of + the law, and of the two children of Louis, should be banished from the + French territory. The motion was carried without debate. + </p> + <p> + Now, who was the person who made this speech and this motion? It was + Barere himself. It is clear, then, that Barere attributed his own mean + insolence and barbarity to one who, whatever his crimes may have been, was + in this matter innocent. The only question remaining is, whether Barere + was misled by his memory, or wrote a deliberate falsehood. + </p> + <p> + We are convinced that he wrote a deliberate falsehood. His memory is + described by his editors as remarkably good, and must have been bad indeed + if he could not remember such a fact as this. It is true that the number + of murders in which he subsequently bore a part was so great that he might + well confound one with another, that he might well forget what part of the + daily hecatomb was consigned to death by himself, and what part by his + colleagues. But two circumstances make it quite incredible that the share + which he took in the death of Marie Antoinette should have escaped his + recollection. She was one of his earliest victims. She was one of his most + illustrious victims. The most hardened assassin remembers the first time + that he shed blood; and the widow of Louis was no ordinary sufferer. If + the question had been about some milliner, butchered for hiding in her + garret her brother who had let drop a word against the Jacobin Club—if + the question had been about some old nun, dragged to death for having + mumbled what were called fanatical words over her beads—Barere's + memory might well have deceived him. It would be as unreasonable to expect + him to remember all the wretches whom he slew as all the pinches of snuff + that he took. But, though Barere murdered many hundreds of human beings, + he murdered only one Queen. That he, a small country lawyer, who, a few + years before, would have thought himself honoured by a glance or a word + from the daughter of so many Caesars, should call her the Austrian woman, + should send her from jail to jail, should deliver her over to the + executioner, was surely a great event in his life. Whether he had reason + to be proud of it or ashamed of it, is a question on which we may perhaps + differ from his editors; but they will admit, we think, that he could not + have forgotten it. + </p> + <p> + We, therefore, confidently charge Barere with having written a deliberate + falsehood; and we have no hesitation in saying that we never, in the + course of any historical researches that we have happened to make, fell in + with a falsehood so audacious, except only the falsehood which we are + about to expose. + </p> + <p> + Of the proceeding against the Girondists, Barere speaks with just + severity. He calls it an atrocious injustice perpetrated against the + legislators of the republic. He complains that distinguished deputies, who + ought to have been readmitted to their seats in the Convention, were sent + to the scaffold as conspirators. The day, he exclaims, was a day of + mourning for France. It mutilated the national representation; it weakened + the sacred principle, that the delegates of the people were inviolable. He + protests that he had no share in the guilt. "I have had," he says, "the + patience to go through the 'Moniteur', extracting all the charges brought + against deputies, and all the decrees for arresting and impeaching + deputies. Nowhere will you find my name. I never brought a charge against + any of my colleagues, or made a report against any, or drew up an + impeachment against any." (Volume ii. 407.) + </p> + <p> + Now, we affirm that this is a lie. We affirm that Barere himself took the + lead in the proceedings of the Convention against the Girondists. We + affirm that he, on the twenty-eighth of July 1793, proposed a decree for + bringing nine Girondist deputies to trial, and for putting to death + sixteen other Girondist deputies without any trial at all. We affirm that, + when the accused deputies had been brought to trial, and when some + apprehension arose that their eloquence might produce an effect even on + the Revolutionary Tribunal, Barere did, on the 8th of Brumaire, second a + motion for a decree authorising the tribunal to decide without hearing out + the defence; and, for the truth of every one of these things so affirmed + by us, we appeal to the very "Moniteur" to which Barere has dared to + appeal. ("Moniteur", 31st of July 1793, and Nonidi, first Decade of + Brumaire, in the year 2(?).) + </p> + <p> + What M. Hippolyte Carnot, knowing, as he must know, that this book + contains such falsehoods as those which we have exposed, can have meant, + when he described it as a valuable addition to our stock of historical + information, passes our comprehension. When a man is not ashamed to tell + lies about events which took place before hundreds of witnesses, and which + are recorded in well-known and accessible books, what credit can we give + to his account of things done in corners? No historian who does not wish + to be laughed at will ever cite the unsupported authority of Barere as + sufficient to prove any fact whatever. The only thing, as far as we can + see, on which these volumes throw any light, is the exceeding baseness of + the author. + </p> + <p> + So much for the veracity of the Memoirs. In a literary point of view, they + are beneath criticism. They are as shallow, flippant, and affected, as + Barere's oratory in the Convention. They are also, what his oratory in the + Convention was not, utterly insipid. In fact, they are the mere dregs and + rinsings of a bottle of which even the first froth was but of very + questionable flavour. + </p> + <p> + We will now try to present our readers with a sketch of this man's life. + We shall, of course, make very sparing use indeed of his own Memoirs; and + never without distrust, except where they are confirmed by other evidence. + </p> + <p> + Bertrand Barere was born in the year 1755, at Tarbes in Gascony. His + father was the proprietor of a small estate at Vieuzac, in the beautiful + vale of Argeles. Bertrand always loved to be called Barere de Vieuzac, and + flattered himself with the hope that, by the help of this feudal addition + to his name, he might pass for a gentleman. He was educated for the bar at + Toulouse, the seat of one of the most celebrated parliaments of the + kingdom, practised as an advocate with considerable success, and wrote + some small pieces, which he sent to the principal literary societies in + the south of France. Among provincial towns, Toulouse seems to have been + remarkably rich in indifferent versifiers and critics. It gloried + especially in one venerable institution, called the Academy of the Floral + Games. This body held every year a grand meeting which was a subject of + intense interest to the whole city, and at which flowers of gold and + silver were given as prizes for odes, for idyls, and for something that + was called eloquence. These bounties produced of course the ordinary + effect of bounties, and turned people who might have been thriving + attorneys and useful apothecaries into small wits and bad poets. Barere + does not appear to have been so lucky as to obtain any of these precious + flowers; but one of his performances was mentioned with honour. At + Montauban he was more fortunate. The academy of that town bestowed on him + several prizes, one for a panegyric on Louis the Twelfth, in which the + blessings of monarchy and the loyalty of the French nation were set forth; + and another for a panegyric on poor Franc de Pompignan, in which, as may + easily be supposed, the philosophy of the eighteenth century was sharply + assailed. Then Barere found an old stone inscribed with three Latin words, + and wrote a dissertation upon it, which procured him a seat in a learned + Assembly, called the Toulouse Academy of Sciences, Inscriptions, and + Polite Literature. At length the doors of the Academy of the Floral Games + were opened to so much merit. Barere, in his thirty-third year, took his + seat as one of that illustrious brotherhood, and made an inaugural oration + which was greatly admired. He apologises for recounting these triumphs of + his youthful genius. We own that we cannot blame him for dwelling long on + the least disgraceful portion of his existence. To send in declamations + for prizes offered by provincial academies is indeed no very useful or + dignified employment for a bearded man; but it would have been well if + Barere had always been so employed. + </p> + <p> + In 1785 he married a young lady of considerable fortune. Whether she was + in other respects qualified to make a home happy, is a point respecting + which we are imperfectly informed. In a little work, entitled "Melancholy + Pages", which was written in 1797, Barere avers that his marriage was one + of mere convenience, that at the altar his heart was heavy with sorrowful + forebodings, that he turned pale as he pronounced the solemn "Yes," that + unbidden tears rolled down his cheeks, that his mother shared his + presentiment, and that the evil omen was accomplished. "My marriage," he + says, "was one of the most unhappy of marriages." So romantic a tale, told + by so noted a liar, did not command our belief. We were, therefore, not + much surprised to discover that, in his Memoirs, he calls his wife a most + amiable woman, and declares that, after he had been united to her six + years, he found her as amiable as ever. He complains, indeed, that she was + too much attached to royalty and to the old superstition; but he assures + us that his respect for her virtues induced him to tolerate her + prejudices. Now Barere, at the time of his marriage, was himself a + Royalist and a Catholic. He had gained one prize by flattering the Throne, + and another by defending the Church. It is hardly possible, therefore, + that disputes about politics or religion should have embittered his + domestic life till some time after he became a husband. Our own guess is, + that his wife was, as he says, a virtuous and amiable woman, and that she + did her best to make him happy during some years. It seems clear that, + when circumstances developed the latent atrocity of his character, she + could no longer endure him, refused to see him, and sent back his letters + unopened. Then it was, we imagine, that he invented the fable about his + distress on his wedding day. + </p> + <p> + In 1788 Barere paid his first visit to Paris, attended reviews, heard + Laharpe at the Lycaeum, and Condorcet at the Academy of Sciences, stared + at the envoys of Tippoo Sahib, saw the Royal Family dine at Versailles, + and kept a journal in which he noted down adventures and speculations. + Some parts of this journal are printed in the first volume of the work + before us, and are certainly most characteristic. The worst vices of the + writer had not yet shown themselves; but the weakness which was the parent + of those vices appears in every line. His levity, his inconsistency, his + servility, were already what they were to the last. All his opinions, all + his feelings, spin round and round like a weathercock in a whirlwind. Nay, + the very impressions which he receives through his senses are not the same + two days together. He sees Louis the Sixteenth, and is so much blinded by + loyalty as to find his Majesty handsome. "I fixed my eyes," he says, "with + a lively curiosity on his fine countenance, which I thought open and + noble." The next time that the king appears all is altered. His Majesty's + eyes are without the smallest expression; he has a vulgar laugh which + seems like idiocy, an ignoble figure, an awkward gait, and the look of a + big boy ill brought up. It is the same with more important questions. + Barere is for the parliaments on the Monday and against the parliaments on + the Tuesday, for feudality in the morning and against feudality in the + afternoon. One day he admires the English constitution; then he shudders + to think that, in the struggles by which that constitution had been + obtained, the barbarous islanders had murdered a king, and gives the + preference to the constitution of Bearn. Bearn, he says, has a sublime + constitution, a beautiful constitution. There the nobility and clergy meet + in one house, and the Commons in another. If the houses differ, the King + has the casting vote. A few weeks later we find him raving against the + principles of this sublime and beautiful constitution. To admit deputies + of the nobility and clergy into the legislature is, he says, neither more + nor less than to admit enemies of the nation into the legislature. + </p> + <p> + In this state of mind, without one settled purpose or opinion, the slave + of the last word, royalist, aristocrat, democrat, according to the + prevailing sentiment of the coffee-house or drawing-room into which he had + just looked, did Barere enter into public life. The States-General had + been summoned. Barere went down to his own province, was there elected one + of the representatives of the Third Estate, and returned to Paris in May + 1789. + </p> + <p> + A great crisis, often predicted, had at last arrived. In no country, we + conceive, have intellectual freedom and political servitude existed + together so long as in France, during the seventy or eighty years which + preceded the last convocation of the Orders. Ancient abuses and new + theories flourished in equal vigour side by side. The people, having no + constitutional means of checking even the most flagitious misgovernment, + were indemnified for oppression by being suffered to luxuriate in + anarchical speculation, and to deny or ridicule every principle on which + the institutions of the State reposed. Neither those who attribute the + downfall of the old French institutions to the public grievances, nor + those who attribute it to the doctrines of the philosophers, appear to us + to have taken into their view more than one half of the subject. + Grievances as heavy have often been endured without producing a + revolution; doctrines as bold have often been propounded without producing + a revolution. The question, whether the French nation was alienated from + its old polity by the follies and vices of the Viziers and Sultanas who + pillaged and disgraced it, or by the writings of Voltaire and Rousseau, + seems to us as idle as the question whether it was fire or gunpowder that + blew up the mills at Hounslow. Neither cause would have sufficed alone. + Tyranny may last through ages where discussion is suppressed. Discussion + may safely be left free by rulers who act on popular principles. But + combine a press like that of London with a government like that of St + Petersburg; and the inevitable effect will be an explosion that will shake + the world. So it was in France. Despotism and License, mingling in + unblessed union, engendered that mighty Revolution in which the lineaments + of both parents were strangely blended. The long gestation was + accomplished; and Europe saw, with mixed hope and terror, that agonising + travail and that portentous birth. + </p> + <p> + Among the crowd of legislators which at this conjuncture poured from all + the provinces of France into Paris, Barere made no contemptible figure. + The opinions which he for the moment professed were popular, yet not + extreme. His character was fair; his personal advantages are said to have + been considerable; and, from the portrait which is prefixed to these + Memoirs, and which represents him as he appeared in the Convention, we + would judge that his features must have been strikingly handsome, though + we think that we can read in them cowardice and meanness very legibly + written by the hand of God. His conversation was lively and easy; his + manners remarkably good for a country lawyer. Women of rank and wit said + that he was the only man who, on his first arrival from a remote province, + had that indescribable air which it was supposed that Paris alone could + give. His eloquence, indeed, was by no means so much admired in the + capital as it had been by the ingenious academicians of Montauban and + Toulouse. His style was thought very bad; and very bad, if a foreigner may + venture to judge, it continued to the last. It would, however, be unjust + to deny that he had some talents for speaking and writing. His rhetoric, + though deformed by every imaginable fault of taste, from bombast down to + buffoonery, was not wholly without force and vivacity. He had also one + quality which, in active life, often gives fourth-rate men an advantage + over first-rate men. Whatever he could do, he could do without effort, at + any moment, in any abundance, and on any side of any question. There was, + indeed, a perfect harmony between his moral character and his intellectual + character. His temper was that of a slave; his abilities were exactly + those which qualified him to be a useful slave. Of thinking to purpose, he + was utterly incapable; but he had wonderful readiness in arranging and + expressing thoughts furnished by others. + </p> + <p> + In the National Assembly he had no opportunity of displaying the full + extent either of his talents or of his vices. He was indeed eclipsed by + much abler men. He went, as was his habit, with the stream, spoke + occasionally with some success, and edited a journal called the "Point du + Jour", in which the debates of the Assembly were reported. + </p> + <p> + He at first ranked by no means among the violent reformers. He was not + friendly to that new division of the French territory which was among the + most important changes introduced by the Revolution, and was especially + unwilling to see his native province dismembered. He was entrusted with + the task of framing Reports on the Woods and Forests. Louis was + exceedingly anxious about this matter; for his majesty was a keen + sportsman, and would much rather have gone without the Veto, or the + prerogative of making peace and war, than without his hunting and + shooting. Gentlemen of the royal household were sent to Barere, in order + to intercede for the deer and pheasants. Nor was this intercession + unsuccessful. The reports were so drawn that Barere was afterwards accused + of having dishonestly sacrificed the interests of the public to the tastes + of the court. To one of these reports he had the inconceivable folly and + bad taste to prefix a punning motto from Virgil, fit only for such essays + as he had been in the habit of composing for the Floral Games— + </p> + <p> + "Si canimus sylvas, sylvae sint Consule dignae." + </p> + <p> + This literary foppery was one of the few things in which he was + consistent. Royalist or Girondist, Jacobin or Imperialist, he was always a + Trissotin. + </p> + <p> + As the monarchical party became weaker and weaker, Barere gradually + estranged himself more and more from it, and drew closer and closer to the + republicans. It would seem that, during this transition, he was for a time + closely connected with the family of Orleans. It is certain that he was + entrusted with the guardianship of the celebrated Pamela, afterwards Lady + Edward Fitzgerald; and it was asserted that he received during some years + a pension of twelve thousand francs from the Palais Royal. + </p> + <p> + At the end of September 1791, the labours of the National Assembly + terminated, and those of the first and last Legislative Assembly + commenced. + </p> + <p> + It had been enacted that no member of the National Assembly should sit in + the Legislative Assembly; a preposterous and mischievous regulation, to + which the disasters which followed must in part be ascribed. In England, + what would be thought of a Parliament which did not contain one single + person who had ever sat in parliament before? Yet it may safely be + affirmed that the number of Englishmen who, never having taken any share + in public affairs, are yet well qualified, by knowledge and observation, + to be members of the legislature is at least a hundred times as great as + the number of Frenchmen who were so qualified in 1791. How, indeed, should + it have been otherwise? In England, centuries of representative government + have made all educated people in some measure statesmen. In France the + National Assembly had probably been composed of as good materials as were + then to be found. It had undoubtedly removed a vast mass of abuses; some + of its members had read and thought much about theories of government; and + others had shown great oratorical talents. But that kind of skill which is + required for the constructing, launching, and steering of a polity was + lamentably wanting; for it is a kind of skill to which practice + contributes more than books. Books are indeed useful to the politician, as + they are useful to the navigator and to the surgeon. But the real + navigator is formed on the waves; the real surgeon is formed at bedsides; + and the conflicts of free states are the real school of constitutional + statesmen. The National Assembly had, however, now served an + apprenticeship of two laborious and eventful years. It had, indeed, by no + means finished its education; but it was no longer, as on the day when it + met, altogether rude to political functions. Its later proceedings contain + abundant proof that the members had profited by their experience. Beyond + all doubt there was not in France any equal number of persons possessing + in an equal degree the qualities necessary for the judicious direction of + public affairs; and, just at this moment, these legislators, misled by a + childish wish to display their own disinterestedness, deserted the duties + which they had half learned, and which nobody else had learned at all, and + left their hall to a second crowd of novices, who had still to master the + first rudiments of political business. When Barere wrote his Memoirs, the + absurdity of this self-denying ordinance had been proved by events, and + was, we believe, acknowledged by all parties. He accordingly, with his + usual mendacity, speaks of it in terms implying that he had opposed it. + There was, he tells us, no good citizen who did not regret this fatal + vote. Nay, all wise men, he says, wished the National Assembly to continue + its sittings as the first Legislative Assembly. But no attention was paid + to the wishes of the enlightened friends of liberty; and the generous but + fatal suicide was perpetrated. Now the fact is, that Barere, far from + opposing this ill-advised measure, was one of those who most eagerly + supported it; that he described it from the tribune as wise and + magnanimous; that he assigned, as his reasons for taking this view, some + of those phrases in which orators of his class delight, and which, on all + men who have the smallest insight into politics, produce an effect very + similar to that of ipecacuanha. "Those," he said, "who have framed a + constitution for their country are, so to speak, out of the pale of that + social state of which they are the authors; for creative power is not in + the same sphere with that which it has created." + </p> + <p> + M. Hippolyte Carnot has noticed this untruth, and attributes it to mere + forgetfulness. We leave it to him to reconcile his very charitable + supposition with what he elsewhere says of the remarkable excellence of + Barere's memory. + </p> + <p> + Many members of the National Assembly were indemnified for the sacrifice + of legislative power by appointments in various departments of the public + service. Of these fortunate persons Barere was one. A high Court of Appeal + had just been instituted. This court was to sit at Paris: but its + jurisdiction was to extend over the whole realm; and the departments were + to choose the judges. Barere was nominated by the department of the Upper + Pyrenees, and took his seat in the Palace of Justice. He asserts, and our + readers may, if they choose, believe, that it was about this time in + contemplation to make him Minister of the Interior, and that in order to + avoid so grave a responsibility, he obtained permission to pay a visit to + his native place. It is certain that he left Paris early in the year 1792, + and passed some