diff options
Diffstat (limited to '22037-h')
| -rw-r--r-- | 22037-h/22037-h.htm | 10707 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 22037-h/images/p001.jpg | bin | 0 -> 55437 bytes |
2 files changed, 10707 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/22037-h/22037-h.htm b/22037-h/22037-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1fe31fd --- /dev/null +++ b/22037-h/22037-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,10707 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Life, Public Services and Select Speeches + of Rutherford B. Hayes, by J. Q. Howard + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + +/* LISTS */ +ul { position: relative; + width:80%; + margin-left:5%; + list-style-type:none;} +li { margin-top: 0.25em; + line-height: 1.2em; } +span.ralign { position: absolute; + right: 0; + top: auto; } + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: 80%; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .blockquot{margin-left: 12%; margin-right: 12%; font-size: 95%;} + + .bb {border-bottom: solid 2px;} + .bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + .bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + .br {border-right: solid 2px;} + .bbox {border: solid 2px;} + .bracket3 {font-size: 300%;} + .bracket2 {font-size: 200%;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + .caption {font-weight: bold; font-size: smaller;} + + .totoc {position: absolute; right: 1%; font-size: 75%; + text-align: right;} /* Table of contents anchor */ + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life, Public Services and Select +Speeches of Rutherford B. Hayes, by James Quay Howard + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Life, Public Services and Select Speeches of Rutherford B. Hayes + +Author: James Quay Howard + +Release Date: July 10, 2007 [EBook #22037] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF RUTHERFORD HAYES *** + + + + +<b>Produced by Bryan Ness, Marcia Brooks, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced +from scanned images of public domain material from the Google Print +project.)</b> + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/p001.jpg" alt="p001" title="Rutherford B. Hayes"/></div> +<div class="figcenter"><span class="caption">RUTHERFORD B. HAYES.</span></div> +<br /> + + +<h2>THE LIFE</h2> +<h3>PUBLIC SERVICES AND SELECT SPEECHES</h3> +<h4>OF</h4> +<h1>RUTHERFORD B. HAYES</h1> +<h3>BY</h3> +<h2>J. Q. HOWARD</h2> + +<center>CINCINNATI</center> +<center>ROBERT CLARKE & CO</center> +<center>1876</center> + + +<hr style="width: 25%;" /> +<center>Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1876, by<br /> +ROBERT CLARKE & CO.<br /> + +In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.<br /> + +Stereotyped by <span class="smcap">Ogden, Campbell & Co</span>., Cincinnati.</center> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<a name="toc" id="toc"></a> +<ul> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>CHAPTER I.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>ANCESTRY.</b></li> +<li>Line of Descent—Family Tradition—Indian Fighters—Grandfather +Rutherford—Chloe Smith Hayes—Father and +Mother—Characteristics—Tribute to a Sister—General Character +of Ancestors<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>CHAPTER II.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>BOYHOOD AND EDUCATION.</b></li> +<li>Birthplace—University—Springs—Kossuth's Allusion—Early +Instructors—Sent East—College Life—Began the Study of Law—At +Harvard Law School—Story, Greenleaf, Webster, Agassiz, and +Longfellow—Admission to Bar<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>CHAPTER III.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>AT THE BAR.</b></li> +<li>Commences Practice—First Case—Partnership with Ralph P. +Buckland—Settles in Cincinnati—Becoming Known—Literary +Club—Nancy Farrer Case—Summons Case—Marriage—Law +Partners—City Solicitor<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_22">22</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><b>CHAPTER IV.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>IN THE FIELD.</b></li> +<li>Appointed Major—Judge Advocate—Lieutenant-Colonel—South +Mountain—Wounded—Fighting while Down—After Morgan—Battle of +Cloyd Mountain—Charge up the Mountain—Enemy's Works Carried by +Storm—First Battle of Winchester—Berryville<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_V"><b>CHAPTER V.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>FROM MAJOR TO MAJOR-GENERAL.</b></li> +<li>Opequan—Morass—First Over—Intrepidity—Official +Reports—Assault on Fisher's Hill—Battle of Cedar +Creek—Commands a Division—Promoted on Field—His Wounds—A +Hundred Days under Fire<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_43">43</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><b>CHAPTER VI.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>IN CONGRESS.</b></li> +<li>Nomination—Refuses to Leave Army—Election +Incident—Election—Course in Congress—Services on Library +Committee—Votes on Various Questions—Submits Plan of +Constitutional Amendments—Re-nominated by +Acclamation—Re-elected by Increased Majority—Overwhelmed with +Soldiers' Letters—Character as Congressman<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><b>CHAPTER VII.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>ELECTED GOVERNOR OF OHIO.</b></li> +<li>Party of States Rights—Their Convention—Platform—Nomination of +Thurman—Republican Convention and Platform—Nomination of +General Hayes—Opening Speech at Lebanon—Thurman at +Waverly—National Interest Aroused—Hayes +Victorious—Inaugural—First Annual Message—Second Annual +Message<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><b>CHAPTER VIII.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>SECOND ELECTION AS GOVERNOR.</b></li> +<li>Re-nomination—Democratic Platform—Nomination of +Rosecrans—Declines—Pendleton Nominated—Hayes at +Wilmington—Election—Second Inaugural—Civil Service +Reform—Short Addresses—Letters—Annual Message—Democratic +Estimate of It—Davidson Fountain Address—Message of 1872—Work +Accomplished<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><b>CHAPTER IX.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>THIRD TIME ELECTED GOVERNOR.</b></li> +<li>The Senatorship Declined—Army Banquet Speech—Third Time +Nominated for Congress—Glendale Speech—Declines a Federal +Office—Making a Home—Nomination for +Governor—Platform—Serenade Speech—Democratic Convention and +Platform—Marion Speech of +Hayes—Woodford—Grosvenor—Schurz—Inflation Drivel—Interest +in the Contest—Honest Money Triumphant—Third Inaugural<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_124">124</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#CHAPTER_X"><b>CHAPTER X.</b></a></center></li> +<li><b>NOMINATION TO THE PRESIDENCY.</b></li> +<li>Early Suggestions—Letters on Subject—Garfield Letter—Action of +State Convention—Cincinnati Convention—Course of his Friends +—First and Second Day's Events—Speech of +Noyes—Balloting—Nominated on Seventh Ballot—Officially +Notified—Habits—Personal Appearance—Family—Letter of +Acceptance—Character as a Soldier, Magistrate, and Man—Domestic +Surroundings<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_143">143</a></span></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li><center><a href="#APPENDIX"><b>APPENDIX.</b></a></center></li> +<li style="list-style: none"><br /> +</li> +<li> I. Speech at <a href="#LEBANON">Lebanon</a>, Ohio, August 5, 1867<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></span></li> +<li> II. Speech at <a href="#Sidney">Sidney</a>, Ohio, September 4, 1867<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_202">202</a></span></li> +<li>III. Speech on his <a href="#re-nomination">Re-nomination</a>, June 23, 1869<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_222">222</a></span></li> +<li> IV. Speech at <a href="#Zanesville">Zanesville</a>, Ohio, August 24, 1871<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_231">231</a></span></li> +<li> V. Speech at <a href="#Marion">Marion</a>, Ohio, July 31, 1875<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></span></li> +<li> VI. Speech at <a href="#Fremont">Fremont</a>, June 25, 1876.<span class="ralign"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></span></li> +</ul> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h1>LIFE +OF +RUTHERFORD B. HAYES.</h1> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>ANCESTRY.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Line of Descent—Family Tradition—Indian Fighters—Grandfather +Rutherford—Chloe Smith Hayes—Father +and Mother—Characteristics—Tributes to a Sister—General +Character of Ancestors.</i></p></div> +<br /> + +<p>George Hayes, of Scotland, came to America by +the way of England, and settled at Windsor, in the +Colony of Connecticut, in 1682. He married, in 1683, +Abigail Dibble, who was born on Long Island in 1666. +From these ancestors the direct line of descent to +the Republican candidate for President of the United +States is the following:</p> + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="6" cellspacing="4" summary="Candidates"> +<tr><td align='left'>George Hayes,</td><td align='left'>Abigail Dibble.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Daniel Hayes,</td><td align='left'>Sarah Lee.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Ezekiel Hayes,</td><td align='left'>Rebecca Russell.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Rutherford Hayes,</td><td align='left'>Chloe Smith.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Rutherford Hayes,</td><td align='left'>Sophia Birchard.</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The earlier family traditions connect the name and +descent of George Hayes with the fighting plowman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> +mentioned in Scottish history, who at Loncarty, in +Perthshire, turned back the invaders of his country, +in a narrow pass, with the sole aid of his own valorous +sons.</p> + +<p>"Pull your plow and harrow to pieces, and fight," +said the sturdy Scotchman to his sons. They fought, +father and sons together, and won. A like command +seems to have come down the centuries to an +American-born son—"Tear your briefs and petitions +to pieces, and fight." He also fought, and, though +sorely wounded, won. Shall the crown of valor be +withheld by a free people that was once bestowed by +a Scottish king?</p> + +<p>Daniel Hayes, the third of the ten children of +George Hayes, was born at Windsor, in 1686. At +the age of twenty-three, while fighting in defense of +Simsbury—now Granby—to which town his father's +family had removed, he was captured and carried off +by the French and Indians. He was held as a prisoner +in Canada for five years, and being a young +man of great physical strength and vigor, the Indians +adopted him as one of their race. His freedom was +finally purchased through the intervention of a Frenchman, +the colonial assembly of Connecticut, sitting at +New Haven, having made an appropriation of public +funds in aid of that specific purpose. An account of +the captivity of this early defender of New England +homes is found in Phelps' "History of Simsbury, +Granby, and Canton." The wife of Daniel Hayes +was the daughter of John Lee, who was noted for +his bravery in fighting Indians.</p> + +<p>Captain Ezekiel Hayes, who gained his title in the +military service of the Colonies, married the great-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>granddaughter of the Rev. John Russell, the famous +preacher of Wethersfield and Hadley, who concealed +the regicides at Hadley for many years.</p> + +<p>Rutherford Hayes, the grandfather of the subject +of our biography, was born at New Haven, Connecticut, +July 29, 1756. He married, in 1779, at West +Brattleboro, Vermont—whither he had removed the +year before—Chloe Smith, whose ancestry fill a large +space in the "History of Hadley," several of whom +lost their lives while fighting in defense their own and +neighboring towns. From this fortunate and happy +union, which continued unbroken for fifty-eight years, +have sprung a race of accomplished women and honor-deserving +men. One daughter married the Hon. John +Noyes, of New Hampshire, who served in Congress +1817-19, and died in 1841, at Putney, Vermont. A +daughter of this marriage is the mother of Larkin G. +Meade, the sculptor; whose sister is the wife of William +D. Howells, the novelist, and present editor of the +<i>Atlantic Monthly</i>. Another daughter of Rutherford +and Chloe Smith Hayes married the Hon. Samuel +Elliott, of Vermont, who attained distinction in Congress +and as an author.</p> + +<p>In a diary still existing, kept by Chloe Smith Hayes +when she was eighty years of age, are found evidences +of this good woman's intellectual cleverness and vigor, +and abounding proofs of her fruit-bearing piety and +affectionate tenderness for her offspring and kindred. +At this advanced age she seems a philosophical observer +of natural phenomena and political events—minutely +describing eclipses, floods, and storms—and, +while moralizing over the inauguration and death of +President Harrison, giving expression to the shadowy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +hope that wise and good men would take the helm of +government, and, rebuked by the presence of death, +be taught the lesson of mortality. Rutherford, the +grandfather, bore the commission, dated 1782, of Governor +George Clinton as an officer in the military service +of the State of New York.</p> + +<p>Rutherford Hayes, the father of Governor R. B. +Hayes, was born at West Brattleboro, Vermont, January +4, 1787. On the 19th day of September, 1813, +he was married, at Wilmington, Vermont, to Sophia +Birchard, daughter of Roger Birchard and Drusilla +Austin Birchard, of that place. The Birchards had +emigrated from England to Saybrook and Norwich, +Vermont, as early as 1635. They soon became men +of note in Norwich and Lebanon, and many of their +descendants have continued to be men of mark since +that time. The family has had representatives in Congress +from Illinois and Wisconsin, and noted members +of it in the pulpit in New York and elsewhere.</p> + +<p>Rutherford Hayes was engaged in business as a +merchant at Dummerston, Vermont, until 1817, in +which year he removed to Delaware, Ohio, with his +family, consisting at the time of a wife and two children. +In January, 1820, a daughter—Fanny—was +born, and in October of the following year, a daughter, +at the age of four, was lost. In July, 1822, Rutherford +Hayes, the father, died of malarial fever; at the +age of thirty-five; and on the 4th of the following +October was born Rutherford Birchard Hayes, the +since distinguished son. Three years later, the widowed +mother was called to suffer a most distressing +calamity in the death, by drowning, of Lorenzo, aged +ten, a hopeful and helpful son.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span></p> + +<p>The father of Governor Hayes was a quick, bright, +accurate, active business man. He possessed both energy +and executive ability. He had the independence +which intelligence gives, and his dry humor served +him well in exposing shams and exploding humbugs. +He was rigidly honest, and was, in the words of one +of his neighbors, "as good a citizen as ever lived in +the town of Delaware." He could do a great deal of +work, and do it well. He was a witty, social, popular +man, who made warm friends and few enemies.</p> + +<p>The mother of Governor Hayes united force of +character with sweetness of nature. Her self-reliant +energy is shown by her making a trip, in the summer +of 1824, to Vermont and back—a distance of sixteen +hundred miles. The journey had to be performed by +stage, and consumed two months in going and returning. +She made a second journey to New England when +Rutherford was nine years old. Her amiability of disposition +made her the favorite guest at the homes of +her neighbors. The straightened circumstances of a +family deprived of its head required the aid of industry +and economy. She was known, in village parlance, +as a "good manager." Afflictions which would have +made perfect a more faulty character purified her +own. She died in Columbus, Ohio, October 30, 1866, +at the age of seventy-four. She had been a consistent +member of the Presbyterian Church for fifty years.</p> + +<p>Mrs. William A. Platt, the sister of Governor Hayes, +who died July 16, 1856, at the age of thirty-six, was +a lady whose virtues and good deeds are enduring +memories in Columbus homes. The Hon. Aaron F. +Perry, of Cincinnati, in a public address, made this +allusion to her worth: "Mrs. Platt, in the prime of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> +a happy womanhood, passed beautifully away; not a +white hair on her head, not a wrinkle on her brow, +not a cloud upon her hopes; but in the full maturity +of life and love she has gone where life and happiness +are perfected." He whose character it is our +duty to make known reflects this tender light from +two lives: "She loved me as an only sister loves a +brother whom she imagines almost perfect, and I loved +her as an only brother loves a sister who is perfect. +Let me be just and truthful, wise and pure and good +for her sake. How often I think of her! I read of +the death of any one worthy of love, and she is in +my thoughts. I see—but all things high and holy +remind me of her."</p> + +<p>The conclusions which we draw from the examination +of the records of the ancestral descent of Rutherford +B. Hayes are, that his progenitors have in each +generation displayed courage and capacity to fight +limited only by the strength of the enemy to hold out. +It was a habit they had to fight on the side in the +right, and on the side that won. Three of his immediate +ancestors—Elias Birchard, Israel Smith, and +Daniel Austin—gave proofs of valor and patriotism +in the War of Independence. Another characteristic +of the Hayes stock is the almost uniform tendency +toward longevity. It is a robust race, presenting an +extraordinary number of large families. The divine +injunction to increase and multiply has been obeyed +with religious fidelity. Upon the whole, the stock is +good, and bids fair to become better. As men suffer +discredit from disreputable progenitors, they ought to +enjoy credit from reputable ancestors.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>BOYHOOD AND EDUCATION.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Birthplace—University—Springs—Kossuth's Allusion—Early +Instructors—Sent East—College Life—Began +the Study of Law—At Harvard Law School—Story, +Greenleaf, Webster, Agassiz, and Longfellow—Admission +to the Bar.</i></p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The town of Delaware, the county seat of the +county of Delaware, is located near the center of +Ohio, twenty-five miles northwest of Columbus. It is a +prosperous place of seven thousand people, the most +of whom live in comfortable-looking, newly-built +homes, and has been hitherto chiefly known for +its University and its Springs. The Ohio Wesleyan +University is the most flourishing literary institution +of the great Methodist denomination in the West. +The White Sulphur Spring is a fountain of healing +and happiness to the whole region around, and is +regarded with added interest since Kossuth came to +drink of its waters, and, in reply to a welcoming +address, eloquently said, that "out of the Delaware +Springs of American sympathy he would fill a cup of +health for his bleeding Hungary."</p> + +<p>Three squares from these Springs, near the center +of the town, and in a two-story brick house on William +street, Rutherford Birchard Hayes was born. +This has long been Delaware's pride, and will be its +fame. The income of his widowed mother, who was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +bereft of her husband four mouths before her son's +birth, was derived from the rent of a good farm lying +two miles north of Delaware, on the east side of the +Whetstone. This income, used with frugality, enabled +her to commence the education of her children. +They were sent first to the ordinary schools of the town. +The first teacher who enlisted the affections of her +since distinguished pupil was Mrs. Joan Murray, a +most worthy woman, whose funeral Governor Hayes +quite recently attended. He began the study of the +Latin and Greek languages with Judge Sherman +Finch, a good classical scholar and a good lawyer, of +Delaware, who had been at one time a tutor in Yale +College. Judge Finch heard the recitations of his +pupil in his office at intervals of leisure from the +duties of his profession. The pupil taught his sister +each day what his instructor taught him.</p> + +<p>Through the agency of his uncle, Sardis Birchard, +his guardian, who at this time took charge of his +education, Rutherford was sent to an academy at +Norwalk, Ohio. Here he remained one year under +the instruction of the Rev. Mr. Chapman, a Methodist +clergyman of scholarly attainments. In the fall of +1837, to complete his preparation for college, he was +sent to quite a noted school at Middletown, Connecticut, +kept by Isaac Webb. Mr. Webb, being a graduate +of Yale, made a specialty of preparing students +for admission to Yale College. His scholars came +from every part of the United States. In one year, +his Ohio pupil's preparatory course was completed. +The character established by him at this school is +made known in the concluding portion of a commend<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>atory letter addressed by Isaac Webb, his instructor, +to Mrs. Sophia Hayes, which reads:</p> + +<p>"The conduct of your son has hitherto done 'honor +to his mother,' and has secured our sincere respect and +esteem. I hope and trust that he will continue to be +a great source of happiness to you."</p> + +<p>The first prize for proficiency in Latin, Greek, and +Arithmetic was awarded at this academy to "R. B. +Hayes."</p> + +<p>In the fall of 1838, at the age of sixteen, young +Hayes entered Kenyon College, Ohio, after passing +satisfactorily the usual examination for admission. +This institution is situated forty miles north of Columbus, +in the village of Gambier, which is celebrated +for the secluded beauty of its lawns and groves. The +College was founded by Bishop Chase, with funds collected +by him in England, the principal donors being +Lord Gambier and Lord Kenyon. The institution was +long under the fostering care of Bishop McIlvaine of +blessed memory.</p> + +<p>Young Hayes excelled as a debater in the literary +societies and in all the college studies; but his tastes +especially ran to logic, mental and moral philosophy, +and mathematics. In the words of a college mate, +now a very distinguished lawyer, he was remarkable +in college for "great common sense in his personal +conduct; never uttered a profane word; behaved always +like a considerate, mature man." In the language +of another able member of the legal profession, +who followed after him at Kenyon: "Hayes had left +a memory which was a fascination, a glowing memory; +he was popular, magnanimous, manly; was a +noble, chivalrous fellow, of great promise."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span></p> + +<p>On the general points of character, conduct, and +scholarship, it is conclusive to say that, when graduation-day +came, Rutherford B. Hayes was found to +have been awarded the valedictory, which was the +highest honor the faculty could bestow upon a member +of his class. Although the youngest in years, he +was found the oldest in knowledge. In three journals +published in August, 1842, the month and year of his +graduation, we find exceptionally warm commendations +of his valedictory oration. The Mt. Vernon +<i>Democratic Banner</i> said: "All who heard this oration +pronounced it the best, in every point of view, +ever delivered on the hill at Gambier."</p> + +<p>In the class with Governor Hayes were Lorin Andrews, +afterward President of the College, who fell in +the war for the Union, and the Hon. Guy M. Bryan, +late member of Congress, and present speaker of the +Texas House of Representatives, who, although engaged +in the rebellion, has paid a manly tribute to +his College classmate since the presidential nomination.</p> + +<p>In other college classes at the same time were Stanley +Matthews, now one of the ablest lawyers in the +United States; Hon. Joseph McCorkle and Hon. R. +E. Trowbridge, afterward members of Congress from +California and Michigan respectively; and Christopher +P. Wolcott, who subsequently filled with high distinction +the office of attorney-general of Ohio, and was +also assistant secretary of war.</p> + +<p>Kenyon College and its graduates bestowed additional +honors upon the valedictorian of the class of +1842. In 1845, he was invited back by the faculty to +take the second degree, and deliver what is known<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> +as the Master's oration. He was invited also by the +alumni to deliver the annual address before them, +both in 1851 and in 1853. All these honors he modestly +declined.</p> + +<p>Soon after graduating, Mr. Hayes began the study +of the law in the office of Thomas Sparrow, of Columbus. +Mr. Sparrow was a lawyer of high standing, +whose integrity was proverbial. Although a Democrat +in politics, he was regarded by his political adversaries +as the purest of pure men. This worthy +instructor certifies to the "great diligence" and "good +moral character" of his student on the latter's departure +to attend a course of law lectures at Harvard. A +taste for the legal profession had been very early developed +by young Hayes. The proceedings of courts +had possessed to him in boyhood peculiar interest.</p> + +<p>Judge Ebenezer Lane, long a Justice of the Supreme +Court of Ohio, an intimate associate of Sardis Birchard, +the patron uncle, had early turned the thoughts +of the guardian of the nephew in the direction of the +law.</p> + +<p>Rutherford B. Hayes entered the law school of +Harvard University, August 22, 1843, and finished +the course of lectures, January 8, 1845. The law institution +was at this time under the charge of Mr. +Justice Story, whose eminence as a jurist is only surpassed +by that of his bosom friend, the great Chief +Justice, John Marshall. He enjoyed the friendship +and counsel of Story, and also that of Prof. Simon +Greenleaf, who bears testimony to his diligence, exemplary +conduct, and demeanor. He kept a minute +record, still preserved, of all the trials and proceedings +of the moot courts, presided over by Professors Green<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span>leaf and Story, and pages of authorities are cited +where "R. B. Hayes" appears as counsel for the fictitious +plaintiff or defendant. It might have been safely +assumed that a young man of his quick perceptions +while in the atmosphere of Boston would make the +most of his opportunities and advantages. He attended +the lectures of Prof. Longfellow on the literature +of foreign languages. He profited by the +lecture-room talks of the great scientist, Agassiz, upon +the grand theme of nature. Watching his opportunities, +he heard Webster deliver his model arguments +before juries, and his great political speeches in Faneuil +Hall. He visited John Quincy Adams at his +home in Quincy, with a party of his fellow-students, +who, when he learned that some of his visitors were +from Ohio, read to them a part of an address Mr. Adams +was about to deliver on the laying of the corner-stone +of the Observatory on Mt. Adams, near Cincinnati.</p> + +<p>He renewed and prosecuted with ardor the study of +the French and German languages, both of which +he now translates with ease, and speaks the former +with reasonable fluency.</p> + +<p>Leaving with regret the classic shades of Cambridge, +and parting from fellow-students such as George +Hoadly, Manning F. Force, and the since famous orator, +J. B. L. Curry, of Alabama, he returned to Ohio +an educated young man. He was fitted for the battle +of life which he has since so courageously fought, +so far as America can afford facilities for procuring a +complete, symmetrical education. Impatient to begin +the struggle in his profession, he proceeded to Marietta, +where the ambulatory Supreme Court of Ohio<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> +was then sitting, and having passed before an examining +committee, composed of Messrs. Hart, Gardiner, +Buel, and Robinson, was duly admitted to practice in +the courts of the State as attorney and counsellor at +law. The certificate of admission, which is dated +March 10, 1845, has so good a name attached to it as +that of Thomas W. Ewart, clerk. The Plymouth of +the West had therefore the honor of welcoming to the +bar the rising son of the West.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>AT THE BAR.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Commences Practice—First Case—Partnership with +Ralph P. Buckland—Settles in Cincinnati—Becoming +Known—Literary Club—Nancy Farrer Case—Summons' +Case—Marriage—Law Partners—City Solicitor.</i></p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The young lawyer, R. B. Hayes, full of hopefulness +and ambition, commenced the practice of the law at +Lower Sandusky, now Fremont, Sandusky county, +Ohio. This growing town of Northern Ohio was selected +because it was the home of the uncle whose extensive +business connections would naturally throw +more or less law business into the nephew's hands.</p> + +<p>His first case was one against a sheriff's sureties, the +sheriff having become insolvent. There were five or +six bondsmen, who employed as many different lawyers, +who of course made a fierce fight to protect the +pockets of their clients. The pleadings were difficult +under the old practice, and the slightest technical defect +in them would adroitly be taken advantage of by +the defendants' attorneys. But so accurately had the +pleadings been drawn, and so well had the case been +worked up by the young lawyer, that no flaw could +be found, and his suit was at all points successful.</p> + +<p>After this success he had a good run of office business, +and was employed both in the defense and prosecution +of criminals. In April, 1846, he entered into +a law-partnership with Ralph P. Buckland, an older<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> +practitioner in good practice. Mr. Buckland subsequently +became a conspicuous member of the Ohio +Senate, and a gallant officer of the rank of brigadier-general +in the war. He became a member also of the +Thirty-ninth Congress.</p> + +<p>One of the most important cases tried by Hayes +while a member of this firm was an action to prevent +or enjoin the building of a railway bridge across the +Bay of Sandusky, on the ground of its obstructing +navigation. The cause was tried before Judge McLean, +in the United States District Court at Cincinnati. +Thomas Ewing, who was one of the opposing +counsel in the case, continued to compliment Hayes +during life for this maiden effort in a United States +Court.</p> + +<p>In November, 1848, in consequence of bleeding at +the lungs and other alarming admonitions of failing +health, Mr. Hayes left Fremont to pass a winter with +his friend, Guy M. Bryan, in Texas. A half year of +boating, fishing, hunting, and scouring the prairies +brought about a physical revolution. He came back +as sound as a dollar—that is, a coin dollar—and has +so remained ever since.</p> + +<p>In December, 1849, he put in execution a design for +some time contemplated, and on Christmas eve arrived +in Cincinnati. He had consulted professional +friends in Cincinnati about seeking the stimulus of a +wider field for permanent occupation, and was doubtless +influenced somewhat by the advice received. One +who had been with him at Harvard wrote: "I have +not flattered the face of man or woman for years, but +I think honestly that the R. B. Hayes whom I knew +four years ago would be sure to succeed at this bar,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +if he can afford to live and wait." Another professional +brother, on terms of intimacy, wrote: "With +your energies, talents, education, and address, you are +green—verdant as grass—to stay in a country village." +On the 8th of January, 1850, the new candidate for +public and professional favor took possession of an +office on the south side of Third street, between Main +and Sycamore, opposite the Henrie House. His office +companion was John W. Herron, with whose appearance +and manners the new comer seems to have been +well pleased. The first year in Cincinnati brought +little professional business, but no day was passed in +idleness. His studies were systematic, and his reading +comprehensive in both law and literature. Shakespeare, +Burke, Webster, and Emerson were his inseparable +companions. He sought to widen the circle of +his acquaintances, and add daily to the number of his +friends. Having been a member of the order of Odd-Fellows +and Sons of Temperance in Fremont, he +united again with those organizations in Cincinnati. +The addresses he was invited to deliver at Odd-Fellow's +lodges and at many more public places were +very numerous. In this way he made reputation as a +public speaker, if not money. He was not only becoming +known, but becoming favorably known.</p> + +<p>The widely renowned literary club of Cincinnati, +which he joined in 1850, and of which he remained +an active member for eleven years, awakened his social +sympathies and ardent interest. To the reading +of essays, and to the discussions on political, social, +and moral questions, he always listened, and in the +latter often took part. In debate, he was strong, +eager, clear, and logical. He had an aptitude at see<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>ing principles and getting at the kernel of questions. +Among those who during these years participated in +the social or literary entertainments of the club-room +were Chief Justice Chase, Thomas Corwin, Thomas +Ewing, father and son, General Pope, General Edward +F. Noyes, Stanley Matthews, M. D. Conway, Manning +F. Force, W. K. Rogers, John W. Herron, +D. Thew Wright, Isaac Collins, Charles P. James, +R. D. Mussey, and many others of ability and +distinction. In January, 1852, the opportunity for +"getting a start" in his professional career came. +While making a sensible, energetic little speech in +behalf of a criminal indicted for grand larceny, named +Cunningham, he attracted the attention and won the +commendation of Judge R. B. Warden, then president +judge of the criminal court, who thereupon appointed +the modest young attorney counsel for Nancy Farrer, +whose case became the great criminal case of the +term, if not of the times.