months in the south of France. + </p> + <p> + In the mean time, it became clear that the constitution of 1791 would not + work. It was, indeed, not to be expected that a constitution new both in + its principles and its details would at first work easily. Had the chief + magistrate enjoyed the entire confidence of the people, had he performed + his part with the utmost zeal, fidelity, and ability—had the + representative body included all the wisest statesmen of France, the + difficulties might still have been found insuperable. But, in fact, the + experiment was made under every disadvantage. The King, very naturally, + hated the constitution. In the Legislative Assembly were men of genius and + men of good intentions, but not a single man of experience. Nevertheless, + if France had been suffered to settle her own affairs without foreign + interference, it is possible that the calamities which followed might have + been averted. The King, who, with many good qualities, was sluggish and + sensual, might have found compensation for his lost prerogatives in his + immense civil list, in his palaces and hunting grounds, in soups, Perigord + pies, and champagne. The people, finding themselves secure in the + enjoyment of the valuable reforms which the National Assembly had, in the + midst of all its errors, effected, would not have been easily excited by + demagogues to acts of atrocity; or, if acts of atrocity had been + committed, those acts would probably have produced a speedy and violent + reaction. Had tolerable quiet been preserved during a few years, the + constitution of 1791 might perhaps have taken root, might have gradually + acquired the strength which time alone can give, and might, with some + modifications which were undoubtedly needed, have lasted down to the + present time. The European coalition against the Revolution extinguished + all hope of such a result. The deposition of Louis was, in our opinion, + the necessary consequence of that coalition. The question was now no + longer, whether the King should have an absolute Veto or a suspensive + Veto, whether there should be one chamber or two chambers, whether the + members of the representative body should be re-eligible or not; but + whether France should belong to the French. The independence of the + nation, the integrity of the territory, were at stake; and we must say + plainly that we cordially approve of the conduct of those Frenchmen who, + at that conjuncture, resolved, like our own Blake, to play the men for + their country, under whatever form of government their country might fall. + </p> + <p> + It seems to us clear that the war with the Continental coalition was, on + the side of France, at first a defensive war, and therefore a just war. It + was not a war for small objects, or against despicable enemies. On the + event were staked all the dearest interests of the French people. Foremost + among the threatening powers appeared two great and martial monarchies, + either of which, situated as France then was, might be regarded as a + formidable assailant. It is evident that, under such circumstances, the + French could not, without extreme imprudence, entrust the supreme + administration of their affairs to any person whose attachment to the + national cause admitted of doubt. Now, it is no reproach to the memory of + Louis to say that he was not attached to the national cause. Had he been + so, he would have been something more than man. He had held absolute + power, not by usurpation, but by the accident of birth, and by the ancient + polity of the kingdom. That power he had, on the whole, used with lenity. + He had meant well by his people. He had been willing to make to them, of + his own mere motion, concessions such as scarcely any other sovereign has + ever made except under duress. He had paid the penalty of faults not his + own, of the haughtiness and ambition of some of his predecessors, of the + dissoluteness and baseness of others. He had been vanquished, taken + captive, led in triumph, put in ward. He had escaped; he had been caught; + he had been dragged back like a runaway galley-slave to the oar. He was + still a state prisoner. His quiet was broken by daily affronts and + lampoons. Accustomed from the cradle to be treated with profound + reverence, he was now forced to command his feelings, while men who, a few + months before, had been hackney writers or country attorneys, sat in his + presence with covered heads, and addressed him in the easy tone of + equality. Conscious of fair intentions, sensible of hard usage, he + doubtless detested the Revolution; and, while charged with the conduct of + the war against the confederates, pined in secret for the sight of the + German eagles and the sound of the German drums. We do not blame him for + this. But can we blame those who, being resolved to defend the work of the + National Assembly against the interference of strangers, were not disposed + to have him at their head in the fearful struggle which was approaching? + We have nothing to say in defence or extenuation of the insolence, + injustice, and cruelty with which, after the victory of the republicans, + he and his family were treated. But this we say, that the French had only + one alternative, to deprive him of the powers of first magistrate, or to + ground their arms and submit patiently to foreign dictation. The events of + the tenth of August sprang inevitably from the league of Pilnitz. The + King's palace was stormed; his guards were slaughtered. He was suspended + from his regal functions; and the Legislative Assembly invited the nation + to elect an extraordinary Convention, with the full powers which the + conjuncture required. To this Convention the members of the National + Assembly were eligible; and Barere was chosen by his own department. + </p> + <p> + The Convention met on the 21st of September 1792. The first proceedings + were unanimous. Royalty was abolished by acclamation. No objections were + made to this great change; and no reasons were assigned for it. For + certainly we cannot honour with the name of reasons such apophthegms, as + that kings are in the moral world what monsters are in the physical world; + and that the history of kings is the martyrology of nations. But, though + the discussion was worthy only of a debating club of schoolboys, the + resolution to which the Convention came seems to have been that which + sound policy dictated. In saying this, we do not mean to express an + opinion that a republic is, either in the abstract the best form of + government, or is, under ordinary circumstances, the form of government + best suited to the French people. Our own opinion is, that the best + governments which have ever existed in the world have been limited + monarchies; and that France, in particular, has never enjoyed so much + prosperity and freedom as under a limited monarchy. Nevertheless, we + approve of the vote of the Convention which abolished kingly government. + The interference of foreign powers had brought on a crisis which made + extraordinary measures necessary. Hereditary monarchy may be, and we + believe that it is, a very useful institution in a country like France. + And masts are very useful parts of a ship. But, if the ship is on her + beam-ends, it may be necessary to cut the masts away. When once she has + righted, she may come safe into port under jury rigging, and there be + completely repaired. But, in the meantime, she must be hacked with + unsparing hand, lest that which, under ordinary circumstances, is an + essential part of her fabric should, in her extreme distress, sink her to + the bottom. Even so there are political emergencies in which it is + necessary that governments should be mutilated of their fair proportions + for a time, lest they be cast away forever; and with such an emergency the + Convention had to deal. The first object of a good Frenchman should have + been to save France from the fate of Poland. The first requisite of a + government was entire devotion to the national cause. That requisite was + wanting in Louis; and such a want, at such a moment, could not be supplied + by any public or private virtues. If the king were set aside, the + abolition of kingship necessarily followed. In the state in which the + public mind then was, it would have been idle to think of doing what our + ancestors did in 1688, and what the French Chamber of Deputies did in + 1830. Such an attempt would have failed amidst universal derision and + execration. It would have disgusted all zealous men of all opinions; and + there were then few men who were not zealous. Parties fatigued by long + conflict, and instructed by the severe discipline of that school in which + alone mankind will learn, are disposed to listen to the voice of a + mediator. But when they are in their first heady youth, devoid of + experience, fresh for exertion, flushed with hope, burning with animosity, + they agree only in spurning out of their way the daysman who strives to + take his stand between them and to lay his hand upon them both. Such was + in 1792 the state of France. On one side was the great name of the heir of + Hugh Capet, the thirty-third king of the third race; on the other side was + the great name of the republic. There was no rallying point save these + two. It was necessary to make a choice; and those, in our opinion, judged + well who, waving for the moment all subordinate questions, preferred + independence to subjugation, and the natal soil to the emigrant camp. + </p> + <p> + As to the abolition of royalty, and as to the vigorous prosecution of the + war, the whole Convention seemed to be united as one man. But a deep and + broad gulf separated the representative body into two great parties. + </p> + <p> + On one side were those statesmen who are called, from the name of the + department which some of them represented, the Girondists, and, from the + name of one of their most conspicuous leaders, the Brissotines. In + activity and practical ability, Brissot and Gensonne were the most + conspicuous among them. In parliamentary eloquence, no Frenchman of that + time can be considered as equal to Vergniaud. In a foreign country, and + after the lapse of half a century, some parts of his speeches are still + read with mournful admiration. No man, we are inclined to believe, ever + rose so rapidly to such a height of oratorical excellence. His whole + public life lasted barely two years. This is a circumstance which + distinguishes him from our own greatest speakers, Fox, Burke, Pitt, + Sheridan, Windham, Canning. Which of these celebrated men would now be + remembered as an orator, if he had died two years after he first took his + seat in the House of Commons? Condorcet brought to the Girondist party a + different kind of strength. The public regarded him with justice as an + eminent mathematician, and, with less reason, as a great master of ethical + and political science; the philosophers considered him as their chief, as + the rightful heir, by intellectual descent and by solemn adoption, of + their deceased sovereign D'Alembert. In the same ranks were found Guadet, + Isnard, Barbaroux, Buzot, Louvet, too well known as the author of a very + ingenious and very licentious romance, and more honourably distinguished + by the generosity with which he pleaded for the unfortunate, and by the + intrepidity with which he defied the wicked and powerful. Two persons + whose talents were not brilliant, but who enjoyed a high reputation for + probity and public spirit, Petion and Roland, lent the whole weight of + their names to the Girondist connection. The wife of Roland brought to the + deliberations of her husband's friends masculine courage and force of + thought, tempered by womanly grace and vivacity. Nor was the splendour of + a great military reputation wanting to this celebrated party. Dumourier, + then victorious over the foreign invaders, and at the height of popular + favour, must be reckoned among the allies of the Gironde. + </p> + <p> + The errors of the Brissotines were undoubtedly neither few nor small; but, + when we fairly compare their conduct with the conduct of any other party + which acted or suffered during the French Revolution, we are forced to + admit their superiority in every quality except that single quality which + in such times prevails over every other, decision. They were zealous for + the great social reform which had been effected by the National Assembly; + and they were right. For, though that reform was, in some respects, + carried too far, it was a blessing well worth even the fearful price which + has been paid for it. They were resolved to maintain the independence of + their country against foreign invaders; and they were right. For the + heaviest of all yokes is the yoke of the stranger. They thought that, if + Louis remained at their head, they could not carry on with the requisite + energy the conflict against the European coalition. They therefore + concurred in establishing a republican government; and here, again, they + were right. For, in that struggle for life and death, it would have been + madness to trust a hostile or even a half hearted leader. + </p> + <p> + Thus far they went along with the revolutionary movement. At this point + they stopped; and, in our judgment, they were right in stopping, as they + had been right in moving. For great ends, and under extraordinary + circumstances, they had concurred in measures which, together with much + good, had necessarily produced much evil; which had unsettled the public + mind; which had taken away from government the sanction of prescription; + which had loosened the very foundations of property and law. They thought + that it was now their duty to prop what it had recently been their duty to + batter. They loved liberty, but liberty associated with order, with + justice, with mercy, and with civilisation. They were republicans; but + they were desirous to adorn their republic with all that had given grace + and dignity to the fallen monarchy. They hoped that the humanity, the + courtesy, the taste, which had done much in old times to mitigate the + slavery of France, would now lend additional charms to her freedom. They + saw with horror crimes exceeding in atrocity those which had disgraced the + infuriated religious factions of the sixteenth century, perpetrated in the + name of reason and philanthropy. They demanded, with eloquent vehemence, + that the authors of the lawless massacre, which, just before the meeting + of the Convention, had been committed in the prisons of Paris, should be + brought to condign punishment. They treated with just contempt the pleas + which have been set up for that great crime. They admitted that the public + danger was pressing; but they denied that it justified a violation of + those principles of morality on which all society rests. The independence + and honour of France were indeed to be vindicated, but to be vindicated by + triumphs and not by murders. + </p> + <p> + Opposed to the Girondists was a party which, having been long execrated + throughout the civilised world, has of late—such is the ebb and flow + of opinion—found not only apologists, but even eulogists. We are not + disposed to deny that some members of the Mountain were sincere and public + spirited men. But even the best of them, Carnot, for example, and Cambon, + were far too unscrupulous as to the means which they employed for the + purpose of attaining great ends. In the train of these enthusiasts + followed a crowd, composed of all who, from sensual, sordid, or malignant + motives, wished for a period of boundless license. + </p> + <p> + When the Convention met, the majority were with the Girondists, and Barere + was with the majority. On the King's trial, indeed, he quitted the party + with which he ordinarily acted, voted with the Mountain, and spoke against + the prisoner with a violence such as few members even of the Mountain + showed. + </p> + <p> + The conduct of the leading Girondists on that occasion was little to their + honour. Of cruelty, indeed, we fully acquit them; but it is impossible to + acquit them of criminal irresolution and disingenuousness. They were far, + indeed, from thirsting for the blood of Louis: on the contrary, they were + most desirous to protect him. But they were afraid that, if they went + straight forward to their object, the sincerity of their attachment to + republican institutions would be suspected. They wished to save the King's + life, and yet to obtain all the credit of having been regicides. + Accordingly, they traced out for themselves a crooked course, by which + they hoped to attain both their objects. They first voted the King guilty. + They then voted for referring the question respecting his fate to the + whole body of the people. Defeated in this attempt to rescue him, they + reluctantly, and with ill-suppressed shame and concern, voted for the + capital sentence. Then they made a last attempt in his favour, and voted + for respiting the execution. These zigzag politics produced the effect + which any man conversant with public affairs might have foreseen. The + Girondists, instead of attaining both their ends, failed of both. The + Mountain justly charged them with having attempted to save the King by + underhand means. Their own consciences told them, with equal justice, that + their hands had been dipped in the blood of the most inoffensive and most + unfortunate of men. The direct path was here, as usual, the path not only + of honour, but of safety. The principle on which the Girondists stood as a + party was, that the season for revolutionary violence was over, and that + the reign of law and order ought now to commence. But the proceeding + against the King was clearly revolutionary in its nature. It was not in + conformity with the laws. The only plea for it was, that all ordinary + rules of jurisprudence and morality were suspended by the extreme public + danger. This was the very plea which the Mountain urged in defence of the + massacre of September, and to which, when so urged, the Girondists refused + to listen. They therefore, by voting for the death of the King, conceded + to the Mountain the chief point at issue between the two parties. Had they + given a manful vote against the capital sentence, the regicides would have + been in a minority. It is probable that there would have been an immediate + appeal to force. The Girondists might have been victorious. In the worst + event, they would have fallen with unblemished honour. Thus much is + certain, that their boldness and honesty could not possibly have produced + a worse effect than was actually produced by their timidity and their + stratagems. + </p> + <p> + Barere, as we have said, sided with the Mountain on this occasion. He + voted against the appeal to the people and against the respite. His + demeanour and his language also were widely different from those of the + Girondists. Their hearts were heavy, and their deportment was that of men + oppressed by sorrow. It was Vergniaud's duty to proclaim the result of the + roll-call. His face was pale, and he trembled with emotion, as in a low + and broken voice he announced that Louis was condemned to death. Barere + had not, it is true, yet attained to full perfection in the art of + mingling jests and conceits with words of death; but he already gave + promise of his future excellence in this high department of Jacobin + oratory. He concluded his speech with a sentence worthy of his head and + heart. "The tree of liberty," he said, "as an ancient author remarks, + flourishes when it is watered with the blood of all classes of tyrants." + M. Hippolyte Carnot has quoted this passage in order, as we suppose, to do + honour to his hero. We wish that a note had been added to inform us from + what ancient author Barere quoted. In the course of our own small reading + among the Greek and Latin writers, we have not happened to fall in with + trees of liberty and watering-pots full of blood; nor can we, such is our + ignorance of classical antiquity, even imagine an Attic or Roman orator + employing imagery of that sort. In plain words, when Barere talked about + an ancient author, he was lying, as he generally was when he asserted any + fact, great or small. Why he lied on this occasion we cannot guess, unless + indeed it was to keep his hand in. + </p> + <p> + It is not improbable that, but for the one circumstance, Barere would, + like most of those with whom he ordinarily acted, have voted for the + appeal to the people and for the respite. But, just before the + commencement of the trial, papers had been discovered which proved that, + while a member of the National Assembly, he had been in communication with + the Court respecting his Reports on the Woods and Forests. He was + acquitted of all criminality by the Convention; but the fiercer + Republicans considered him as a tool of the fallen monarch; and this + reproach was long repeated in the journal of Marat, and in the speeches at + the Jacobin club. It was natural that a man like Barere should, under such + circumstances, try to distinguish himself among the crowd of regicides by + peculiar ferocity. It was because he had been a royalist that he was one + of the foremost in shedding blood. + </p> + <p> + The King was no more. The leading Girondists had, by their conduct towards + him, lowered their character in the eyes both of friends and foes. They + still, however, maintained the contest against the Mountain, called for + vengeance on the assassins of September, and protested against the + anarchical and sanguinary doctrines of Marat. For a time they seemed + likely to prevail. As publicists and orators, they had no rivals in the + Convention. They had with them, beyond all doubt, the great majority both + of the deputies and of the French nation. These advantages, it should + seem, ought to have decided the event of the struggle. But the opposite + party had compensating advantages of a different kind. The chiefs of the + Mountain, though not eminently distinguished by eloquence or knowledge, + had great audacity, activity, and determination. The Convention and France + were against them; but the mob of Paris, the clubs of Paris, and the + municipal government of Paris, were on their side. + </p> + <p> + The policy of the Jacobins, in this situation, was to subject France to an + aristocracy infinitely worse than that aristocracy which had emigrated + with the count of Artois—to an aristocracy not of birth, not of + wealth, not of education, but of mere locality. They would not hear of + privileged orders; but they wished to have a privileged city. That + twenty-five millions of Frenchmen should be ruled by a hundred thousand + gentlemen and clergymen was insufferable; but that twenty-five millions of + Frenchmen should be ruled by a hundred thousand Parisians was as it should + be. The qualification of a member of the new oligarchy was simply that he + should live near the hall where the Convention met, and should be able to + squeeze himself daily into the gallery during a debate, and now and then + to attend with a pike for the purpose of blockading the doors. It was + quite agreeable to the maxims of the Mountain that a score of draymen from + Santerre's brewery, or of devils from Hebert's printing-house, should be + permitted to drown the voices of men commissioned to speak the sense of + such cities as Marseilles, Bordeaux, and Lyons; and that a rabble of + half-naked porters from the Faubourg St Antoine should have power to annul + decrees for which the representatives of fifty or sixty departments had + voted. It was necessary to find some pretext for so odious and absurd a + tyranny. Such a pretext was found. To the old phrases of liberty and + equality were added the sonorous watchwords, unity and indivisability. A + new crime was invented, and called by the name of federalism. The object + of the Girondists, it was asserted, was to break up the great nation into + little independent commonwealths, bound together only by a league like + that which connects the Swiss Cantons or the United States of America. The + great obstacle in the way of this pernicious design was the influence of + Paris. To strengthen the influence of Paris ought therefore to be the + chief object of every patriot. + </p> + <p> + The accusation brought against the leaders of the Girondist party was a + mere calumny. They were undoubtedly desirous to prevent the capital from + domineering over the republic, and would gladly have seen the Convention + removed for a time to some provincial town, or placed under the protection + of a trusty guard, which might have overawed the Parisian mob; but there + is not the slightest reason to suspect them of any design against the + unity of the state. Barere, however, really was a federalist, and, we are + inclined to believe, the only federalist in the Convention. As far as a + man so unstable and servile can be said to have felt any preference for + any form of government, he felt a preference for federal government. He + was born under the Pyrenees; he was a Gascon of the Gascons, one of a + people strongly distinguished by intellectual and moral character, by + manners, by modes of speech, by accent, and by physiognomy, from the + French of the Seine and of the Loire; and he had many of the peculiarities + of the race to which he belonged. When he first left his own province he + had attained his thirty-fourth year, and had acquired a high local + reputation for eloquence and literature. He had then visited Paris for the + first time. He had found himself in a new world. His feelings were those + of a banished man. It is clear also that he had been by no means without + his share of the small disappointments and humiliations so often + experienced by men of letters who, elated by provincial applause, venture + to display their powers before the fastidious critics of a capital. On the + other hand, whenever he revisited the mountains among which he had been + born, he found himself an object of general admiration. His dislike of + Paris, and his partiality to his native district, were therefore as strong + and durable as any sentiments of a mind like his could be. He long + continued to maintain that the ascendency of one great city was the bane + of France; that the superiority of taste and intelligence which it was the + fashion to ascribe to the inhabitants of that city were wholly imaginary; + and that the nation would never enjoy a really good government till the + Alsatian people, the Breton people, the people of Bearn, the people of + Provence, should have each an independent existence, and laws suited to + its own tastes and habits. These communities he proposed to unite by a tie + similar to that which binds together the grave Puritans of Connecticut and + the dissolute slave-drivers of New Orleans. To Paris he was unwilling to + grant even the rank which Washington holds in the United States. He + thought it desirable that the congress of the French federation should + have no fixed place of meeting, but should sit sometimes at Rouen, + sometimes at Bordeaux, sometimes at his own Toulouse. + </p> + <p> + Animated by such feelings, he was, till the close of May 1793, a + Girondist, if not an ultra-Girondist. He exclaimed against those impure + and bloodthirsty men who wished to make the public danger a pretext for + cruelty and rapine. "Peril," he said, "could be no excuse for crime. It is + when the wind blows hard, and the waves run high, that the anchor is most + needed; it is when a revolution is raging, that the great laws of morality + are most necessary to the safety of a state." Of Marat he spoke with + abhorrence and contempt; of the municipal authorities of Paris with just + severity. He loudly complained that there were Frenchmen who paid to the + Mountain that homage which was due to the Convention alone. When the + establishment of the Revolutionary Tribunal was first proposed, he joined + himself to Vergniaud and Buzot, who strongly objected to that odious + measure. "It cannot be," exclaimed Barere, "that men really attached to + liberty will imitate the most frightful excesses of despotism!" He proved + to the Convention, after his fashion, out of Sallust, that such arbitrary + courts may indeed, for a time, be severe only on real criminals, but must + inevitably degenerate into instruments of private cupidity and revenge. + When, on the tenth of March, the worst part of the population of Paris + made the first unsuccessful attempt to destroy the Girondists, Barere + eagerly called for vigorous measures of repression and punishment. On the + second of April, another attempt of the Jacobins of Paris to usurp supreme + dominion over the republic was brought to the knowledge of the Convention; + and again Barere spoke with warmth against the new tyranny which afflicted + France, and declared that the people of the departments would never crouch + beneath the tyranny of one ambitious city. He even proposed a resolution + to the effect that the Convention would exert against the demagogues of + the capital the same energy which had been exerted against the tyrant + Louis. We are assured that, in private as in public, he at this time + uniformly spoke with strong aversion of the Mountain. + </p> + <p> + His apparent zeal for the cause of humanity and order had its reward. + Early in April came the tidings of Dumourier's defection. This was a heavy + blow to the Girondists. Dumourier was their general. His victories had + thrown a lustre on the whole party; his army, it had been hoped, would, in + the worst event, protect the deputies of the nation against the ragged + pikemen of the garrets of Paris. He was now a deserter and an exile; and + those who had lately placed their chief reliance on his support were + compelled to join with their deadliest enemies in execrating his treason. + At this perilous conjuncture, it was resolved to appoint a Committee of + Public Safety, and to arm that committee with powers, small indeed when + compared with those which it afterwards drew to itself, but still great + and formidable. The moderate party, regarding Barere as a representative + of their feelings and opinions, elected him a member. In his new situation + he soon began to make himself useful. He brought to the deliberations of + the Committee, not indeed the knowledge or the ability of a great + statesman, but a tongue and a pen which, if others would only supply + ideas, never paused for want of words. His mind was a mere organ of + communication between other minds. It originated nothing; it retained + nothing; but it transmitted everything. The post assigned to him by his + colleagues was not really of the highest importance; but it was prominent, + and drew the attention of all Europe. When a great measure was to be + brought forward, when an account was to be rendered of an important event, + he was generally the mouthpiece of the administration. He was therefore + not unnaturally considered, by persons who lived at a distance from the + seat of government, and above all by foreigners, who, while the war raged, + knew France only from journals, as the head of that administration of + which, in truth, he was only the secretary and the spokesman. The author + of the History of Europe, in our own Annual Registers, appears to have + been completely under this delusion. + </p> + <p> + The conflict between the hostile parties was meanwhile fast approaching to + a crisis. The temper of Paris grew daily fiercer and fiercer. Delegates + appointed by thirty-five of the forty-eight wards of the city appeared at + the bar of the Convention, and demanded that Vergniaud, Brissot, Guadet, + Gensonne, Barbaroux, Buzot, Petion, Louvet, and many other deputies, + should be expelled. This demand was disapproved by at least three-fourths + of the Assembly, and, when known in the departments, called forth a + general cry of indignation. Bordeaux declared that it would stand by its + representatives, and would, if necessary, defend them by the sword against + the tyranny of Paris. Lyons and Marseilles were animated by a similar + spirit. These manifestations of public opinion gave courage to the + majority of the Convention. Thanks were voted to the people of Bordeaux + for their patriotic declaration; and a commission consisting of twelve + members was appointed for the purpose of investigating the conduct of the + municipal authorities of Paris, and was empowered to place under arrest + such persons as should appear to have been concerned in any plot against + the authority of the Convention. This measure was adopted on the motion of + Barere. + </p> + <p> + A few days of stormy excitement and profound anxiety followed; and then + came the crash. On the thirty-first of May the mob of Paris rose; the + palace of the Tuileries was besieged by a vast array of pikes; the + majority of the deputies, after vain struggles and remonstrances, yielded + to violence, and suffered the Mountain to carry a decree for the + suspension and arrest of the deputies whom the wards of the capital had + accused. + </p> + <p> + During this contest, Barere had been tossed backwards and forwards between + the two raging factions. His feelings, languid and unsteady as they always + were, drew him to the Girondists; but he was awed by the vigour and + determination of the Mountain. At one moment he held high and firm + language, complained that the Convention was not free, and protested + against the validity of any vote passed under coercion. At another moment + he proposed to conciliate the Parisians by abolishing that commission of + twelve which he had himself proposed only a few days before; and himself + drew up a paper condemning the very measures which had been adopted at his + own instance, and eulogising the public spirit of the insurgents. To do + him justice, it was not without some symptoms of shame that he read his + document from the tribune, where he had so often expressed very different + sentiments. It is said that, at some passages, he was even seen to blush. + It may have been so; he was still in his novitiate of infamy. + </p> + <p> + Some days later he proposed that hostages for the personal safety of the + accused deputies should be sent to the departments, and offered to be + himself one of those hostages. Nor do we in the least doubt that the offer + was sincere. He would, we firmly believe, have thought himself far safer + at Bordeaux or Marseilles than at Paris. His proposition, however, was not + carried into effect; and he remained in the power of the victorious + Mountain. + </p> + <p> + This was the great crisis of his life. Hitherto he had done nothing + inexpiable, nothing which marked him out as a much worse man than most of + his colleagues in the Convention. His voice had generally been on the side + of moderate measures. Had he bravely cast in his lot with the Girondists, + and suffered with them, he would, like them, have had a not dishonourable + place in history. Had he, like the great body of deputies who meant well, + but who had not the courage to expose themselves to martyrdom, crouched + quietly under the dominion of the triumphant minority, and suffered every + motion of Robespierre and Billaud to pass unopposed, he would have + incurred no peculiar ignominy. But it is probable that this course was not + open to him. He had been too prominent among the adversaries of the + Mountain to be admitted to quarter without making some atonement. It was + necessary that, if he hoped to find pardon from his new lords, he should + not be merely a silent and passive slave. What passed in private between + him and them cannot be accurately related; but the result was soon + apparent. The Committee of Public Safety was renewed. Several of the + fiercest of the dominant faction, Couthon for example, and Saint Just, + were substituted for more moderate politicians; but Barere was suffered to + retain his seat at the Board. + </p> + <p> + The indulgence with which he was treated excited the murmurs of some stern + and ardent zealots. Marat, in the very last words that he wrote, words not + published till the dagger of Charlotte Corday had avenged France and + mankind, complained that a man who had no principles, who was always on + the side of the strongest, who had been a royalist, and who was ready, in + case of a turn of fortune, to be a royalist again, should be entrusted + with an important share in the administration. (See the "Publiciste" of + the 14th July, 1793. Marat was stabbed on the evening of the 13th.) But + the chiefs of the Mountain judged more correctly. They knew, indeed, as + well as Marat, that Barere was a man utterly without faith or steadiness; + that, if he could be said to have any political leaning, his leaning was + not towards them; that he felt for the Girondist party that faint and + wavering sort of preference of which alone his nature was susceptible; and + that, if he had been at liberty to make his choice, he would rather have + murdered Robespierre and Danton than Vergniaud and Gensonne. But they + justly appreciated that levity which made him incapable alike of earnest + love and of earnest hatred, and that meanness which made it necessary to + him to have a master. In truth, what the planters of Carolina and + Louisiana say of black men with flat noses and woolly hair was strictly + true of Barere. The curse of Canaan was upon him. He was born a slave. + Baseness was an instinct in him. The impulse which drove him from a party + in adversity to a party in prosperity was as irresistible as that which + drives the cuckoo and the swallow towards the sun when the dark and cold + months are approaching. The law which doomed him to be the humble + attendant of stronger spirits resembled the law which binds the pilot fish + to the shark. "Ken ye," said a shrewd Scotch lord, who was asked his + opinion of James the First—"Ken ye a John Ape? If I have Jacko by + the collar, I can make him bite you; but, if you have Jacko, you can make + him bite me." Just such a creature was Barere. In the hands of the + Girondists he would have been eager to proscribe the Jacobins; he was just + as ready, in the gripe of the Jacobins, to proscribe the Girondists. On + the fidelity of such a man the heads of the Mountain could not, of course, + reckon; but they valued their conquest as the very easy and not very + delicate lover in Congreve's lively song valued the conquest of a + prostitute of a different kind. Barere was, like Chloe, false and common; + but he was, like Chloe, constant while possessed; and they asked no more. + They needed a service which he was perfectly competent to perform. + Destitute as he was of all the talents both of an active and of a + speculative statesman, he could with great facility draw up a report, or + make a speech on any subject and on any side. If other people would + furnish facts and thoughts, he could always furnish phrases; and this + talent was absolutely at the command of his owners for the time being. Nor + had he excited any angry passion among those to whom he had hitherto been + opposed. They felt no more hatred to him than they felt to the horses + which dragged the cannon of the Duke of Brunswick and of the Prince of + Saxe-Coburg. The horses had only done according to their kind, and would, + if they fell into the hands of the French, drag with equal vigour and + equal docility the guns of the republic, and therefore ought not merely to + be spared, but to be well fed and curried. So was it with Barere. He was + of a nature so low, that it might be doubted whether he could properly be + an object of the hostility of reasonable beings. He had not been an enemy; + he was not now a friend. But he had been an annoyance; and he would now be + a help. + </p> + <p> + But, though the heads of the Mountain pardoned this man, and admitted him + into partnership with themselves, it was not without exacting pledges such + as made it impossible for him, false and fickle as he was, ever again to + find admission into the ranks which he had deserted. That was truly a + terrible sacrament by which they admitted the apostate into their + communion. They demanded of him that he should himself take the most + prominent part in murdering his old friends. To refuse was as much as his + life was worth. But what is life worth when it is only one long agony of + remorse and shame? These, however, are feelings of which it is idle to + talk, when we are considering the conduct of such a man as Barere. He + undertook the task, mounted the tribune, and told the Convention that the + time was come for taking the stern attitude of justice, and for striking + at all conspirators without distinction. He then moved that Buzot, + Barbaroux, Petion, and thirteen other deputies, should be placed out of + the pale of the law, or, in other words, beheaded without a trial; and + that Vergniaud, Guadet, Gensonne, and six others, should be impeached. The + motion was carried without debate. + </p> + <p> + We have already seen with what effrontery Barere has denied, in these + Memoirs, that he took any part against the Girondists. This denial, we + think, was the only thing wanting to make his infamy complete. The most + impudent of all lies was a fit companion for the foulest of all murders. + </p> + <p> + Barere, however, had not yet earned his pardon. The Jacobin party + contained one gang which, even in that party, was pre-eminent in every + mean and every savage vice; a gang so low-minded and so inhuman that, + compared with them, Robespierre might be called magnanimous and merciful. + Of these wretches Hebert was perhaps the best representative. His + favourite amusement was to torment and insult the miserable remains of + that great family which, having ruled France during eight hundred years, + had now become an object of pity to the humblest artisan or peasant. The + influence of this man, and of men like him, induced the Committee of + Public Safety to determine that Marie Antoinette should be sent to the + scaffold. Barere was again summoned to his duty. Only four days after he + had proposed the decrees against the Girondist deputies he again mounted + the tribune, in order to move that the Queen should be brought before the + Revolutionary Tribunal. He was improving fast in the society of his new + allies. When he asked for the heads of Vergniaud and Petion he had spoken + like a man who had some slight sense of his own guilt and degradation: he + had said little; and that little had not been violent. The office of + expatiating on the guilt of his old friends he had left to Saint Just. + Very different was Barere's second appearance in the character of an + accuser. He now cried out for blood in the eager tones of the true and + burning thirst, and raved against the Austrian woman with the virulence + natural to a coward who finds himself at liberty to outrage that which he + has feared and envied. We have already exposed the shameless mendacity + with which, in these Memoirs, he attempts to throw the blame of his own + guilt on the guiltless. + </p> + <p> + On the day on which the fallen Queen was dragged, already more than half + dead, to her doom, Barere regaled Robespierre and some other Jacobins at a + tavern. Robespierre's acceptance of the invitation caused some surprise to + those who knew how long and how bitterly it was his nature to hate. + "Robespierre of the party!" muttered Saint Just. "Barere is the only man + whom Robespierre has forgiven." We have an account of this singular repast + from one of the guests. Robespierre condemned the senseless brutality with + which Hebert had conducted the proceedings against the Austrian woman, + and, in talking on that subject, became so much excited that he broke his + plate in the violence of his gesticulation. Barere exclaimed that the + guillotine had cut a diplomatic knot which it might have been difficult to + untie. In the intervals between the Beaune and the Champagne, between the + ragout of thrushes and the partridge with truffles, he fervently preached + his new political creed. "The vessel of the revolution," he said, "can + float into port only on waves of blood. We must begin with the members of + the National Assembly and of the Legislative Assembly. That rubbish must + be swept away." + </p> + <p> + As he talked at table he talked in the Convention. His peculiar style of + oratory was now formed. It was not altogether without ingenuity and + liveliness. But in any other age or country it would have been thought + unfit for the deliberations of a grave assembly, and still more unfit for + state papers. It might, perhaps, succeed at a meeting of a Protestant + Association in Exeter Hall, at a Repeal dinner in Ireland, after men had + well drunk, or in an American oration on the fourth of July. No + legislative body would now endure it. But in France, during the reign of + the Convention, the old laws of composition were held in as much contempt + as the old government or the old creed. Correct and noble diction + belonged, like the etiquette of Versailles and the solemnities of Notre + Dame, to an age which had passed away. Just as a swarm of ephemeral + constitutions, democratic, directorial, and consular, sprang from the + decay of the ancient monarchy; just as a swarm of new superstitions, the + worship of the Goddess of Reason, and the fooleries of the + Theo-philanthropists, sprang from the decay of the ancient Church; even + so, out of the decay of the ancient French eloquence sprang new fashions + of eloquence, for the understanding of which new grammars and dictionaries + were necessary. The same innovating spirit which altered the common + phrases of salutation, which turned hundreds of Johns and Peters into + Scaevolas and Aristogitons, and which expelled Sunday and Monday, January + and February, Lady-day and Christmas, from the calendar, in order to + substitute Decadi and Primidi, Nivose and Pluviose, Feasts of Opinion and + Feasts of the Supreme Being, changed all the forms of official + correspondence. For the calm, guarded, and sternly courteous language + which governments had long been accustomed to employ, were substituted + puns, interjections, Ossianic rants, rhetoric worthy only of a schoolboy, + scurrility worthy only of a fishwife. Of the phraseology which was now + thought to be peculiarly well suited to a report or a manifesto Barere had + a greater command than any man of his time, and, during the short and + sharp paroxysm of the revolutionary delirium, passed for a great orator. + When the fit was over, he was considered as what he really was, a man of + quick apprehension and fluent elocution, with no originality, with little + information, and with a taste as bad as his heart. His Reports were + popularly called Carmagnoles. A few months ago we should have had some + difficulty in conveying to an English reader an exact notion of the state + papers to which this appellation was given. Fortunately a noble and + distinguished person, whom her Majesty's Ministers have thought qualified + to fill the most important post in the empire, has made our task easy. + Whoever has read Lord Ellenborough's proclamations is able to form a + complete idea of a Carmagnole. + </p> + <p> + The effect which Barere's discourses at one time produced is not to be + wholly attributed to the perversion of the national taste. The occasions + on which he rose were frequently such as would have secured to the worst + speaker a favourable hearing. When any military advantage had been gained, + he was generally deputed by the Committee of Public Safety to announce the + good news. The hall resounded with applause as he mounted the tribune, + holding the despatches in his hand. Deputies and strangers listened with + delight while he told them that victory was the order of the day; that the + guineas of Pitt had been vainly lavished to hire machines six feet high, + carrying guns; that the flight of the English leopard deserved to be + celebrated by Tyrtaeus; and that the saltpetre dug out of the cellars of + Paris had been turned into thunder, which would crush the Titan brethren, + George and Francis. + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile the trial of the accused Girondists, who were under arrest in + Paris, came on. They flattered themselves with a