</p> + +<p>Nancy Farrer had poisoned all the members of two +families. She had a bad countenance, a sinister, revolting +look. It is not strange that she should have +been considered by the court and jury that tried her, +and by the entire public, a qualified candidate for the +gallows. Hayes, in defending his client, had to contend +against the passions, the indignation of the public, +and the predispositions and prejudices of judge +and jury. The judge who tried the case was not the +one who appointed the comparatively unknown attorney +as counsel. Hayes saw instinctively the immense +importance of the case, and knew intuitively that a +crisis had come in his career. He set laboriously to +work to establish an impregnable line of defense.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p> + +<p>He found on examination of the proofs that the +supposed murderess was totally irresponsible, because +of hereditary idiocy and insanity. Her father had +died of drunkenness in a Cincinnati hospital, and her +mother went about under the insane hallucination that +she was a prophetess. Nancy's conduct and conversations +while employed in the wholesale poisoning +business showed that she had no moral comprehension +of what she was about. But the plea of insanity +had been so often and so vehemently pressed in defense +of prisoners who were sane that it seemed to be +of no avail in defense of one who was not. The cry +of insanity, like that of "wolf," had been so repeatedly +raised when there was no insanity, that it was +not heeded when there was. Notwithstanding an argument +which for legal learning and forensic eloquence +attracted the attention of the press and bar, and established +the counsel's reputation, the poor, insane +idiot was convicted of murder in the first degree. +Hayes at once obtained a writ of error, which the +district court reserved for decision in the Supreme +Court of the State. The case was argued and determined +in that court at the December term, 1858, and +reported in 2 Ohio St. Reports. R. B. Hayes appeared +for plaintiff in error, and George E. Pugh, attorney-general +for the State. The earnest and determined +advocate of Nancy Farrer carried his points, obtained +a new trial, and greatly enhanced his professional +reputation. The then official reporter of the Supreme +Court of Ohio, who heard this argument, says: "It +was a truly admirable effort, and the peroration was +indescribably pathetic. But on this occasion, as on +all others, Mr. Hayes was singularly modest." Al<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>though a new trial was granted, through the concurring +opinions of Justices Corwin, Thurman, and Ranney, +Nancy Farrer was never again tried. She was +sent to a lunatic asylum.</p> + +<p>Hayes next gained reputation through his connection +with the notorious James Summons murder case. +He was employed by the older counsel in the case to +take notes of the testimony and record the rulings +of the court. The trial occupying many days and +many differences arising between counsel with respect +to the rulings of the court, it was found that the accuracy +of the notes of the junior attorney was in +every instance confirmed by the court itself. When +the time came for the final arguments to begin, the +leading counsel asked each a day for each side. Judge +Thurman, then presiding, on consultation with Judge +Piatt, announced that the court could only give the +leading counsel two hours each, but that they would +allow Mr. Hayes one hour additional. Notwithstanding +the court was assured that Mr. Hayes was not +strictly employed in the case, Judges Thurman, Matthews, +and Piatt insisted upon hearing him, and he +was accordingly heard. His unpremeditated argument +was clear, convincing, impassioned, and impressive. +It was one of the best speeches of his life. The case +went up to the Supreme Court with the junior as the +leading counsel.</p> + +<p>We now reach an event in the course of this narrative, +which, controlling as is the influence it has upon +all lives, has been immeasurably potent in its influence +upon the life and fortunes of Governor Hayes.</p> + +<p>On the 30th of December, 1852, he was married to +Miss Lucy W. Webb, by Prof. L. D. McCabe, of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> +Ohio Wesleyan University. The marriage took place +at No. 141 Sixth street, Cincinnati, the bride's home, in +the presence of about forty friends. Lucy Ware +Webb was the daughter of Dr. James Webb and +Maria Cook Webb. Dr. Webb was a popular gentleman +and successful practicing physician in Chillicothe, +Ohio. In 1833, he died of cholera in Lexington, +Kentucky, where he had gone to complete arrangements +for sending to Liberia slaves set free by +himself and his father. The grandfather of Mrs. Dr. +Webb was Lieutenant-Colonel Cook, who in 1777 was +serving in a regiment commanded by Colonel Andrew +Ward, in the army of the Revolution. Both Governor +and Mrs. Hayes are, therefore, descendants of +soldiers of the Revolution, most worthily uniting in +their lineage jointly the dawn of the second century +with the dawn of the first. The six years following +1852 were years of full practice and exacting labors, +in which disappointments were few and successes +many. These were years in which solid foundations +were laid for as solid a reputation as it was possible +for the men among whom he moved to build up.</p> + +<p>In January, 1854, he formed a law-partnership with +R. M. Corwine and W. K. Rogers, under the firm +name of Corwine, Hayes & Rogers. This proved a +partnership of friendship as well as business, being in +every way satisfactory and agreeable. Mr. Rogers +is now the close companion of his old partner in these +later and more eventful years. Mr. Corwine died a +resident of Washington City, a year or two since.</p> + +<p>In April, 1859, he was, without solicitation, chosen +city solicitor by the city council of Cincinnati, to fill +the vacancy caused by the death of Judge Hart, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +on the 9th of that month entered upon the discharge +of his official duties. His chief competitor for this +office was Caleb B. Smith, since a member of Mr. +Lincoln's cabinet. The vote in the city council on +the first ballot was: Mr. Smith, 13; Mr. Disney, 12; +Mr. Hayes, 3. On the seventh ballot, Mr. Hayes had +17; Mr. Ware, 12; and Mr. Disney, 3. On the thirteenth +ballot, Mr. Hayes was declared elected, having +received 18 votes to Mr. Ware's 14. His election was +due to the vote of Mr. Toohey, a Democratic councilman +of the Thirteenth Ward. The election of Hayes +to his first office was most favorably received.</p> + +<p>The Cincinnati <i>Commercial</i>, of December 9, 1858, +said: "R. B. Hayes, Esq., one of the most honest +and capable young lawyers of the city, was elected +city solicitor last night by the city council to fill the +vacancy occasioned by the death of Judge Hart. It +would have been very difficult to have made any other +selection of a solicitor equally excellent and as generally +satisfactory."</p> + +<p>The Cincinnati <i>Enquirer</i>, of the same date, said: +"Mr. Hayes, the city solicitor elect, is a lawyer of good +acquirements and reputation, and is well qualified for +the position."</p> + +<p>Charles Reemelin, in a letter to the New York +<i>Evening Post</i>, wrote: "I know of no young man in +our city of higher promise than Mr. Hayes, and we +hope for him a bright future."</p> + +<p>The estimate of the people seemed to correspond +with that of the press, for in the following spring he +was elected to the office to which he had been appointed +by a majority of two thousand five hundred and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +thirty-six on the popular vote. His Democratic opponent +was W. T. Forrest.</p> + +<p>He filled the office of corporation counsel for three +years, during which time, as legal adviser of the municipal +government of a great city, he passed judgment +upon questions involving large interests, and +discharged with high fidelity the duties of an important +trust. As city solicitor, the opinion which +perhaps aroused the most general attention and interest, +was one delivered in February, 1859, denying the +right of the city council to contract debts for waterworks +purposes, without additional authority from +the General Assembly. He was opposed to the increase +of taxation and creation of new debts, on principle. +In April, 1861, in common with the entire +Republican ticket, he was defeated for re-election as +city solicitor. His vote, however, was larger than +that of any candidate on his ticket. He had suffered +a similar defeat in the fall of 1856, when a candidate +for Common Pleas Judge, his party being in a +decided minority in Hamilton county. Had the election +of 1861 occurred two weeks later, when the great +uprising came with the fall of Sumter, the Republican +war ticket, not the Democratic compromise ticket, +would have carried the day.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>IN THE FIELD.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Appointed Major—Judge Advocate—Lieutenant-Colonel—South +Mountain—Wounded—Fighting while Down—After +Morgan—Battle of Cloyd Mountain—Charge +up the Mountain—Enemy's Works Carried by Storm—First +Battle of Winchester—Berryville.</i></p></div><br /> + + +<p>That a loyal citizen of the antecedents, ardent patriotism, +and impulsive nature of Rutherford B. Hayes +would enter the army in the war for the Union, was to +be looked for as a thing of course. He had been in the +habit of obeying every call of duty, and could not +therefore disobey when duty called loudest. He regarded +the war waged for the supremacy of the constitution +and the laws as a just and necessary war, +and preferred to go into it if he knew he "was to die +or be killed in the course of it." He had been a most +earnest advocate of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the +Presidency, and had been an anti-slavery man of established +convictions long before the candidacy of Fremont +for the Presidency. He did not think the +Union should be destroyed to make slavery perpetual. +He desired to mitigate and finally eradicate that evil. +He had prayed for the election of General Harrison +for the sake of the country; he had cast his first vote +for Henry Clay, his second for General Taylor, and +his third for General Scott. But the old Whig party +having ceased to be a living organization, he gave his +whole heart to the Republican party and its cause,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> +and by political speeches, and in other ways, helped +forward the movement in favor of equality of rights +and laws. The insult to the flag at Fort Sumter +aroused to the intensest pitch the patriotic indignation +of a united North. At a great mass-meeting +held in Cincinnati, R. B. Hayes was selected to give +expression to the loyal voice, by being made chairman +of the public committee on resolutions. It is +not needful to add that these resolutions had all the +fire and intensity of the popular feeling. The knowledge +that it was his purpose to enter the Union army +having reached Governor Dennison, that officer appointed +Hayes major of the Twenty-third Ohio Volunteer +Infantry, June 7, 1861. With this appointment +was coupled the appointments of W. S. Rosecrans +as colonel, and Stanley Matthews as lieutenant-colonel +of the same regiment. Colonel Rosecrans, +with the other field-officers, had just set to work organizing +the new regiment, when Rosecrans was appointed +brigadier-general, and ordered to take command +of the Ohio troops moving in the direction of +Western Virginia. Upon the promotion of Rosecrans, +Colonel E. P. Scammon, an officer of military +education, was placed in command of the Twenty-third.</p> + +<p>After a brief period of discipline at Camp Chase the +regiment was ordered, on the 25th of July, to Clarksburgh, +West Virginia, and on the 29th went into +camp at Weston. We shall not follow it in this or in +subsequent campaigns, in its marching, scouting, skirmishing, +or counter-marching. It is enough to say, +that in this first campaign it assisted in clearing the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> +whole mountainous region of Western Virginia of a +formidable enemy.</p> + +<p>Major Hayes was appointed by General Rosecrans, +on the 19th of September, 1861, judge advocate of the +department of Ohio, the duties of which service he +discharged about two months. He received his first +promotion, to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, October +24, 1861. Passing over less important events, we +come to the first serious battle in which he was +engaged.</p> + + +<h3>THE BATTLE OF SOUTH MOUNTAIN</h3> + +<p>Was fought on Sunday, September 14, 1862, a beautiful, +bright September day. The enemy were in possession +of the crest of the mountain, where the old +National road crossed it. The army of McClellan, +with Burnside in advance, were pressing up that +mountain by the National road as its center. General +Cox's division of Burnside's corps was in advance. +The brigade to which Lieutenant-colonel Hayes was +attached was in advance of the division. His regiment +was in advance of the brigade. He was ordered +to pass up a mountain path on the left of the National +road and feel for the enemy, advancing until he struck +him; to push him up the mountain if he could; in +short, to open the engagement. Lieutenant-colonel +Hayes pushed into the woods, came upon the enemy's +pickets, received their fire, and drove them in. He +soon saw a strong force of the enemy coming toward +the line of his advance from a neighboring hill, and +went to meet them. Hayes charged into that force +with a regimental yell, and, after a fierce fight, drove +them out of the woods in which he found them, into +an open field near the summit. He then drove them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> +across the field, losing many men and capturing and +killing many of the enemy.</p> + +<p>Hayes, having just given the command for a third +charge, felt a stunning blow, and found that a large +musket ball had struck his left arm above the elbow, +carrying away and badly fracturing the entire bone. +Fearing an artery might be severed, he asked a +soldier to bandage his arm above the elbow, and +a few minutes after, through exhaustion, he fell. +Recovering from a state of unconsciousness while +down, in a few moments, and observing that his men +had fallen back to the woods for shelter, he sprang to +his feet, and, with unusual vehemence, ordered them +to come forward, which they did. He continued +fighting some time at the head of his men; but falling +a second time, from exhausted strength, he kept +on giving orders, while down, to fight it out.</p> + +<p>Major Comly, the second in command, then came +to him to learn the orders under which the regiment +was fighting, and deeming it best to assume command, +owing to the critical condition of Lieutenant-colonel +Hayes, gave orders that the wounded hero +should be carried from the field. In an almost +illegible narrative, written with the left hand just +after the battle, we find this modest record, by the +intrepid sufferer in this event: "While I was down +I had considerable talk with a wounded Confederate +lying near me. I gave him messages for my wife and +friends in case I should not get up. We were right +jolly and friendly. It was by no means an unpleasant +experience."</p> + +<p>The enemy in this action continued to pour a +most destructive fire of musketry, grape, and canis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>ter into the Union ranks. Lieutenant-colonel Hayes +again made his appearance on the field with his +wound half dressed, and fought until carried off. +Soon after, the rest of the brigade coming up, a brilliant +bayonet charge up the hill dislodged the enemy +and drove him into the woods beyond. The Twenty-third +regiment in this engagement lost within eight +men of half the entire force engaged.</p> + +<p>South Mountain is inscribed on all the standards of +this gallant regiment, and surrounds with a sad halo +of glory the names of the living and the graves of +the dead.</p> + +<p>At the time this battle was fought, Lieutenant-Colonel +Hayes was not under pay, having been mustered +out of the Twenty-third regiment to take command +of the Seventy-ninth. His wound preventing +him from becoming colonel of the Seventy-ninth, he +was, on the 24th of October, 1862, appointed colonel +of his own regiment, <i>vice</i> Scammon, promoted. It +was while at home recovering from his wounds that +his wealthy uncle, Sardis Birchard, urged Colonel +Hayes, to whom he was devotedly attached, to leave +the army, on the ground that he had done his share, +promising to himself and family abundant support; +but he would not listen to the suggestion, and before +his wounds were healed went back.</p> + + +<h3>AFTER JOHN MORGAN.</h3> + +<p>In July, 1863, while Colonel Hayes, under superior +officers and in connection with other forces, was engaged +in skirmishing, scouting, and harassing the +enemy in Southwestern Virginia, an episode occurred +which illustrates his force and decision of character<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> +and energy in action. Happening to ride to Fayetteville, +a distance of fifteen miles from camp, to learn +the news, he was startled by the telegraph operator +with the intelligence that John Morgan was in Ohio, +and was at that moment making for Gallipolis to +recross the Ohio river. Here was a cry of help from +home. His own State invaded, and his own friends +and kindred in danger! His decision was instantaneous +to go to the rescue. He sent over the wires +to his adjutant, then at Charleston, the message: "Are +there any steamboats at Charleston?" And being informed +there were two, he instantly ordered them to +be sent to Luke creek, the highest navigable point on +the Kanawha. Colonel Hayes then galloped back to +camp, and, after bringing all his powers of persuasion +to bear, succeeded in getting permission to take two +regiments and a section of artillery, and go in pursuit +of Morgan. In thirty minutes after the orders were +read to the soldiers, the column was on its march. +The road was mountainous, the darkness dense, the +route almost impassable, but the Kanawha river was +reached at the break of day. The steamers were both +in sight, and on these the eager men and the artillery +were embarked. By daylight the next morning this +timely succor was at Gallipolis. That town was saved +from a rebel raid, and the hot pursuit of John Morgan +commenced. Warned by spies, he had turned his retreat +in the direction of Pomeroy. Hayes re-embarked +his force, and steamed up after him. Again disembarking +his men, Hayes came in collision with the +raider, who retreated after getting a taste of the quality +of his adversary. But Morgan being beset on all +sides was forced to surrender, and was made a prisoner<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> +with many of his men. Their next raiding was done +from the inside to the outside of the walls of the Ohio +penitentiary.</p> + + +<h3>BATTLE OF CLOYD MOUNTAIN.</h3> + +<p>In the spring of 1864, General Crook moved with +an army of about six thousand men to cut the main +lines of communication between Richmond and the +great Southwest. In this expedition Colonel Hayes +commanded a brigade. General Crook, who is called +"Gray Fox" by the warriors of Sitting Bull, is one +of the shrewdest generals in the world in the way of +tricking an enemy. On this expedition he marched +up the Kanawha, and sent his music and one regiment +toward the White Sulphur Springs, while his army +went the other way. He charged his music to make +noise enough for an army of ten thousand. The enemy, +who were fortified on the road by which Crook's +army was actually to pass, left Fort Breckenridge, and +marched off fifty or sixty miles in the direction that +Crook's band of music had gone. His army then +hurried on, and marched right into the fort without +firing a shot. To have taken it without stratagem +would have cost much delay and many lives. In the +meantime, the enemy hurried back, and, collecting an +army under General Jenkins, fortified a position on +the crest of Cloyd mountain. The base of the mountain +was skirted with a stream of water two or three +feet deep, and the approach to it was through a meadow +five or six hundred yards wide. The enemy, who +were strongly entrenched, opened upon Crook's force +so soon as it reached the road that was within range<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> +of their artillery. It was evident the fortifications +could not be carried without very determined fighting. +A small force, after making a stout struggle, +dropped back repulsed. Crook ordered Colonel Hayes' +brigade to cross Cloyd's meadow, charge up the hill, +and take the batteries. Hayes formed in the edge of +the woods, and marched out with as perfect a line as +ever was formed on parade. He moved on, and was +soon under fire. The enemy opened heavily, bringing +down men along the whole line. A slow double-quick +was ordered, the alignments being kept good +until the edge of the woods was reached.</p> + +<p>The fortifications could not be seen. There was +only in sight a woody hill, and below it a stream to +cross. Hayes, the brigade following, dashed through +the creek to the foot of the last hill, which was so +steep that the cannon could not be depressed sufficiently +to damage them. After halting for a minute +to take breath, the brigade charged, with a terrific +yell, up the hill. The instant they passed the curve +of the hill, as fearful a fire met them as men are ever +called to face. The whole line seemed falling, officers +and men going down by scores. But not a man +stopped; all who were not hit went on. Hayes +shouted to his men to push on to the enemy's works. +They were carried by assault, many of the enemy +being bayoneted beneath ingenious barricades that +they deemed impregnable. The enemy were killed +or driven out, and their cannon captured. For ten +minutes it was a desperate, give-and-take, rough-and-tumble +fight. The artillerymen attempted to reload +when the assaulting party was not ten paces +distant. The enemy retreated to a second ridge of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> +the mountain, and made a determined effort to form +a line, but the pursuit was too hot for the effort to be +successful. Reinforcements arriving, they endeavored +to make a third stand, but were easily driven off in full +retreat. Thus ended the battle on the mountain, where +the enemy's fort on its summit was carried by storm.</p> + + +<h3>BATTLE OF WINCHESTER.</h3> + +<p>What is known as the first battle of Winchester, +fought July 24, 1864, illustrates the pluck and endurance +of Hayes under disaster. Here, as in the last +battle, he commanded a brigade in a division of General +Crook's army, of West Virginia. Two brigades, +under Colonel Mulligan and Colonel Hayes, were ordered +to go out and meet what was supposed to be a +reconnaissance in force of the enemy. Hayes was +ordered to join his right on Mulligan's left, and +charge with him. They were to attack whatever there +was in front. They could see only two skirmish lines +in front. Hayes soon saw appearances of the enemy +off on the left. Mulligan was informed there were +signs of an enemy forward on the right. Indications +were correct. The enemy were coming down upon +them in overpowering force on both flanks and in +front. Mulligan said his orders were to go forward, +and he was going forward. Hayes thought it was as +well to go forward as to go any other way, as there +could be but one result. Soon after charging, the +enemy opened a deadly fire with artillery on the left +flank, and infantry close in front. In five minutes +Colonel Mulligan fell, pierced with five balls. The +enemy had double the force in front, and overlapped +the right flank a quarter of a mile. This was a better<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> +place to be out of than in. The lines melted away +under the destructive fire. The deafening roar of artillery +and musketry prevented all commands from +being heard. The Hayes brigade fell slowly back to +a hill inaccessible to cavalry. There it formed, and +held back the yelling pursuers. At this point Lieutenant-Colonel +Comly was wounded. The cavalry, +whose failure to furnish information of the presence +of the enemy had brought on the disaster, had disappeared +from the scene. Colonel Hayes' brigade, which +was exposed to the cavalry of the enemy, marched in +a half square, fighting steadily in front and on both +flanks. Once the brigade was concealed in a belt of +woods until the enemy's cavalry came within pistol-shot, +when the whole line suddenly rose and poured its +fire into their ranks. After that, the pursuit ceased. +From morning until midnight, Colonel Hayes, having +lost his horse, was fighting and encouraging his men +on foot, saving his command from annihilation, and +displaying personal bravery of the highest order.</p> + + +<h3>BATTLE OF BERRYVILLE.</h3> + +<p>This was one of the fiercest fights of the war. It +was between a South Carolina and Mississippi division, +under General Kershaw, and six regiments of the +Kanawha division.</p> + +<p>The occasion of this battle was this: Sheridan sent +a body of cavalry to get in the rear of Early's army +and cut off his supplies. To do this there were two +roads up the pike—one through Winchester and one +ten miles east of Winchester. Ten miles east of this +place, through Berryville, was the enemy's headquar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>ters, and Sheridan's object was to throw a force past +them which would turn and strike them in the rear. +In order to protect that body so that it could get back +again—not be cut off on its line of retreat—Crook +was ordered to take possession of the pike where the +road from Winchester crosses it. The enemy, understanding +the plan, moved to take possession of the +same crossing. They first attacked with a small force, +and were driven back. Being reinforced, they drove +back in turn the regiments in advance of the Union +force. Colonel Hayes had a line a quarter of a mile +long sheltered behind a terrace wall, the ground in +front being level with the top of the wall. He sat on +his horse watching the tumultuous advance of the +enemy. The Union advance lines, being driven back +in precipitate retreat, ran right over Hayes' brigade. +The enemy followed close on their heels. Hayes let +them get within two rods, when the whole brigade +rose, and with a yell delivered a deadly volley at the +enemy's legs. They then jumped upon the terrace +and charged bayonet, driving the pursuing enemy +back like a flock of sheep. He pushed them to their +second or reserve lines, where they rallied at dark, +and stubbornly maintained their ground.</p> + +<p>Colonel Hayes' brigade went at double quick pace +into action, their leader at the head of the column. +The Twenty-third and Thirty-sixth Ohio, and the +Fifth and Thirteenth Virginia, constituted at this +time his brigade. From dark until almost ten o'clock +the cannonading was continuous and the fighting terrible. +Hayes, although never more exposed to danger, +enjoyed the grand illumination and the thrilling<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> +excitement. Both divisions withdrew at the same +hour, and the engagement was not the next day +renewed. In this short action Colonel Hayes, by his +courage and gallantry, added to his popularity as an +officer among both officers and men.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>FROM MAJOR TO MAJOR-GENERAL.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Opequan—Morass—First Over—Intrepidity—Official +Reports—Assault on Fisher's Hill—Battle of Cedar +Creek—Commands a Division—Promoted on Field—His +Wounds—A Hundred Days under Fire.</i></p></div><br /> + + +<h3>BATTLE OF OPEQUAN.</h3> + +<p>Sheridan's battle of Winchester, or Opequan, was +fought on the 19th of September, 1864. The battle +had a bad beginning, but a glorious ending. There +were five hours of staring disaster, and five of inspiring +victory. Sheridan, in assuming the offensive, +in September, was compelled to fight Early in the +latter's chosen and particularly advantageous position, +at the mouth of a narrow ravine near Winchester.</p> + +<p>Concerning the earlier, or disastrous part of the +engagement, it is sufficient for our present purpose to +say that Sheridan moved all except one corps of his +entire army down this gorge, deployed in the valley +beyond, fought a bloody fight, and was driven back +in confusion along his line of advance. At noon the +enemy were rejoicing over the victory, and their +friends in Winchester were jubilant. The reserves +of Sheridan were sent for. General Crook, in person, +brought the reserve corps into action at one o'clock. +He made for the enemy's left flank, and pushed direct +for a battery on their extreme left. The brigade of +Colonel Hayes was in front, supported by Colonel<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +White's old brigade. The order was to walk fast, +keep silent until within one hundred yards of the +guns, and then with a yell charge at full speed. +These brigades had passed over a ridge and were +just ready to begin the rush, when they came upon +a deep morass, forty yards wide, with high banks. +The enemy's fire now broke out with fury. Of course +the line stopped. To stop was death, to go on was +probably the same; but the order was "Forward." +Colonel Hayes was the first to plunge in; but his +horse, after frantic struggling, mired down hopelessly +in the middle of the boggy stream. He sprang off +and succeeded in reaching the enemy's side. The +next man over was Lieutenant Stearne, adjutant of +the Thirty-sixth Ohio.</p> + +<p>Shot and shell were falling in the water as they +crossed, and were still falling. When Hayes regained +the opposite bank he motioned rapidly, with his cap +in hand, for his men to come over. Some held back, +but many plunged into the bog, and struggled across +to their leader. Some sank to their chins while holding +their arms and ammunition over their heads. +Before fifty men had gotten over, Hayes shouted: +"Men, right up the bank," and there were the rebel +batteries without any support. So the artillerymen +were bayoneted in the act of loading their guns. They +never dreamed that any Union force could cross the +barrier before them. The batteries were captured, +the enemy's position successfully flanked, and his +whole force driven back five hundred yards to a second +line of defense. Here, strongly posted, he delivered +a fearfully destructive fire. The advancing line +was brought to a standstill by the storm of grape and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +balls. Officers in advance were falling faster than others, +but all were suffering. Things began to look dark. +At the most critical moment, a large body of Sheridan's +splendid cavalry, with swords drawn, wound +slowly around the right, then at a trot, and finally, with +shouts, at a gallop, charged right into the rebel lines. +Hayes, now in command of the division, his division +commander having fallen, pushed on, and the enemy +in utter confusion fled. Crook's command carried the +forts which covered the heights, and Hayes led the +advance of that command. His division entered Winchester +in pursuit of Early far in advance of all other +troops. The spirit of Early's brave army was broken. +Its loss in this battle was nearly seven thousand men.</p> + +<p>The day following the battle of Opequan, Stanton +telegraphed Sheridan: "Please accept for yourself +and your gallant army the thanks of the President +and the department for your great battle and brilliant +victory of yesterday." An official report of Colonel +Comly, commanding the Twenty-third Ohio, thus refers +to Colonel Hayes, division commander: "He is +everywhere exposing himself recklessly, as usual. He +was the first one over the slough; he has been in advance +of the line half the time since; his adjutant-general +has been severely wounded; men are dropping +all around him; but he rides through it all as +if he had a charmed life."</p> + + +<h3>FISHER'S HILL.</h3> + +<p>The assault on South Mountain, or Fisher's Hill, +occurred on the 22d of September, three days after +the battle of Opequan. Sheridan was in hot pursuit +of Early, and had followed him up the Shenandoah<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> +valley, overtaking him in position at Fisher's Hill. +This is a ridge stretching across the valley where it is +only about three miles wide. There is a creek running +in front of the ridge. Early had fortified the +ridge, and was in strong position. Sheridan was disposed +to attack him in front, trusting to the demoralization +from the recent defeat for an easy victory.