vain hope of escape. They + placed some reliance on their innocence, and some reliance on their + eloquence. They thought that shame would suffice to restrain any man, + however violent and cruel, from publicly committing the flagrant iniquity + of condemning them to death. The Revolutionary Tribunal was new to its + functions. No member of the Convention had yet been executed; and it was + probable that the boldest Jacobin would shrink from being the first to + violate the sanctity which was supposed to belong to the representatives + of the people. + </p> + <p> + The proceedings lasted some days. Gensonne and Brissot defended themselves + with great ability and presence of mind against the vile Hebert and + Chaumette, who appeared as accusers. The eloquent voice of Vergniaud was + heard for the last time. He pleaded his own cause and that of his friends, + with such force of reason and elevation of sentiment that a murmur of pity + and admiration rose from the audience. Nay, the court itself, not yet + accustomed to riot in daily carnage, showed signs of emotion. The sitting + was adjourned; and a rumour went forth that there would be an acquittal. + The Jacobins met, breathing vengeance. Robespierre undertook to be their + organ. He rose on the following day in the Convention, and proposed a + decree of such atrocity that even among the acts of that year it can + hardly be paralleled. By this decree the tribunal was empowered to cut + short the defence of the prisoners, to pronounce the case clear, and to + pass immediate judgment. One deputy made a faint opposition. Barere + instantly sprang up to support Robespierre—Barere, the federalist; + Barere, the author of that Commission of Twelve which was among the chief + causes of the hatred borne by Paris to the Girondists; Barere, who in + these Memoirs denies that he ever took any part against the Girondists; + Barere, who has the effrontery to declare that he greatly loved and + esteemed Vergniaud. The decree was passed; and the tribunal, without + suffering the prisoners to conclude what they had to say, pronounced them + guilty. + </p> + <p> + The following day was the saddest in the sad history of the Revolution. + The sufferers were so innocent, so brave, so eloquent, so accomplished, so + young. Some of them were graceful and handsome youths of six or seven and + twenty. Vergniaud and Gensonne were little more than thirty. They had been + only a few months engaged in public affairs. In a few months the fame of + their genius had filled Europe; and they were to die for no crime but + this, that they had wished to combine order, justice, and mercy with + freedom. Their great fault was want of courage. We mean want of political + courage—of that courage which is proof to clamour and obloquy, and + which meets great emergencies by daring and decisive measures. Alas! they + had but too good an opportunity of proving that they did not want courage + to endure with manly cheerfulness the worst that could be inflicted by + such tyrants as Saint Just, and such slaves as Barere. + </p> + <p> + They were not the only victims of the noble cause. Madame Roland followed + them to the scaffold with a spirit as heroic as their own. Her husband was + in a safe hiding-place, but could not bear to survive her. His body was + found on the high road near Rouen. He had fallen on his sword. Condorcet + swallowed opium. At Bordeaux the steel fell on the necks of the bold and + quick-witted Guadet and of Barbaroux, the chief of those enthusiasts from + the Rhone whose valour, in the great crisis of the tenth of August, had + turned back the tide of battle from the Louvre to the Tuileries. In a + field near the Garonne was found all that the wolves had left of Petion, + once honoured, greatly indeed beyond his deserts, as the model of + republican virtue. We are far from regarding even the best of the + Girondists with unmixed admiration; but history owes to them this + honourable testimony, that, being free to choose whether they would be + oppressors or victims, they deliberately and firmly resolved rather to + suffer injustice than to inflict it. + </p> + <p> + And now began that strange period known by the name of the Reign of + Terror. The Jacobins had prevailed. This was their hour, and the power of + darkness. The Convention was subjugated and reduced to profound silence on + the highest questions of state. The sovereignty passed to the Committee of + Public Safety. To the edicts framed by that Committee the representative + assembly did not venture to offer even the species of opposition which the + ancient parliament had frequently offered to the mandates of the ancient + kings. Six persons held the chief power in the small cabinet which now + domineered over France—Robespierre, Saint Just, Couthon, Collot, + Billaud, and Barere. + </p> + <p> + To some of these men, and of those who adhered to them, it is due to say + that the fanaticism which had emancipated them from the restraints of + justice and compassion had emancipated them also from the dominion of + vulgar cupidity and of vulgar fear; that, while hardly knowing where to + find an assignat of a few francs to pay for a dinner, they expended with + strict integrity the immense revenue which they collected by every art of + rapine; and that they were ready, in support of their cause, to mount the + scaffold with as much indifference as they showed when they signed the + death-warrants of aristocrats and priests. But no great party can be + composed of such materials as these. It is the inevitable law that such + zealots as we have described shall collect around them a multitude of + slaves, of cowards, and of libertines, whose savage tempers and licentious + appetites, withheld only by the dread of law and magistracy from the worst + excesses, are called into full activity by the hope of immunity. A faction + which, from whatever motive, relaxes the great laws of morality is certain + to be joined by the most immoral part of the community. This has been + repeatedly proved in religious wars. The war of the Holy Sepulchre, the + Albigensian war, the Huguenot war, the Thirty Years' war, all originated + in pious zeal. That zeal inflamed the champions of the Church to such a + point that they regarded all generosity to the vanquished as a sinful + weakness. The infidel, the heretic, was to be run down like a mad dog. No + outrage committed by the Catholic warrior on the miscreant enemy could + deserve punishment. As soon as it was known that boundless license was + thus given to barbarity and dissoluteness, thousands of wretches who cared + nothing for the sacred cause, but who were eager to be exempted from the + police of peaceful cities, and the discipline of well-governed camps, + flocked to the standard of the faith. The men who had set up that statute + were sincere, chaste, regardless of lucre, and perhaps, where only + themselves were concerned, not unforgiving; but round that standard were + assembled such gangs of rogues, ravishers, plunderers, and ferocious + bravoes, as were scarcely ever found under the flag of any state engaged + in a mere temporal quarrel. In a very similar way was the Jacobin party + composed. There was a small nucleus of enthusiasts; round that nucleus was + gathered a vast mass of ignoble depravity; and in all that mass there was + nothing so depraved and so ignoble as Barere. + </p> + <p> + Then came those days when the most barbarous of all codes was administered + by the most barbarous of all tribunals; when no man could greet his + neighbours, or say his prayers, or dress his hair, without danger of + committing a capital crime; when spies lurked in every corner; when the + guillotine was long and hard at work every morning; when the jails were + filled as close as the hold of a slave-ship; when the gutters ran foaming + with blood into the Seine; when it was death to be great-niece of a + captain of the royal guards, or half-brother of a doctor of the Sorbonne, + to express a doubt whether assignats would not fall, to hint that the + English had been victorious in the action of the first of June, to have a + copy of one of Burke's pamphlets locked up in a desk, to laugh at a + Jacobin for taking the name of Cassius or Timoleon, or to call the Fifth + Sansculottide by its old superstitious name of St Matthew's Day. While the + daily waggon-loads of victims were carried to their doom through the + streets of Paris, the Proconsuls whom the sovereign Committee had sent + forth to the departments revelled in an extravagance of cruelty unknown + even in the capital. The knife of the deadly machine rose and fell too + slow for their work of slaughter. Long rows of captives were mowed down + with grapeshot. Holes were made in the bottom of crowded barges. Lyons was + turned into a desert. At Arras even the cruel mercy of a speedy death was + denied to the prisoners. All down the Loire, from Saumur to the sea, great + flocks of crows and kites feasted on naked corpses, twined together in + hideous embraces. No mercy was shown to sex or age. The number of young + lads and of girls of seventeen who were murdered by that execrable + government is to be reckoned by hundreds. Babies torn from the breast were + tossed from pike to pike along the Jacobin ranks. One champion of liberty + had his pockets well stuffed with ears. Another swaggered about with the + finger of a little child in his hat. A few months had sufficed to degrade + France below the level of New Zealand. + </p> + <p> + It is absurd to say that any amount of public danger can justify a system + like this, we do not say on Christian principles, we do not say on the + principles of a high morality, but even on principles of Machiavellian + policy. It is true that great emergencies call for activity and vigilance; + it is true that they justify severity which, in ordinary times, would + deserve the name of cruelty. But indiscriminate severity can never, under + any circumstances, be useful. It is plain that the whole efficacy of + punishment depends on the care with which the guilty are distinguished. + Punishment which strikes the guilty and the innocent promiscuously, + operates merely like a pestilence or a great convulsion of nature, and has + no more tendency to prevent offences than the cholera, or an earthquake + like that of Lisbon, would have. The energy for which the Jacobin + administration is praised was merely the energy of the Malay who maddens + himself with opium, draws his knife, and runs amuck through the streets, + slashing right and left at friends and foes. Such has never been the + energy of truly great rulers; of Elizabeth, for example, of Oliver, or of + Frederick. They were not, indeed, scrupulous. But, had they been less + scrupulous than they were, the strength and amplitude of their minds would + have preserved them from crimes such as those which the small men of the + Committee of Public Safety took for daring strokes of policy. The great + Queen who so long held her own against foreign and domestic enemies, + against temporal and spiritual arms; the great Protector who governed with + more than regal power, in despite both of royalists and republicans; the + great King who, with a beaten army and an exhausted treasury, defended his + little dominions to the last against the united efforts of Russia, + Austria, and France; with what scorn would they have heard that it was + impossible for them to strike a salutary terror into the disaffected + without sending school-boys and school-girls to death by cart-loads and + boat-loads! + </p> + <p> + The popular notion is, we believe, that the leading Terrorists were wicked + men, but, at the same time, great men. We can see nothing great about them + but their wickedness. That their policy was daringly original is a vulgar + error. Their policy is as old as the oldest accounts which we have of + human misgovernment. It seemed new in France and in the eighteenth century + only because it had been long disused, for excellent reasons, by the + enlightened part of mankind. But it has always prevailed, and still + prevails, in savage and half-savage nations, and is the chief cause which + prevents such nations from making advances towards civilisation. Thousands + of deys, of beys, of pachas, of rajahs, of nabobs, have shown themselves + as great masters of statecraft as the members of the Committee of Public + Safety. Djezzar, we imagine, was superior to any of them in their new + line. In fact, there is not a petty tyrant in Asia or Africa so dull or so + unlearned as not to be fully qualified for the business of Jacobin police + and Jacobin finance. To behead people by scores without caring whether + they are guilty or innocent; to wring money out of the rich by the help of + jailers and executioners; to rob the public creditor, and to put him to + death if he remonstrates; to take loaves by force out of the bakers' + shops; to clothe and mount soldiers by seizing on one man's wool and + linen, and on another man's horses and saddles, without compensation; is + of all modes of governing the simplest and most obvious. Of its morality + we at present say nothing. But surely it requires no capacity beyond that + of a barbarian or a child. By means like those which we have described, + the Committee of Public Safety undoubtedly succeeded, for a short time, in + enforcing profound submission, and in raising immense funds. But to en + force submission by butchery, and to raise funds by spoliation, is not + statesmanship. The real statesman is he who, in troubled times, keeps down + the turbulent without unnecessarily harrassing the well-affected; and who, + when great pecuniary resources are needed, provides for the public + exigencies without violating the security of property and drying up the + sources of future prosperity. Such a statesman, we are confident, might, + in 1793, have preserved the independence of France without shedding a drop + of innocent blood, without plundering a single warehouse. Unhappily, the + Republic was subject to men who were mere demagogues and in no sense + statesmen. They could declaim at a club. They could lead a rabble to + mischief. But they had no skill to conduct the affairs of an empire. The + want of skill they supplied for a time by atrocity and blind violence. For + legislative ability, fiscal ability, military ability, diplomatic ability, + they had one substitute, the guillotine. Indeed their exceeding ignorance, + and the barrenness of their invention, are the best excuse for their + murders and robberies. We really believe that they would not have cut so + many throats, and picked so many pockets, if they had known how to govern + in any other way. + </p> + <p> + That under their administration the war against the European Coalition was + successfully conducted is true. But that war had been successfully + conducted before their elevation, and continued to be successfully + conducted after their fall. Terror was not the order of the day when + Brussels opened its gates to Dumourier. Terror had ceased to be the order + of the day when Piedmont and Lombardy were conquered by Bonaparte. The + truth is, that France was saved, not by the Committee of Public Safety, + but by the energy, patriotism, and valour of the French people. Those high + qualities were victorious in spite of the incapacity of rulers whose + administration was a tissue, not merely of crimes, but of blunders. + </p> + <p> + We have not time to tell how the leaders of the savage faction at length + began to avenge mankind on each other: how the craven Hebert was dragged + wailing and trembling to his doom; how the nobler Danton, moved by a late + repentance, strove in vain to repair the evil which he had wrought, and + half redeemed the great crime of September by man fully encountering death + in the cause of mercy. + </p> + <p> + Our business is with Barere. In all those things he was not only + consenting, but eagerly and joyously forward. Not merely was he one of the + guilty administration. He was the man to whom was especially assigned the + office of proposing and defending outrages on justice and humanity, and of + furnishing to atrocious schemes an appropriate garb of atrocious + rodomontade. Barere first proclaimed from the tribune of the Convention + that terror must be the order of the day. It was by Barere that the + Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris was provided with the aid of a public + accuser worthy of such a court, the infamous Fouquier Tinville. It was + Barere who, when one of the old members of the National Assembly had been + absolved by the Revolutionary Tribunal, gave orders that a fresh jury + should be summoned. "Acquit one of the National Assembly!" he cried. "The + Tribunal is turning against the Revolution." It is unnecessary to say that + the prisoner's head was soon in the basket. It was Barere who moved that + the city of Lyons should be destroyed. "Let the plough," he cried from the + tribune, "pass over her. Let her name cease to exist. The rebels are + conquered; but are they all exterminated? No weakness. No mercy. Let every + one be smitten. Two words will suffice to tell the whole. Lyons made war + on liberty; Lyons is no more." When Toulon was taken Barere came forward + to announce the event. "The conquest," said the apostate Brissotine, "won + by the Mountain over the Brissotines must be commemorated by a mark set on + the place where Toulon once stood." The national thunder must crush the + house of every trader in the town. When Camille Desmoulins, long + distinguished among the republicans by zeal and ability, dared to raise + his eloquent voice against the Reign of Terror, and to point out the close + analogy between the government which then oppressed France and the + government of the worst of the Caesars, Barere rose to complain of the + weak compassion which tried to revive the hopes of the aristocracy. + "Whoever," he said, "is nobly born is a man to be suspected. Every priest, + every frequenter of the old court, every lawyer, every banker, is a man to + be suspected. Every person who grumbles at the course which the Revolution + takes is a man to be suspected. There are whole castes already tried and + condemned. There are callings which carry their doom with them. There are + relations of blood which the law regards with an evil eye. Republicans of + France!" yelled the renegade Girondist, the old enemy of the Mountain—"Republicans + of France! the Brissotines led you by gentle means to slavery. The + Mountain leads you by strong measures to freedom. Oh! who can count the + evils which a false compassion may produce?" When the friends of Danton + mustered courage to express a wish that the Convention would at least hear + him in his own defence before it sent him to certain death, the voice of + Barere was the loudest in opposition to their prayer. When the crimes of + Lebon, one of the worst, if not the very worst, of the viceregents of the + Committee of Public Safety, had so maddened the people of the Department + of the North that they resorted to the desperate expedient of imploring + the protection of the Convention, Barere pleaded the cause of the accused + tyrant, and threatened the petitioners with the utmost vengeance of the + government. "These charges," he said, "have been suggested by wily + aristocrats. The man who crushes the enemies of the people, though he may + be hurried by his zeal into some excesses, can never be a proper object of + censure. The proceedings of Lebon may have been a little harsh as to + form." One of the small irregularities thus gently censured was this: + Lebon kept a wretched man a quarter of an hour under the knife of the + guillotine, in order to torment him, by reading to him, before he was + despatched, a letter, the contents of which were supposed to be such as + would aggravate even the bitterness of death. "But what," proceeded + Barere, "is not permitted to the hatred of a republican against + aristocracy? How many generous sentiments atone for what may perhaps seem + acrimonious in the prosecution of public enemies? Revolutionary measures + are always to be spoken of with respect. Liberty is a virgin whose veil it + is not lawful to lift." + </p> + <p> + After this, it would be idle to dwell on facts which would indeed, of + themselves, suffice to render a name infamous, but which make no + perceptible addition to the great infamy of Barere. It would be idle, for + example, to relate how he, a man of letters, a member of an Academy of + Inscriptions, was foremost in that war against learning, art, and history + which disgraced the Jacobin government; how he recommended a general + conflagration of libraries; how he proclaimed that all records of events + anterior to the Revolution ought to be destroyed; how he laid waste the + Abbey of St Denis, pulled down monuments consecrated by the veneration of + ages, and scattered on the wind the dust of ancient kings. He was, in + truth, seldom so well employed as when he turned for a moment from making + war on the living to make war on the dead. + </p> + <p> + Equally idle would it be to dilate on his sensual excesses. That in Barere + as in the whole breed of Neros, Caligulas, and Domitians whom he + resembled, voluptuousness was mingled with cruelty; that he withdrew, + twice in every decade, from the work of blood, to the smiling gardens of + Clichy, and there forgot public cares in the madness of wine and in the + arms of courtesans, has often been repeated. M. Hippolyte Carnot does not + altogether deny the truth of these stories, but justly observes that + Barere's dissipation was not carried to such a point as to interfere with + his industry. Nothing can be more true. Barere was by no means so much + addicted to debauchery as to neglect the work of murder. It was his boast + that, even during his hours of recreation, he cut out work for the + Revolutionary Tribunal. To those who expressed a fear that his exertions + would hurt his health, he gaily answered that he was less busy than they + thought. "The guillotine," he said, "does all; the guillotine governs." + For ourselves, we are much more disposed to look indulgently on the + pleasures which he allowed to himself than on the pain which he inflicted + on his neighbours. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Atque utinam his potius nugis tota illa dedisset + Tempora saevitiae, claras quibus abstulit urbi + Illustresque animas, impune ac vindice nullo." +</pre> + <p> + An immoderate appetite for sensual gratifications is undoubtedly a blemish + on the fame of Henry the Fourth, of Lord Somers, of Mr Fox. But the vices + of honest men are the virtues of Barere. + </p> + <p> + And now Barere had become a really cruel man. It was from mere + pusillanimity that he had perpetrated his first great crimes. But the + whole history of our race proves that the taste for the misery of others + is a taste which minds not naturally ferocious may too easily acquire, and + which, when once acquired, is as strong as any of the propensities with + which we are born. A very few months had sufficed to bring this man into a + state of mind in which images of despair, wailing, and death had an + exhilarating effect on him, and inspired him as wine and love inspire men + of free and joyous natures. The cart creaking under its daily freight of + victims, ancient men and lads, and fair young girls, the binding of the + hands, the thrusting of the head out of the little national sash-window, + the crash of the axe, the pool of blood beneath the scaffold, the heads + rolling by scores in the panier—these things were to him what Lalage + and a cask of Falernian were to Horace, what Rosette and a bottle of iced + champagne are to De Beranger. As soon as he began to speak of slaughter + his heart seemed to be enlarged, and his fancy to become unusually fertile + of conceits and gasconades. Robespierre, Saint Just, and Billaud, whose + barbarity was the effect of earnest and gloomy hatred, were, in his view, + men who made a toil of a pleasure. Cruelty was no such melancholy + business, to be gone about with an austere brow and a whining tone; it was + a recreation, fitly accompanied by singing and laughing. In truth, + Robespierre and Barere might be well compared to the two renowned hangmen + of Louis the Eleventh. They were alike insensible of pity, alike bent on + havoc. But, while they murdered, one of them frowned and canted, the other + grinned and joked. For our own part, we prefer Jean qui pleure to Jean qui + rit. + </p> + <p> + In the midst of the funeral gloom which overhung Paris, a gaiety stranger + and more ghastly than the horrors of the prison and the scaffold + distinguished the dwelling of Barere. Every morning a crowd of suitors + assembled to implore his protection. He came forth in his rich + dressing-gown, went round the antechamber, dispensed smiles and promises + among the obsequious crowd, addressed himself with peculiar animation to + every handsome woman who appeared in the circle, and complimented her in + the florid style of Gascony on the bloom of her cheeks and the lustre of + her eyes. When he had enjoyed the fear and anxiety of his suppliants he + dismissed them, and flung all their memorials unread into the fire. This + was the best way, he conceived, to prevent arrears of business from + accumulating. Here he was only an imitator. Cardinal Dubois had been in + the habit of clearing his table of papers in the same way. Nor was this + the only point in which we could point out a resemblance between the worst + statesman of the monarchy and the worst statesman of the republic. + </p> + <p> + Of Barere's peculiar vein of pleasantry a notion may be formed from an + anecdote which one of his intimate associates, a juror of the + revolutionary tribunal, has related. A courtesan who bore a conspicuous + part in the orgies of Clichy implored Barere to use his power against a + head-dress which did not suit her style of face, and which a rival beauty + was trying to bring into fashion. One of the magistrates of the capital + was summoned and received the necessary orders. Aristocracy, Barere said, + was again rearing its front. These new wigs were counter-revolutionary. He + had reason to know that they were made out of the long fair hair of + handsome aristocrats who had died by the national chopper. Every lady who + adorned herself with the relics of criminals might justly be suspected of + incivism. This ridiculous lie imposed on the authorities of Paris. Female + citizens were solemnly warned against the obnoxious ringlets, and were + left to choose between their head-dresses and their heads. Barere's + delight at the success of this facetious fiction was quite extravagant: he + could not tell the story without going into such convulsions of laughter + as made his hearers hope that he was about to choke. There was something + peculiarly tickling and exhilarating to his mind in this grotesque + combination of the frivolous with the horrible, of false locks and + curling-irons with spouting arteries and reeking hatchets. + </p> + <p> + But, though Barere succeeded in earning the honourable nicknames of the + Witling of Terror, and the Anacreon of the Guillotine, there was one place + where it was long remembered to his disadvantage that he had, for a time, + talked the language of humanity and moderation. That place was the Jacobin + club. Even after he had borne the chief part in the massacre of the + Girondists, in the murder of the Queen, in the destruction of Lyons, he + durst not show himself within that sacred precinct. At one meeting of the + society, a member complained that the committee to which the supreme + direction of affairs was entrusted, after all the changes which had been + made, still contained one man who was not trustworthy. Robespierre, whose + influence over the Jacobins was boundless, undertook the defence of his + colleague, owned there was some ground for what had been said, but spoke + highly of Barere's industry and aptitude for business. This seasonable + interposition silenced the accuser; but it was long before the neophyte + could venture to appear at the club. + </p> + <p> + At length a masterpiece of wickedness, unique, we think, even among + Barere's great achievements, obtained his full pardon even from that rigid + conclave. The insupportable tyranny of the Committee of Public Safety had + at length brought the minds of men, and even of women, into a fierce and + hard temper, which defied or welcomed death. The life which might be any + morning taken away, in consequence of the whisper of a private enemy, + seemed of little value. It was something to die after smiting one of the + oppressors; it was something to bequeath to the surviving tyrants a terror + not inferior to that which they had themselves inspired. Human nature, + hunted and worried to the utmost, now turned furiously to bay. Fouquier + Tinville was afraid to walk the streets; a pistol was snapped at Collot + D'Herbois; a young girl, animated apparently by the spirit of Charlotte + Corday, attempted to obtain an interview with Robespierre. Suspicions + arose; she was searched; and two knives were found about her. She was + questioned, and spoke of the Jacobin domination with resolute scorn and + aversion. It is unnecessary to say that she was sent to the guillotine. + Barere declared from the tribune that the cause of these attempts was + evident. Pitt and his guineas had done the whole. The English Government + had organised a vast system of murder, had armed the hand of Charlotte + Corday, and had now, by similar means, attacked two of the most eminent + friends of liberty in France. It is needless to say that these imputations + were, not only false, but destitute of all show of truth. Nay, they were + demonstrably absurd: for the assassins to whom Barere referred rushed on + certain death, a sure proof that they were not hirelings. The whole wealth + of England would not have bribed any sane person to do what Charlotte + Corday did. But, when we consider her as an enthusiast, her conduct is + perfectly natural. Even those French writers who are childish enough to + believe that the English Government contrived the infernal machine and + strangled the Emperor Paul have fully acquitted Mr Pitt of all share in + the death of Marat and in the attempt on Robespierre. Yet on calumnies so + futile as those which we have mentioned did Barere ground a motion at + which all Christendom stood aghast. He proposed a decree that no quarter + should be given to any English or Hanoverian soldier. (M. Hippolyte Carnot + does his best to excuse this decree. His abuse of England is merely + laughable. England has managed to deal with enemies of a very different + sort from either himself or his hero. One disgraceful blunder, however, we + think it right to notice. M. Hippolyte Carnot asserts that a motion + similar to that of Barere was made in the English Parliament by the late + Lord Fitzwilliam. This assertion is false. We defy M. Hippolyte Carnot to + state the date and terms of the motion of which he speaks. We do not + accuse him of intentional misrepresentation; but we confidently accuse him + of extreme ignorance and temerity. Our readers will be amused to learn on + what authority he has ventured to publish such a fable. He quotes, not the + journals of the Lords, not the Parliamentary Debates, but a ranting + message of the Executive Directory to the Five Hundred, a message, too, + the whole meaning of which he has utterly misunderstood.) His Carmagnole + was worthy of the proposition with which it concluded. "That one + Englishman should be spared, that for the slaves of George, for the human + machines of York, the vocabulary of our armies should contain such a word + as generosity, this is what the National Convention cannot endure. War to + the death against every English soldier. If last year, at Dunkirk, quarter + had been refused to them when they asked it on their knees, if our troops + had exterminated them all, instead of suffering them to infest our + fortresses by their presence, the English government would not have + renewed its attack on our frontiers this year. It is only the dead man who + never comes back. What is this moral pestilence which has introduced into + our armies false ideas of humanity? That the English were to be treated + with indulgence was the philanthropic notion of the Brissotines; it was + the patriotic practice of Dumourier. But humanity consists in + exterminating our enemies. No mercy to the execrable Englishman. Such are + the sentiments of the true Frenchman; for he knows that he belongs to a + nation revolutionary as nature, powerful as freedom, ardent as the + saltpetre which she has just torn from the entrails of the earth. Soldiers + of liberty, when victory places Englishmen at your mercy, strike! None of + them must return to the servile soil of Great Britain; none must pollute + the free soil of France." + </p> + <p> + The Convention, thoroughly tamed and silenced, acquiesced in Barere's + motion without debate. And now at last the doors of the Jacobin Club were + thrown open to the disciple who had surpassed his masters. He was admitted + a member by acclamation, and was soon selected to preside. + </p> + <p> + For a time he was not without hope that his decree would be carried into + full effect. Intelligence arrived from the seat of war of a sharp contest + between some French and English troops, in which the Republicans had the + advantage, and in which no prisoners had been made. Such things happen + occasionally in all wars. Barere, however, attributed the ferocity of this + combat to his darling decree, and entertained the Convention with another + Carmagnole. + </p> + <p> + "The Republicans," he said, "saw a division in red uniform at a distance. + The red-coats are attacked with the bayonet. Not one of them escapes the + blows of the Republicans. All the red-coats have been killed. No mercy, no + indulgence, has been shown towards the villains. Not an Englishman whom + the Republicans could reach is now living. How many prisoners should you + guess that we have made? One single prisoner is the result of this great + day." + </p> + <p> + And now this bad man's craving for blood had become insatiable. The more + he quaffed, the more he thirsted. He had begun with the English; but soon + he came down with a proposition for new massacres. "All the troops," he + said, "of the coalesced tyrants in garrison at Conde, Valenciennes, Le + Quesnoy, and Landrecies, ought to be put to the sword unless they + surrender at discretion in twenty-four hours. The English, of course, will + be admitted to no capitulation whatever. With the English we have no + treaty but death. As to the rest, surrender at discretion in twenty-four + hours, or death, these are our conditions. If the slaves resist, let them + feel the edge of the sword." And then he waxed facetious. "On these terms + the Republic is willing to give them a lesson in the art of war." At that + jest, some hearers, worthy of such a speaker, set up a laugh. Then he + became serious again. "Let the enemy perish," he cried, "I have already + said it from this tribune. It is only the dead man who never comes back. + Kings will not conspire against us in the grave. Armies will not fight + against us when they are annihilated. Let our war with them be a war of + extermination. What pity is due to slaves whom the Emperor leads to war + under the cane; whom the King of Prussia beats to the shambles with the + flat of the sword; and whom the Duke of York makes drunk with rum and + gin?" And at the rum and gin the Mountain and the galleries laughed again. + </p> + <p> + If Barere had been able to effect his purpose, it is difficult to estimate + the extent of the calamity which he would have brought on the human race. + No government, however averse to cruelty, could, in justice to its own + subjects, have given quarter to enemies who gave none. Retaliation would + have been, not merely justifiable, but a sacred duty. It would have been + necessary for Howe and Nelson to make every French sailor whom they took + walk the plank. England has no peculiar reason to dread the introduction + of such a system. On the contrary, the operation of Barere's new law of + war would have been more unfavourable to his countrymen than to ours; for + we believe that, from the beginning to the end of the war, there never was + a time at which the number of French prisoners in England was not greater + than the number of English prisoners in France; and so, we apprehend, it + will be in all wars while England retains her maritime superiority. Had + the murderous decree of the Convention been in force from 1794 to 1815, we + are satisfied that, for every Englishman slain by the French, at least + three Frenchmen would have been put to the sword by the English. It is, + therefore, not as Englishmen, but as members of the great society of + mankind, that we speak with indignation and horror of the change which + Barere attempted to introduce. The mere slaughter would have been the + smallest part of the evil. The butchering of a single unarmed man in cold + blood, under an act of the legislature, would have produced more evil than + the carnage of ten such fields as Albuera. Public law would have been + subverted from the foundations; national enmities would have been inflamed + to a degree of rage which happily it is not easy for us to conceive; + cordial peace would have been impossible. The moral character of the + European nations would have been rapidly and deeply corrupted; for in all + countries those men whose calling is to put their lives in jeopardy for + the defence of the public weal enjoy high consideration, and are + considered as the best arbitrators on points of honour and manly bearing. + With the standard of morality established in the military profession the + general standard of morality must to a great extent sink or rise. It is, + therefore, a fortunate circumstance that, during a long course of years, + respect for the weak and clemency towards the vanquished have been + considered as qualities not less essential to the accomplished soldier + than personal courage. How long would this continue to be the case, if the + slaying of prisoners were a part of the daily duty of the warrior? What + man of kind and generous nature would, under such a system, willingly bear + arms? Who, that was compelled to bear arms, would long continue kind and + generous? And is it not certain that, if barbarity towards the helpless + became the characteristic of military men, the taint must rapidly spread + to civil and to domestic life, and must show itself in all the dealings of + the strong with the weak, of husbands with wives, of employers with work + men, of creditors with debtors? + </p> + <p> + But, thank God, Barere's decree was a mere dead letter. It was to be + executed by men very different from those who, in the interior of France, + were the instruments of the Committee of Public Safety, who prated at + Jacobin Clubs, and ran to Fouquier Tinville with charges of incivism + against women whom they could not seduce, and bankers from whom they could + not extort money. The warriors who, under Hoche, had guarded the walls of + Dunkirk, and who, under Kleber, had made good the defence of the wood of + Monceaux, shrank with horror from an office more degrading than that of + the hangman. "The Convention," said an officer to his men, "has sent + orders that all the English prisoners shall be shot." "We will not shoot + them" answered a stout-hearted sergeant. "Send them to the Convention. If + the deputies take pleasure in killing a prisoner, they may kill him + themselves, and eat him too, like savages as they are." This was the + sentiment of the whole army. Bonaparte, who thoroughly understood war, who + at Jaffa and elsewhere gave ample proof that he was not unwilling to + strain the laws of war to their utmost rigour, and whose hatred of England + amounted to a folly, always spoke of Barere's decree with loathing, and + boasted that the army had refused to obey the Convention. + </p> + <p> + Such disobedience on the part of any other class of citizens would have + been instantly punished by wholesale massacre; but the Committee of Public + Safety was aware that the discipline which had tamed the unwarlike + population of the fields and cities might not answer in camps. To fling + people by scores out of a boat, and, when they catch hold of it, to chop + off their fingers with a hatchet, is undoubtedly a very agreeable pastime + for a thoroughbred Jacobin, when the sufferers are, as at Nantes, old + confessors, young girls, or women with child. But such sport might prove a + little dangerous if tried upon grim ranks of grenadiers, marked with the + scars of Hondschoote, and singed by the smoke of Fleurus. + </p> + <p> + Barere, however, found some consolation. If he could not succeed in + murdering the English and the Hanoverians, he was amply indemnified by a + new and vast slaughter of his own countrymen and countrywomen. If the + defence which has been set up for the members of the Committee of Public + Safety had been well founded, if it had been true that they governed with + extreme severity only because the republic was in extreme peril, it is + clear that the severity would have diminished as the peril diminished. But + the fact is, that those cruelties for which the public danger is made a + plea became more and more enormous as the danger became less and less, and + reached the full height when there was no longer any danger at all. In the + autumn of 1793, there was undoubtedly reason to apprehend that France + might be unable to maintain the struggle against the European coalition. + The enemy was triumphant on the frontiers. More than half the departments + disowned the authority of the Convention. But at that time eight or ten + necks a day were thought an ample allowance for the guillotine of the + capital. In the summer of 1794, Bordeaux, Toulon, Caen, Lyons, Marseilles, + had submitted to the ascendency of Paris. The French arms were victorious + under the Pyrenees and on the Sambre. Brussels had fallen. Prussia + announced her intention of withdrawing from the contest. The Republic, no + longer content with defending her own independence, was beginning to + meditate conquest beyond the Alps and the Rhine. She was now more + formidable to her neighbours than ever Louis the Fourteenth had been. And + now the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris was not content with forty, fifty, + sixty heads in a morning. It was just after a series of victories, which + destroyed the whole force of the single argument which has been urged in + defence of the system of terror, that the Committee of Public Safety + resolved to infuse into that system an energy hitherto unknown. It was + proposed to reconstruct the Revolutionary Tribunal, and to collect in the + space of two pages the whole revolutionary jurisprudence. Lists of twelve + judges and fifty jurors were made out from among the fiercest Jacobins. + The substantive law was simply this, that whatever the tribunal should + think pernicious to the republic was a capital crime. The law of evidence + was simply this, that whatever satisfied the jurors was sufficient proof. + The law of procedure was of a piece with everything else. There was to be + an advocate against the prisoner, and no advocate for him. It was + expressly declared that, if the jurors were in any manner convinced of the + guilt of the prisoner, they might convict him without hearing a single + witness. The only punishment which the court could inflict was death. + </p> + <p> + Robespierre proposed this decree. When he had read it, a murmur rose from + the Convention. The fear which had long restrained the deputies from + opposing the Committee was overcome by a stronger fear. Every man felt the + knife at his throat. "The decree," said one, "is of grave importance. I + move that it be printed and the debate be adjourned. If such a measure + were adopted without time for consideration, I would blow my brains out at + once." The motion for adjournment was seconded. Then Barere sprang up. "It + is impossible," he said, "that there can be any difference of opinion + among us as to a law like this, a law so favourable in all respects to + patriots; a law which insures the speedy punishment of conspirators. If + there is to be an adjournment, I must insist that it shall not be for more + than three days." The opposition was overawed; the decree was passed; and, + during the six weeks which followed, the havoc was such as has never been + known before. + </p> + <p> + And now the evil was beyond endurance. That timid majority which had for a + time supported the Girondists, and which had, after their fall, contented + itself with registering in silence the decrees of the Committee of Public + Safety, at length drew courage from despair. Leaders of bold and firm + character were not wanting, men such as Fouche and Tallien, who, having + been long conspicuous among the chiefs of the Mountain, now found that + their own lives, or lives still dearer to them than their own, were in + extreme peril. Nor could it be longer kept secret that there was a schism + in the despotic committee. On one side were Robespierre, Saint Just, and + Couthon; on the other, Collot and Billaud. Barere leaned towards these + last, but only leaned towards them. As was ever his fashion when a great + crisis was at hand, he fawned alternately on both parties, struck + alternately at both, and held himself in readiness to chant the praises or + to sign the death-warrant of either. In any event his Carmagnole was + ready. The tree of liberty, the blood of traitors, the dagger of Brutus, + the guineas of perfidious Albion, would do equally well for Billaud and + for Robespierre. + </p> + <p> + The first attack which was made on Robespierre was indirect. An old woman + named Catherine Theot, half maniac, half impostor, was protected by him, + and exercised a strange influence over his mind; for he was naturally + prone to superstition, and, having abjured the faith in which he had been + brought up, was looking about for something to believe. Barere drew up a + report against Catherine, which contained many facetious conceits, and + ended, as might be expected, with a motion for sending her and some other + wretched creatures of both sexes to the Revolutionary Tribunal, or, in + other words, to death. This report, however, he did not dare to read to + the Convention himself. Another member, less timid, was induced to farther + the cruel buffoonery; and the real author enjoyed in security the dismay + and vexation of Robespierre. + </p> + <p> + Barere now thought that he had done enough on one side, and that it was + time to make his peace with the other. On the seventh of Thermidor, he + pronounced in the Convention a panegyric on Robespierre. "That + representative of the people," he said, "enjoys a reputation for + patriotism, earned by five years of exertion, and by unalterable fidelity + to the principles of independence and liberty." On the eighth of + Thermidor, it became clear that a decisive struggle was at hand. + Robespierre struck the first blow. He mounted the tribune, and uttered a + long invective on his opponents. It was moved that his discourse should be + printed; and Barere spoke for the printing. The sense of the Convention + soon appeared to be the other way; and Barere apologised for his former + speech, and implored his colleagues to abstain from disputes which could + be agreeable only to Pitt and York. On the next day, the ever-memorable + ninth of Thermidor, came the real tug of war. Tallien, bravely taking his + life in his hand, led the onset. Billaud followed; and then all that + infinite hatred which had long been kept down by terror burst forth, and + swept every barrier before it. When at length the voice of Robespierre, + drowned by the President's bell, and by shouts of "Down with the tyrant!" + had died away in hoarse gasping, Barere rose. He began with timid and + doubtful phrases, watched the effect of every word he uttered, and, when + the feeling of the Assembly had been unequivocally manifested, declared + against Robespierre. But it was not till the people out of doors, and + especially the gunners of Paris, had espoused the cause of the Convention, + that Barere felt quite at ease. Then he sprang to the tribune, poured + forth a Carmagnole about Pisistratus and Catiline, and concluded by moving + that the heads of Robespierre and Robespierre's accomplices should be cut + off without a trial. The motion was carried. On the following morning the + vanquished members of the Committee of Public Safety and their principal + adherents suffered death. It was exactly one year since Barere had + commenced his career of slaughter by moving the proscription of his old + allies the Girondists. We greatly doubt whether any human being has ever + succeeded in packing more wickedness into the space of three hundred and + sixty-five days. + </p> + <p> + The ninth of Thermidor is one of the great epochs in the history of + Europe. It is true that the three members of the Committee of Public + Safety who triumphed were by no means better men than the three who fell. + Indeed, we are inclined to think that of these six statesmen the least bad + were Robespierre and Saint Just, whose cruelty was the effect of sincere + fanaticism operating on narrow understandings and acrimonious tempers. The + worst of the six was, beyond all doubt, Barere, who had no faith in any + part of the system which he upheld by persecution; who, while he sent his + fellow-creatures to death for being the third cousins of royalists, had + not in the least made up his mind that a republic was better than a + monarchy; who, while he slew his old friends for federalism, was himself + far more a federalist than any of them; who had become a murderer merely + for his safety, and who continued to be a murderer merely for his + pleasure. + </p> + <p> + The tendency of the vulgar is to embody everything. Some individual is + selected, and often selected very injudicially, as the representative of + every great movement of the public mind, of every great revolution in + human affairs; and on this individual are concentrated all the love and + all the hatred, all the admiration and all the contempt, which he ought + rightfully to share with a whole party, a whole sect, a whole nation, a + whole generation. Perhaps no human being has suffered so much from this + propensity of the multitude as Robespierre. He is regarded, not merely as + what he was, an envious, malevolent zealot, but as the incarnation of + Terror, as Jacobinism personified. The truth is, that it was not by him + that the system of terror was carried to the last extreme. The most + horrible days in the history of the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris were + those which immediately preceded the ninth of Thermidor. Robespierre had + then ceased to attend the meetings of the sovereign Committee; and the + direction of affairs was really in the hands of Billaud, of Collot, and of + Barere. + </p> + <p> + It had never occurred to those three tyrants that, in overthrowing + Robespierre, they were overthrowing that system of terror to which they + were more attached than he had ever been. Their object was to go on + slaying even more mercilessly than before. But they had misunderstood the + nature of the great crisis which had at last arrived. The yoke of the + Committee was broken for ever. The Convention had regained its liberty, + had tried its strength, had vanquished and punished its enemies. A great + reaction had commenced. Twenty-four hours after Robespierre had ceased to + live, it was moved and carried, amidst loud bursts of applause, that the + sittings of the Revolutionary Tribunal should be suspended. Billaud was + not at that moment present. He entered the hall soon after, learned with + indignation what had passed, and moved that the vote should be rescinded. + But loud cries of "No, no!" rose from those benches which had lately paid + mute obedience to his commands. Barere came forward on the same day, and + abjured the Convention not to relax the system of terror. "Beware, above + all things," he cried, "of that fatal moderation which talks of peace and + of clemency. Let aristocracy know that here she will find only enemies + sternly bent on vengeance, and judges who have no pity." But the day of + the Carmagnoles was over: the restraint of fear had been relaxed; and the + hatred with which the nation regarded the Jacobin dominion broke forth + with ungovernable violence. Not more strongly did the tide of public + opinion run against the old monarchy and aristocracy, at the time of the + taking of the Bastile, than it now ran against the tyranny of the + Mountain. From every dungeon the prisoners came forth as they had gone in, + by hundreds. The decree which forbade the soldiers of the republic to give + quarter to the English was repealed by an unanimous vote, amidst loud + acclamations; nor, passed as it was, disobeyed as it was, and rescinded as + it was, can it be with justice considered as a blemish on the fame of the + French nation. The Jacobin Club was refractory. It was suppressed without + resistance. The surviving Girondist deputies, who had concealed themselves + from the vengeance of their enemies in caverns and garrets, were + readmitted to their seats in the Convention. No day passed without some + signal reparation of injustice; no street in Paris was without some trace + of the recent change. In the theatre, the bust of Marat was pulled down + from its pedestal and broken in pieces, amidst the applause of the + audience. His carcass was ejected from the Pantheon. The celebrated + picture of his death, which had hung in the hall of the Convention, was + removed. The savage inscriptions with which the walls of the city had been + covered disappeared; and, in place of death and terror, humanity, the + watchword of the new rulers, was everywhere to be seen. In the meantime, + the gay spirit of France, recently subdued by oppression, and now elated + by the joy of a great deliverance, wantoned in a thousand forms. Art, + taste, luxury, revived. Female beauty regained its empire—an empire + strengthened by the remembrance of all the tender and all the sublime + virtues which women, delicately bred and reputed frivolous, had displayed + during the evil days. Refined manners, chivalrous sentiments, followed in + the train of love. The dawn of the Arctic summer day after the Arctic + winter night, the great unsealing of the waters, the awakening of animal + and vegetable life, the sudden softening of the air, the sudden blooming + of the flowers, the sudden bursting of old forests into verdure, is but a + feeble type of that happiest and most genial of revolutions, the + revolution of the ninth of Thermidor. + </p> + <p> + But, in the midst of the revival of all kind and generous sentiments, + there was one portion of the community against which mercy itself seemed + to cry out for vengeance. The chiefs of the late government and their + tools were now never named but as the men of blood, the drinkers of blood, + the cannibals. In some parts of France, where the creatures of the + Mountain had acted with peculiar barbarity, the populace took the law into + its own hands and meted out justice to the Jacobins with the true Jacobin + measure, but at Paris the punishments were inflicted with order and + decency, and were few when compared with the number, and lenient when + compared with the enormity, of the crimes. Soon after the ninth of + Thermidor, two of the vilest of mankind, Fouquier Tinville, whom Barere + had placed at the Revolutionary Tribunal, and Lebon, whom Barere had + defended in the Convention, were placed under arrest. A third miscreant + soon shared their fate, Carrier, the tyrant of Nantes. The trials of these + men brought to light horrors surpassing anything that Suetonius and + Lampridius have related of the worst Caesars. But it was impossible to + punish subordinate agents, who, bad as they were, had only acted in + accordance with the spirit of the government which they served, and, at + the same time, to grant impunity to the heads of the wicked + administration. A cry was raised, both within and without the Convention + for justice on Collot, Billaud, and Barere. + </p> + <p> + Collot and Billaud, with all their vices, appear to have been men of + resolute natures. They made no submission; but opposed to the hatred of + mankind, at first a fierce resistance, and afterwards a dogged and sullen + endurance. Barere, on the other hand, as soon as he began to understand + the real nature of the revolution of Thermidor, attempted to abandon the + Mountain, and to obtain admission among his old friends of the moderate + party. He declared everywhere that he had never been in favour of severe + measures; that he was a Girondist; that he had always condemned and + lamented the manner in which the Brissotine deputies had been treated. He + now preached mercy from that tribune from which he had recently preached + extermination. "The time," he said, "has come at which our clemency may be + indulged without danger. We may now safely consider temporary imprisonment + as an adequate punishment for political misdemeanours." It was only a + fortnight since, from the same place, he had declaimed against the + moderation which dared even to talk of clemency; it was only a fortnight + since he had ceased to send men and women to the guillotine of Paris, at + the rate of three hundred a week. He now wished to make his peace with the + moderate party at the expense of the Terrorists, as he had, a year before, + made his peace with the Terrorists at the expense of the moderate party. + But he was disappointed. He had left himself no retreat. His face, his + voice, his rants, his jokes, had become hateful to the Convention. When he + spoke he was interrupted by murmurs. Bitter reflections were daily cast on + his cowardice and perfidy. On one occasion Carnot rose to give an account + of a victory, and so far forgot the gravity of his own character as to + indulge in the sort of oratory which Barere had affected on similar + occasions. He was interrupted by cries of "No more Carmagnoles!" "No more + of Barere's puns!" + </p> + <p> + At length, five months after the revolution of Thermidor, the Convention + resolved that a committee of twenty-one members should be appointed to + examine into the conduct of Billaud, Collot, and Barere. In some weeks the + report was made. From that report we learn that a paper had been + discovered, signed by Barere, and containing a proposition for adding the + last improvement to the system of terror. France was to be divided into + circuits; itinerant revolutionary tribunals, composed of trusty Jacobins, + were to move from department to department; and the guillotine was to + travel in their train. + </p> + <p> + Barere, in his defence, insisted that no speech or motion which he had + made in the Convention could, without a violation of the freedom of + debate, be treated as a crime. He was asked how he could resort to such a + mode of defence, after putting to death so many deputies on account of + opinions expressed in the Convention. He had nothing to say, but that it + was much to be regretted that the sound principle had ever been violated. + </p> + <p> + He arrogated to himself a large share of the merit of the revolution in + Thermidor. The men who had risked their lives to effect that revolution, + and who knew that, if they had failed, Barere would, in all probability, + have moved the decree for beheading them without a trial, and have drawn + up a proclamation announcing their guilt and their punishment to all + France, were by no means disposed to acquiesce in his claims. He was + reminded that, only forty-eight hours before the decisive conflict, he + had, in the tribune, been profuse of adulation to Robespierre. His answer + to this reproach is worthy of himself. "It was necessary," he said, "to + dissemble. It was necessary to flatter Robespierre's vanity, and, by + panegyric, to impel him to the attack. This was the motive which induced + me to load him with those praises of which you complain. Who ever blamed + Brutus for dissembling with Tarquin?" + </p> + <p> + The accused triumvirs had only one chance of escaping punishment. There + was severe distress at that moment among the working people of the + capital. This distress the Jacobins attributed to the reaction of + Thermidor, to the lenity with which the aristocrats were now treated, and + to the measures which had been adopted against the chiefs of the late + administration. Nothing is too absurd to be believed by a populace which + has not breakfasted, and which does not know how it is to dine. The rabble + of the Faubourg St Antoine rose, menaced the deputies, and demanded with + loud cries the liberation of the persecuted patriots. But the Convention + was no longer such as it had been, when similar means were employed too + successfully against the Girondists. Its spirit was roused. Its strength + had been proved. Military means were at its command. The tumult was + suppressed: and it was decreed that same evening that Collot, Billaud, and + Barere should instantly be removed to a distant place of confinement. + </p> + <p> + The next day the order of the Convention was executed. The account which + Barere has given of his journey is the most interesting and the most + trustworthy part of these Memoirs. There is no witness so infamous that a + court of justice will not take his word against himself; and even Barere + may be believed when he tells us how much he was hated and despised. + </p> + <p> + The carriage in which he was to travel passed, surrounded by armed men, + along the street of St Honore. A crowd soon gathered round it and + increased every moment. On the long flight of steps before the church of + St Roch stood rows of eager spectators. It was with difficulty that the + coach could make its way through those who hung upon it, hooting, cursing, + and striving to burst the doors. Barere thought his life in danger, and + was conducted at his own request to a public office, where he hoped that + he might find shelter till the crowd should disperse. In the meantime, + another discussion on his fate took place in the Convention. It was + proposed to deal with him as he had dealt with better men, to put him out + of the pale of the law, and to deliver him at once without any trial to + the headsman. But the humanity which, since the ninth of Thermidor, had + generally directed the public councils restrained the deputies from taking + this course. + </p> + <p> + It was now night; and the streets gradually became quiet. The clock struck + twelve; and Barere, under a strong guard, again set forth on his journey. + He was conducted over the river to the place where the Orleans road + branches off from the southern boulevard. Two travelling carriages stood + there. In one of them was Billaud, attended by two officers; in the other + two more officers were waiting to receive Barere. Collot was already on + the road. + </p> + <p> + At Orleans, a city which had suffered cruelly from the Jacobin tyranny, + the three deputies were surrounded by a mob bent on tearing them to + pieces. All the national guards of the neighbourhood were assembled; and + this force was not greater than the emergency required; for the multitude + pursued the carriages far on the road to Blois. + </p> + <p> + At Amboise the prisoners learned that Tours was ready to receive them. The + stately bridge was occupied by a throng of people, who swore that the men + under whose rule the Loire had been choked with corpses should have full + personal experience of the nature of a noyade. In consequence of this + news, the officers who had charge of the criminals made such arrangements + that the carriages reached Tours at two in the morning, and drove straight + to the post-house. Fresh horses were instantly ordered; and the travellers + started again at full gallop. They had, in truth, not a moment to lose; + for the alarm had been given; lights were seen in motion; and the yells of + a great multitude, disappointed of its revenge, mingled with the sound of + the departing wheels. + </p> + <p> + At Poitiers there was another narrow escape. As the prisoners quitted the + post-house, they saw the whole population pouring in fury down the steep + declivity on which the city is built. They passed near Niort, but could + not venture to enter it. The inhabitants came forth with threatening + aspect, and vehemently cried to the postillions to stop; but the + postillions urged the horses to full speed, and soon left the town behind. + Through such dangers the men of blood were brought in safety to Rochelle. + </p> + <p> + Oleron was the place of their destination, a dreary island beaten by the + raging waves of the Bay of Biscay. The prisoners were confined in the + castle; each had a single chamber, at the door of which a guard was + placed; and each was allowed the ration of a single soldier. They were not + allowed to communicate either with the garrison or with the population of + the island; and soon after their arrival they were denied the indulgence + of walking on the ramparts. The only place where they were suffered to + take exercise was the esplanade where the troops were drilled. + </p> + <p> + They had not been long in this situation when news came that the Jacobins + of Paris had made a last attempt to regain ascendency in the state, that + the hall of the Convention had been forced by a furious crowd, that one of + the deputies had been murdered and his head fixed on a pike, that the life + of the President had been for a time in imminent danger, and that some + members of the legislature had not been ashamed to join the rioters. But + troops had arrived in time to prevent a massacre. The insurgents had been + put to flight; the inhabitants of the disaffected quarters of the capital + had been disarmed; the guilty deputies had suffered the just punishment of + their treason; and the power of the Mountain was broken for ever. These + events strengthened the aversion with which the system of terror and the + authors of that system were regarded. One member of the Convention had + moved that the three prisoners of Oleron should be put to death; another, + that they should be brought back to Paris, and tried by a council of war. + These propositions were rejected. But something was conceded to the party + which called for severity. A vessel which had been fitted out with great + expedition at Rochefort touched at Oleron; and it was announced to Collot + and Billaud that they must instantly go on board. They were forthwith + conveyed to Guiana, where Collot soon drank himself to death with brandy. + Billaud lived many years, shunning his fellow-creatures and shunned by + them; and diverted his lonely hours by teaching parrots to talk. Why a + distinction was made between Barere and his companions in guilt, neither + he nor any other writer, as far as we know, has explained. It does not + appear that the distinction was meant to be at all in his favour; for + orders soon arrived from Paris, that he should be brought to trial for his + crimes before the criminal court of the department of the Upper Charente. + He was accordingly brought back to the continent, and confined during some + months at Saintes, in an old convent which had lately been turned into a + jail. + </p> + <p> + While he lingered here, the reaction which had followed the great crisis + of Thermidor met with a temporary check. The friends of the House of + Bourbon, presuming on the indulgence with which they had been treated + after the fall of Robespierre, not only ventured to avow their opinions + with little disguise, but at length took arms against the Convention, and + were not put down till much blood had been shed in the streets of Paris. + The vigilance of the public authorities was therefore now directed chiefly + against the Royalists; and the rigour with which the Jacobins had lately + been treated was somewhat relaxed. The Convention, indeed, again resolved + that Barere should be sent to Guiana. But this decree was not carried into + effect. The prisoner, probably with the connivance of some powerful + persons, made his escape from Saintes and fled to Bordeaux, where he + remained in concealment during some years. There seems to have been a kind + of understanding between him and the government, that, as long as he hid + himself, he should not be found, but that, if he obtruded himself on the + public eye, he must take the consequences of his rashness. + </p> + <p> + While the constitution of 1795, with its Executive Directory, its Council + of Elders, and its Council of Five Hundred, was in operation, he continued + to live under the ban of the law. It was in vain that he solicited, even + at moments when the politics of the Mountain seemed to be again in the + ascendant, a remission of the sentence pronounced by the Convention. Even + his fellow-regicides, even the authors of the slaughter of Vendemiaire and + of the arrests of Fructidor, were ashamed of him. + </p> + <p> + About eighteen months after his escape from prison, his name was again + brought before the world. In his own province he still retained some of + his early popularity. He had, indeed, never been in that province since + the downfall of the monarchy. The mountaineers of Gascony were far removed + from the seat of government, and were but imperfectly informed of what + passed there. They knew that their countryman had played an important + part, and that he had on some occasions promoted their local interests; + and they stood by him in his adversity and in his disgrace with a + constancy which presents a singular contrast to his own abject fickleness. + All France was amazed to learn that the department of the Upper Pyrenees + had chosen the proscribed tyrant a member of the Council of Five Hundred. + The council which, like our House of Commons, was the judge of the + election of its own members, refused to admit him. When his name was read + from the roll, a cry of indignation rose from the benches. "Which of you," + exclaimed one of the members, "would sit by the side of such a monster?" + "Not I, not I!" answered a crowd of voices. One deputy declared that he + would vacate his seat if the hall were polluted by the presence of such a + wretch. The election was declared null on the ground that the person + elected was a criminal skulking from justice; and many severe reflections + were thrown on the lenity which suffered him to be still at large. + </p> + <p> + He tried to make his peace with the Directory, by writing a bulky libel on + England, entitled, the Liberty of the Seas. He seems to have confidently + expected that this work would produce a great effect. He printed three + thousand copies, and in order to defray the expense of publication, sold + one of his farms for the sum of ten thousand francs. The book came out; + but nobody bought it, in consequence, if Barere is to be believed, of the + villainy of Mr Pitt, who bribed the Directory to order the Reviewers not + to notice so formidable an attack on the maritime greatness of perfidious + Albion. + </p> + <p> + Barere had been about three years at Bordeaux when he received + intelligence that the mob of the town designed him the honour of a visit + on the ninth of Thermidor, and would probably administer to him what he + had, in his defence of his friend Lebon, described as substantial justice + under forms a little harsh. It was necessary for him to disguise himself + in clothes such as were worn by the carpenters of the dock. In this garb, + with a bundle of wood shavings under his arm, he made his escape into the + vineyards which surrounded the city, lurked during some days in a + peasant's hut, and, when the dreaded anniversary was over, stole back into + the city. A few months later he was again in danger. He now thought that + he should be nowhere so safe as in the neighbourhood of Paris. He quitted + Bordeaux, hastened undetected through those towns where four years before + his life had been in extreme danger, passed through the capital in the + morning twilight, when none were in the streets except shop-boys taking + down the shutters, and arrived safe at the pleasant village of St Ouen on + the Seine. Here he remained in seclusion during some months. In the + meantime Bonaparte returned from Egypt, placed himself at the head of a + coalition of discontented parties, covered his designs with the authority + of the Elders, drove the Five Hundred out of their hall at the point of + the bayonet, and became absolute monarch of France under the name of First + Consul. + </p> + <p> + Barere assures us that these events almost broke his heart; that he could + not bear to see France again subject to a master; and that if the + representatives had been worthy of that honourable name, they would have + arrested the ambitious general who insulted them. These feelings, however, + did not prevent him from soliciting the protection of the new government, + and from sending to the First Consul a handsome copy of the essay on the + Liberty of the Seas. + </p> + <p> + The policy of Bonaparte was to cover all the past with a general oblivion. + He belonged half to the Revolution and half to the reaction. He was an + upstart and a sovereign; and had therefore something in common with the + Jacobin, and something in common with the Royalist. All, whether Jacobins + or Royalists, who were disposed to support his government, were readily + received—all, whether Jacobins or Royalists, who showed hostility to + his government, were put down and punished. Men who had borne a part in + the worst crimes of the Reign of Terror, and men who had fought in the + army of Conde, were to be found close together, both in his antechambers + and in his dungeons. He decorated Fouche and Maury with the same cross. He + sent Arena and Georges Cadoudal to the same scaffold. From a government + acting on such principles Barere easily obtained the indulgence which the + Directory had constantly refused to grant. The sentence passed by the + Convention was remitted; and he was allowed to reside at Paris. His + pardon, it is true, was not granted in the most honourable form; and he + remained, during some time, under the special supervision of the police. + He hastened, however, to pay his court at the Luxembourg palace, where + Bonaparte then resided, and was honoured with a few dry and careless words + by the master of France. + </p> + <p> + Here begins a new chapter of Barere's history. What passed between him and + the Consular government cannot, of course, be so accurately known to us as + the speeches and reports which he made in the Convention. It is, however, + not difficult, from notorious facts, and from the admissions scattered + over these lying Memoirs, to form a tolerably accurate notion of what took + place. Bonaparte wanted to buy Barere: Barere wanted to sell himself to + Bonaparte. The only question was one of price; and there was an immense + interval between what was offered and what was demanded. + </p> + <p> + Bonaparte, whose vehemence of will, fixedness of purpose, and reliance on + his own genius were not only great but extravagant, looked with scorn on + the most effeminate and dependent of human minds. He was quite capable of + perpetrating crimes under the influence either of ambition or of revenge: + but he had no touch of that accursed monomania, that craving for blood and + tears, which raged in some of the Jacobin chiefs. To proscribe the + Terrorists would have been wholly inconsistent with his policy; but, of + all the classes of men whom his comprehensive system included, he liked + them the least; and Barere was the worst of them. This wretch had been + branded with infamy, first by the Convention, and then by the Council of + Five Hundred. The inhabitants of four or five great cities had attempted + to tear him limb from limb. Nor were his vices redeemed by eminent talents + for administration or legislation. It would be unwise to place in any + honourable or important post a man so wicked, so odious, and so little + qualified to discharge high political duties. At the same time there was a + way in which it seemed likely that he might be of use to the government. + The First Consul, as he afterwards acknowledged, greatly overrated + Barere's powers as a writer. The effect which the Reports of the Committee + of Public Safety had produced by the camp fires of the Republican armies + had been great. Napoleon himself, when a young soldier, had been delighted + by those compositions, which had much in common with the rhapsodies of his + favourite poet, Macpherson. The taste, indeed, of the great warrior and + statesman was never very pure. His bulletins, his general orders, and his + proclamations, are sometimes, it is true, masterpieces in their kind; but + we too often detect, even in his best writing, traces of Fingal, and of + the Carmagnoles. It is not strange, therefore, that he should have been + desirous to secure the aid of Barere's pen. Nor was this the only kind of + assistance which the old member of the Committee of Public Safety might + render to the Consular government. He was likely to find admission into + the gloomy dens in which those Jacobins whose constancy was to be overcome + by no reverse, or whose crimes admitted of no expiation, hid themselves + from the curses of mankind. No enterprise was too bold or too atrocious + for minds crazed by fanatacism, and familiar with misery and death. The + government was anxious to have information of what passed in their secret + councils; and no man was better qualified to furnish such information than + Barere. + </p> + <p> + For these reasons the First Consul was disposed to employ Barere as a + writer and as a spy. But Barere—was it possible that he would submit + to such a degradation? Bad as he was, he had played a great part. He had + belonged to that class of criminals who filled the world with the renown + of their crimes; he had been one of a cabinet which had ruled France with + absolute power, and made war on all Europe with signal success. Nay, he + had been, though not the most powerful, yet, with the single exception of + Robespierre, the most conspicuous member of that cabinet. His name had + been a household word at Moscow and at Philadelphia, at Edinburgh and at + Cadiz. The blood of the Queen of France, the blood of the greatest orators + and philosophers of France, was on his hands. He had spoken; and it had + been decreed that the plough should pass over the great city of Lyons. He + had spoken again; and it had been decreed that the streets of Toulon + should be razed to the ground. When depravity is placed so high as his, + the hatred which it inspires is mingled with awe. His place was with great + tyrants, with Critias and Sylla, with Eccelino and Borgia; not with + hireling scribblers and police runners. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Virtue, I grant you, is an empty boast; + But shall the dignity of vice be lost?" +</pre> + <p> + So sang Pope; and so felt Barere. When it was proposed to him to publish a + journal in defence of the Consular government, rage and shame inspired him + for the first and last time with something like courage. He had filled as + large a space in the eyes of mankind as Mr Pitt or General Washington; and + he was coolly invited to descend at once to the level of Mr Lewis + Goldsmith. He saw, too, with agonies of envy, that a wide distinction was + made between himself and the other statesmen of the Revolution who were + summoned to the aid of the government. Those statesmen were required, + indeed, to make large sacrifices of principle; but they were not called on + to sacrifice what, in the opinion of the vulgar, constitutes personal + dignity. They were made tribunes and legislators, ambassadors and + counsellors of state, ministers, senators, and consuls. They might + reasonably expect to rise with the rising fortunes of their master; and, + in truth, many of them were destined to wear the badge of his Legion of + Honour and of his order of the Iron Crown; to be arch-chancellors and + arch-treasurers, counts, dukes, and princes. Barere, only six years + before, had been far more powerful, far more widely renowned, than any of + them; and now, while they were thought worthy to represent the majesty of + France at foreign courts, while they received crowds of suitors in gilded + antechambers, he was to pass his life in measuring paragraphs, and + scolding correctors of the press. It was too much. Those lips which had + never before been able to fashion themselves to a No, now murmured + expostulation and refusal. "I could not"—these are his own words—"abase + myself to such a point as to serve the First Consul merely in the capacity + of a journalist, while so many insignificant, low, and servile people, + such as the Treilhards, the Roederers, the Lebruns, the Marets, and others + whom it is superfluous to name, held the first place in this government of + upstarts." + </p> + <p> + This outbreak of spirit was of short duration. Napoleon was inexorable. It + is said indeed that he was, for a moment, half inclined to admit Barere + into the Council of State; but the members of that body remonstrated in + the strongest terms, and declared that such a nomination would be a + disgrace to them all. This plan was therefore relinquished. Thenceforth + Barere's only chance of obtaining the patronage of the government was to + subdue his pride, to forget that there had been a time when, with three + words, he might have had the heads of the three consuls, and to betake + himself, humbly and industriously, to the task of composing lampoons on + England and panegyrics on Bonaparte. + </p> + <p> + It has been often asserted, we know not on what grounds, that Barere was + employed by the government not only as a writer, but as a censor of the + writings of other men. This imputation he vehemently denies in his + Memoirs; but our readers will probably agree with us in thinking that his + denial leaves the question exactly where it was. + </p> + <p> + Thus much is certain, that he was not restrained from exercising the + office of censor by any scruple of conscience or honour; for he did accept + an office, compared with which that of censor, odious as it is, may be + called an august and beneficent magistracy. He began to have what are + delicately called relations with the police. We are not sure that we have + formed, or that we can convey, an exact notion of the nature of Barere's + new calling. It is a calling unknown in our country. It has indeed often + happened in England that a plot has been revealed to the government by one + of the conspirators. The informer has sometimes been directed to carry it + fair towards his accomplices, and to let the evil design come to full + maturity. As soon as his work is done, he is generally snatched from the + public gaze, and sent to some obscure village or to some remote colony. + The use of spies, even to this extent, is in the highest degree unpopular + in England; but a political spy by profession is a creature from which our + island is as free as it is from wolves. In France the race is well-known, + and was never more numerous, more greedy, more cunning, or more savage, + than under the government of Bonaparte. + </p> + <p> + Our idea of a gentleman in relations with the Consular and Imperial police + may perhaps be incorrect. Such as it is, we will try to convey it to our + readers. We image to ourselves a well-dressed person, with a soft voice + and affable manners. His opinions are those of the society in which he + finds himself, but a little stronger. He often complains, in the language + of honest indignation, that what passes in private conversation finds its + way strangely to the government, and cautions his associates to take care + what they say when they are not sure of their company. As for himself, he + owns that he is indiscreet. He can never refrain from speaking his mind; + and that is the reason that he is not prefect of a department. + </p> + <p> + In a gallery of the Palais Royal he overhears two friends talking + earnestly about the King and the Count of Artois. He follows them into a + coffee-house, sits at the table next to them, calls for his half-dish and + his small glass of cognac, takes up a journal, and seems occupied with the + news. His neighbours go on talking without restraint, and in the style of + persons warmly attached to the exiled family. They depart; and he follows + them half round the boulevards till he fairly tracks them to their + apartments, and learns their names from the porters. From that day every + letter addressed to either of them is sent from the post-office to the + police, and opened. Their correspondents become known to the government, + and are carefully watched. Six or eight honest families, in different + parts of France, find themselves at once under the frown of power without + being able to guess what offence they have given. One person is dismissed + from a public office; another learns with dismay that his promising son + has been turned out of the Polytechnic school. + </p> + <p> + Next, the indefatigable servant of the state falls in with an old + republican, who has not changed with the times, who regrets the red cap + and the tree of liberty, who has not unlearned the Thee and Thou, and who + still subscribes his letters with "Health and Fraternity." Into the ears + of this sturdy politician our friend pours forth a long series of + complaints. What evil times! What a change since the days when the + Mountain governed France! What is the First Consul but a king under a new + name? What is this Legion of Honour but a new aristocracy? The old + superstition is reviving with the old tyranny. There is a treaty with the + Pope, and a provision for the clergy. Emigrant nobles are returning in + crowds, and are better received at the Tuileries than the men of the 10th + of August. This cannot last. What is life without liberty? What terrors + has death to the true patriot? The old Jacobin catches fire, bestows and + receives the fraternal hug, and hints that there will soon be great news, + and that the breed of Harmodius and Brutus is not quite extinct. The next + day he is close prisoner, and all his papers are in the hands of the + government. + </p> + <p> + To this vocation, a vocation compared with which the life of a beggar, of + a pickpocket, of a pimp, is honourable, did Barere now descend. It was his + constant practice, as often as he enrolled himself in a new party, to pay + his footing with the heads of old friends. He was at first a Royalist; and + he made atonement by watering the tree of liberty with the blood of Louis. + He was then a Girondist; and he made atonement by murdering Vergniaud and + Gensonne. He fawned on Robespierre up to the eighth of Thermidor; and he + made atonement by moving, on the ninth, that Robespierre should be + beheaded without a trial. He was now enlisted in the service of the new + monarchy; and he proceeded to atone for his republican heresies by sending + republican throats to the guillotine. + </p> + <p> + Among his most intimate associates was a Gascon named Demerville, who had + been employed in an office of high trust under the Committee of Public + Safety. This man was fanatically attached to the Jacobin system of + politics, and, in conjunction with other enthusiasts of the same class, + formed a design against the First Consul. A hint of this design escaped + him in conversation with Barere. Barere carried the intelligence to + Lannes, who commanded the Consular Guards. Demerville was arrested, tried, + and beheaded; and among the witnesses who appeared against him was his + friend Barere. + </p> + <p> + The account which Barere has given of these transactions is studiously + confused and grossly dishonest. We think, however, that we can discern, + through much falsehood and much artful obscurity, some truths which he + labours to conceal. It is clear to us that the government suspected him of + what the Italians call a double treason. It was natural that such a + suspicion should attach to him. He had, in times not very remote, + zealously preached the Jacobin doctrine, that he who smites a tyrant + deserves higher praise than he who saves a citizen. Was it possible that + the member of the Committee of Public Safety, the king-killer, the + queen-killer, could in earnest mean to deliver his old confederates, his + bosom friends, to the executioner, solely because they had planned an act + which, if there were any truth in his own Carmagnoles, was in the highest + degree virtuous and glorious? Was it not more probable that he was really + concerned in the plot, and that the information which he gave was merely + intended to lull or to mislead the police? Accordingly, spies were set on + the spy. He was ordered to quit Paris, and not to come within twenty + leagues till he received further orders. Nay, he ran no small risk of + being sent, with some of his old friends, to Madagascar. + </p> + <p> + He made his peace, however, with the government so far, that he was not + only permitted, during some years, to live unmolested, but was employed in + the lowest sort of political drudgery. In the summer of 1803, while he was + preparing to visit the south of France, he received a letter which + deserves to be inserted. It was from Duroc, who is well known to have + enjoyed a large share of Napoleon's confidence and favour. + </p> + <p> + "The First Consul, having been informed that Citizen Barere is about to + set out for the country, desires that he will stay at Paris. + </p> + <p> + "Citizen Barere will every week draw up a report on the state of public + opinion on the proceedings of the government, and generally on everything + which, in his judgment, it will be interesting to the First Consul to + learn. + </p> + <p> + "He may write with perfect freedom. + </p> + <p> + "He will deliver his reports under seal into General Duroc's own hand, and + General Duroc will deliver them to the First Consul. But it is absolutely + necessary that nobody should suspect that this species of communication + takes place; and, should any such suspicion get abroad, the First Consul + will cease to receive the reports of Citizen Barere. + </p> + <p> + "It will also be proper that Citizen Barere should frequently insert in + the journals articles tending to animate the public mind, particularly + against the English." + </p> + <p> + During some years Barere continued to discharge the functions assigned to + him by his master. Secret reports, filled with the talk of coffee-houses, + were carried by him every week to the Tuileries. His friends assure us + that he took especial pains to do all the harm in his power to the + returned emigrants. It was not his fault if Napoleon was not apprised of + every murmur and every sarcasm which old marquesses who had lost their + estates, and old clergymen who had lost their benefices, uttered against + the imperial system. M. Hippolyte Carnot, we grieve to say, is so much + blinded by party spirit that he seems to reckon this dirty wickedness + among his hero's titles to public esteem. + </p> + <p> + Barere was, at the same time, an indefatigable journalist and pamphleteer. + He set up a paper directed against England, and called the "Memorial + Antibritannique". He planned a work entitled, "France made great and + illustrious by Napoleon." When the Imperial government was established, + the old regicide made himself conspicuous even among the crowd of + flatterers by the peculiar fulsomeness of his adulation. He translated + into French a contemptible volume of Italian verses, entitled, "The Poetic + Crown, composed on the glorious accession of Napoleon the First, by the + Shepherds of Arcadia." He commenced a new series of Carmagnoles very + different from those which had charmed the Mountain. The title of Emperor + of the French, he said, was mean; Napoleon ought to be Emperor of Europe. + King of Italy was too humble an appellation; Napoleon's style ought to be + King of Kings. + </p> + <p> + But Barere laboured to small purpose in both his vocations. Neither as a + writer nor as a spy was he of much use. He complains bitterly that his + paper did not sell. While the "Journal des Debats", then flourishing under + the able management of Geoffroy, had a circulation of at least twenty + thousand copies, the "Memorial Antibritannique" never, in its most + prosperous times, had more than fifteen hundred subscribers; and these + subscribers were, with scarcely an exception, persons residing far from + Paris, probably Gascons, among whom the name of Barere had not yet lost + its influence. + </p> + <p> + A writer who cannot find readers generally attributes the public neglect + to any cause rather than to the true one; and Barere was no exception to + the general rule. His old hatred to Paris revived in all its fury. That + city, he says, has no sympathy with France. No Parisian cares to subscribe + to a journal which dwells on the real wants and interests of the country. + To a Parisian nothing is so ridiculous as patriotism. The higher classes + of the capital have always been devoted to England. A corporal from London + is better received among them than a French general. A journal, therefore, + which attacks England has no chance of their support. + </p> + <p> + A much better explanation of the failure of the "Memorial" was given by + Bonaparte at St Helena. "Barere," said he to Barry O'Meara, "had the + reputation of being a man of talent: but I did not find him so. I employed + him to write; but he did not display ability. He used many flowers of + rhetoric, but no solid argument; nothing but coglionerie wrapped up in + high-sounding language." + </p> + <p> + The truth is that, though Barere was a man of quick parts, and could do + with ease what he could do at all, he had never been a good writer. In the + day of his power he had been in the habit of haranguing an excitable + audience on exciting topics. The faults of his style passed uncensured; + for it was a time of literary as well as of civil lawlessness, and a + patriot was licensed to violate the ordinary rules of composition as well + as the ordinary rules of jurisprudence and of social morality. But there + had now been a literary as well as a civil reaction. As there was again a + throne and a court, a magistracy, a chivalry, and a hierarchy, so was + there a revival of classical taste. Honour was again paid to the prose of + Pascal and Massillon, and to the verse of Racine and La Fontaine. The + oratory which had delighted the galleries of the Convention was not only + as much out of date as the language of Villehardouin and Joinville, but + was associated in the public mind with images of horror. All the + peculiarities of the Anacreon of the guillotine, his words unknown to the + Dictionary of the Academy, his conceits and his jokes, his Gascon idioms + and his Gascon hyperboles, had become as odious as the cant of the + Puritans was in England after the Restoration. + </p> + <p> + Bonaparte, who had never loved the men of the Reign of Terror, had now + ceased to fear them. He was all-powerful and at the height of glory; they + were weak and universally abhorred. He was a sovereign; and it is probable + that he already meditated a matrimonial alliance with sovereigns. He was + naturally unwilling, in his new position, to hold any intercourse with the + worst class of Jacobins. Had Barere's literary assistance been important + to the government, personal aversion might have yielded to considerations + of policy; but there was no motive for keeping terms with a worthless man + who had also proved a worthless writer. Bonaparte, therefore, gave loose + to his feelings. Barere was not gently dropped, not sent into an + honourable retirement, but spurned and scourged away like a troublesome + dog. He had been in the habit of sending six copies of his journal on fine + paper daily to the Tuileries. Instead of receiving the thanks and praises + which he expected, he was drily told that the great man had ordered five + copies to be sent back. Still he toiled on; still he cherished a hope that + at last Napoleon would relent, and that at last some share in the honours + of the state would reward so much assiduity and so much obsequiousness. He + was