</p> + +<p>Crook insisted upon trying to turn their left flank. +It was finally determined that it could be done. He +was ordered to take Hayes' division, which led the +advancing column. Crook and Hayes rode side by +side at the head of the men. Pretty soon Crook and +every officer, except Hayes, dismounted. The latter +had a horse that could go wherever a man could. +The command went up mountains, pushed their way +through woods, and slid down ravines and gorges. +When the enemy's left was supposed to be passed, +they turned by the flank and bore down on his rear. +Hayes galloped down a ravine, flanked by mountains, +until he came right upon the enemy's guns. He rode +back, ordered his division to charge with a yell, and +the enemy, seized with a panic, fled. The charge was +one of great impetuosity, each man trying to reach +the entrenchments first. Every gun was captured. +The brilliancy of this victory consisted in flanking +the enemy from the side of a mountain, where Early +said only a crow could go. But Colonel Hayes climbed +there on horseback, at the head of his command.</p> + + +<h3>CEDAR CREEK.</h3> + +<p>On the 19th of October, 1864, was fought the battle +of Cedar creek, so memorable in the annals of war. +It wiped out Early and his army. It gave the rebel<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> +general Gordon a seat in the United States Senate. It +made Sheridan lieutenant-general. It made Colonel +Hayes a brigadier-general and Governor of Ohio.</p> + +<p>Sheridan, supposing Early's army too much broken +by recent defeats to be dangerous, had gone on a visit +to Washington, leaving his force in command of General +Wright. It was posted near Middletown, in the +rear of Cedar creek, and on both sides of the Winchester +pike. Ten miles to the westward, beyond the +creek, were the enemy's camps. Two things induced +Early to risk one more battle—the absence of Sheridan, +and his own reinforcement with twelve thousand +men. Early left camp on the night of the 18th, and, +passing round with his entire army between Massanutten +mountain and the north fork of the Shenandoah, +forded the Shenandoah at midnight, and noiselessly +formed in line of battle in the rear and on the +flank of the Union army. The plan of attack was a +bold one, and seemed the inspiration of genius. +The ford that gave the enemy a crossing, which +should have been well guarded by cavalry, was stupidly +left exposed. At daylight, while Thoburn's +division were sleeping in their camps, Early's onslaught +was made. Generals Gordon, Pegram, Kershaw, and +Wharton charged with the rebel yell upon the left +rear of Crook's entire command. The assault, under +the circumstances, was inevitably successful, and the +whole Union force was hurled back on the Nineteenth +corps and the Kanawha division, commanded by Colonel +Hayes. The enemy overlapped both flanks, and +pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. Crook's +command had already lost seven pieces of artillery, +and was in rapid retreat. The men meeting the ene<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>my's charge, knowing that they were outflanked and +the enemy had gotten in their rear, fought desperately, +but not hopefully. The whole line was pushed +slowly back. Colonel Hayes, on seeing his right +breaking up, rode over and with vehemence gave +orders to stand firm. But the line melted away, leaving +him alone and exposed. A whole volley came +aimed at him, filling the air and killing his horse with +twenty balls. The horse going at great speed when +it fell, threw its rider with great violence to the +ground, dislocating an ankle and badly bruising +him from the head down. He rose, and though +fired at by the pursuing enemy at forty paces, escaped +further wounds or capture. Colonel Hayes +procured the horse of his orderly, and with great +exertion gradually brought his men to a stand. +Here they were alternately preparing their breakfasts, +and when orders were given, instantaneously forming +lines.</p> + +<p>At ten o'clock the Union army received a reinforcement +more powerful than was the enemy's of twelve +thousand men. Sheridan had come, and with him +confidence had come. He almost instantaneously inspired +a beaten army with his own electric energy and +unconquerable hope. "Boys, we must go back to our +camps," he said; and they went. The army was recreated +into a compact, advancing, aggressive organization. +"The whole line will advance," said Sheridan, +and it advanced.</p> + +<p>The enemy was charged a first and a second time, +with infantry in the center and cavalry on the left and +right. Custer's cavalry kept swooping down on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> +rebel flank, gathering them in as a sickle gathers +grain. The gallant Colonel Hayes, too modest to seek +promotion, though long discharging the duties of a +major-general, as commander of a veteran division, +fought in the center, forcing back the rebel line to +Cedar creek. Here it broke in confusion, abandoning +seventy pieces of artillery, arms, camps, and transportation. +The pursuit ceased not until there was no +longer an enemy to pursue. Early this time "stayed +whipped." In the Shenandoah valley he ceased to +take much interest in subsequent events.</p> + +<p>It was on the field of this most complete victory of +the war that Sheridan clasped the hand of Hayes and +said: "Colonel, from this day forward you will be a +brigadier-general." Ten days after the battle the +commission came. The gallant Crook presented him +with the insignia of his new rank, and he wore them. +On March 13, 1865, he was promoted to the rank of +brevet major-general "for gallant and distinguished +services during the campaign of 1864 in West Virginia, +and particularly at the battles of Fisher's Hill +and Cedar Creek, Virginia."</p> + +<p>General Hayes was wounded four times in battle. +From one wound he has never entirely recovered. +He was struck by a shell, just below the knee, while +on horseback. He did not get off his horse at the +time, but remained at the front throughout the battle. +The wound now troubles him when ascending stairs. +According to the excellent authority of Adjutant-General +Hastings, Hayes was under fire sixty days in +1864. He must therefore have been exposed to death +on one hundred days during the war.</p> + +<p>A soldier who would thus risk life and limb to pre<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>serve the Union is perhaps entitled to have something +to say concerning the government of it. He who is +willing to die for the republic, will see that the republic +suffers no harm.</p> + +<p>The qualities of General Hayes as a soldier will be +reviewed when we come to speak of his characteristics +as a civil magistrate and as a man.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>IN CONGRESS.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Nomination—Refuses to Leave Army—Election Incident—Election—Course +in Congress—Services on Library +Committee—Votes on Various Questions—Submits +Plan of Constitutional Amendments—Re-nominated by +Acclamation—Re-elected by Increased Majority—Overwhelmed +with Soldiers' Letters—Character as Congressman.</i></p></div> +<br /> + +<p>On the 6th of August, 1864, while General Hayes +was absent from Ohio in the field, he was nominated +by the Republican Convention of the Second Congressional +District of Cincinnati for Congress. This was +the result of the spontaneous action of his friends, +and was brought about through their agency alone. +The nomination was neither sought nor desired. The +following extract from a letter written in camp, and +bearing date July 30, 1864, makes known the then +existing state of the case:</p> + +<p>"As to the canvass that occurs, I care nothing at +all about it; neither for the nomination nor for the +election. It was merely easier to let the thing take +its own course than to get up a letter declining to +run, and then to explain it to everybody who might +choose to bore me about it."</p> + +<p>The first information of the nomination for Congress +was conveyed to General Hayes through the letter +of a friend written the day after the convention +met, which information was received on Monday,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> +August 22d, while preparing for battle, and on the +same day he did a "good thing" in the way of taking +prisoners while charging on the rebel lines. Two +days after, with the enemy in front, he wrote this +"private" letter on the subject of going home to canvass:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><span style="margin-left: 23em;" class="smcap">Camp of +Sheridan's Army,</span></p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 16em;"> +<span class="smcap">near Charlestown, Va</span>., <i>August</i> 24, 1864.</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Friend S.</span>:—Your favor of the 7th came to hand on Monday. +It was the first I had heard of the doings of the Second District +Convention. My thanks for your attention and assistance in +the premises. I cared very little about being a candidate, but +having consented to the use of my name I preferred to succeed. +Your suggestion about getting a furlough to take the stump was +certainly made without reflection. An officer fit for duty who +at this crisis would abandon his post to electioneer for a seat in +Congress ought to be scalped. You may feel perfectly sure I +shall do no such thing. We are, and for two weeks past have +been, in the immediate presence of a large rebel army. We +have skirmishing and small affairs constantly. I am not posted +in the policy deemed wise at headquarters, and can't guess as +to the prospects of a general engagement. The condition and +spirit of this army are good and improving. I suspect the enemy +are sliding around us toward the Potomac. If they cross +we shall pretty certainly have a meeting.</p> +<span style="margin-left: 16em;">Sincerely,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 28em;">R. B. HAYES.</span><br /></div> + +<p>An incident of this canvass caused at the time it occurred +intense feeling and indignation. The Democrats +were having a large mass meeting in Cincinnati, with +an immense procession. Among the banners or transparencies +carried in the procession was one large, +coarsely-executed affair, representing General Hayes +dodging bullets while running from the enemy. As +Hayes was at that very moment at the front fighting +the enemy, this assault in the rear was not deemed by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +Union-loving men to fall within the rules of legitimate +political warfare. Some soldiers of the "Old +Kanawha" division happening to be at home recovering +from wounds, had their indignation aroused to +such an uncontrollable pitch that they insisted upon +ignominiously trampling down the libelous transparency +and its bearer. They had seen General Hayes +bare his breast a hundred times to the bullet-storm of +battle, and thought they were better judges of what +constituted courage than men who stayed at home +occupying their time in passing resolutions that the +war was a "failure." These old veteran comrades of +Hayes were moving in compact line to charge on the +procession, when a number of good citizens, in the +interest of order and to prevent a riot, had the obnoxious +banner removed. It is but just to say that +Democrats of the better sort totally disapproved of +this public indecency and excuseless outrage.</p> + +<p>During the canvass for Congress, and while in the +thickest of the bloody fight at Opequan, the soldiers +under General Hayes kept crying out: "We will gain +a victory to-day, Colonel, and elect you to Congress;" +"One more charge, and you go to Congress!" These +brave defenders of the Republic well knew the effect +of a Union victory upon a pending election. When +the soldiers' vote was taken on Tuesday, the 11th of +October, not a man in the Twenty-third or Thirty-sixth +Ohio regiment voted the Democratic ticket, and +but fifty-three voted the Peace ticket in the entire +division commanded by General Hayes. The result +of his first contest for Congress, or rather candidacy, +for there was no contest on his part, was his triumphant +election by a majority of two thousand four hun<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>dred and fifty-five votes. His competitor was Joseph +C. Butler, a banker, capitalist, and most respectable +gentleman. Eight days after the election, the battle +of Cedar Creek was fought, so that the news of two +victories came to the faithful soldier at the same time. +Conducting a congressional campaign on the front, +rear, and flanks of the enemy, worked well. To Hayes +the cause of the Union was such a sacred cause that +he could not cease fighting the enemies of that Union +so long as there remained an armed enemy to fight.</p> + +<p>The war being ended, he took his seat on the first +day of the first session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, +which assembled December 4, 1865. Among the able +or notable men in that Congress were Shellabarger, +Bingham, Schenck, Spaulding, and Garfield, from +Ohio, and Thad. Stevens, Conkling, Kerr, E. B. Washburne, +A. H. Rice, Raymond, Niblack, John A. Griswold, +Farnsworth, Orth, Cullom, Dawes, Blaine, Voorhees, +and Randall, from other States. The first session +was mainly occupied with the question of reconstruction. +The central questions during the subsequent +sessions were those growing out of the impeachment +of President Johnson. General Hayes voted consistently +with his party on these two classes of questions. +He was the only new member, except one, who was +given the chairmanship of a committee, being placed +at the head of the joint committee of the House on +Library. The other members were Wm. D. Kelley, of +Pennsylvania, and Calvin T. Hurlburd, of New York. +As chairman of the committee on the Library of the +United States, to employ the language of its accomplished +librarian, he had "a clear discernment and +quick apprehension of all things that needed to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +done;" he "threw his influence in favor of the most +liberal and permanent improvement."</p> + +<p>During his term of service on the committee, the +Library was expanded by the addition of two wings, +increasing threefold its space. The "Force Historical +Library" was added, to the acquisition of which General +Hayes devoted months of zealous labor. It is +now one of the most valuable parts of the great Library. +He procured in the House the passage of the +Senate bill to transfer the Library of the Smithsonian +Institution to the Library of Congress. He introduced +a joint resolution to extend the privileges of +the Library to a larger class of public officers. He +reported back and recommended the passage of a +copyright bill for securing to the Library copies of +all books, pamphlets, maps, etc., published in the +United States.</p> + +<p>In dealing with the subject of art while on this +committee, Hayes showed artistic taste and judgment. +He voted to reject works without merit, such as +busts and portraits, and favored giving government +commissions to real artists of conceded genius and established +standing.</p> + +<p>One of the first votes of General Hayes in Congress +was cast in favor of this resolution:</p> + +<p>"That the public debt created during the late rebellion +was contracted upon the faith and honor of the +nation; that it is sacred and inviolate, and must and +ought to be paid, principal and interest; and that any +attempt to repudiate or in any manner impair or scale +the said debt should be universally discountenanced +by the people, and promptly rejected by Congress if +proposed."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p> + +<p>Early in the session a resolution was introduced +"that the committee on appropriations be instructed +to bring in a bill increasing the compensation of members +of Congress." Mr. Hayes voted for Mr. E. B. +Washburne's motion to lay the resolution on the table. +This is the whole of his record on the back pay and +front pay questions. General Hayes during the session +voted for a resolution commending President +Johnson for declining to accept presents, and condemning +the practice as demoralizing in its tendencies +and destructive of public confidence. This vote needs +no explanation to enable it to be understood.</p> + +<p>He also submitted the following resolution, which +was read, considered, and agreed to:</p> + +<p>"That the committee on military affairs be instructed +to inquire into the expediency of providing by law +for punishing by imprisonment or otherwise any person +who, as agent or attorney, shall collect from the +government money due to officers, soldiers, or sailors, +or to their widows or orphans, for services in the +army or navy, or for pensions or bounties, and who +shall fraudulently convert the same to his own use; +and to report by bill or otherwise."</p> + +<p>This was timely action aimed to remedy what has +since become a gross abuse and most serious evil. Its +purpose was to check robbery and secure to soldiers +and sailors their own.</p> + +<p>In 1865, General Hayes submitted to leading Republicans +in Congress, and subsequently to the Republican +caucus, these resolutions, which became the +basis of the action of the party:</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That it is the sense of the caucus that +the best if not the only mode of obtaining from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +States lately in rebellion guarantees which will be +irreversible is by amendments of the national constitution.</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That such amendments to the national +constitution as may be deemed necessary ought to be +submitted to the house for its action at as early a day +as possible, in order to propose them to the several +states during the present sessions of their legislatures.</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That an amendment, basing representation +on voters instead of population, ought to be +promptly acted upon, and the judiciary committee is +requested to prepare resolutions for that purpose, and +submit them to the house as soon as practicable."</p> + +<p>When the ratification of the amendments taking +their origin from these resolutions became a matter of +supreme concern, Mr. Orth and Mr. Cullom, now the +Republican candidates for Governor in Indiana and +Illinois, in conjunction with Mr. Hayes, drafted the +following letter, which was signed by Republican +members of Congress and forwarded to Governor +Brownlow, of Tennessee:</p> + +<p>"The undersigned members of Congress respectfully +suggest, that, as Governor of the State of Tennessee, +you call a special session of the legislature of your +state, for the purpose of ratifying the constitutional +amendment submitted by the present Congress to the +several states for ratification, believing that upon such +ratification this Congress will, during its present session, +recognize the present state government of Tennessee +and admit the state to representation in both +houses of Congress."</p> + +<p>The session of the legislature was called, the fourteenth +amendment ratified, and the Tennessee mem<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>bers admitted to seats in Congress in July, 1866. +This ratification was the one required to render the +amendment valid.</p> + +<p>In the fall of 1865, General Hayes delivered very +earnest political speeches in about twenty counties +in Ohio, in advocacy of the election of his military +comrade, General Jacob D. Cox, as governor of the +state. We find many of these speeches partially +reported, and from one delivered in the West end, in +Cincinnati, September 28, we take this extract:</p> + +<p>"The Democratic plan of reorganization is this: +The rebels, having laid down their arms and abandoned +their attempt to break up the Union, are now +entitled, as a matter of right, to be restored to all the +rights, political and civil, which they enjoyed before +the rebellion, precisely as if they had remained loyal. +They are to vote, to hold office, to bear arms, immediately +and unconditionally. There is to be no confiscation +and no punishment, either for leaders or followers—no +amendment or change of the constitution +by way of guaranty against future rebellion—no indemnity +for the past, and no security for the future. +The Union party objects to this plan, because it wants, +before rebels shall again be restored to power, an +amendment to the constitution which shall remove all +vestiges of slavery, and an amendment which shall +equalize representation between the States having a +large negro population and the States whose negro +population is small."</p> + +<p>In August, 1866, General Hayes received the endorsement +of a re-nomination to Congress by acclamation. +There was no opposing candidate. He entered +at once into the canvass. He delivered a speech almost<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +every afternoon or evening until the day of the election. +He frequently spoke outside of his own district, +to aid his friends. The questions at issue were the +reconstruction measures of Congress and of President +Johnson, and the merits of the new constitutional +amendments. In a public speech delivered in the +Seventeenth Ward, in Cincinnati, September 7, 1866, +he discussed at great length the questions of the day. +In conclusion he said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The Union party is prepared to make great sacrifices +in the future, as in the past, for the sake of peace +and for the sake of union, but submission to what is +wrong can never be the foundation of a real peace or a +lasting union. They can have no other sure foundation +but the principles of eternal justice. The Union +men therefore say to the South: 'We ask nothing +but what is right; we will submit to nothing that is +wrong.' With undoubting confidence we submit the +issue to the candid judgment of the patriotic people +of the country, under the guidance of that Providence +which has hitherto blessed and preserved the Nation."</p></div> + +<p>The canvass was an active and exciting one; but +General Hayes was re-elected over a competitor of so +high standing as Theodore Cook, by a majority of +two thousand five hundred and fifty-six. It is noticeable +that while there was a Republican loss of seven +hundred in the first district, compared with the vote +for Congressmen in 1864, in the second district there +was a gain of one hundred over the vote of two +years before.</p> + +<p>General Hayes took his seat in the Fortieth +Congress, which convened March 11, 1867. He was +re-appointed chairman of the library committee, with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> +John D. Baldwin, of Massachusetts, and J. V. L. Pruyn, +of New York, as associate members. General Hayes' +three years in Congress were almost continuously employed +in exacting labors in looking after the pensions +and pay of soldiers, and in making provision +for their families. Cincinnati had sent a great many +soldiers into the war, and all who had wants sent their +petitions to the only representative of Hamilton county +who had served in the army. The soldiers of his old +division, scattered over the country, sent their applications +to him as a sympathizing friend. He had as many +as seven hundred cases of this kind on hand at one time. +His time was therefore necessarily consumed in running +to the departments and in answering soldiers' +correspondence. This service of love was of course +gratuitously and most cheerfully rendered; but it +withdrew him more or less from his duties on the +floor of Congress.</p> + +<p>He was not consequently a speech-maker in Congress, +but a business-doer. His innate good sense taught +him that the public business was pushed forward, not +by talking much, but by talking little. Like Schurz, +who became the intellectual leader of the Senate, like +Senator Edmunds and most strong men, he kept silent +while new to the business of legislation. He was +constantly consulted by the chief men in his party +because he possessed that most essential quality in a +public man—good judgment. He did no talking for +himself, but an immense deal of working for others. +Every soldier was his constituent, whether he lived +in Maine or Nebraska. He placed self not first, +but last.</p> + +<p>He had no thought of fame or higher place, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> +silently served those that loved him, and to the +maimed or needy tried to make the burdens and +loads of life lighter. He doubtless thought that "he +who lives a great truth is incomparably greater than +he who but speaks it."</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>ELECTED GOVERNOR OF OHIO.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Party of State Rights—Their Convention—Platform—Nomination +of Thurman—Republican Convention and +Platform—Nomination of Hayes—Platform—Opening +Speech at Lebanon—Thurman at Waverly—National +Interest aroused—Hayes Victorious—Inaugural—First +Annual Message—Second Annual Message.</i></p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The questions at issue in the great political canvass +of 1867, in Ohio, were closely allied to the one whether +the National Government had a constitutional right to +maintain its existence. It was many years after the +war of the Rebellion before the Democratic party could +be induced to admit that the war had settled anything. +The question of State or National supremacy or sovereignty, +settled a hundred times by argument and +twice by arms, was still persistently argued by them +as an open question. The State Supremacy or State +Rights party fought the constitution at the time of +its adoption, on the ground that it established a supreme +central government, and were defeated. They +opposed putting down the Whisky Rebellion, in Pennsylvania, +under the leadership of Jefferson and Randolph, +and were outvoted in the Cabinet by Washington, +Hamilton, and Knox. They forced their disintegration +doctrines into the Supreme Court, and were +there vanquished by the resistless logic of Chief Justice +Marshall. The same old doctrine assumed the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> +form of nullification under the teachings of Calhoun +in South Carolina, and was stamped out by Jackson. +It appeared again in the great debate between Hayne +and Webster, and was annihilated, so far as argument +can put an end to any heresy. But it reappeared in +1861, with Davis, Stephens, Lee, and Breckenridge as +its most powerful advocates and exponents.</p> + +<p>The identical questions discussed in Washington's +Cabinet, when there was a Whisky Insurrection to be +put down, were discussed by Lincoln and Davis, by +Meade and Lee, at Gettysburg, and by Grant and +Pemberton, at Vicksburg. Is a State or is the Republic +supreme, has been the central question dividing +parties for a hundred years. The Democracy are still +talking about "sovereign and independent states," as +if there were more than one sovereign State on the +continent—the Republic itself.</p> + +<p>The Democratic State Convention, which met at +Columbus, January 8, 1867, forgetting that "war +legislates," continued harping on the old State Rights +theme. The temporary chairman of the convention, +Dr. J. M. Christian, varied the monotony a little when +he elegantly said: "We have come here not only to +celebrate an honored day, but to nominate men of +noble hearts, determined to release the State from the +thralldom of niggerism, and place it under the control +of the Democratic party."</p> + +<p>Mr. George H. Pendleton, the permanent chairman, +delivered a rhetorical State rights speech, in which +he said: "The Democratic party has always maintained +the rights of the States as essential to the +maintenance of the Union."</p> + +<p>The platform or resolutions of the convention, re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span>ported by Mr. C. L. Vallandigham, contained a great +deal of the same sort of thing, supplemented with +this resolution: "That the Radical majority in the so-called +Congress have proved themselves to be in favor +of negro suffrage by forcing it upon the people of the +District of Columbia, against their almost unanimous +wish, solemnly expressed at the polls; by forcing it +upon the people of all the territories, and by their +various devices to coerce the people of the South to +adopt it; that we are opposed to negro suffrage, believing +it would be productive of evil to both whites +and blacks, and tend to produce a disastrous conflict +of races."</p> + +<p>The convention nominated, by acclamation, Hon. +Allen G. Thurman for Governor. Judge Thurman +had served one term in Congress and five years upon +the Supreme Bench of the State, and was a gentleman +of high personal character, and a lawyer of extended +reputation and commanding abilities.</p> + +<p>The Republican State Convention assembled at Columbus, +June 19, 1867, to nominate candidates for +governor, lieutenant-governor, and other State officers. +The three candidates most talked of for governor +were Hon. Samuel Galloway, Adjutant-General B. R. +Cowen, and General Hayes, then representing the Second +District in Congress. Mr. Galloway had served +in Congress, had long been one of the most active +members of the Republican party, and was popular +because of his abilities as a stump speaker. General +Cowen had devoted much time to the organization of +the State in his own interest as a candidate, and was +possessed of considerable managing ability. Public +opinion, however, in Northern, Southern, and Western<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> +Ohio had concentrated upon General R. B. Hayes before +the convention met. The times seemed to demand +a military man for leader, and, in the language of the +Cincinnati <i>Commercial</i>, there were "no better military +records than his, if they are to be rated by brave, faithful, +steadfast service." General J. D. Cox was not a +candidate for re-nomination. General Hayes was the +idol of the soldiers. As early as 1865, his old division, +while he himself was absent on a distant field of +duty, held a meeting between skirmishes with the +enemy, and passed resolutions nominating him for +Governor of Ohio for the canvass of that year. The +soldiers went so far as to send circulars to the different +counties of the State, embodying their resolutions. +When General Hayes first heard of these proceedings +he gave immediate and peremptory instructions to +have them stopped. He forbade the use of his name in +such connection, on pain of his permanent displeasure.</p> + +<p>The Convention of June, 1867, was almost imprudently +courageous in the enunciation of sound, but +then unpopular, principles. It placed the Republican +party "on the broad platform of impartial manhood +suffrage as embodied in the proposed amendment to +the State Constitution," and appealed to the "intelligence, +justice, and patriotism of the people of Ohio +to approve it at the ballot-box." The platform emphasized +the point—always well taken—that the +United States is a Nation.</p> + +<p>On this platform General Hayes was nominated for +Governor on the first ballot, receiving two hundred +and eighty-six votes to two hundred and eight cast +for Mr. Galloway. The nomination was accepted for +him by a friend in his absence. The honor which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> +came to him unsought was borne with the modesty +of a soldier.</p> + +<p>On the evening of the nominations, Mr. Fred. Hassaurek +delivered in Columbus a very able speech in +favor of manhood equality, in the course of which he +said: "The men who now lead and officer the Democratic +party are the most dangerous enemies of the +country, of its peace, prosperity, and welfare. Let +both sections of the country unite to give a final, +crushing blow to the influence of Democratic leaders. +Let the serpent be fully expelled from Paradise, and +our country will soon be a Garden of Eden again."</p> + +<p>General Hayes, having resigned his seat in Congress, +opened the campaign of '67 in a comprehensive +speech, delivered at <a href="#LEBANON">Lebanon</a>, August 5, +aggressive in tone and full of bristling points. It +was equivalent to a charge along the whole of the +enemies' line—a species of tactics which he had +learned the advantage of in the valley of the Shenandoah. +We refer the reader to this clear, resolute, +vigorous speech, reprinted in full in the <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>, +for the grounds upon which the Republican leader +demanded a popular verdict against his political adversaries. +The speech showed that he deserved the +eulogies of the press which followed his nomination, +among which were those of Colonel Donn Piatt—a +judge of ability, to say the least—who had written: +"The people will find his utterances full of sound +thought, and his deportment modest, dignified, and +unpretending.... Possessed of a high order +of talent, enriched by stores of information, General +Hayes is one of the few men capable of accomplishing +much without any egotistical assertion of self."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> +General James M. Comly had said: "More than four +years' service in the same command gave the writer +ample opportunity to know that no braver or more +dashing and enterprising commander gave his services +to the Republic than General Hayes. He was the idol +of his command. No man of his soldiery ever doubted +when he led. In principle he is as radical as we could +desire. His vote has been given in Congress on every +square issue for the right. He is no wabbler or time-server. +He no more dodges votes than he did bullets."</p> + +<p>Judge Thurman—now Senator A. G. Thurman—opened +the campaign on the Democratic side in an +elaborate speech, delivered at Waverly, August 5th, +and reported in the Cincinnati <i>Commercial</i> of August +6th. He vigorously defended the course and action +of the Peace Democracy in Ohio, and assailed Mr. +Lincoln and his administration with an extravagance +of language that weakened the force of many of his +arguments during the campaign. He intemperately +asserted that there was "scarcely a provision of the +Constitution" that had not been "shamelessly and +needlessly trampled under foot" by "these enemies +of our Government," including as "enemies" the +Congress and Cabinet that supported and maintained +the war for the Union. These and other unfortunate +allusions, such as that to the "poison of Abolitionism," +enabled General Hayes to effectively retort at +Sidney, and at other points. So much of the <a href="#Sidney">Sidney</a> +speech as refers to Judge Thurman's Waverly speech +is reproduced in our <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix.</a></p> + +<p>The contest waxed warm between these able antagonists, +and the number of speeches that each delivered +was only limited by his powers of physical en<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span>durance. Meetings were held night and day, from +the beginning until the close of the canvass. Much +more than the governorship was involved. A United +States Senator, for six years, was to be chosen by the +incoming Legislature. But, above all, the vital principle +of manhood suffrage, and the righteousness or +unrighteousness of the war to preserve the Union, +were issues to be decided.</p> + +<p>As the contest grew in magnitude it aroused a +national interest. Morton, Julian, Orth, and Governor +Baker came from Indiana to aid Hayes in the +struggle; Shelby M. Cullom, and John A. Logan +from Illinois; Schurz from Missouri; Governor Harriman +from New Hampshire; Chandler from Michigan; +and Gleni W. Schofield from Pennsylvania. The +home talent—and no State ever had more—was in the +field in force. There were men of conceded abilities, +such as Aaron F. Perry, Shellabarger, Hassaurek, +W. H. West, Judge Storer, and John A. Bingham, +and men of reputation like Governors Cox and Dennison, +Galloway, John C. Lee, and Senators Wade +and Sherman, who manifested the most earnest interest +in the canvass.</p> + +<p>Judge Thurman was not so ably seconded, although +Vallandigham, Pendleton, Ranney, H. J. Jewett, Durbin +Ward, George W. McCook, Frank H. Hurd, and +other well-known leaders contributed aid to the extent +of their ability.</p> + +<p>In this canvass General Hayes gave proofs of that +boldness and moral audacity for which he is remarkable. +In every community in which he went he was +besought by committee-men, soldiers, and others, to +say nothing about the suffrage amendment. Negro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +suffrage, at that time, was exceedingly unpopular. +He rejected, with some feeling, these timid counsels. +He maintained, everywhere, the inherent justice of +equality at the polls and before the law, and insisted +that the man who was willing to give up his life for +the Union should have a voice in its government. +By this bold course he made votes for the amendment, +but lost votes for himself. The result of the campaign +had this peculiar feature, that while General +Hayes and the Republican State ticket were elected, +the main issue of the contest was defeated by fifty thousand +majority. The prejudices of a hundred years +could not be removed in a hundred days. Had Judge +Thurman and his aids concentrated the fire of their +batteries upon the suffrage redoubt—the weak point +in their adversaries' lines—they would probably have +gained a sweeping victory. As it was, Thurman carried +the Legislature, and secured a seat in the United +States Senate. General Hayes was elected by the +small majority of two thousand nine hundred and +eighty-three votes, running somewhat ahead of his +ticket.</p> + +<p>He was inaugurated as Governor of Ohio, in the +rotunda of the Capitol, January 13, 1868. On that +occasion, in the presence of the Legislature and judicial +departments of the State Government, and a large +concourse of citizens, he delivered the following +inaugural address:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives, and Fellow-Citizens:</i></p> + +<p>The duty devolved on the governor by the constitution of +communicating by message to the General Assembly the condition +of the State, and of recommending such measures as he +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span>deems expedient, has been performed at the present session by +my predecessor, Governor Cox, in a manner so thorough and +comprehensive that I do not feel called upon to enter upon a +discussion of questions touching the administration of the State +government.</p> + +<p>I can think of no better reward for the faithful performance +of the duties of the office which I am about to assume than that +which, I believe, my immediate predecessor is entitled to enjoy,—the +knowledge that in the opinion of his fellow-citizens of all +parties he has, by his culture, his ability, and his integrity, honored +the office of Governor of Ohio, and that he now leaves it +with a conscience satisfied with the discharge of duty.</p> + +<p>I congratulate the members of the General Assembly that +many of the questions which have hitherto largely engaged the +attention of the law-making power, and divided the people of +the State, have, in the progress of events, either been settled, or, +in the general judgment of the people, been transferred for +investigation and decision to the National government. The +State debt, taxation, the currency, and internal improvements, +for many years furnished the prominent topics of discussion +and controversy in Ohio. In the year 1845 the State debt +reached its highest point. It amounted to $20,018,515.67, and +in the same year the total taxable property of the State was +$136,142,666. With a disordered currency, with business prostrated, +with labor often insufficiently rewarded, the burden of +this debt was severely felt, and questions in regard to it naturally +entered into the partisan struggles of the time. Now the +State debt is $11,031,941.56; the taxable property of the State +amounts to $1,138,754,779; and there is no substantial difference +of opinion among the people as to the proper mode of dealing +with this subject.</p> + +<p>State taxation was formerly the occasion of violent party contests. +Now men of all parties concur in the opinion that, as a +general rule, every citizen ought to be taxed in proportion to the +actual value of his property, without regard to the form in which +he prefers to invest it; and differences as to the measures by +which the principle is practically applied rarely enter into political +struggles in Ohio.</p> + +<p>Party conflicts and debates as to State laws in relation to +banking and the currency constitute a large part of the political +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span>history of the State. But the events of the last few years have +convinced those who are in favor of a paper currency that in +the present condition of the country it can best be furnished by +the National Government, either by means of National banks or +in the form of legal tender treasury notes. State legislatures +are therefore relieved from the consideration of this difficult +and perplexing subject.</p> + +<p>Internal improvements made by State authority, so essential +to growth and prosperity in the early history of the State, no +longer require much consideration by the General Assembly. +Works of a magnitude too great to be undertaken by individual +enterprise will hereafter be, for the most part, accomplished by +the government of the Nation.</p> + +<p>The part which patriotism required Ohio to take in the war to +suppress rebellion demanded important and frequent acts of +legislation. Fortunately the transactions of the State growing +out of the war have been, or probably can be, closed under existing +laws, with very little, if any, additional legislation.</p> + +<p>If not mistaken as to the result of this brief reference to a +few of the principal subjects of the legislation of the past, the +present General Assembly has probably a better opportunity +than any of its predecessors to avoid the evil of too much legislation. +Excessive legislation has become a great evil, and I +submit to the judgment of the General Assembly the wisdom of +avoiding it.</p> + +<p>One important question of principle as old as our State government +still remains unsettled. All are familiar with the conflicts +to which the policy of making distinctions between citizens +in civil and political rights has given rise in Ohio. The first +effort of those who opposed this policy was to secure to all citizens +equality of civil rights. The result of the struggle that +ensued is thus given by an eminent and honored citizen of our +State: "The laws which created disabilities on the part of negroes +in respect of civil rights were repealed in the year 1849, +after an obstinate contest, quite memorable in the history of the +State. Their repeal was looked upon with great disfavor by a +large portion of the people as a dangerous innovation upon a +just and well-settled policy, and a vote in that direction consigned +many members of the legislature to the repose of private +life. But I am not aware that any evil results justified these ap<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span>prehensions, or that any effort was ever made to impose the disabilities. +On the contrary, the new policy, if I may call it so, +has been found so consistent with justice to the negroes and the +interests of the whites that no one—certainly no party—in +Ohio, would be willing to abandon it."</p> + +<p>An effort to secure to all citizens equal political rights was +made in the State constitutional convention of 1851. Only thirteen +out of one hundred and eight members in that body voted +in its favor; and it is probable that less than one-tenth of the +voters of the State would then have voted to strike the word +"white" out of the constitution.</p> + +<p>The last General Assembly submitted to the people a proposition +to amend the State constitution so as to abolish distinctions +in political rights based upon color. The proposition contained +several clauses not pertinent to its main purpose, under which, +if adopted, it was believed by many that the number of white +citizens who would be disfranchised would be much greater than +the number of colored citizens who would be allowed the right +of suffrage. Notwithstanding the proposition was thus hampered, +it received 216,987 votes, or nearly forty-five per cent of +all the votes cast in the State. This result shows great progress +in public sentiment since the adoption of the constitution of +1851, and inspires the friends of equal political rights with a +confident hope that in 1871, when the opportunity is given to +the people, by the provisions of the constitution, to call a constitutional +convention, the organic law of the State will be so +amended as to secure in Ohio to all the governed an equal voice +in the government.</p> + +<p>But whatever reasonable doubts may be entertained as to the +probable action of the people of Ohio on the question of an extension +of the right of suffrage when a new State constitution +shall be formed, I submit with confidence that nothing has occurred +which warrants the opinion that the ratification by the +last General Assembly of the fourteenth amendment to the constitution +of the United States was not in accordance with the +deliberate and settled convictions of the people. That amendment +was, after the amplest discussion upon an issue distinctly +presented, sanctioned by a large majority of the people. If any +fact exists which justifies the belief that they now wish that the +resolution should be repealed, by which the assent of Ohio was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>given to that important amendment, it has not been brought to +the attention of the public. Omitting all reference to other +valuable provisions, it may be safely said that the section which +secures among all the States of the Union equal representation +in the House of Representatives and in the electoral colleges in +proportion to the voting population, is deemed of vital importance +by the people of Ohio. Without now raising the grave +question as to the right of a State to withdraw its assent, which +has been constitutionally given to a proposed amendment of the +Federal constitution, I respectfully suggest that the attempt +which is now making to withdraw the assent of Ohio to the +fourteenth amendment to the Federal constitution be postponed +until the people shall again have an opportunity to give expression +to their will. In my judgment, Ohio will never consent +that the whites of the South, a large majority of whom were +lately in rebellion, shall exercise in the government of the Nation +as much political power, man for man, as the same number +of white citizens of Ohio, and be allowed in addition thereto +thirty members of Congress and of the electoral colleges, for colored +people deprived of every political privilege.</p> + +<p>In conclusion, I am happy to be able to adopt as my own the +sentiments so fitly expressed by the speaker of the House of +Representatives of the present General Assembly. I sincerely +hope that the legislation of the General Assembly and the administration +of the State government in all its branches may be +characterized by economy, wisdom, and prudence; that statesmanship, +patriotism, and philanthropy may be manifest in every +act, and that all may be done under the guidance of that Providence +which has hitherto so signally preserved and blessed our +State and Nation.</p></div> + +<p>Certain principles are laid down in this address. +One is that every citizen ought to be taxed in proportion +to the actual value of his property. Another is +that too much legislation is an evil to be avoided. A +third is that equality of civil rights justly belongs to +all citizens, notwithstanding the vote at the recent +election to the contrary; and a fourth, that represen<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span>tation according to voting population is a sound principle, +and the people of Ohio must stand by the Fourteenth +Amendment to the National Constitution. The +Democratic legislature were endeavoring to withdraw +Ohio's previous ratification. This admirable address +needs no further comment.</p> + +<p>Governor Hayes took an active part in the State +canvass of 1868, being assisted by Hon. James G. +Blaine, who spoke with marked effect in Columbus, +October 9th.</p> + +<p>At the session of the legislature in November, 1868, +the governor delivered his first annual message.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-citizens of the General Assembly:</i></p> + +<p>Upon your assembling to enter again upon the duty of legislating +for the welfare of the people of Ohio, the Governor is required +by the constitution to communicate to you the condition +of the State, and to recommend such measures as he shall deem +expedient. The reports of the executive officers of the State, +and of the heads of the State institutions, are required by law +to be made to the Governor on or before the 20th day of November +of each year. Since that date, sufficient time has not elapsed +for the publication of the reports, and I shall therefore not be +able, at the opening of your present session, to lay before you a +detailed exposition of the affairs of the various departments of +the State government. It will be my purpose in this communication +to invite your attention to a few brief suggestions in relation +to some measures which are deemed important, and which +may be considered and acted upon, if you think it advisable, in +advance of the publication of the official reports.</p> + +<p>The financial affairs of the State government are in a satisfactory +condition. The balance in the treasury on the 15th of November, +1867, was $677,990.79; the receipts during the last fiscal +year were $4,347,484.82; making the total amount of funds in +the treasury, during the year, $5,025,475.61.</p> + +<p>The disbursements during the year have been $4,455,354.86; +which sum has been paid out of the treasury from the several +funds, as follows, viz:</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="6" cellspacing="0" summary="General revenue fund"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='left'>General revenue fund</td><td align='right'>$1,518,210.35</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Canal fund</td><td align='right'>14,939.39</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>National road fund</td><td align='right'>18,829.36</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Sinking fund</td><td align='right'>1,472,226.33</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Common school fund</td><td align='right'>1,426,868.80</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Bank redemption fund</td><td align='right'>16.95</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Soldiers' claims fund</td><td align='right'>3,781.68</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Soldiers' allotment fund</td><td align='right'>482.00</td></tr> +<tr> +<td align='left'>Balance in treasury, November 15, 1868</td> +<td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black;" align="right">570,120.75</td> +</tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Total</td><td align='right'>5,025,475.61</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<br /> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="6" cellspacing="0" summary="Public fund"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='left'>The amount of the public funded debt, November 15, 1867, was</td><td align='right'>$11,031,941.56</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>During the year, the redemptions were—</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>On the loan of 1860</td><td align='right'>$14,650.67</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Of foreign union loan of 1868</td><td align='right'>191,166.00</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Of domestic loan of 1868</td><td align='right'>136,088.13</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Of loan of 1870</td><td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black;" align='right'>157,361.33</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td align='right'></td><td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black;" align='right'>499,266.13</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Debt outstanding, November 15, 1868</td><td> </td><td align='right'>$10,532,675.43</td></tr> +</tbody></table> +<br /> + +<p>Small temporary appropriations are required as promptly as +practicable for each of the following objects, the existing appropriations +having been exhausted, viz: Expenses of the Presidential +election; expenses of the General Assembly, trustees of +benevolent institutions, care of state-house, gas for state-house, +expenses of legislative committees, binding for the State, and +the new idiotic asylum.</p> + +<p>In pursuance of an act passed March 18, 1867, a board of commissioners, +consisting of Aaron F. Perry, of Hamilton county, +Charles E. Glidden, of Mahoning county, and James H. Godman, +auditor of State, was appointed by my predecessor, Governor +Cox, whose duty it was "to revise all the laws of this State +relating to the assessment and taxation of property, the collection, +safe-keeping, and disbursement of the revenues, and all +the laws constituting the financial system of the State," and to +report their proceedings to the next session of the General Assembly. +The report of the commission was laid before you at +your last session. It disclosed many imperfections and inconsistencies +in the existing legislation touching the finances and the +urgent necessity for an elaborate revision of that legislation. +Their report was accompanied by eight separate bills, consolidat<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span>ing the present laws, removing contradictions, and supplying +defects, but introducing no radical change in the general principles +of our financial system. These bills have already been +somewhat considered by both branches of the General Assembly, +but no definite action upon them has yet been had. I respectfully +recommend an early consideration of the bills, and +their adoption, with such amendments as, in your judgment, the +public interests may require.</p> + +<p>The destruction of the central lunatic asylum by fire, during +the night of the 18th inst., causing the death, by suffocation, of +six of the patients, and incalculable distress and suffering to the +remainder, will require investigation and prompt action on your +part. In rebuilding the asylum, the erection of a fire-proof +building will occur to you as alike the suggestion of prudence +and humanity.</p> + +<p>This calamity also suggests the propriety of examining the +condition of the other institutions of the State, with a view to +providing them with every proper means of security against a +similar disaster.</p> + +<p>The interests of common school education, in my opinion, will +be promoted by the early adoption of county superintendency, +as provided in a bill on that subject now pending in one branch +of the General Assembly. I therefore earnestly recommend the +consideration and passage of the bill.</p> + +<p>The commissioner of common schools is required, in the discharge +of his duties, to pay out each year, for traveling expenses, +about $700. The propriety of refunding to him, out of the State +treasury, his traveling expenses, will probably not be called in +question.</p> + +<p>During the last summer, a cattle disease, commonly known as +the Spanish or Texas cattle fever, occasioned much alarm in the +grazing counties of the State, and in a few localities caused serious +loss. On the recommendation of the State board of agriculture, +in the absence of effective legislation, it was deemed +proper to appoint commissioners to take such measures as the +law authorized to prevent the spread of the disease. A proclamation +was issued to prevent, as far as practicable, the introduction, +movement, or transportation of diseased cattle within the +limits of the State. The railroad companies and the owners of +stock promptly complied with the requirements referred to, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span>the injury sustained by the cattle interest was happily not extensive. +It is believed that, upon investigation, it will be found +necessary to confer, by law, upon a board of commissioners appointed +for that purpose, or upon the executive committee of the +State board of agriculture, power to "stamp out" the disease +wherever it appears, by destroying all infected cattle, and to prohibit +or regulate the transportation or movement of stock within +the State during the prevalence of the disease. To the end that +proper investigation may be had, I respectfully recommend that +authority be given to appoint five commissioners to attend a +meeting of commissioners of other States, to be held for the consideration +of this subject, at Springfield, Illinois, on the 1st of +December next—said commissioners to report the results of their +investigation in time for action by the present General Assembly.</p> + +<p>I submit to your consideration the importance of providing +for a thorough and comprehensive geological survey of the +State. Many years ago a partial survey was prosecuted under +many difficulties and embarrassments, which was fruitful of valuable +results. It is, beyond doubt, that such a work as it is now +practicable to carry out will, by making known the mining, +manufacturing, and agricultural resources of the State, lead to +their development to an extent which will, within a few years, +amply reimburse the State for its cost.</p> + +<p>The annual report of pardons granted and the commutations of +the sentences of convicts required by law; a statement in detail +of the expenditure of the governor's contingent fund; the semi-annual +report of the commissioners of the sinking fund, for +May; copies of proclamations issued during the last year; and +an acknowledgment of the presentation to the State of several +of the portraits of former governors of Ohio, are transmitted +herewith.</p> + +<p>The most important subject of legislation which, in my judgment, +requires the attention of the General Assembly at its +present session, relates to the prevention of frauds upon the +elective franchise. Intelligent men of all parties are persuaded +that at the recent important State and National elections great +abuses of the right of suffrage were practiced. I am not prepared +to admit that the reports commonly circulated and believed +in regard to such abuses, would, so far as the elections in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>Ohio are concerned, be fully sustained by a thorough investigation +of the facts. But it is not doubted that even at the elections +in our own State frauds were perpetrated to such an extent +that all good citizens earnestly desire that effective measures +may be adopted by you to prevent their repetition. No +elaborate attempt to portray the consequences of this evil is required. +If it is allowed to increase, the confidence of the people +in the purity of elections will be lost, and the exercise of the +right of suffrage will be neglected. To corrupt the ballot box +is to destroy our free institutions. Let all good citizens, therefore, +unite in enacting and enforcing laws which will secure honest +elections.</p> + +<p>I submit to your judgment the propriety of such amendments +to the election laws as will provide, first, for the representation +of minorities in the boards of the judges and clerks of the elections; +and second, for the registration of all the lawful voters +in each township, ward, and election precinct, prior to the +election.</p> + +<p>That the boards of elections ought to be so constituted that +minorities as well as majorities will have a fair representation in +them, is so plainly just that in some parts of the State, even in +times of the highest political excitement, such representation +has been obtained, in the absence of law, by arrangement between +the committees of the rival political parties. It is not +probable that any mode of selecting judges and clerks of elections +can be adopted which will, in every case, accomplish this +object. But in all cases where the strength of the minority is +half, or nearly half as great as that of the majority, the desired +representation of the minority may be insured with sufficient +certainty by several different plans. For example, it may be +provided that at the election of the three judges who are to decide +all questions at the polls, each elector may be allowed to +vote for two candidates only, and that the three candidates +having the highest number of votes shall be declared elected, +and in like manner that, at the election of the two clerks of elections, +each elector may vote for one candidate only, and that +the two candidates receiving the highest number of votes shall +be declared elected.</p> + +<p>I do not lay much stress on the particular plan here suggested, +but your attention is invited to the importance of a fair repre<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span>sentation of the minority in all boards of elections, not doubting +that your wisdom will be able to devise a suitable measure +to accomplish it.</p> + +<p>All parts of the State of Ohio are now so closely connected +with each other, and with other States, by lines of railway, that +great and constantly increasing facilities are afforded for the +perpetration of the class of frauds on the elective franchise, +commonly known as "colonizing." In the cities, men called +"repeaters," it is said, are paid wages according to the number +of unlawful votes they succeed in casting at the same election.</p> + +<p>The increase of population adds to the difficulty of detecting +and preventing fraudulent voting, in whatever mode it may be +practiced. It is manifestly impossible, amid the hurry and excitement +of an election, that the legal right to vote, of every +person who may offer his ballot, should be fully and fairly investigated +and decided. The experience of many of the older +States has proved that this can best be done at some period prior +to the election, so as to give to every legal voter, in an election +precinct, an opportunity to challenge the claim of any person +whose right is deemed questionable. Laws to accomplish this +have been in force in several other States for many years, and +have been carried out successfully and with the general approval +of the people. Believing that an act providing for the registration +of all legal voters is the most effective remedy yet devised +for the prevention of frauds on the sacred right of suffrage, and +that a registry law can be so framed that it will deprive no citizen, +either native born or naturalized, of his just rights, I respectfully +recommend to your earnest consideration the propriety +of enacting such a law.</p></div> + +<p>The comprehensive geological survey of the State +recommended in this message was promptly brought +about through the able co-operation of the Hon. +Alfred E. Lee, representing Delaware county in the +House of Representatives, who drew up and reported +a bill on February 9, 1869, making provision for the +important object in view. Through the intelligent +activity of Governor Hayes and Representative Lee,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> +the bill became a law, April 2, 1869. The thorough +scientific survey of the State, since completed under +the supervision of Professors Newbury, Andrews, and +Orton, has been of immeasurable value in the way of +developing the mineral resources of Ohio.</p> + +<p>Governor Hayes in this message demands laws +to secure honest elections, because "to corrupt the +ballot-box is to destroy our free institutions." He +recommends laws securing the representation of +minorities on election boards, and advocates stringent +registry laws.</p> + +<p>In the second annual message, delivered at the close +of his first term, which we give below, he recommends +increased powers to the State board of charities; better +provision for the chronic insane; the establishment +of a State agricultural college; the founding of +a home for soldiers' orphans, and restoring the right of +suffrage to soldiers in the national asylum, to college +students, and others who had been disfranchised under +Democratic legislation. He urged also the ratification +by Ohio of the Fifteenth Amendment. We shall +speak of the gratifying result of these recommendations +in our next chapter.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-Citizens of the General Assembly:</i></p> + +<p>In obedience to the constitution, I proceed to lay before you +the condition of the affairs of the State government, and to recommend +such measures as seem to me expedient.</p> + +<p>The balance in the State treasury on the 15th of November, +1868 was $570,120.75; the receipts during the last fiscal year +were $4,781,614.49; making the total amount of available funds +in the treasury during the year ending November 15, 1869, +$5,351,735.24.</p> + +<p>The disbursements during the year have been $4,913,675.10, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span>which sum has been paid out of the treasury from the several +funds as follows, viz:</p> + + +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Revenue Fund"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='left'>General revenue fund</td><td align='right'>$1,577,221.18</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Canal fund</td><td align='right'>41,783.74</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>National road fund</td><td align='right'>22,069.69</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Sinking fund</td><td align='right'>1,775,938.52</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Common school fund</td><td align='right'>1,496,633.80</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Bank redemption fund</td><td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black" align='right'>28.17</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'>Total</td><td align='right'>$4,913,675.10</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<br /> + +<p>Leaving a balance in the treasury, November 15, 1869, of +$438,060.14.</p> + +<p>The estimates of the auditor of State of receipts and expenditures +for the current year are as follows:</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Estimates"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='left'>Estimated receipts from all sources, including balances</td><td align='right'>$4,791,144.50</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Estimated disbursements for all purposes</td><td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black" align='right'>4,477,899.60</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'>Leaving an estimated balance in the treasury +November 15, 1870, of</td><td align='right'>$313,244.90</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<br /> + +<p>The amount of the public funded debt of the State, November +15, 1868, was $10,532,675.43. During the last year the fund +commissioners have redeemed of the various loans $516,093.57, +and have invested in loans not yet due $160,643.59, leaving the +total debt yet to be provided for $9,855,938.27.</p> + +<p>The whole amount of taxes, including delinquencies, collectible +under State laws during the year 1869 was $21,006,332.44. +The auditor of State reports the total amount of taxes, including +delinquencies, collectible during the current year at $22,810,675.84, +an increase of the taxes of 1870 over 1869 of $1,804,353.40.</p> + +<p>In 1869 there was collected for the sinking fund, to be applied +to the payment of the principal and interest of the State debt, +the sum of $1,370,101.12. In the present year there will be collected +for the same purpose the sum of $808,826.61, or $561,275.51 +less than was collected last year.</p> + +<p>A large proportion of the taxes collected from the people are +for county, city, and other local purposes, and do not pass +through the State treasury, but are disbursed within the counties +where they are collected. During the current year the taxes, +exclusive of delinquencies, to be collected for all State purposes +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span>except for the common school fund, amount to $2,542,025.27, +while $18,187,400.92 are to be collected for local purposes.</p> + +<p>The foregoing statements from the report of the auditor of +State show that the taxation of this year for State purposes other +than for payments on the principal and interest of the State +debt exceeds the taxation of last year for the same purposes by +the sum of $609,601.50, and that taxation for local purposes this +year exceeds that of last year for the same purposes by the sum +of $1,695,725.38. The local taxes this year are about 44 per cent. +greater than they were three years ago, and are 10 per cent. +greater than they were last year.</p> + +<p>The increase of taxation for State purposes is in part due to +the amount collected for the asylum building fund, which exceeds +the amount required last year for building purposes by +almost $300,000. Making due allowance for this, the important +fact remains that both State and local taxes have largely increased.</p> + +<p>A remedy for this evil can only be had through the General +Assembly. The most important measures to prevent this rapid +increase of taxation, which have heretofore been recommended, +are a revision of the financial system of the State in accordance +with bills prepared by a board of commissioners appointed for +that purpose, in pursuance of an act passed March 18, 1867; +short sessions of the General Assembly; adequate fixed salaries +for all State, county, and municipal officers, without perquisites; +and definite and effectual limitations upon the power of county +commissioners, city councils, and other local authorities to levy +taxes and contract debts.</p> + +<p>The constitution makes it the duty of the legislature to restrict +the powers of taxation, borrowing money, and the like, so as to +prevent their abuse. I respectfully suggest that the present +laws conferring these powers on local authorities require extensive +modification, in order to comply with this constitutional +provision. Two modes of limiting these powers have the sanction +of experience. All large expenditures should meet the +approval of those who are to bear their burden. Let all extraordinary +expenditures therefore be submitted to a vote of the +people, and no tax be levied unless approved by a majority of +all the voters of the locality to be affected by the tax, at a +special election, the number of voters to be ascertained by ref<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span>erence to the votes cast at the State election next preceding +such special election. Another mode is to limit the rate of taxation +which may be levied and the amount of debt which may +be incurred. It has been said that with such restrictions upon +the powers of local authorities the legislature will be importuned +and its time wasted in hearing applications for special legislation. +The ready answer to all such applications by local authorities +will be to refer them to their own citizens for a decision of +the question. The facility with which affirmative votes can be +obtained under the pressure of temporary excitement upon +propositions authorizing indebtedness may require further restrictions +upon the power to borrow money. It is therefore +suggested, for your consideration, to limit the amount of debt +for a single purpose, and the total amount for all purposes +which any local authority may contract to a certain percentage +of the taxable property of such locality.</p> + +<p>The evils here considered are not new. Fourteen years ago +Governor Medill, in his annual message, used the following language, +which is as applicable to county and municipal affairs +now as it was when it was written: "The irresponsible and extravagant +system of administration which prevails in some of +our counties and cities furnishes the principal cause for the exactions +which are so generally complained of. There public +contracts are given to favorites, which occasion the most lavish +expenditures. There also we find officers with incomes which +shock all correct ideas of public compensation. These things +have their effect upon the general tone of public morals. +County reform is a duty enjoined by every consideration of +public virtue."</p> + +<p>The whole of this important subject is commended to your +candid consideration.</p> + +<p>The management of the affairs of the penitentiary, during the +past year, has been good; discipline has been maintained; +under kind and judicious treatment the prisoners have been industrious +and orderly, and the pecuniary results are satisfactory. +The number of prisoners, on the 31st of October, 1869, was 974, +and the number of convicts admitted during the year ending +on that day was 347. This is a decrease compared with the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span>preceding year, of 27 in the number of convicts admitted, and +of 67 in the number confined in the penitentiary.</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Earnings"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='left'>The earnings during the year ending October 31, were</td><td align='right'>$175,663.06</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>The expenses were</td><td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black" align='right'>143,635.83</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Excess of earnings over expenditures</td><td align='right'>$32,027.23</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Last year the earnings were</td><td align='right'>$171,037.45</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>The expenses were</td><td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black" align='right'>141,794.95</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>And the excess of earnings over expenses were</td><td align='right'>$29,242.50</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<p>A large proportion of the convicts, when admitted, are quite +young. The age of about one-third does not exceed twenty-one +years. More than two-thirds of the inmates of the prison are +now under thirty years of age. It will occur to any one who +considers these facts that, under our system of prison discipline, +too little effort has heretofore been made to reform these young +men. A high authority has said, "No human being is so debased +and wicked that he can not be reclaimed." It is believed +that, under a wise system, the young, at least, can be reformed +and prepared for useful and worthy citizenship. The present +system has two capital defects—the mingling in intimate association +of the young with the hardened criminals, and the failure +to educate the convicts in habits of thrift and self-control. The +defects are in the system. The convict, when he leaves the penitentiary, +is exposed to greater temptations than ever before, and +the result of his prison life is that he has less power to resist +evil influences, and, too often, less disposition to resist them. I +do not enlarge upon the objections to the present system; it is +not claimed to be reformatory. In a recent report, the directors +said: "The great mass of convicts still leave the penitentiary +apparently as hardened and as dangerous to the State as they +were when they were sentenced." The vital question is, how to +remove this reproach on our penal legislation. In considering +it, I commend to you the remarks of the board of State charities +on the Irish convict system. The distinguishing merit of +that system is, that "it enlists the co-operation of the prisoner +in his own amendment, without withholding from him the pun<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span>ishment due to his crime." If the adoption of that system, with +such modifications as our condition requires, is deemed an experiment +which it is inexpedient for the State to try until its +advantages are better understood, I submit that the least that +ought now to be attempted is to provide for a classification of +convicts, so as to separate beginners in crime from hardened offenders. +Whether this can best be done by alterations and an +extension of the present penitentiary or by the erection of a new +one, is for your wisdom to determine.</p> + +<p>In several other States voluntary associations have been +formed to provide for, encourage, and furnish employment to +discharged convicts, and their efforts have been of incalculable +benefit to this unfortunate class. If a similar association should +be formed by the benevolent citizens of Ohio, they will reasonably +expect to receive proper assistance from the General Assembly, +and in that expectation I trust they will not be disappointed.</p> + +<p>The total number of persons of school age in the State, in +1869, was officially reported at 1,028,675—an increase of 11,108 +over the previous year. The total number enrolled in the public +schools in 1869 was 740,382—an increase of 8,610 over the year +1868. The average daily attendance in the public schools in +1869 was 434,865—an increase over 1868 of 24,144.</p> + +<p>The total taxes for schools, school buildings, and all other purposes, +the present fiscal year, is $6,578,196.83—an increase over +the taxation of the previous fiscal year of $616,795.68. Of this +increase of taxation, the sum of $17,833.86 is in the State taxation +for school purposes, and the sum of $598,991.82 is the increase +of local school taxation.</p> + +<p>The State commissioner of common schools, in his report, will +recommend the adoption of county superintendency, the substitution +of township boards of education to provide for the +present system of township and sub-district boards, a codification +of school laws and other important measures, to which your +attention is respectfully called.</p> + +<p>Prior to the organization of the board of state charities in +1867, there was no provision for a systematic examination of the +benevolent and correctional institutions under the control of the +State and local authorities. The members of the board serve +without pecuniary compensation. It is simple justice to them +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span>to say that they have faithfully performed the thankless task of +investigating and reporting the defects in the system and in the +administration of our charitable and penal laws, and have furnished +in their reports information and suggestions of great +value. If it is true that an abuse exposed is half corrected, it +would be difficult to overestimate their work. They have, their +reports show, discovered abuses and cruelties practiced, under +color of law, in the midst of communities noted for intelligence +and virtue, which would disgrace any age. Let the board be +granted increased powers and facilities for the discharge of their +duties, and it will afford security—perhaps the best attainable—to +the people of the State, that the munificent provision which +the laws make for the poor and unfortunate, will not be wasted +or misapplied by the officials who are charged with its distribution.</p> + +<p>During the last year more than nine hundred persons, classed +as incurably insane, have been lodged in the county infirmaries, +and almost one hundred have been confined in the county jails. +Besides these a large number of the same class of unfortunates +have been taken care of by relatives or friends. The State +should no longer postpone making suitable provision for these +unfortunate people. The treatment they receive in the infirmaries +and jails is always of necessity unsuited to their condition, +and is often atrocious. To provide for them, I would not recommend +an increase of the number of asylums for the insane. +It is believed by those best acquainted with the subject, that +both economy and the welfare of the patients require that the +chronic insane should be provided for by additions to the asylums +already built, or to those which are now building. It is +probable that in this way such patients can be supported at less +expense to the people of the State than in infirmaries and +jails. However this may be, their present condition imperatively +demands, and, I trust, will receive, the serious consideration +of the General Assembly. Although commonly classed as +incurable, it is quite certain that, by proper treatment, in suitable +institutions, the condition of all of them will be vastly improved, +and, it may well be hoped, that many of them can be +entirely cured.</p> + +<p>The expediency of establishing an asylum for the cure of inebriates +has not been much considered in Ohio. The encourag<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span>ing results which are reported by the officers in charge of the +State inebriate asylum of New York, induce me to recommend +that the General Assembly provide for a full investigation of the +subject.</p> + +<p>The agricultural and mechanical college fund, created by the +sale of land-script issued to Ohio by the National government, +amounted, on the first instant, to $404,911.37-1/2. The State accepted +the grant out of which this fund has been created, February +10, 1864, and is bound by the terms of acceptance, as modified +by Congress, to provide "not less than one college on or before +July 2, 1872, where the leading object shall be, without excluding +other scientific and classical studies, and including military +tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to +agriculture and the mechanic arts." The manner in which this +fund shall be disposed of has been amply considered by preceding +General Assemblies, and in the messages of my predecessors +in the executive office. I respectfully urge that such action be +had as will render this fund available for the important purposes +for which it was granted. It is not probable that further delay +will furnish additional information on any of the important +questions involved in its disposition. Much time and attention +has been given to the subject of the location of the college. No +doubt it will be of great benefit to the county in which it shall +be established, but the main object of desire with the people of +the State can be substantially accomplished at any one of the +places which have been prominently named as the site of the +college. I therefore trust that the friends of education will not +allow differences upon a question of comparatively small importance +to the people at large longer to postpone the establishment +of the institution, in compliance with the obligation of the +State.</p> + +<p>A large part of the work required to complete the "Soldiers' +Record," in pursuance of an act passed March 17, 1864, has already +been done, at an expense of about $8,000, and the propriety +of making an appropriation sufficient to enable the adjutant-general +to complete it is respectfully suggested for your consideration.</p> + +<p>During the war for the Union, the people of this State acknowledged +their obligation to support the families of their absent +soldiers, and undertook to meet it, not as charity, but as +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span>a partial compensation justly due for services rendered. The +Nation is saved, and the obligation to care for the orphans of the +men who died to save it still remains to be fulfilled. It is officially +estimated that three hundred soldiers' orphans, during the +past year, have been inmates of the county infirmaries of the +State. It is the uniform testimony of the directors of county +infirmaries that those institutions are wholly unfit for children; +that in a majority of cases they are sadly neglected; and that +even in the best infirmaries the children are subject to the worst +moral influences. Left by the death of their patriotic fathers in +this deplorable condition, it is the duty of the State to assume +their guardianship, and to provide support, education, and +homes to all who need them. The people of Ohio regret that +this duty has been so long neglected. I do not doubt that it will +afford you great gratification to give to this subject early and +favorable attention.</p> + +<p>All agree that a republican government will fail, unless the +purity of elections is preserved. Convinced that great abuses +of the elective franchise can not be prevented under existing +legislation, I have heretofore recommended the enactment of a +registry law, and also of some appropriate measure to secure to +the minority, as far as practicable, a representation upon all +boards of elections. There is much opposition to the enactment +of a registry law. Without yielding my own settled convictions +in favor of such a law, I content myself, in this communication, +with urging upon your attention a measure of reform in the +manner of conducting elections, the importance and justice of +which no one ventures to deny. The conduct of the officers +whose duty at elections it is to receive and count the ballots, +and to make returns of the result, ought to be above suspicion. +This can rarely be the case where they all belong to the same +political party. A fair representation of the minority will go +far, not only to prevent fraud, but, what is almost of equal importance, +remove the suspicion of fraud. I do not express any +preference for any particular plan of securing minority representation +in the boards of judges and clerks of elections. Various +modes have been suggested, and it will not be difficult to +adopt a means of attaining the desired result which will harmonize +with our system of election law.</p> + +<p>The re-enactment of the law securing to the disabled volun<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>teer soldiers who are inmates of the National asylum, near Dayton, +the right of suffrage in the county and township in which +said asylum is located, which was repealed April 17, 1868, and +the repeal of the legislation of the last General Assembly, imposing +special restrictions upon the exercise of the right of suffrage +by students and by citizens having a visible admixture of +African blood, are measures so clearly demanded by impartial +justice and public sentiment that no argument in their support +is deemed necessary.</p> + +<p>I transmit herewith the report required by law of the pardons +granted during the year ending November 15, 1869, a report of +the expenditures of the Governor's contingent fund, copies of +proclamations issued during the year, and several communications +accompanying gifts to the State of portraits of former Governors.</p> + +<p>The most important measure which it will be your duty to +consider at your present session is the proposed amendment to +the constitution of the United States. I do not feel called upon +to discuss its merits. The great body of that part of the people +of Ohio who sustain the laws for the reconstruction of the States +lately in rebellion believe that the fifteenth amendment is just +and wise. Many other citizens who would not support the +amendment if it was presented as the inauguration of a new +policy, in view of the fact that impartial suffrage is already established +in the States most largely interested in the question, +now regard the amendment as the best mode of getting rid of a +controversy which ought no longer to remain unsettled. Believing +that the measure is right, and that the people of Ohio approve +it, I earnestly recommend the ratification of the fifteenth +amendment to the constitution of the United States.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h3>SECOND ELECTION AS GOVERNOR.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Re-nomination—Democratic Platform—Nomination of +Rosecrans—Declines—Pendleton Nominated—Hayes +at Wilmington—Election—Second Inaugural—Civil +Service Reform—Short Addresses—Letters—Annual +Message—Democratic Estimate of it—Davidson Fountain +Address—Message of</i> 1872—<i>Work Accomplished.</i></p></div> + + +<p>The State Convention of the Republican party of +Ohio, which met at Columbus, June 23, 1869, nominated +Governor Hayes for a second term by acclamation.</p> + +<p>So acceptable was his two years' administration of +the chief executive office of the State, that no competitor +entered the lists against him or contended +with him for the nomination. On the question of +his re-nomination the unanimity in his party was absolute. +He appeared before the convention, in response +to its invitation, and delivered the speech printed in +the <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a> to this volume, which sounded the key-note +of the campaign. We ask the reader to turn, at +this point, to this speech, as it is impossible to epitomize +it without filling as much space as is filled by +the speech itself. The well-founded and well-supported +charges he made against the Democratic Legislature +of the State brought upon him the savage +strictures of the Democratic partisan press, showing +that he had penetrated the weak point in his adversaries' +somewhat defenseless defenses.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p> + +<p>The Republican platform condemned the reckless +expenditures of the Legislature, its efforts to disfranchise +soldiers, students, and all having African blood +in their veins, and squarely declared for the ratification +of the fifteenth amendment.</p> + +<p>The Democratic Convention, which assembled July +7, 1869, denounced the fifteenth amendment, and had +much to say about the reserved rights of the States. +The platform contained these resolutions, which sound, +at this day, like an inscription from the tombs of the +Ptolemys:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the exemption from tax of over $2,500,000,000 +in government bonds and securities is unjust to the people and +ought not to be tolerated; and that we are opposed to any +appropriation for the payment of interest on the bonds until +they are made subject to taxation.</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the claims of the bondholders, that the bonds +which were bought with greenbacks, and the principal of which +is by law payable in currency, should nevertheless be paid in +gold, is unjust and extortionate; and, if persisted in, will inevitably +force upon the people the question of repudiation."</p></div> + +<p>Here we have the bald proposition to repudiate the +interest on the public debt unless it is taxed contrary +to law, as made known by repeated decisions of the +Supreme Court of the United States; and secondly, +the direct threat to repudiate the principal of the National +debt unless it is paid off in broken promises to +pay. As the greenback is simply a debt or a due bill, +this paying debts with debts was a patentable discovery +in the science of finance. Taken in connection +with the declaration of Vallandigham in the canvass +before, that the whole bonded debt should be immediately +"paid" in greenbacks, the resolution simply<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> +meant that the war debt should not be paid at all. +This robbing the men whose money saved the Republic +was not acceptable then to the farmers and laborers +of Ohio, and will probably not now be more acceptable +to the capitalists of New York. It is well, however, +to recall the antecedents of a party that first tried to get +into power through discreditable expedients, before resorting +to a declaration of honest principles in finance.</p> + +<p>The convention took a "new departure," and, putting +aside Ranney and Pendleton, nominated General +W. S. Rosecrans for governor, who was then absent +from the country. This nomination was mainly +brought about through the zealous efforts of Messrs. +Vallandigham, Callen, and Baber.</p> + +<p>The opinions General Rosecrans entertained of his +new-found friends were not favorable. In a letter +dated February 3, 1863, from Murfreesboro, Tennessee, +General Rosecrans, in speaking of the slave-holding +insurgents, had used this language:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Wherever they have the power they drive before them into +their ranks the Southern people, and they would also drive us. +Trust them not. Were they able they would invade and destroy +us without mercy. Absolutely assured of these things, I am +amazed that any one could think of 'peace on any terms.'</p> + +<p>"He who entertains the sentiment is fit only to be a slave; he +who utters it at this time is, moreover, a traitor to his country, +who deserves the scorn and contempt of all honorable men."</p></div> + +<p>Rosecrans declined the nomination, and George H. +Pendleton, after just enough hesitation to impart a +proper value to his consent, consented to fill the vacant +place at the head of the ticket.</p> + +<p>Governor Hayes, aided by Senator Morton, opened +the active campaign in a speech delivered at Wilming<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span>ton, August 12, devoted mainly to the discussion of +National and State finances. In the course of this +speech Governor Hayes said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"When the rebellion broke out, what was its chance for success? +It had just one—a divided North. A divided North was +its only chance. A united North was bound to crush the rebellion +within two years after the firing on Sumter. A divided +North encouraged the aristocratic enemies of free government +in every land to build Alabamas and Shenandoahs that scourged +the seas and swept away our commerce from the ocean. A divided +North encouraged the Emperor of France to proclaim to +everybody that sooner or later he proposed to intervene. A divided +North encouraged rebel leaders to believe that sooner or +later our armies must disband and come home.</p> + +<p>"Now, I say to you that Pendleton was the selected and +chosen leader of the Peace Party of the Northwest—the leader +of the party that <i>made</i> a divided North. They talk of the debt +and the great burden of taxation. We talked sadly of the loss +of valuable lives that went down in the storm of battle. I say +to you that the fact of a divided North doubled the debt and +doubled the loss of valuable lives."</p></div> + +<p>The campaign was an important one to Mr. Pendleton. +Had he been successful he would undoubtedly +have been the Democratic candidate for the presidency. +A leading journal of the State said: "The +gubernatorial contest is but a side-show. We are +already entering upon the next presidential canvass, +and Ohio is the key to the position." Nevertheless, +Republican success was too certain to make the contest +so warm a one as that of two years before. The +State had been organized by townships and school +districts and polled. So accurate was this poll that +predictions as to the result, sealed and filed a week prior +to the election by each of the members of the Republi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span>can State Executive Committee, the writer being one, +varied only from two hundred to three thousand votes +of the final result. Hayes' majority in '69 was 7,506—a +little above the average majority. The canvass was +fought largely upon the issue of the greenback payment +of the debt. The Pendleton plan of indirect +repudiation failed, and the rag infant was decently interred, +to await an inglorious resurrection.</p> + +<p>Governor Hayes was re-inaugurated January 10, +1870, on which occasion he delivered the following +address:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:</i></p> + +<p>In the annual message transmitted to the General Assembly +a few days ago, a brief exposition of the condition of the State +government was given, and such measures were recommended +as the public good seemed to me to require. It will therefore +not be expected that on this occasion I should again discuss +subjects pertaining to the usual routine of legislation.</p> + +<p>The most important questions concerning State affairs which +in the ordinary course of events will engage the attention of the +people of Ohio, during the term of office upon which I now enter, +are those which relate to the action of a Constitutional Convention +authorized to be called by a vote of the people at the +October election in 1871. The present organic law provides for +submitting to the electors of the State, once in twenty years, the +question of holding "a convention to revise, alter, or amend the +constitution." It is no disparagement of the work of the last +Constitutional Convention to say that experience has already +demonstrated the wisdom of this provision. It would be strange, +indeed, if the last eighteen years had developed no defects in +the constitution of 1851.</p> + +<p>It is, perhaps, not improper at this time to call attention to +some of the amendments of the existing fundamental law which +the next Constitutional Convention will probably be required to +consider.</p> + +<p>The provision of the present constitution which prohibits the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span>General Assembly from authorizing "any county, city, town, or +township, by vote of its citizens or otherwise," from giving aid to +any "company, corporation, or association," was designed to +remedy an evil of the gravest magnitude. Unlimited power to +authorize counties, cities, and towns to subscribe to the stock of +railroad companies had burdened the people of the State with indebtedness +and taxation to an extent which threatened bankruptcy. +Experience has shown, however, that the clauses of +the constitution on this subject are so sweeping that they are +almost equivalent to a prohibition of the construction of railroads, +except where those who control the existing railroad lines +furnish the means. In many localities, the people are thus deprived +of the only artificial instrumentality for intercourse with +other parts of the State and country which is now regarded as +valuable. By reason of it, important sources of wealth in large +sections of the State remain undeveloped. It is believed that +amendments can be framed, under which effective local aid can +be furnished for the building of railroads, and which, at the same +time, shall be so guarded and limited as to prevent a dangerous +abuse of the power.</p> + +<p>For many years political influence and political services have +been essential qualifications for employment in the civil service, +whether State or National. As a general rule, such employments +are regarded as terminating with the defeat of the political +party under which they began. All political parties have +adopted this rule. In many offices the highest qualifications are +only obtained by experience. Such are the positions of the warden +of the penitentiary and his subordinates, and the superintendents +of asylums and reformatories and their assistants. +But the rule is applied to these as well as to other offices and +employments. A change in the political character of the executive +and legislative branches of the government is followed by a +change of the officers and employs in all of the departments +and institutions of the State. Efficiency and fidelity to duty do +not prolong the employment; unfitness and neglect of duty do +not always shorten it. The evils of this system in State affairs +are, perhaps, of small moment compared with those which prevail +under the same system in the transaction of the business +of the National government. But at no distant day they are +likely to become serious, even in the administration of State af<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span>fairs. The number of persons employed in the various offices +and institutions of the State must increase, under the most economical +management, in equal ratio with the growth of our +population and business.</p> + +<p>A radical reform in the civil service of the general government +has been proposed. The plan is to make qualifications, +and not political services and influence, the chief test in determining +appointments, and to give subordinates in the civil service +the same permanency of place which is enjoyed by officers +of the army and navy. The introduction of this reform will be +attended with some difficulties. But in revising our State constitution, +if this object is kept constantly in view, there is little +reason to doubt that it can be successfully accomplished.</p> + +<p>Our judicial system is plainly inadequate to the wants of the +people of the State. Extensive alterations of existing provisions +must be made. The suggestions I desire to present in this +connection are as to the manner of selecting judges, their terms +of office, and their salaries. It is fortunately true that the judges +of our courts have heretofore been, for the most part, lawyers of +learning, ability, and integrity. But it must be remembered +that the tremendous events and the wonderful progress of the +last few years are working great changes in the condition of our +society. Hitherto population has been sparse, property not unequally +distributed, and the bad elements which so frequently +control large cities have been almost unknown in our State. +But with a dense population crowding into towns and cities, +with vast wealth accumulating in the hands of a few persons or +corporations, it is to be apprehended that the time is coming +when judges elected by popular vote, for short official terms, and +poorly paid, will not possess the independence required to protect +individual rights. Under the National constitution, judges +are nominated by the executive and confirmed by the Senate, +and hold office during good behavior. It is worthy of consideration +whether a return to the system established by the fathers +is not the dictate of the highest prudence. I believe that a system +under which judges are so appointed, for long terms and +with adequate salaries, will afford to the citizen the amplest possible +security that impartial justice will be administered by an +independent judiciary.