bitterly undeceived. Under the Imperial constitution the electoral + colleges of the departments did not possess the right of choosing senators + or deputies, but merely that of presenting candidates. From among these + candidates the emperor named members of the senate, and the senate named + members of the legislative body. The inhabitants of the Upper Pyrenees + were still strangely partial to Barere. In the year 1805, they were + disposed to present him as a candidate for the senate. On this Napoleon + expressed the highest displeasure; and the president of the electoral + college was directed to tell the voters, in plain terms, that such a + choice would be disgraceful to the department. All thought of naming + Barere a candidate for the senate was consequently dropped. But the people + of Argeles ventured to name him a candidate for the legislative body. That + body was altogether destitute of weight and dignity; it was not permitted + to debate; its only function was to vote in silence for whatever the + government proposed. It is not easy to understand how any man who had sat + in free and powerful deliberative assemblies could condescend to bear a + part in such a mummery. Barere, however, was desirous of a place even in + this mock legislature; and a place even in this mock legislature was + refused to him. In the whole senate he had not a single vote. + </p> + <p> + Such treatment was sufficient, it might have been thought, to move the + most abject of mankind to resentment. Still, however, Barere cringed and + fawned on. His letters came weekly to the Tuileries till the year 1807. At + length, while he was actually writing the two hundred and twenty-third of + the series, a note was put into his hands. It was from Duroc, and was much + more perspicuous than polite. Barere was requested to send no more of his + Reports to the palace, as the Emperor was too busy to read them. + </p> + <p> + Contempt, says the Indian proverb, pierces even the shell of the tortoise; + and the contempt of the Court was felt to the quick even by the callous + heart of Barere. He had humbled himself to the dust; and he had humbled + himself in vain. Having been eminent among the rulers of a great and + victorious state, he had stooped to serve a master in the vilest + capacities; and he had been told that, even in those capacities, he was + not worthy of the pittance which had been disdainfully flung to him. He + was now degraded below the level even of the hirelings whom the government + employed in the most infamous offices. He stood idle in the market-place, + not because he thought any office too infamous, but because none would + hire him. + </p> + <p> + Yet he had reason to think himself fortunate; for, had all that is avowed + in these Memoirs been known, he would have received very different tokens + of the Imperial displeasure. We learn from himself that, while publishing + daily columns of flattery on Bonaparte, and while carrying weekly budgets + of calumny to the Tuileries, he was in close connection with the agents + whom the Emperor Alexander, then by no means favourably disposed towards + France, employed to watch all that passed at Paris; was permitted to read + their secret despatches; was consulted by them as to the temper of the + public mind and the character of Napoleon; and did his best to persuade + them that the government was in a tottering condition, and that the new + sovereign was not, as the world supposed, a great statesman and soldier. + Next, Barere, still the flatterer and talebearer of the Imperial Court, + connected himself in the same manner with the Spanish envoy. He owns that + with that envoy he had relations which he took the greatest pains to + conceal from his own government; that they met twice a day; and that their + conversation chiefly turned on the vices of Napoleon; on his designs + against Spain, and on the best mode of rendering those designs abortive. + In truth, Barere's baseness was unfathomable. In the lowest deeps of shame + he found out lower deeps. It is bad to be a sycophant; it is bad to be a + spy. But even among sycophants and spies there are degrees of meanness. + The vilest sycophant is he who privily slanders the master on whom he + fawns; and the vilest spy is he who serves foreigners against the + government of his native land. + </p> + <p> + From 1807 to 1814 Barere lived in obscurity, railing as bitterly as his + craven cowardice would permit against the Imperial administration, and + coming sometimes unpleasantly across the police. When the Bourbons + returned, he, as might have been expected, became a royalist, and wrote a + pamphlet setting forth the horrors of the system from which the + Restoration had delivered France, and magnifying the wisdom and goodness + which had dictated the charter. He who had voted for the death of Louis, + he who had moved the decree for the trial of Marie Antoinette, he whose + hatred of monarchy had led him to make war even upon the sepulchres of + ancient monarchs, assures us, with great complacency, that "in this work + monarchical principles and attachment to the House of Bourbon are nobly + expressed." By this apostasy he got nothing, not even any additional + infamy; for his character was already too black to be blackened. + </p> + <p> + During the hundred days he again emerged for a very short time into public + life; he was chosen by his native district a member of the Chamber of + Representatives. But, though that assembly was composed in a great measure + of men who regarded the excesses of the Jacobins with indulgence, he found + himself an object of general aversion. When the President first informed + the Chamber that M. Barere requested a hearing, a deep and indignant + murmur ran round the benches. After the battle of Waterloo, Barere + proposed that the Chamber should save France from the victorious enemy, by + putting forth a proclamation about the pass of Thermopylae and the + Lacedaemonian custom of wearing flowers in times of extreme danger. + Whether this composition, if it had then appeared, would have stopped the + English and Prussian armies, is a question respecting which we are left to + conjecture. The Chamber refused to adopt this last of the Carmagnoles. + </p> + <p> + The Emperor had abdicated. The Bourbons returned. The Chamber of + Representatives, after burlesquing during a few weeks the proceedings of + the National Convention, retired with the well-earned character of having + been the silliest political assembly that had met in France. Those + dreaming pedants and praters never for a moment comprehended their + position. They could never understand that Europe must be either + conciliated or vanquished; that Europe could be conciliated only by the + restoration of Louis, and vanquished only by means of a dictatorial power + entrusted to Napoleon. They would not hear of Louis; yet they would not + hear of the only measures which could keep him out. They incurred the + enmity of all foreign powers by putting Napoleon at their head; yet they + shackled him, thwarted him, quarrelled with him about every trifle, + abandoned him on the first reverse. They then opposed declamations and + disquisitions to eight hundred thousand bayonets; played at making a + constitution for their country, when it depended on the indulgence of the + victor whether they should have a country; and were at last interrupted, + in the midst of their babble about the rights of man and the sovereignty + of the people, by the soldiers of Wellington and Blucher. + </p> + <p> + A new Chamber of Deputies was elected, so bitterly hostile to the + Revolution that there was no small risk of a new Reign of Terror. It is + just, however, to say that the king, his ministers, and his allies exerted + themselves to restrain the violence of the fanatical royalists, and that + the punishments inflicted, though in our opinion unjustifiable, were few + and lenient when compared with those which were demanded by M. de + Labourdonnaye and M. Hyde de Neuville. We have always heard, and are + inclined to believe, that the government was not disposed to treat even + the regicides with severity. But on this point the feeling of the Chamber + of Deputies was so strong that it was thought necessary to make some + concession. It was enacted, therefore, that whoever, having voted in + January 1793 for the death of Louis the Sixteenth, had in any manner given + in an adhesion to the government of Bonaparte during the hundred days + should be banished for life from France. Barere fell within this + description. He had voted for the death of Louis; and he had sat in the + Chamber of Representatives during the hundred days. + </p> + <p> + He accordingly retired to Belgium, and resided there, forgotten by all + mankind, till the year 1830. After the revolution of July he was at + liberty to return to France; and he fixed his residence in his native + province. But he was soon involved in a succession of lawsuits with his + nearest relations—"three fatal sisters and an ungrateful brother," + to use his own words. Who was in the right is a question about which we + have no means of judging, and certainly shall not take Barere's word. The + Courts appear to have decided some points in his favour and some against + him. The natural inference is, that there were faults on all sides. The + result of this litigation was that the old man was reduced to extreme + poverty, and was forced to sell his paternal house. + </p> + <p> + As far as we can judge from the few facts which remain to be mentioned, + Barere continued Barere to the last. After his exile he turned Jacobin + again, and, when he came back to France, joined the party of the extreme + left in railing at Louis Philippe, and at all Louis Philippe's ministers. + M. Casimir Perier, M. De Broglie, M. Guizot, and M. Thiers, in particular, + are honoured with his abuse; and the King himself is held up to execration + as a hypocritical tyrant. Nevertheless, Barere had no scruple about + accepting a charitable donation of a thousand francs a year from the privy + purse of the sovereign whom he hated and reviled. This pension, together + with some small sums occasionally doled out to him by the department of + the Interior, on the ground that he was a distressed man of letters, and + by the department of Justice, on the ground that he had formerly held a + high judicial office, saved him from the necessity of begging his bread. + Having survived all his colleagues of the renowned Committee of Public + Safety, and almost all his colleagues of the Convention, he died in + January 1841. He had attained his eighty-sixth year. + </p> + <p> + We have now laid before our readers what we believe to be a just account + of this man's life. Can it be necessary for us to add anything for the + purpose of assisting their judgment of his character? If we were writing + about any of his colleagues in the Committee of Public Safety, about + Carnot, about Robespierre, or Saint Just, nay, even about Couthon, Collot, + or Billaud, we might feel it necessary to go into a full examination of + the arguments which have been employed to vindicate or to excuse the + system of Terror. We could, we think, show that France was saved from her + foreign enemies, not by the system of Terror, but in spite of it; and that + the perils which were made the plea of the violent policy of the Mountain + were to a great extent created by that very policy. We could, we think, + also show that the evils produced by the Jacobin administration did not + terminate when it fell; that it bequeathed a long series of calamities to + France and to Europe; that public opinion, which had during two + generations been constantly becoming more and more favourable to civil and + religious freedom, underwent, during the days of Terror, a change of which + the traces are still to be distinctly perceived. It was natural that there + should be such a change, when men saw that those who called themselves the + champions of popular rights had compressed into the space of twelve months + more crimes than the Kings of France, Merovingian, Carlovingian, and + Capetian, had perpetrated in twelve centuries. Freedom was regarded as a + great delusion. Men were willing to submit to the government of hereditary + princes, of fortunate soldiers, of nobles, of priests; to any government + but that of philosophers and philanthropists. Hence the imperial + despotism, with its enslaved press and its silent tribune, its dungeons + stronger than the old Bastile, and its tribunals more obsequious than the + old parliaments. Hence the restoration of the Bourbons and of the Jesuits, + the Chamber of 1815 with its categories of proscription, the revival of + the feudal spirit, the encroachments of the clergy, the persecution of the + Protestants, the appearance of a new breed of De Montforts and Dominics in + the full light of the nineteenth century. Hence the admission of France + into the Holy Alliance, and the war waged by the old soldiers of the + tricolor against the liberties of Spain. Hence, too, the apprehensions + with which, even at the present day, the most temperate plans for widening + the narrow basis of the French representation are regarded by those who + are especially interested in the security of property and maintenance of + order. Half a century has not sufficed to obliterate the stain which one + year of depravity and madness has left on the noblest of causes. + </p> + <p> + Nothing is more ridiculous than the manner in which writers like M. + Hippolyte Carnot defend or excuse the Jacobin administration, while they + declaim against the reaction which followed. That the reaction has + produced and is still producing much evil, is perfectly true. But what + produced the reaction? The spring flies up with a force proportioned to + that with which it has been pressed down. The pendulum which is drawn far + in one direction swings as far in the other. The joyous madness of + intoxication in the evening is followed by languor and nausea on the + morrow. And so, in politics, it is the sure law that every excess shall + generate its opposite; nor does he deserve the name of a statesman who + strikes a great blow without fully calculating the effect of the rebound. + But such calculation was infinitely beyond the reach of the authors of the + Reign of Terror. Violence, and more violence, blood, and more blood, made + up their whole policy. In a few months these poor creatures succeeded in + bringing about a reaction, of which none of them saw, and of which none of + us may see the close; and, having brought it about, they marvelled at it; + they bewailed it; they execrated it; they ascribed it to everything but + the real cause—their own immortality and their own profound + incapacity for the conduct of great affairs. + </p> + <p> + These, however, are considerations to which, on the present occasion, it + is hardly necessary for us to advert; for, be the defence which has been + set up for the Jacobin policy good or bad, it is a defence which cannot + avail Barere. From his own life, from his own pen, from his own mouth, we + can prove that the part which he took in the work of blood is to be + attributed, not even to sincere fanaticism, not even to misdirected and + ill-regulated patriotism, but either to cowardice, or to delight in human + misery. Will it be pretended that it was from public spirit that he + murdered the Girondists? In these very Memoirs he tells us that he always + regarded their death as the greatest calamity that could befall France. + Will it be pretended that it was from public spirit that he raved for the + head of the Austrian woman? In these very Memoirs he tells us that the + time spent in attacking her was ill spent, and ought to have been employed + in concerting measures of national defence. Will it be pretended that he + was induced by sincere and earnest abhorrence of kingly government to + butcher the living and to outrage the dead; he who invited Napoleon to + take the title of King of Kings, he who assures us that after the + Restoration he expressed in noble language his attachment to monarchy, and + to the house of Bourbon? Had he been less mean, something might have been + said in extenuation of his cruelty. Had he been less cruel, something + might have been said in extenuation of his meanness. But for him, regicide + and court-spy, for him who patronised Lebon and betrayed Demerville, for + him who wantoned alternately in gasconades of Jacobinism and gasconades of + servility, what excuse has the largest charity to offer? + </p> + <p> + We cannot conclude without saying something about two parts of his + character, which his biographer appears to consider as deserving of high + admiration. Barere, it is admitted, was somewhat fickle; but in two things + he was consistent, in his love of Christianity, and in his hatred to + England. If this were so, we must say that England is much more beholden + to him than Christianity. + </p> + <p> + It is possible that our inclinations may bias our judgment; but we think + that we do not flatter ourselves when we say that Barere's aversion to our + country was a sentiment as deep and constant as his mind was capable of + entertaining. The value of this compliment is indeed somewhat diminished + by the circumstance that he knew very little about us. His ignorance of + our institutions, manners, and history is the less excusable, because, + according to his own account, he consorted much, during the peace of + Amiens, with Englishmen of note, such as that eminent nobleman Lord + Greaten, and that not less eminent philosopher Mr Mackensie Coefhis. In + spite, however, of his connection with these well-known ornaments of our + country, he was so ill-informed about us as to fancy that our government + was always laying plans to torment him. If he was hooted at Saintes, + probably by people whose relations he had murdered, it was because the + cabinet of St James's had hired the mob. If nobody would read his bad + books it was because the cabinet of St James's had secured the Reviewers. + His accounts of Mr Fox, of Mr Pitt, of the Duke of Wellington, of Mr + Canning, swarm with blunders surpassing even the ordinary blunders + committed by Frenchmen who write about England. Mr Fox and Mr Pitt, he + tells us, were ministers in two different reigns. Mr Pitt's sinking fund + was instituted in order to enable England to pay subsidies to the powers + allied against the French republic. The Duke of Wellington's house in Hyde + Park was built by the nation, which twice voted the sum of 200,000 pounds + for the purpose. This, however, is exclusive of the cost of the frescoes, + which were also paid for out of the public purse. Mr Canning was the first + Englishman whose death Europe had reason to lament; for the death of Lord + Ward, a relation, we presume, of Lord Greaten and Mr Coefhis, had been an + immense benefit to mankind. + </p> + <p> + Ignorant, however, as Barere was, he knew enough of us to hate us; and we + persuade ourselves that, had he known us better, he would have hated us + more. The nation which has combined, beyond all example and all hope, the + blessings of liberty with those of order, might well be an object of + aversion to one who had been false alike to the cause of order and to the + cause of liberty. We have had amongst us intemperate zeal for popular + rights; we have had amongst us also the intemperance of loyalty. But we + have never been shocked by such a spectacle as the Barere of 1794, or as + the Barere of 1804. Compared with him, our fiercest demagogues have been + gentle; compared with him, our meanest courtiers have been manly. Mix + together Thistlewood and Bubb Doddington; and you are still far from + having Barere. The antipathy between him and us is such, that neither for + the crimes of his earlier nor for those of his later life does our + language, rich as it is, furnish us with adequate names. We have found it + difficult to relate his history without having perpetual recourse to the + French vocabulary of horror, and to the French vocabulary of baseness. It + is not easy to give a notion of his conduct in the Convention, without + using those emphatic terms, guillotinade, noyade, fusillade, mitraillade. + It is not easy to give a notion of his conduct under the Consulate and the + Empire without borrowing such words as mouchard and mouton. + </p> + <p> + We therefore like his invectives against us much better than anything else + that he has written; and dwell on them, not merely with complacency, but + with a feeling akin to gratitude. It was but little that he could do to + promote the honour of our country; but that little he did strenuously and + constantly. Renegade, traitor, slave, coward, liar, slanderer, murderer, + hack writer, police-spy—the one small service which he could render + to England was to hate her: and such as he was may all who hate her be! + </p> + <p> + We cannot say that we contemplate with equal satisfaction that fervent and + constant zeal for religion which, according to M. Hippolyte Carnot, + distinguished Barere; for, as we think that whatever brings dishonour on + religion is a serious evil, we had, we own, indulged a hope that Barere + was an atheist. We now learn, however, that he was at no time even a + sceptic, that he adhered to his faith through the whole Revolution, and + that he has left several manuscript works on divinity. One of these is a + pious treatise, entitled "Of Christianity, and of its Influence." Another + consists of meditations on the Psalms, which will doubtless greatly + console and edify the Church. + </p> + <p> + This makes the character complete. Whatsoever things are false, whatsoever + things are dishonest, whatsoever things are unjust, whatsoever things are + impure, whatsoever things are hateful, whatsoever things are of evil + report, if there be any vice, and if there be any infamy, all these + things, we knew, were blended in Barere. But one thing was still wanting; + and that M. Hippolyte Carnot has supplied. When to such an assemblage of + qualities a high profession of piety is added, the effect becomes + overpowering. We sink under the contemplation of such exquisite and + manifold perfection; and feel, with deep humility, how presumptuous it was + in us to think of composing the legend of this beatified athlete of the + faith, St Bertrand of the Carmagnoles. + </p> + <p> + Something more we had to say about him. But let him go. We did not seek + him out, and will not keep him longer. If those who call themselves his + friends had not forced him on our notice we should never have vouchsafed + to him more than a passing word of scorn and abhorrence, such as we might + fling at his brethren, Hebert and Fouquier Tinville, and Carrier and + Lebon. We have no pleasure in seeing human nature thus degraded. We turn + with disgust from the filthy and spiteful Yahoos of the fiction; and the + filthiest and most spiteful Yahoo of the fiction was a noble creature when + compared with the Barere of history. But what is no pleasure M. Hippolyte + Carnot has made a duty. It is no light thing that a man in high and + honourable public trust, a man who, from his connections and position, may + not unnaturally be supposed to speak the sentiments of a large class of + his countrymen, should come forward to demand approbation for a life black + with every sort of wickedness, and unredeemed by a single virtue. This M. + Hippolyte Carnot has done. By attempting to enshrine this Jacobin carrion, + he has forced us to gibbet it; and we venture to say that, from the + eminence of infamy on which we have placed it, he will not easily take it + down. + </p> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Miscellaneous Writings and +Speeches of Lord Macaulay, Vol. 2 (of 4), by Thomas Babington Macaulay + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF LORD MACAULAY *** + +***** This file should be named 2168-h.htm or 2168-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/1/6/2168/ + +Produced by Mike Alder, Sue Asscher and David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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