</p> + +<p>I forbear to consider further at this time the interesting ques<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span>tions which will arise in the revision and amendment of the +constitution. Convinced of the soundness of the maxim that +"that government is best which governs least," I would resist +the tendency common to all systems to enlarge the functions of +government. The law should touch the rights, the business, and +the feelings of the citizen at as few points as is consistent with +the preservation of order and the maintenance of justice. If +every department of government is kept within its own sphere, +and every officer performs faithfully his own duty without magnifying +his office, harmony, efficiency, and economy will prevail.</p> + +<p>Under the providence of God, the people of this State have +greatly prospered. But in their prosperity they can not forget +"him who hath borne the battle, nor his widow, nor his orphan," +nor the thousands of other sufferers in our midst, who +are entitled to sympathy and relief. They are to be found +in our hospitals, our infirmaries, our asylums, our prisons, and in +the abodes of the unfortunate and the erring. The Founder of +our religion, whose spirit should pervade our laws, and animate +those who enact and those who enforce them, by His teaching +and His example, has admonished us to deal with all the victims +of adversity as the children of our common Father. With this +duty performed, we may confidently hope that for long ages to +come our country will continue to be the home of freedom and +the refuge of the oppressed.</p> + +<p>Grateful to the people of Ohio for the honors they have conferred, +I approach a second term in the executive office, deeply +solicitous to discharge, as far as in me lies, the obligations and +duties which their partial judgment has imposed.</p></div> + +<p>The most striking part of the address is that which +relates to reform in the civil service of the State +and the Nation. Governor Hayes proposes to reform +the civil service of the State <i>by means of a constitutional +provision in a new State constitution</i>. This +method of reformation is radical, and, we believe, original. +It suggests the pertinent query, whether reform +in the civil service of the Nation can not be best accomplished +through a new provision in the National<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +constitution. Can permanency and stability be secured +in the civil service of the Republic in any other +certain way than by a constitutional amendment? +Civil service reformers need hardly waste their time +discussing methods and systems less radical and fundamental. +It must be recorded to the honor of Governor +Hayes that he, more than six years ago, suggested +the only true solution to the civil service problem, +by proposing to place that service beyond disturbance +from the fluctuating fortunes of political +parties. He has, therefore, been an advanced civil +service reformer more than the sixteenth of a century; +not, like Mr. Tilden, for six months prior to a presidential +election.</p> + +<p>In December, 1869, he wrote to a friend in Congress: +"We must have a genuine retrenchment and economy. +The monthly reduction of the debt is of far +more consequence than the reduction of taxation in +any form. I hope, too, you will abolish the franking +privilege and adopt the general principles of Trumbull's +bill and Jencke's bill. It would please the people +and be right and wise."</p> + +<p>It is hardly needful to add that the bills referred to +were the best civil service bills then before Congress.</p> + +<p>In this same address, the governor boldly declares +against the heresy of an elective judiciary, and favors +the system established by Madison, Hamilton, and +Washington, which has given us a Jay, a Story, and +a Marshall.</p> + +<p>During the occupancy of his office as executive of +the State, Governor Hayes, on a vast variety of occasions, +was called upon to deliver speeches and addresses +on all classes of subjects. These efforts are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +all admirable in their way, and give evidences of fine +literary taste, great good judgment, and what Dickens +called "a sense of the proprieties."</p> + +<p>We can find space for portions only of a few of +these addresses. In an address of welcome on the +occasion of the great exposition of textile fabrics, +held in Cincinnati, in August, 1869, the governor of +Ohio said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"We meet at a most auspicious period in our country's history. +Our greeting and welcome to citizens of other States are +'without any mental reservation whatever.' It is plain that we +are entering upon an era of good feeling, not known before in +the life-time of the present generation. For almost half a century +the great sectional bitterness which is now so rapidly and so +happily disappearing, and which we know can never be revived, +carried discord, division, and weakness into every enterprise requiring +the united efforts of citizens of different States. Now +the causes of strife have been swept away, and their last vestiges +will soon be buried out of sight. Good men will no longer waste +their strength in mutual crimination or recrimination about the +past. The people of different sections of our country will hereafter +be able to act, not merely with intelligence and energy, +but with entire harmony and unity; in any enterprise which +promises an increase of human welfare and human happiness.</p> + +<p>"This association, then, is working in perfect accord with the +spirit of the times. The development of new resources, the +opening of new paths to skill and labor, the discovery of new +methods, the invention of new machinery and implements, and +the employment of capital in new and useful pursuits—these are +the objects which associations like this aim to accomplish. All +who encourage these things, and who desire to aid in such +achievements, deserve a hearty welcome wherever they may go, +and will, I assure you, always find it, as you do now, in the State +of Ohio."</p></div> + +<p>Soon after the death of Secretary Stanton, and near +the beginning of the governor's second term, a meet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>ing of members of the Ohio bar was held in the room +of the Supreme Court of Ohio, to take action with +reference to the loss of their former associate and +friend. On this occasion Governor Hayes said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I shall not undertake to describe the life and character and +services of Mr. Stanton. Few men—very few men—ever possessed +such learning, such intellect, such energy, such courage, +such will, such honesty, such patriotism, in one word, such manhood, +as belonged to him. All of his great powers and qualities +he gave to the performance of duty, and with them he gave also +life itself.</p> + +<p>"Our profession rejoices that Mr. Stanton was an eminent +lawyer. Our State rejoices that he was her great son. Our +country and our age may well rejoice that he lived in this age +and in this country. The members of our profession, the people +of our State and of the Nation, and all mankind do honor +to themselves in striving to do honor to the memory of such a +man as Edwin M. Stanton."</p></div> + +<p>It can be readily understood why a robust, positive, +hard-fighting soldier like Hayes, should so ardently +give his admiration to a firm-sinewed, iron-nerved, +masculine man like the great minister of war.</p> + +<p>On the 13th of April, 1870, the colored people of +Central Ohio celebrated the adoption of the Fifteenth +Amendment at an immense meeting held in the opera +house in Columbus. Governor Hayes, as their chosen +orator, delivered the following brief address, which +seems the inspiration of one who has the logic of history +in his head and humanity in his heart:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="smcap">Fellow-citizens</span>:—We celebrate to-night the final triumph of +a righteous cause after a long, eventful, memorable struggle. +The conflict which Mr. Seward pronounced "irrepressible" at +last is ended. The house which was divided against itself, and +which, therefore, according to Mr. Lincoln, could not stand as it +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span>was, is divided no longer; and we may now rationally hope that +under Providence it is destined to stand—long to stand the +home of freedom, and the refuge of the oppressed of every race +and of every clime.</p> + +<p>The great leading facts of the contest are so familiar that I +need not attempt to recount them. They belong to the history of +two famous wars—the war of the Revolution and the war of the +Rebellion—and are part of the story of almost a hundred years +of civil strife. They began with Bunker Hill and Yorktown, +with the Declaration of Independence and the adoption of the +Federal Constitution. They end with Fort Sumter and the fall +of Richmond, with the Emancipation Proclamation and the +Anti-Slavery and Equal Rights Amendments to the Constitution +of the Nation. These long and anxious years were not years of +unbroken ceaseless warfare. There were periods of lull, of +truce, of compromise. But every lull was short-lived, every truce +was hollow, and every compromise, however pure the motives of +its authors, proved deceitful and vain. There could be no lasting +peace until the great wrong was destroyed, and impartial +justice established.</p> + +<p>The history of this period is adorned with a long list of illustrious +names—with the names of men who were indeed "Solomons +in council and Sampsons in the field." At its beginning +there were Washington, Franklin, and Hamilton, and their compeers; +and in the last great crisis Providence was equally gracious, +and gave us such men as Lincoln, and Stanton, and George +H. Thomas.</p> + +<p>All who faithfully bore their part in the great conflict may +now with grateful hearts rejoice that it is forever ended.</p> + +<p>The newly-made citizens who seem to carry off the lion's share +of the fruits of the victory—it is especially fitting and proper that +they should assemble to congratulate each other, and to be congratulated +by all of us that they now enjoy for the first time +in full measure the blessings of freedom and manhood.</p> + +<p>Those, also, who have opposed many of the late steps in the +great progress—it is a satisfaction to know that so large a number +of them gracefully acquiesce in the decision of the Nation.</p> + +<p>The war of races, which it was so confidently predicted would +follow the enfranchisement of the colored people—where was it +in the elections in Ohio last week? In a few localities the old +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span>prejudice and fanaticism made, we hope, their last appearance. +There was barely enough angry dissent to remind us of the barbarism +of slavery which has passed away forever. Generally +throughout the State, and especially in the cities of Cincinnati, +Cleveland, Columbus, Dayton, and Toledo, where the new element +is large, those who strove to avert the result over which we +rejoice, leaders as well as followers, were conspicuous in setting +an example of obedience to the law.</p> + +<p>Not the least among the causes for congratulation to-night is +the confidence we have that the enfranchised people will prove +worthy of American citizenship. No true patriot wishes to see +them exhibit a blind and unthinking attachment to mere party; +but all good men wish to see them cultivate habits of industry and +thrift, and to exhibit intelligence and virtue, and at every election +to be earnestly solicitous to array themselves on the side of +law and order, liberty and progress, education and religion.</p></div> + +<p>The following letters, written during 1870, have +come under our observation. We reproduce them +because they exhibit to some extent opinions and +character.</p> + +<p>In one dated March 1, 1870, these passages occur:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I also agree with you perfectly on the spoils doctrine. This +you would know if you had read my last inaugural. I am glad +you do not bore yourself with such reading generally, but you are +in for it now, as I shall send you a copy. I, too, mean to be out +of politics. The ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment gives +me the boon of equality before the law, terminates my enlistment, +and discharges me cured."</p></div> + +<p>Another letter, dated June 2d, in reply to a stranger +in Baltimore, shows his tender regard for the private +soldier, whether he be living or dead:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I acknowledge with great gratification the receipt of your +letter of the 30th, informing me of your patriotic attention to +the grave of an Ohio soldier in your city on Decoration Day."</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> + +<p>"Be pleased to accept my thanks for your generous action, and for +courtesy of your letter."</p></div> + +<p>To a friend in Congress he writes, on June 13th:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"You will as astonished as I was by this decision as to the +right of the soldiers to vote at the Dayton National Asylum. +But there it is. How can we get rid of it? Can you pass an act +of Congress that will avoid it? I feel like saying that the soldiers +must vote as usual, and test the case again. I merely call your +attention to it with a view to Congressional action. You recollect +the act ceding jurisdiction expressly provided that residents +of Ohio retained the right to vote."</p></div> + +<p>To the president of the Commercial Union of New +York he wrote, June 20th:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of +the 10th instant, inviting me to attend a meeting of the Commercial +Union of the State of New York, to be held in the city +of Rochester on the 15th of July next, and to express my regret +that prior engagements will prevent me from being present on +that occasion. The subject to be considered—cheap transportation +between the East and West—is of importance to the +whole country, and especially to the State of Ohio. Earnestly +hoping that the deliberations of the meeting will greatly promote +this object, I remain, etc."</p></div> + +<p>January 3, 1871, Governor Hayes delivered the following +important annual message:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-Citizens of the General Assembly</i>:</p> + +<p>The official reports, which the law requires to be annually +made to the governor, show that the affairs of the various departments +of the State government and of the State institutions +have been conducted during the past year in a satisfactory manner. +I shall not attempt to give a synopsis of the facts and figures +which the reports contain. The most important parts of them +have been spread before the people of the State by the news<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>paper press, and the details which may be desired with a view +to legislation can be best obtained from the reports themselves.</p> + +<p>I also refrain from making many recommendations. Believing +that too frequent changes of the laws and too much legislation +are serious evils, I respectfully suggest that upon many subjects +it may be well to defer legislation until the people have +acted upon the question of calling a constitutional convention. +If such a convention shall be called, it is not improbable that +the General Assembly will be clothed with powers essentially different +from those conferred by the present fundamental law in +respect to the judiciary, railroads, intemperance, and many +other important subjects, and that the legislature itself will be +so constituted as to secure to minorities a fairer representation +than they now enjoy.</p> + +<p>The balance in the State treasury on the 15th of November, +1869, was $438,060.14; the receipts during the year were $4,399,932.53; +making the total amount of available funds in the treasury +during the year $4,837,992.67.</p> + +<p>The disbursements during the year have been $4,071,954.57; +leaving a balance in the treasury, November 15, 1870, of $766,038.10.</p> + +<p>The estimates of the auditor of State for the current year are +as follows:</p> + +<p>Estimated receipts from all sources, including balances, $5,670,205.10; +estimated disbursements for all purposes, $5,163,976.01; +leaving an estimated balance in the treasury, November, 15, 1871, +of $506,229.09.</p> + +<p>The public funded debt of the State on the 15th of November, +1869, after deducting the amount invested in loans not yet due, +was $9,855,938.27. During the last year there has been redeemed +of the various loans, and invested in loans not yet due, the sum +of $123,860.36, leaving the total debt due November 15, 1870, +$9,732,077.91.</p> + +<p>The fund commissioners were prepared to pay off a larger +amount of the debt than has been actually discharged during +the year, but none of the bonds of the State were due, and some +of the holders demanded ten or twelve per cent premium, and +others refused to surrender their bonds at any price.</p> + +<p>The constant and rapid increase of taxation demands consideration. +The following table, showing the taxation for different +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span>purposes in 1860 and in 1870, and the increase of taxation in ten +years, sufficiently exhibits the nature and extent of the evil.</p> +<br /> + +<center>AMOUNT OF TAXES LEVIED.</center> +<br /> +<table border="1" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Amount of Taxes Levied"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='center'>For what purpose.</td><td align='center'> 1860.</td><td align='center'> 1870.</td><td align='center'> Increase.</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>County taxes</td><td align='right'> $1,309,137.46</td><td align='right'> $1,975,088.71</td><td align='right'> $665,951.25</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Bridge taxes</td><td align='right'> 487,538.40</td><td align='right'> 1,474,148.18</td><td align='right'> 1,036,609.78</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Poor taxes</td><td align='right'> 260,607.20</td><td align='right'> 657,116.42</td><td align='right'> 396,509.22</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Building taxes</td><td align='right'> 228,444.13</td><td align='right'> 783,960.73</td><td align='right'> 505,516.60</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Road taxes</td><td align='right'> 394,424.77</td><td align='right'> 1,199,767.26</td><td align='right'> 805,342.49</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Railroad taxes</td><td align='right'> 538,869.50</td><td align='right'> 461,848.72</td><td align='center'>..........</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Township taxes</td><td align='right'> 349,360.86</td><td align='right'> 734,585.65</td><td align='right'> 385,224.79</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>T'p and sub-district and district school taxes</td><td align='right'> 1,487,247.44</td><td align='right'> 4,960,771.87</td><td align='right'> 3,473,524.43</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Other special taxes</td><td align='right'> 349,236.33</td><td align='right'> 1,152,335.09</td><td align='right'> 803,098.76</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>City and town taxes</td><td align='right'> 1,506,083.86</td><td align='right'> 5,447,766.96</td><td align='right'> 3,941,683.10</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Delinquent taxes</td><td align='right'> 453,013.46</td><td align='right'> 667,188.69</td><td align='right'> 214,175.23</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Other than State taxes</td><td align='right'> 7,313,963.41</td><td align='right'> 19,464,578.28</td><td align='right'> 12,227,685.65</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>State taxes</td><td align='right'> 3,503,712.93</td><td align='right'> 4,666,242.23</td><td align='right'> 1,162,529.30</td></tr> + +<tr><td align='left'>Totals</td><td align='right'> $10,817,676.34</td><td align='right'>$24,130,820.51</td><td align='right'>$13,390,164.95</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<br /> + +<p>This table shows that in ten years the State taxes have increased +thirty-three per cent, and that local taxes have increased +almost one hundred and seventy per cent; in other words, that +less than one-tenth of the increase has been in State taxes, and +more than nine-tenths in local taxes.</p> + +<p>The increase of local taxation has been far greater than the +growth of the State in business, population or wealth. It is +not to be doubted that this burden has grown to dimensions +which seriously threaten the prosperity of the State.</p> + +<p>No full and exact statement can be made from the official reports +as to the amount annually collected from the property-holders +of the State in the form of special assessments for what +are termed local improvements, but it is certain that this burden +is also great and rapidly growing.</p> + +<p>The auditor of State reports cases in which such assessments +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span>have been made, amounting to half of the cash value of the +property on which they were levied, and, in one case which he +refers to, the assessment was double the value of the property.</p> + +<p>In respect to these evils it is undoubtedly easier to find fault +than to provide a remedy. No single measure will remove +them. Probably no system of measures which the General Assembly +can adopt will of themselves accomplish what is desired. +A complete reform is impossible, unless the city, county, and +other officers are disposed and thoroughly competent to do the +work of cutting off every unnecessary expenditure.</p> + +<p>Much, however, can be accomplished by wise legislation. Let +the General Assembly firmly adhere to the policy of the constitution, +and refuse to enact special laws granting powers to tax +or make assessments. Let such powers be exercised only in +pursuance of general laws. Local authorities should be empowered +to levy no higher rate of taxation than is absolutely required +for practical efficiency under ordinary circumstances. +In extraordinary cases general laws should provide for the submission +of the proposed tax or assessment to the people to be +affected by it, under such regulations that it can not be levied +unless at least two-thirds of the tax-payers approve the measure.</p> + +<p>One of the most valuable articles of the present State constitution +is that which prohibits the State, save in a few exceptional +cases, from creating any debt, and which provides for the payment +at an early day of the debt already contracted. I am +convinced that it would be wise to extend the same policy to +the creation of public debts by county, city, and other local authorities. +The rule "pay as you go" leads to economy in public +as well as in private affairs; while the power to contract debts +opens the door to wastefulness, extravagance, and corruption.</p> + +<p>In the early history of the State, when capital was scarce and +expensive public works were required for transporting the products +of the State to market, public debts were probably unavoidable; +but the time, I believe, has come when not only the +State, but all of its subordinate divisions, ought to be forbidden +to incur debt. The same rule on this subject ought to be applied +to local authorities which the constitution applies to the +State legislature. Experience has proved that the power to contract +debt is as liable to abuse by local boards as it is by the General +Assembly. If it is important to the people that the State +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span>should be free from debt, it is also important that its municipal +divisions should not have power to oppress them with the burden +of local indebtedness.</p> + +<p>It would promote an economical administration of the laws +if all officers, State, county, and municipal, including the members +of the legislature, were paid fixed salaries.</p> + +<p>Under existing laws a part of the public officers are paid by +fees and a part by fixed annual salaries or by a per diem allowance. +The result is great inequality and injustice. Many of +those who are paid by fees receive a compensation out of all proportion +to the services rendered. Others are paid salaries +wholly inadequate. For example, many county officers and +some city officers receive greater compensation than the judges +of the Supreme Court of the State. The salaries paid to the +judges ought to be increased; the amount paid to many other +public officers ought to be reduced. To do justice, a system of +fixed salaries, without fees or perquisites, should be adopted. +The people of Ohio will, without question, sustain an increase +of the salaries of judges and of other officers who are now inadequately +paid; but it can probably best be done as a part of a +system which would prevent the payment to public officers of +enormous sums by means of fees and perquisites. To remove +all ground of complaint, on account of injustice to present incumbents, +the new system should apply only to those elected +after its adoption.</p> + +<p>In addition to considerations already presented in favor of a +revision of the rates of taxation which local officers and boards +are authorized to levy, another controlling reason is not to be +omitted. By the recent revaluation of real estate the total basis +of taxation for the State at large will probably be increased +almost forty per cent, and in many of the cities the increase will +be nearly one hundred per cent This renders it imperatively +necessary to revise the present rates, so as to prevent the collection +and expenditure of sums much greater than the public good +demands.</p> + +<p>Under prudent and efficient management the earnings of the +penitentiary continue to exceed its expenses, and at the same +time gratifying progress has been made in improving the condition +and treatment of the prisoners. The hateful and degrading +uniform of past years is disappearing; increased means of edu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span>cation, secular and religious, are afforded, and the officers of the +institution exhibit an earnest desire to employ every instrumentality +authorized by existing laws to restore its inmates to +society improved in habits, capacity, and character.</p> + +<p>While much has been done in our State during the last twenty-five +years for the improvement of prison discipline, it is not to +be denied that much more yet remains unaccomplished.</p> + +<p>Assuming that the time has not arrived to attempt a radical +change of our prison discipline, the following practical suggestions, +consistent with the present system, are offered for your +consideration: A convict is now allowed a deduction from the +period of his sentence as a reward for good behavior. The +power to extend the period of the sentence as a punishment for +bad conduct would also, under proper regulations, exercise a +wholesome influence in the discipline of the prison.</p> + +<p>The importance of classification among convicts is now universally +admitted. For economical or other reasons the establishment +of an intermediate prison will perhaps be deemed +inexpedient at this time. It is believed, however, that by employing +convict labor the additional buildings and improvements +required for a satisfactory classification can be erected on the +ground adjoining the old prison, recently purchased and now +enclosed, at a small expense compared with the cost of a new +prison. This plan, it is hoped, will receive your careful consideration.</p> + +<p>It is also recommended that the Board of State Charities be +empowered to aid discharged convicts to obtain honest employment. +An annual appropriation of a small sum for this purpose, +in the course of a few years, would probably save a large number, +who, without such help, would again return to a criminal +course of life.</p> + +<p>The most defective part of our present prison system is probably +our county jails. It is supposed about 8,000 persons pass +through our county jails each year. They are generally persons +charged with crimes and awaiting trial. But lunatics and petty +offenders in considerable numbers are also confined in these +places. The young and the old, the innocent and the guilty, +hardened offenders and beginners in crime, are commonly mingled +together in the jails, under few restraints, without useful +occupation and with abundant leisure and temptation to learn +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>wickedness. The jails have been fitly termed nurseries of +crime. Plans of jails, not too expensive, have been furnished +by the Board of State Charities, which provide for the absolute +separation of the prisoners. It is recommended that the law +shall require all jails to be so constructed as to entirely prevent +this promiscuous and dangerous intercourse.</p> + +<p>Your attention is particularly called to the recommendation +of the Board of State Charities that the proper authorities of all +of the cities of the State should be required to make full reports +annually to the legislature, through the governor, of the +statistics of vice and crime and of the work of the police department +in such cities; and also to the suggestion that prosecuting +attorneys should not be allowed to enter a <i>nolle prosequi</i> +in any case of an indictment for a crime punishable by imprisonment +in the penitentiary or by death, without the written approval +of the attorney-general first given upon a written report +to him of the facts.</p> + +<p>The importance of this is sufficiently shown by the fact that +in 1869 the number of cases in which a <i>nolle prosequi</i> was entered +exceeded fifteen hundred.</p> + +<p>The Girls' Reformatory at White Sulphur Springs contains +forty-nine inmates, and it is now demonstrated that the number +is likely to increase as rapidly as the welfare of the institution +will allow. Whatever doubts may have been reasonably entertained +as to the necessity for such an institution prior to its establishment, +the report of the directors and superintendent and +a thorough investigation of the facts will, it is believed, satisfy +you that the institution is a very important one, and ought to be +liberally supported.</p> + +<p>The report of the superintendent and trustees of the Soldiers' +Orphans' Home will engage your earnest attention. The duty +of providing for the education and support of the children of +the soldiers of Ohio who fell in the war for the Union was fully +recognized by the resolutions and acts of your last session. It +is not doubted that your action was in accordance with the will +of the people of the State, and they earnestly desire that the +duty of caring for the soldiers' orphans shall be performed in a +manner that will worthily express the affection and gratitude +with which these wards of the State must ever be regarded by +a just and patriotic community. I therefore respectfully recom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span>mend that the legislation deemed necessary by the board and +officers in charge of the institution be enacted as promptly as +practicable.</p> + +<p>The report of the geological survey, to be laid before you, exhibits +the encouraging progress of that work. The future growth +of Ohio in wealth and population will depend largely on the +development of the mining and manufacturing resources of the +State. Heretofore, our increase in capital and numbers has been +chiefly due to agriculture. Important as that great interest will +always be in Ohio, the recent census shows that we may not +reasonably anticipate, in future, rapid growth in population or +wealth from agriculture alone. Without calling in question the +great and immediate benefit to accrue to agriculture from the +geological survey, it is yet true that the tendency of its exhibition +of our vast mineral wealth is to encourage the employment of +labor and capital in mining and manufacturing enterprises. Let +the work be continued and sustained by ample appropriations.</p> + +<p>It is necessary that the General Assembly, at its present session, +should adopt the requisite legislation to carry into effect +the following requirement of the constitution: Sec. 3, article 16, +of the constitution, provides that "at the general election to be +held in the year one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, +and in each twentieth year thereafter, the question, 'Shall there +be a convention to revise, alter, or amend the constitution?' shall +be submitted to the electors of the State, and in case a majority +of all the electors voting at such election shall decide in favor +of such a convention, the General Assembly, at its next session, +shall provide by law for the election of delegates and the assembling +of such convention."</p> + +<p>In conclusion, I feel warranted in congratulating you on the +favorable judgment of your constituents upon your action on +the important subjects which were considered at your last session, +and in expressing a confident hope that what remains to +be done will, under Providence, be so wisely ordered that the +true interests of all the people of the State will be greatly and +permanently advanced.</p></div> + +<p>Without comments of our own, we will simply give<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> +the opinions of Democratic journals concerning this +message.</p> + +<p>The Cincinnati <i>Enquirer</i>, of January 4, 1871, said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The message of Governor Hayes is a plain, straightforward, +and sensible document, and in every respect is creditable to +him."</p></div> + +<p>The Columbus <i>Crisis</i> said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The annual message of Governor R. B. Hayes, printed in this +issue, is a very fair and plain statement of the condition of the +affairs of the State, and is especially commendable for its brevity +and practical purport."</p></div> + +<p>The Steubenville <i>Gazette</i> characterized this message +as—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"An excellent and appropriate document—short and comprehensive—and, +as it should be, devoted wholly to State affairs."</p></div> + +<p>The Cincinnati <i>Commoner, ultra</i> Democratic, declared:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The message is brief, but full of wisdom, and deserves the +study of every citizen."</p></div> + +<p>The correspondence of 1871 from the executive +office reveals letters like these:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I long since, in conversation, announced my wish and purpose +to withdraw from the race for important positions in public +affairs. I meant this announcement to apply both to the office +I now hold and the senatorship. That purpose remains unchanged."</p></div> + +<p>A letter of May 5th, to a distinguished New York +journalist, says:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Your article on the Ohio governorship is of course satisfactory +to me, but you will not object to two corrections. I have +not been and shall not be a candidate for re-nomination. I +probably could without effort have been renominated, but usage +and personal inclination were against it. The more serious error +is: You omit to name the Republican candidate who is nearly +certain of the nomination and election. General Edward F. +Noyes, of Cincinnati, a brave and popular soldier, who lost a leg +in the Atlanta campaign; an eloquent and attractive speaker, +and a gentleman of integrity and purity of character, will, I +think, without question, be nominated. He is the sort of +man you would support heartily if you lived in Ohio."</p></div> + +<p>On the 6th of October, 1871, Governor Hayes delivered +the striking address we give below, on the occasion +of the inauguration of the celebrated Davidson +fountain, in Cincinnati. This fountain, in design and +execution, is a work of art of extraordinary merit.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-Citizens:</i></p> + +<p>It is altogether fitting that the citizens of Cincinnati should +feel a deep interest in the occasion which has called together +this large assemblage. It is well to do honor to this noble gift, +and to do honor to the generous giver. This work lends a new +charm to the whole city.</p> + +<p>Longfellow's lines in praise of the Catawba that grows on the +banks of the Beautiful River gives to the Catawba a finer flavor, +and renders the Beautiful River still more beautiful. When art +and genius give to us in marble or on canvas the features of those +we admire or love, ever afterward we discover in their faces and +in their characters more to admire and more to love.</p> + +<p>This work makes Cincinnati a pleasanter city, her homes more +happy, her aims worthier, and her future brighter.</p> + +<p>But this fountain does not pour out its blessings for Cincinnati +or for her visitors and guests alone. Cincinnati is one of the +central cities of the Nation—of the great continent. It is becoming +the convention city. Witness the National assemblies +in the interest of commerce, of industry, of education, of be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span>nevolence, of progress, of religion, which annually gather here +from the most distant parts of America. This monument is an +instructor of all who come. Whoever beholds it will carry away +some part of the lesson it teaches. The duty which the citizen +owes to the community in which, and by which, he has prospered, +that duty this work will forever teach. No rich man who +is wise will, in the presence of this example, willingly go to his +grave with his debt to the public unpaid and unprovided for. +Many a last will and testament will have a beneficent codicil, +suggested by the work we inaugurate to-day. Parks, fountains, +schools, galleries of art, libraries, hospitals, churches—whatever +benefits and elevates mankind—will here receive much needed +encouragement and support.</p> + +<p>This work says to him who, with anxious toil and care, has +successfully gathered and hoarded—Do not neglect your great opportunity. +Divide wisely and equitably between the few who +are most nearly of your own blood, and the many who in kinship +are only a little farther removed. If you regard only those +reared under your own roof, your cherished estate will soon be +scattered, perhaps wasted by profligate heirs in riotous living, to +their own ruin, and you and your fortune will quickly be forgotten. +Give a share—pay a tithe to your more distant and +more numerous kindred—to the general public, and you will be +gratefully remembered, and mankind will be blessed by your +having lived!</p> + +<p>Many, reflecting on the uncertainty of the future, will prefer to +see their benefactions distributed and applied while they are +still living. Regarding their obligations to the public as sacred +debts, they will wish to pay as they go. This is commendable; +perhaps it is safest.</p> + +<p>But at some time and somehow the example here presented +will and must be followed. All such deeds are the parents of +other similar good deeds. And so the circle within which the +blessings flowing from this fountain are enjoyed will forever grow +wider and wider, and the people of distant times and places will +rejoice to drink, as we now do, healthful and copious draughts +in honor of its founder.</p> + +<p>Here, this matchless structure will link together, in perpetual, +grateful remembrance, the names of Tyler Davidson and Henry +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>Probasco! Ever honored be those names in the city they have +so greatly honored!</p></div> + +<p>The message of Governor Hayes, on retiring from +office at the close of his fourth year, calls attention +to the encroachments upon the rights and interests +of the people by railway corporations, and discusses +at length the important subject of securing economy, +efficiency, and purity in the administration of the local +governments of cities and towns. For its able discussion +of these and other subjects, this message of +1872 commends itself.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-Citizens of the General Assembly:</i></p> + +<p>The finances of the State government are in a satisfactory +condition. The balance in the State treasury on the 15th of November, +1870, was $766,038.10; the receipts during the last fiscal +year were $5,241,184.91; making the total amount of available +funds in the treasury during the year ending November 15, 1871, +$6,007,223.01.</p> + +<p>The disbursements during the year have been $5,259,046.74, +leaving a balance in the treasury, Nov, 15, 1871, of $748,176.27.</p> + +<p>The estimates of the auditor of State of receipts and expenditures +for the current year, are as follows:</p> + +<p>Estimated receipts from all sources, including balances, +$5,206,366.27.</p> + +<p>Estimated disbursements for all purposes, $4,776,035.73.</p> + +<p>Leaving an estimated balance in the treasury, November 15, +1872, of $430,330.54.</p> + +<p>The public funded debt of the State November 15, 1870, after +deducting the amount invested in Ohio stocks, was $9,730,144.36.</p> + +<p>During the past year the debt has been reduced $729,415.</p> + +<p>Leaving the total debt yet to be provided for, $9,000,729.36. +Of this amount, the sum of $44,518.31 has ceased to bear interest, +the holders thereof having been notified of the readiness of the +State to pay the same. This leaves the total interest-bearing +debt of the State, $8,956,211.05.</p> + +<p>The taxes levied in 1870, collectible in 1871, were as follows:</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Taxes Levied 1870"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td align='left'>State taxes</td> +<td align='right'>$ 4,666,242.23</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='left'>County and local levies</td> +<td align='right'>18,797,389.59</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='left'>Delinquencies and forfeitures in former years</td> +<td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black;" align='right'>667,188.69</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='center'>Total taxes, including delinquencies collectible in 1871</td> +<td align='right'>$24,130,820.51</td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<p>The taxes levied in 1871, collectible in 1872, were as follows:</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Taxes Levied 1871"> +<tbody> +<tr> +<td align='left'>State taxes</td> +<td align='right'>$ 4,350,728.28</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='left'>County and local levies</td> +<td align='right'>18,604,660.12</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='left'>Delinquencies and forfeitures</td> +<td style="border-bottom: 1px solid black;" align='right'>632,275.84</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='center'>Total taxes and delinquencies collectible +in 1872</td> +<td align='right'>$23,587,664 24</td> +</tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<p>It will be noticed, with gratification, that the annual increase +of taxation, to which the people have been long accustomed, has +been checked, and that the taxes, both State and local, have +been somewhat reduced.</p> + +<p>The increase of local indebtedness still continues. The returns +made to the auditor of State are imperfect, but enough is +shown to warrant the opinion that during the past year the indebtedness +of the towns and cities of the State has increased +not less than one million of dollars, and that their aggregate indebtedness +now equals the indebtedness of the State. I respectfully +repeat, as the remedy for this evil, the recommendation +heretofore made, that all public debts be prohibited, except +in cases of emergency, analogous to those specified in sections +1 and 2, article 8, of the constitution.</p> + +<p>The report of the adjutant-general shows that there has been +collected by him from the United States during the year, on account +of the State war claims, the sum of $145,304.60, making +the total amount of war claims collected $2,826,247.94. It is +probable that about $100,000 more can be collected on these +claims without additional legislation by Congress. This will +leave about $400,000 of claims unpaid, which, it is believed, when +presented to Congress, with proper vouchers and explanations, +will be provided for by special act. As long, however, as the +board of military claims exists, these claims will continue to increase, +and it would not be advisable to seek Congressional +action until the State, by closing its accounts with individuals, +shall be able to ask for a final settlement.</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> + +<p>It is therefore recommended that the statutes providing for +the allowance of claims against the State by the commissioners +of military claims be repealed; the repeal to take effect at such +date in the future as will afford opportunity for the presentation +and allowance of all just claims.</p> + +<p>The report of the commissioner of common schools shows that, +upon the whole, the educational interests of the State continue +to be very prosperous. He presents, however, for your consideration, +a number of changes in the school laws, which he deems +essential to further progress. The proposed reforms are treated +of in his report under the following heads: normal instruction, +supervision, a codification of the laws, and the township system.</p> + +<p>The commanding position which Ohio has held in the great +transactions of our recent civil and military history is largely +due to the educational advantages enjoyed by her people. +Every measure which tends to continue and increase those advantages +merits your earnest and favorable consideration.</p> + +<p>For many years the most eminent teachers and friends of education +have urged the necessity of establishing institutions for +the instruction of teachers in the principles and duties of their +high and honorable calling. A few thousand dollars of the +school fund applied every year to this purpose will, it is believed, +make the expenditures for school purposes vastly more beneficial +to the State.</p> + +<p>There are serious objections to the present mixed system of +school management by means of township boards and sub-district +directors. It is believed that this system ought to give place to +the purely township system, in which all of the schools of the +township are under the exclusive control of a board of education +chosen by the electors of the township. This plan is in +conformity with that which has been adopted with satisfactory +results in most of our towns, and is sustained by the experience +of other States in which the purely township system has +been tried.</p> + +<p>In several counties of the State colored children are practically +deprived of the privilege of attending public schools. +The denial of education to any citizen of Ohio is so manifestly +unjust that it is confidently believed that the legislature needs +only to be informed that such a wrong exists to promptly provide +a remedy.</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> + +<p>The official reports of the penitentiary, the Reform School for +Boys, the Reform School for Girls, and the benevolent institutions +of the State, which will be laid before you, show that the +work of these institutions has during the past year been well +done. They will, without question, receive from you all needed +encouragement and support. It seems proper, however, to direct +your attention to the urgent necessity of such legislation as will +empower the boards of trustees and directors charged with the +erection of buildings for the insane and for the orphans of deceased +soldiers, to complete them as soon as practicable.</p> + +<p>By the census of 1870 the number of insane persons in the +State was 3,414. The number of patients under treatment in +the insane asylums of the State was, last year, only 1,346. The +trustees of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Orphans' Home report that +the number of orphans in Ohio needing care is about eight hundred, +and that the number cared for is only about two hundred +and fifty. These facts sufficiently demonstrate the importance +of the suggestion here made.</p> + +<p>I renew the recommendation heretofore made that the legislature +provide for the erection of suitable monuments at the +graves of General Harrison and General Hamer.</p> + +<p>General Harrison has many titles to the grateful remembrance +of the people of Ohio. He was one of the pioneers of the West, +a soldier of honorable fame in two wars against the savages and +in the war of 1812, a secretary and acting governor of the Northwest +Territory before Ohio was organized, a law-maker of conspicuous +usefulness at the State capital and at Washington, and +was chief magistrate of the Nation at the time of his death. +To honor him is to honor all who were eminent and useful in +the early settlement of Ohio.</p> + +<p>General Hamer served with distinction four times in the General +Assembly; was the speaker of the house of representatives; +was six years a member of Congress from the Brown county district, +and died in Mexico in 1846, a volunteer from Ohio, in the +service of his country, with the rank of brigadier-general. At the +time of his death the General Assembly, with entire unanimity, +"resolved that the body of the deceased be brought from Mexico +and interred in the soil of Ohio, at the expense of the State." +Having undertaken, as the duty of the State, to give the remains +of General Hamer a fitting burial, the legislature can not regard +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span>that duty as completely performed until an appropriate monument +has been built at his grave.</p> + +<p>Since the adoption of the present constitution the governor's +duties have compelled him to reside at the capital. If any +change is made in respect to the powers and duties of the executive +in the revision about to be made of the constitution, the +change, it is probable, will increase rather than diminish his +duties. The evident impropriety of subjecting each new incumbent +of the office to the inconvenience and expense of procuring +and furnishing a suitable residence for the short period of a governor's +term of office has led, in many States, to the purchase +of a governor's mansion. Three of the States adjoining Ohio +have adopted this course. It can not be doubted that Ohio will, +at no distant day, follow their example. The rapid increase in +the value of real estate in Columbus in consequence of its present +growth and its promise of continued prosperity in the future +gives force to the suggestion that if the State is to purchase a +governor's residence at all it would be well to do it promptly.</p> + +<p>The importance of wise legislation on the subject of railroads, +in a State having the geographical position which belongs to +Ohio, can not be over-estimated. The greater part of the trade +and travel between the commercial and manufacturing States of +the East and the agricultural States of the West, and of the +business of the continental railways which connect the Atlantic +and Pacific oceans, passes over the railroads of this State. Fourteen +years ago, Governor Chase, speaking of the railroads of +Ohio, said: "This vast interest, affecting vitally so many other +interests, has grown suddenly to its present dimensions without +system, without general organization, and, in some important +respects, without responsibility." Then the railroads of the State +carried annually about a million of passengers, and their gross +receipts were about six millions of dollars a year. Last year +they carried twelve millions of passengers, and their gross receipts +exceeded thirty million of dollars.</p> + +<p>All of the just powers of the corporations which conduct this +immense business are derived from the laws of the State. If +these laws fail to guard adequately the rights and the interests +of our citizens, it is the duty of the General Assembly to supply +their defects. Serious and well-grounded apprehensions are felt +that in the management of these companies, which are largely +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span>controlled by non-residents of Ohio, practices, not sanctioned by +the law, nor by sound morality, have become common, which are +prejudicial to the interests of the great body of the people, and +which, if continued, will ultimately destroy the prosperity of the +State.</p> + +<p>Regarding railroads as the most useful instrumentality by +which intercourse is carried on between different sections of the +country, the people do not desire the adoption of a narrow or +unfriendly policy toward them. But it should be remembered +that these corporations were created, and their valuable franchises +granted by the legislature to promote the interests of the +people of the State. No railroad company can sacrifice those +interests without violating the law of its origin. It is not to be +doubted that the authority of the General Assembly is competent +to correct whatever abuses have grown up in the management +of the railroads of the State.</p> + +<p>The late commissioner of railroads and telegraphs, in his last +able and valuable report, directs attention to a large number of +what he terms "clear and palpable violations of law" by railroad +companies, which are of frequent occurrence.</p> + +<p>In relation to the rates prescribed by law for the transportation +of persons and property, he says: "There is not a railroad +operated in the State, either under special charter or the general +law, upon which the law regulating rates is not in some way violated +nearly every time a regular passenger, or freight, or mixed +train passes over it."</p> + +<p>As to the laws regulating the occupation of streets and alleys +by railroad tracks, the speed of locomotives in towns and cities, +and railroad crossings, he says that statutes which he regards as +wholesome are, "it is notorious, wholly ignored by some companies, +and only partially obeyed by others."</p> + +<p>He quotes the laws forbidding railroad officials from being interested +in fast freight, express, or transportation companies, and +from dealing in railroad securities, and adds, that "the violation +of these laws is believed to be very common among railroad +officials."</p> + +<p>The commissioner also gives examples of the "increase or +watering of stock" by railroad companies, and remarks, "the +foregoing statements are the more striking in view of the fact +that the stockholders in the company have been in receipt of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span>regular semi-annual dividends for seven years of from six to ten +per cent per annum."</p> + +<p>The significance of this remark of the commissioner lies in +the fact that the rates which railroad companies may charge for +the transportation of passengers and freight may be prescribed +by the General Assembly, whenever the net profits amount to +ten per cent on the capital actually invested.</p> + +<p>The interests involved are of such magnitude that all legislation +ought to be based on the fullest and most accurate information +which a careful investigation can furnish. I, therefore, recommend +that a commission of five citizens, of whom the railroad +commissioner shall be one, be organized, with ample powers to +investigate the management of the railroad companies of the +State, their legal rights, and the rights of the State and its citizens, +and to report the information acquired, with a recommendation +of such measures as the commission shall deem expedient.</p> + +<p>During the past year, the traveling public has enjoyed, in Ohio, +remarkable immunity from railroad accidents. According to the +reports of the railroad companies to the commissioner, not a +single passenger has lost his life by the fault of the railroads in +the State during the year. But the number of persons, "other +than passengers," and of "employees" who have lost their lives, +is quite large. One hundred and fifty-seven persons are reported +to have been killed, and it is without doubt that many deaths +have occurred which have not been reported. Many of these +fatal accidents happened in the streets of towns and cities, and +at street and road crossings. It is perfectly practicable to protect +citizens from these dangers, by enforcing proper regulations +as to the speed of trains, and as to the occupancy and crossing +of streets and roads. Your special attention is called to this +subject.</p> + +<p>One of the most difficult and interesting practical problems +which now engages the thoughts of the American people is how +to maintain economy, efficiency, and purity in the administration +of local affairs, and especially in the government of towns +and cities, without a departure from principles and methods +which are deemed essential to free popular government. Many +of the most important functions of government are in the hands +of the local authorities. They are directly charged with the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span>expenditure of large sums of money, with the protection of life +and property, and with the administration of civil and criminal +justice. These duties, in one way or another, touch nearly and +constantly the interests and feelings of every citizen. Upon +their faithful performance depends the prosperity, happiness, +and safety of the community. It is true that as yet Ohio is happily, +in a great measure, free from the operation of causes which +in the commercial metropolis of the country recently led to +such extraordinary corruption in the government of that city. +But those causes do not belong alone to the great cities of the +East. They are already at work in our midst, and they are +steadily and rapidly increasing in power. No political party is +altogether free from their influence, and no political party is +solely responsible for them. We have laws prohibiting almost +every conceivable official neglect and abuse, and penalties are +affixed to the violation of those laws which can not be regarded +as inadequate. The difficulty is to secure their enforcement. +Those whose duty it is to detect and prosecute are often interested +in maintaining good relations with the wrong-doers. The +contractors for public work and supplies not infrequently have +a community of interest with those who are the agents of the +public to let and superintend the performance of contracts. +Where these abuses exist there is apt to be a large circle of apparently +disinterested citizens, who labor to conceal the facts +and to suppress investigation. What the public welfare demands +is a practical measure which will provide for a thorough +and impartial investigation in every case of suspected neglect, +abuse, or fraud. Such an investigation, to be effective, must be +made by an authority independent, if possible, of all local influences. +When abuses are discovered, the prosecution and punishment +of offenders ought to follow. But even if prosecutions +fail in cases of full exposure, public opinion almost always accomplishes +the object desired. A thorough investigation of +official corruption and criminality leads with great certainty to +the needed reform. Publicity is a great corrector of official +abuses. Let it therefore be made the duty of the governor, on +satisfactory information that the public good requires an investigation +of the affairs of any public office or the conduct of any +public officer, whether State or local, to appoint one or more citizens +who shall have ample powers to make such investigation.</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> + +<p>If by the investigation violations of law are discovered, the governor +should be authorized, in his discretion, to notify the attorney-general, +whose duty it should be, on such notice, to prosecute +the offenders. The constitution makes it the duty of the governor +to "see that the laws are faithfully executed." Some such +measure as the one here recommended is necessary to give force +and effect to this constitutional provision.</p> + +<p>In compliance with the constitution, the last General Assembly +submitted to the people the question of holding a convention +"to revise, alter, or amend" the constitution, and at the October +election a large majority of the voters of the State decided in +favor of a convention. It is the duty of the General Assembly, +at its present session, to provide by law for the election of delegates +and the assembling of the convention.</p> + +<p>The vote on the question of calling the convention which +formed the present constitution was taken at the October election, +1849. At the next session of the General Assembly an act +was passed which provided for the election of delegates to the +convention the first Monday of April, 1850, and the convention +was convened on the first Monday of May following.</p> + +<p>In conclusion, I wish to make my grateful acknowledgments +to the people of Ohio for the honorable trusts they have confided +to me, and to express the hope that the harmony, prosperity, +and happiness which they now enjoy in such full measure +may, under Providence, be perpetual.</p></div> + +<p>Hayes, during his two terms as Governor, proposed +and carried through the following measures of the +first importance to the welfare of the State:</p> + +<p>He recommended and had completed a comprehensive +Geological Survey of Ohio.</p> + +<p>He secured the establishment of a Soldiers' Orphans' +Home.</p> + +<p>He had the powers of the Board of State Charities +restored and enlarged.</p> + +<p>He had provision made for the care, by the State, +of the chronic insane.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span></p> + +<p>Under his direction the graded system was adopted +in the State Prison and prison reforms introduced.</p> + +<p>Minority representation on Election Boards was +secured.</p> + +<p>The Agricultural and Mechanical College was +founded, trustees appointed, and the institution organized.</p> + +<p>Portraits of the Governors of Ohio were placed in +the State collection.</p> + +<p>The suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the +State was adopted.</p> + +<p>The fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the +United States was ratified.</p> + +<p>The Lincoln Memorial, an admirable work of art, +was placed in the capitol.</p> + +<p>The right of soldiers in the National Asylum to +vote was restored.</p> + +<p>The students' privilege of voting while attending +college was given back.</p> + +<p>The odious "visible admixture" law was repealed.</p> + +<p>The St. Clair papers were purchased, and letters +and manuscripts relating to pioneer history collected.</p> + +<p>A Reform School for Girls was established and made +successful.</p> + +<p>The State debt was reduced, and all increase of +debt opposed.</p> + +<p>Can any Governor of any State say that he has +done a better business?</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> + +<h3>THIRD TIME ELECTED GOVERNOR.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>The Senatorship declined—Army Banquet Speech—Third +Time nominated for Congress—Glendale Speech—Declines +a Federal Office—Making a Home—Nomination +for Governor—Platform—Serenade Speech—Democratic +Convention and Platform—Marion Speech of +Hayes—Woodford—Grosvenor—Schurz—Inflation +Drivel—Interest in the Contest—Honest Money Triumphant—Third +Inaugural.</i></p></div> + + +<p>Just as Governor Hayes was vacating the office of +chief executive of Ohio, to which he had positively +refused to be re-elected, he was offered and declined +the Senatorship from that State. The proofs of this +fact are before us. The circumstances were these: +A Senator in Congress was to be elected by the State +Legislature, in January, 1872, to succeed John Sherman. +Mr. Sherman had secured the nomination and +election of a majority of Republicans who were favorable +to his own re-election; but the Republican majority +on joint ballot was small. Before the meeting of +the Republican caucus, a sufficient number of members +to control the result, with the aid of the Democrats, +proposed to Governor Hayes to stay out of the +caucus, and, uniting the entire opposition to Sherman, +secure his defeat.</p> + +<p>Hayes had authoritative assurances that the Democratic +members would support him, with a view of +defeating Sherman; while the Independent or anti-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span>Sherman Republicans, who held the balance of power, +were importunate that he should allow himself to be +their compromise candidate. But he firmly rejected +all these overtures, and forbid the use of his name in +connection with the matter in any manner whatever. +A leading State Senator declared it "was most extraordinary +to see the Senatorship refused, with the +Presidency in prospect."</p> + +<p>On the 7th of April, General Hayes delivered a +speech in Cincinnati in response to the toast "Our +Country," which contains thoughts worthy of reproduction. +It was upon the occasion of the fifth annual +banquet of the Army of the Tennessee. After some +general introductory remarks, the orator said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Consider the history of our country. It is the youngest of the +nations. We are just beginning to look forward to the celebrations, +five years hence, of the completion of the first century of +its existence. This brief period, so crowded with interesting +events, with great achievements in peace and war, and adorned +with illustrious names in every honorable walk of life, has witnessed +a progress in our country without a parallel in the annals +of the race.</p> + +<p>"Add to these considerations the visions of greatness and +prosperity which the future opens to America, and we shall begin +to see by what titles our country claims from all of her children +admiration, gratitude, and loyal love.</p> + +<p>"Those who are accustomed to take gloomy views of every event +and every prospect, will perhaps remind us that all the parts of +this picture have their dark side; that this extended and magnificent +territory of ours must needs have rival interests hostile +and dangerous to unity; that people differing in race, nationality, +religion, language, and traditions will, with difficulty, be +fused into one harmonious Nation; that written constitutions do +not make a government unless their provisions are obeyed or enforced. +As to our boasted history, they will point to pages darkened +with grave crimes against the weaker races; and as to our +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span>future, they will tell us of the colossal fortunes which, under the +sanction of law, are already consolidating in the hands of a few +men—not always the best men—powers which threaten alike +good government and our liberties.</p> + +<p>"In reply to these views, it can not be denied that in a wide +domain like ours, inhabited by people not always harmonious, +something more than written constitutions are required. A +mere paper government is not enough. The law, if not voluntarily +obeyed, must be firmly enforced. To accomplish this +there must be wisdom, moderation, firmness, not only in those +who administer the government, but in the people, who, at last, +are the government.</p> + +<p>"The great task is to educate a whole people in these high +virtues, to the end that they may be equal to their opportunities +and to the dangers that surround them. The chief instrumentalities +in this education are the home, the school, the platform, +the pulpit, and the press, and all good men and women are the +educators.</p> + +<p>"Doubt and difficulty and danger lend to every human enterprise +its chief interest and charm. Every man who fought in +the Army of the Tennessee at Shiloh knows that the gloom and +despondency in which the first day's battle closed, gave an added +glory to the victory of the second day; that the victory is always +most highly prized which, after a long and desperate struggle, +is snatched at last from the very jaws of disaster and defeat.</p> + +<p>"If, in the future of our country, trials and conflicts and calamities +await her, it is but the common allotment of Providence +to men. The brave and the good will (here always) find +noble work and a worthy career, and will rejoice that they are +permitted to live and to act in such a country as the American +republic."</p></div> + +<p>In July, 1872, Ex-Governor Hayes received a petition, +signed by the most influential men in the second +Congressional district in Cincinnati, asking him to +accept a nomination for Congress. Scores of letters +and telegrams were sent to him at Fremont, where he +was detained by illness in his family, urging upon him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> +the duty of sacrificing personal to public interests and +consent to become a candidate. He refused absolutely. +The nominating convention met August 6th, +and the following telegram tells the story:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In spite of your protests, you were nominated on first ballot. +Great enthusiasm, and whole party lifted up. We assured Republicans +that Governor Hayes never retreated when ordered +to advance. Things are looking bright.</p> + +<span style="margin-left: 24em;" class="smcap">"Richard Smith."</span></div> + +<p>Two days after, a petition was forwarded, signed +by two hundred influential Republican and non-partisan +voters of the second district, containing the words, +we "most urgently solicit you to accept the nomination +given you."</p> + +<p>His acceptance being demanded on the ground of +duty, he returned to Cincinnati and made the canvass. +At Glendale, on September 4, he delivered a lengthy +speech, from which we take these extracts:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-citizens:</i></p> + +<p>My purpose in addressing you this evening is to spread before +the people of the second district my views on the questions of +National policy which now engage the public attention.</p> + +<p>In the present condition of the country, two things are of vital +importance—peace and a sound financial policy. We want +peace—honorable peace—with all nations; peace with the Indians, +and peace between all of the citizens of all of the States. +We want a financial policy so honest that there can be no stain +on the National honor and no taint on the National credit; so +stable that labor and capital and legitimate business of every +sort can confidently count upon what it will be the next week, +the next month, and the next year. We want the burdens of +taxation so justly distributed that they will bear equally upon +all classes of citizens in proportion to their ability to sustain +them.</p> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +<p>We want our currency gradually to appreciate, until, without +financial shock or any sudden shrinkage of values, but in the +natural course of trade, it shall reach the uniform and permanent +value of gold. With lasting peace assured, and a sound financial +condition established, the United States and all of her citizens +may reasonably expect to enjoy a measure of prosperity +without a parallel in the world's history.</p> + +<p>When the debates of the last presidential election were in +progress, four years ago, there were troubles with other nations +threatening the public peace, and, in particular, there was a most +difficult, irritating, and dangerous controversy with Great Britain, +which it seemed almost impossible peaceably to settle. Now +we are at peace with all nations; the American government is +everywhere abroad held in the highest honor; and an example +of submitting National disputes to the decision of a court of arbitration +has been set, which is of incalculable value to the +world.</p> + +<hr style='width: 35%;' /> + +<p>Four years ago, and for a considerable period since, the public +peace has been broken or threatened in a majority of the late +slave States, by bands of lawless men, oath bound, disguised, and +armed, who, by terror, by scourging, and by assassination, undertook +to deprive unoffending citizens, both white and colored, of +their most cherished rights, for no reason except a difference of +political sentiment. Now these organizations have, it is claimed +by their political associates, disbanded. Large numbers of citizens +in those States, heretofore hostile to the recent amendments +to the constitution, and to the equal rights of colored people, +declare themselves satisfied with those amendments, and ready +to maintain the constitutional rights of colored citizens. Notwithstanding +the predictions of our adversaries, that to confer +political rights upon colored people would lead to a war of races, +white people and colored people are now voting side by side in +all of the old slave States, and their elections are quite as free +from violence and disorder as they were when whites alone were +the voters. In a word, peace prevails in the South to an extent +which, under the circumstances, the ablest statesmen among our +adversaries three years ago pronounced impossible. The watchword +of the Republican party four years ago was "Let us have +peace." A survey of every field where the public peace was then +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>imperiled, of our affairs with foreign nations, with the Indians, +and in the South, shows that the pledge implied in that famous +watchword has been substantially made good, and that, if the +people continue to stand by the government, the peace we now +enjoy will be continued and enduring.</p> + + +<h3>CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.</h3> + +<p>There are several questions relating to the present and the +future which merit the attention of the people. Among the +most interesting of these is the question of civil service reform.</p> + +<p>About forty years ago a system of making appointments to +office grew up, based on the maxim, "to the victors belong the +spoils." The old rule—the true rule—that honesty, capacity, +and fidelity constitute the highest claim to office, gave place to +the idea that partisan services were to be chiefly considered. +All parties in practice have adopted this system. Since its first +introduction it has been materially modified. At first, the +president, either directly or through the heads of departments, +made all appointments. Gradually, by usage, the appointing +power in many cases was transferred to members of +Congress—to senators and representatives. The offices in these +cases have become not so much rewards for party services as rewards +for personal services in nominating and electing senators +and representatives. What patronage the president and his cabinet +retain, and what offices congressmen are by usage entitled +to fill is not definitely settled. A congressman who maintains +good relations with the executive usually receives a larger share +of patronage than one who is independent. The system is a +bad one. It destroys the independence of the separate departments +of the government, and it degrades the civil service. It +ought to be abolished. General Grant has again and again explicitly +recommended reform. A majority of Congress has been +unable to agree upon any important measure. Doubtless the +bills which have been introduced contain objectionable features. +But the work should be begun. Let the best obtainable bill be +passed, and experience will show what amendments are required. +I would support either Senator Trumbull's bill or Mr. Jenckes' +bill, if nothing better were proposed. The admirable speeches +on this subject by the representative of the first district, the Hon. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span>Aaron F. Perry, contain the best exposition I have seen of sound +doctrine on this question, and I trust the day is not distant when +the principles which he advocates will be embodied in practical +measures of legislation. We ought to have a reform of the system +of appointments to the civil service, thorough, radical, and +complete.</p></div> + +<p>The people of the United States will be agreeably +surprised to learn that, four years ago, not only the +sentiments, but almost the identical language of the +recent letter of acceptance upon the subject of this +great reform was publicly proclaimed by the Republican +candidate for the presidency.</p> + +<p>In 1872, when the Presidency was not in his thoughts, +he advocated with great force the doctrines which Independent +Republicans especially commend him for +maintaining to-day. These opinions it would then be +foolishly needless to say are honest; they are deep-rooted +convictions of long growth.</p> + +<p>The elections went heavily against the Republicans +in Hamilton county, in 1872. Mr. Eggleston, the +sitting member of Congress from the First District, +was beaten three thousand five hundred and sixty-nine +votes; and General Hayes was defeated by General +H. B. Banning, whose majority was one thousand +five hundred and two. Compared with the result in +the First District, Hayes ran a thousand votes ahead +of his ticket. He had performed his duty and was +satisfied.</p> + +<p>A few months later he was offered, by the President, +the office of Assistant Treasurer of the United +States, at Cincinnati, which appointment he respectfully +declined.</p> + +<p>The years 1873 and 1874 were employed by General<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> +Hayes in making and adorning a future home for +himself and his family, near Fremont. He planted +over a thousand trees, and filled his grounds with +vines, shrubs, and flowers.</p> + +<p>In January, 1874, his patron uncle and life-long +friend Sardis Birchard died, leaving his favorite +nephew heir to a considerable estate. It elevates +our estimate of human nature to find that this heir-apparent, +or rather heir inevitable to a handsome +fortune, diminished the amount he would naturally +inherit by persuading his uncle to make bequests, +amounting to seventy-five thousand dollars, to the +citizens of Fremont for a Public Park and a Free +Public Library. It is not necessary to add, that this +unselfish course of action makes known character, +nor to say what kind of a character it makes known.</p> + +<p>The Republican State Convention, which assembled +at Columbus, June 2, 1875, nominated General +Hayes a third time for the office of Governor. He +received the news of the nomination while playing +base ball with his children at their home in Fremont. +The circumstances of this nomination were extraordinary, +and the honor it implied exceptional. The +facts, in brief, were these: The Hon. William Allen +having been put in nomination by the Democrats, +for the office of Governor, in 1873, mainly through +the influence of his nephew, Senator Thurman, was +elected by a small majority in October of that year. +Mr. Allen, as Governor, made himself active in the +direction of economy and the reduction of taxation, +and seemed to increase his popularity because of the +high reputation he enjoyed for personal integrity. +Early in 1875 it became apparent that he would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> +secure, without opposition, a re-nomination. It became +equally apparent, also, that the Republicans +would encounter no slight difficulty in defeating him. +He was in possession, he had the <i>prestige</i> of victory, +and was immensely popular with his party. It was +the plainest dictate of policy and duty for the Republicans +to proceed with extremest caution and put in +nomination their very strongest man. Personal ambitions +and interests must be put aside in every great +emergency, when the success of a cause is at stake. +What every great emergency needs is a <span class="smcap">MAN</span>. The +eyes of the Republicans of Ohio were at the same +period of time turned toward Hayes as that leader—that +man. He was written to, from every portion of +the State, to consent to become again a candidate. +His uniform reply was, that he had retired finally and +absolutely from public life, and that his tastes and +interests would keep him at home. Some, receiving +these responses in the spirit in which they were given, +looked around for other candidates. In Cincinnati +there was a strong local influence favoring Judge +Taft, the able and most estimable gentleman who +is now Attorney-General of the United States. Governor +Hayes repeatedly announced that he would, +under no circumstances, be a candidate against his +friend, Judge Taft, and urged the delegates from his +county to support Taft, which they did. Notwithstanding +these facts, when the Convention met, the +delegates, according to the public statement of General +Grosvenor, were four to one in favor of Hayes' +nomination. On the first ballot, two hundred and +seventy-four being necessary to a choice, Hayes +received four votes less than four hundred, and Taft<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> +one hundred fifty-one. The nomination was made +unanimous on motion of Judge Taft's son.</p> + +<p>Finding himself once more an involuntary candidate +for office, Governor Hayes lost no time in getting +ready for the supreme struggle, thus far, of his life. +Visiting, three weeks later, the home of his relative, +General Mitchell, in Columbus, he was serenaded by +the Hayes Club of the capital city, and, in response to +their calls, foreshadowed the great issues of the approaching +campaign. Without circumlocution, he +said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"If it shall turn out that the party in power are opposed to a +sound, safe, stable currency, I have no doubt that in October the +people will make a change. If it shall turn out that the party +in power were guilty of gross corruption in the legislative department, +and that when that corruption was exposed the majority +shielded those who were implicated, I have no doubt the +people will make a change. If it shall turn out that the party +in power yielded to the dictation of an ecclesiastical sect, and +through fear of a threatened loss of votes and power has suffered +itself to be domineered over in its exercise of the law-making +power, there ought to be, as I doubt not there will be, a great +change. If it shall turn out that the party in power is dangerously +allied to any body of men who are opposed to our free +schools, and have proclaimed undying hostility to our educational +system, then I doubt not the people will make a change in +the administration."</p></div> + +<p>The convention which nominated Hayes had adopted +some sensible resolutions. It declared, first, that:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The United States are one as a Nation, and all citizens are +equal under the laws, and entitled to their fullest protection.</p> + +<p>"<i>Third</i>. We are in favor of a tariff for revenue with incidental +protection to American industry.</p> + +<p>"<i>Fourth</i>. We stand by free education, our public school system, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span>the taxation of all for its support, and no division of the school +fund.</p> + +<p>"<i>Eleventh</i>. The observance of Washington's example in retiring +at the close of a second presidential term will be in the +future, as it has been in the past, regarded as a fundamental rule +in the unwritten law of the Republic."</p></div> + +<p>The Democratic State Convention met on the 17th +of June, and was presided over by Judge Rufus P. +Ranney. It renominated Governor Allen by acclamation +and a rising vote amidst great cheering.</p> + +<p>The governor delivered an intemperate speech upon +the occasion, in which his denunciation was about +equally divided between the old alien and sedition +laws and Grant's administration. Samuel F. Cary, +nominated for lieutenant-governor, made a loud +speech. Pendleton, Ewing, Thurman, Allen, and +Cary spoke at the ratification meeting in the evening.</p> + +<p>The platform contained the sound proposition that +the president's services should be limited to one term, +thereby endorsing a material part of Governor Hayes' +letter of acceptance in advance. It also contained +what some have called the rascally, others the asinine +propositions that the volume of currency should be +made and kept equal to the wants of trade; that all +National Bank circulation should be promptly and +permanently retired, and legal tenders be issued in their +stead, and that the payment of at least one-half of the +customs should be in legal tenders.</p> + +<p>Senator Thurman, much to the surprise of his eastern +friends, acquiesced in, or at least failed to denounce +this inflation platform. He forgot the proverb +that it is the bold man who wins. Had he made +a ringing, thirty-minutes, hard-money speech on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +occasion, no power on the continent could probably +have kept him out of the White House. This was the +day of his destiny, but the day of his destiny is over.</p> + +<p>The public and non-partisan estimate of this Democratic +platform is fairly reflected in the editorial utterances +of the Cincinnati <i>Commercial</i> of June 18th, +to the effect that:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"This platform is a declaration of war upon the National +credit. The programme of repudiation is made particularly +clear.... The contest in Ohio this summer in an extraordinary +degree concerns the Nation."</p></div> + +<p>The Chicago <i>Times</i> said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"If Allen be elected, the immediate effect is very sure to be +a prodigious rise in the threatening and dangerous tidal wave of +inflation and repudiation. The political tradition which goes +by the name of the Democratic party, will be forthwith pervaded +in every part by an active and aggressive repudiation sentiment."</p></div> + +<p>The inflation Democracy were not only hopeful but +boastful. Governor Allen made and repeated the +prediction that he would be re-elected by from 60,000 +to 70,000 majority. He said that he would not compromise +with Hayes on 20,000. It was represented +that the hard times were caused by the Republicans, +and that the people wanted "more money," which +interpreted meant more debts or due bills. Much was +said on the stump about what "the people think," +forgetting that the material question is not what they +think, but what they ought to think.</p> + +<p>Governor Hayes was not unmindful of the national +and international importance of the contest. Knowing +that the Democrats had carried the State the year<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> +before by a majority of 17,000 on their State ticket +and 24,000 on their Congressional ticket, he did not +underrate the difficulties to be contended with in the +struggle. Several Republican members of Congress +had taken the inflation shute, and were continually +writing him not to be too decided; that a little more +currency would be a good thing. But he buckled on +his hard-money armor, and going into the contest +early, delivered at Marion, Lawrence county, the +sound and solid speech which closes this volume. +Thus, in the midst of the miners and furnace men +who were suffering most from hard times and clamoring +most loudly for more money, Hayes boldly proclaimed +his sound currency creed, and opposed inflation +to the extent of a dollar.</p> + +<p>Strong men came from other States to aid him in +this battle against odds. The strongest in this kind +of battle were Stewart L. Woodford, of New York, +and Schurz and Grosvenor, of Missouri. General +Woodford, in the dozen debates he conducted with +General Ewing, the ablest of the inflationists, developed +debating abilities of the first order, and exhibited +a complete mastery of the science of finance.</p> + +<p>Colonel Wm. M. Grosvenor showed the same powers +on the stump he had shown as a writer, and presented +arguments which will probably remain unanswered +for some centuries to come.</p> + +<p>Carl Schurz appeared late in the field, upon the call +of two hundred merchants of Cincinnati, who assured +him that the cause of "National honor and common +honesty" was involved, and delivered a half dozen +superb speeches. Senator Morton, Senator Oglesby,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +Senator Windom, and Senators Sherman, Dawes, and +Boutwell took part in the canvass.</p> + +<p>Attorney-General Taft, Ex-Governor Noyes, Garfield, +Monroe, Foster, Danford, and Lawrence strengthened +the State forces.</p> + +<p>We can not waste time upon the dreary drivel on +the inflation side of this campaign. Men who have +not learned the elementary principles of the science +of political economy, who have not mastered the definitions, +as we say, in geometry, could say nothing intelligible +to the finite understanding. The speeches +were as "incoherent" as the New York <i>World</i> proved +the platform to be. They all contained doctrines, however, +in perpendicular antagonism to the financial +doctrines of the St. Louis convention. When the inflationists +learn what money is—what its office, its +function is—they may be able to resume the discussion +of finance with their opponents in the Democratic +party.</p> + +<p>After a campaign which called forth almost daily +leaders from the press of New York and London, and +aroused the interest of Europe, General Hayes was a +third time elected governor of Ohio by a majority of +5,544.</p> + +<p>The character of the contest lifted him from a State +leader to a national, an international man, and made the +presidency a possibility. We now leave the reader to +engage in the profitable pleasure of reading the only +Ohio governor's third inaugural:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Fellow-citizens of the General Assembly:</i></p> + +<p>Questions of National concern, in the existing condition of +public affairs, may well be left to those officers to whom the people, +in conformity with the constitution of the United States, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span>have confided the important duties and responsibilities of the +various departments of the general government.</p> + +<p>During the term for which you have been elected, the constitution +of the State devolves on you the task of dealing with +many subjects very interesting to the people of Ohio. The duty +of communicating to you the condition of the State, and of recommending +measures deemed expedient, was performed at the +opening of your present session by the distinguished citizen who +has preceded me in the executive office. In complying with the +usage which requires me to appear before you on this occasion, +I am, therefore, relieved from the necessity of entering upon +any extensive examination of the subjects which will claim your +attention. There are, however, a few topics on which brief suggestions +may, perhaps, be profitably submitted.</p> + +<p>The attention of the legislature has often been earnestly invoked +to the rapid increase of municipal and other local expenditures, +and the consequent augmentation of local taxation +and local indebtedness. This increase is found mainly in the cities +and large towns. It is certainly a great evil. How to govern +cities well, consistently with the principles and methods of popular +government, is one of the most important and difficult +problems of our time. Profligate expenditure is the fruitful +cause of municipal misgovernment. If a means can be found +which will keep municipal expenses from largely exceeding the +public necessities, its adoption will go far toward securing honesty +and efficiency in city affairs. In cities large debts and bad +government go together. Cities which have the lightest taxes +and smallest debts are apt, also, to have the purest and most satisfactory +governments.</p> + +<p>The following statement, showing the increase of municipal +taxation and indebtedness in the cities and large towns of Ohio, +ought to arrest attention:</p> + +<p>In 1871, in thirty-one of the principal cities and towns of the +State, the average rate of taxation was twenty-three and one-tenth +mills on the dollar. The total amount of taxes levied for +all purposes was $8,988,064. The total indebtedness was $7,187,082.</p> + +<p>In 1875, in the same cities and towns, the average rate of taxation +was twenty-eight and three-tenths mills on the dollar. The +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span>total amount of taxes levied for all purposes was $12,361,934. +The total indebtedness was $20,800,491.</p> + +<p>The salient points in this statement are, that in four years the +rate of municipal taxation has increased almost 25 per cent; the +total amount of municipal taxes has increased over thirty-seven per +cent, and municipal indebtedness has increased about one hundred +and ninety per cent, or more than thirteen and a half millions +of dollars. If this great increase of burdens affected directly +the whole people of the State, they would give their agents +in the legislative and executive departments of the State government +no peace until effective measures to prevent its continuance +were adopted. But, in fact, the whole people of the State +are deeply interested in this subject. The burdens borne by the +cities and towns must be shared, in part at least, by all who transact +business with them. The town and the neighboring country +have a common interest, and, in many respects must be regarded +as one community.</p> + +<p>It has been said that the discretion committed to the local authorities, +however limited and guarded, must be necessarily +large; that in respect to the imposition of the largest proportion +of the burden imposed upon the citizen, they constitute the real +legislature; and that for the prevention of the evils we are considering, +the people must exercise the greatest care in the choice +of citizens to fill the important local offices. Experience does +not seem to justify the expectation that an adequate remedy can +be obtained in this way.</p> + +<p>I submit that to the subject of local indebtedness the General +Assembly should apply the principles of the State constitution +on the subject of State indebtedness.</p> + +<p>It is not enough to require in every grant of special authority +to incur debt as a condition precedent that the people interested +shall approve it by their votes. It is well known how easily such +elections are carried under the influence of local excitement and +local rivalries. If the rule of the State constitution which forbids +all debts except in certain specified emergencies is deemed +too stringent to be applied to local affairs, the legislature should +at least accompany every authority to contract debt with an imperative +requirement that a tax sufficient to pay off the indebtedness +within a brief period shall be immediately levied, and +thus compel every citizen who votes to increase debts to vote at +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span>the same time for an immediate increase of taxes sufficient to +discharge them.</p> + +<p>The wisdom of the policy long since adopted of placing a judicious +limitation on the power of municipal authorities to levy +taxes has been vindicated by experience. It must, however, ultimately +fail to accomplish its object if the increase of municipal +indebtedness is allowed to go on. To authorize a town to contract +a debt, whose expenditures already require taxation up to +the limit allowed by law, is, in its necessary effect, tantamount +to a repeal of the limitation.</p> + +<p>Under the provisions of the eighth article of the constitution, +already referred to, the State debt, notwithstanding the extraordinary +expenditures of the war, has been reduced from over +twenty millions, the amount due in 1851, until it is now only +about seven millions. An important part of the constitutional +provisions which have been so successful in State finances is the +section which requires the creation of a sinking fund and the +annual payment of a constantly increasing sum on the principal +of the State debt. Let a requirement analogous to this be enacted +in regard to existing local indebtedness; let a judicious +limitation of the rate of taxation which local authorities may +levy be strictly adhered to, and allow no further indebtedness +to be authorized except in conformity with these principles; +and we may, I believe, confidently expect that within a few +years the burdens of debt now resting upon the cities and towns +of the State will disappear, and that other wholesome and much +needed reforms in the whole administration of our municipal +government will of necessity follow the adoption of what may +be called the cash system in local affairs.</p> + +<p>Among the most interesting duties you will have to perform +are those which relate to the guardianship and care of the unfortunate +classes of society and to the punishment and reformation +of criminals. According to the latest official reports the +State is responsible for the support and care of about fifteen +thousand of her dependent citizens. The State is also bound +to see that many thousands more, who are imprisoned for longer +or shorter periods on account of crime, have just and wise treatment. +There is annually expended in the performance of these +duties a sum exceeding two and a half millions of dollars. The +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span>people of Ohio feel a profound interest in what are known as +the benevolent, reformatory, and penal institutions of the State.</p> + +<p>In order that the General Assembly might from time to time +receive full and accurate information as to the efficiency of the +management of these institutions, and of the county and city +jails, infirmaries, and work-houses, it was enacted in 1867 that a +Board of State Charities be established. It was intended that +this board should be composed of citizens of intelligence and +benevolence, who would serve without compensation. They +were "to investigate the system of the public charitable and +correctional institutions of the State, and to make such recommendations +as they might deem necessary." They were also +required to make annually a full and complete report of their +doings to the legislature. In pursuance of this law a board was +organized, which, at a trifling expense to the State, did much +valuable work. By reason of their investigations and reports, +important improvements were introduced into the infirmaries +and jails of the State, and the general efficiency of our penal +and reformatory system was increased. In 1872 the General +Assembly, without due consideration, it is believed, repealed the +act creating the board. I respectfully recommend that the +Board of State Charities be re-established.</p> + +<p>It is believed that an investigation in the interest of economy +will discover that several offices, somewhat expensive to the +State, may, without detriment to the public service, be either +abolished, or so consolidated as to accomplish a material saving +to the treasury.</p> + +<p>Agreeing generally with the sentiments of Governor Allen's +recent message, I desire especially to concur in what is said on +the subject of the National Centennial Celebration.</p> + +<p>No community in the world has been permitted by Providence +to enjoy more largely the blessings conferred on mankind by +the great event of 1776 than the people of Ohio. Ohio and her +interests had no existence one hundred years ago. They are the +growth of less than a century. The people naturally wish that +their State, and her history, and her advantages should be widely +known. No other such opportunity for their exhibition will +probably occur for several generations.</p> + +<p>Let your session be short—avoid all schemes requiring excessive +expenditure, whether State or local, and your constituents +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span>will cheerfully approve the appropriation required to secure to +Ohio a fitting representation in the approaching celebration of +the Nation's birth.</p> + +<p>Before taking the oath of office, I desire to make my acknowledgments +to my predecessor, Governor Allen, for the friendly +and considerate way in which he has treated me, both during +and since the recent political contest in Ohio; and to express +the wish, in which I am sure you and all the people whom he +has served will unite with me, that, returning to his beautiful +home overlooking the ancient capital of our State, he may enjoy +for many years to come the best blessings which belong to this +stage of existence.</p></div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> + +<h3>NOMINATION TO THE PRESIDENCY.</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Early Suggestions—Letters on Subject—Garfield Letter—Action +of State Convention—Cincinnati Convention—Course +of his Friends—First and Second Day's +Events—Speech of Noyes—Balloting—Nominated on +Seventh Ballot—Officially Notified—Habits—Personal +Appearance—Family—Letter of Acceptance—Character +as a Soldier, Magistrate, and Man—Domestic Surroundings.</i>.</p></div> + + +<p>No able man can for a long time fill the office of +chief magistrate of one of the three great States of +the Union without having his name more or less mentioned +by his friends in connection with the presidency. +As early as October, 1871, the president of +the Chamber of Commerce of Cincinnati, at a large +public meeting held in that city just prior to the fall +election, introduced Governor Hayes as the next Republican +candidate for President of the United States.</p> + +<p>In 1872 a modest poet was inspired by the surrounding +sentiment to sing:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">"We bow not down to yonder rising sun,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">As did the Parsee worshiper of old,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">But bend in homage when its race is run,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">And watch it sink in purple-fretted gold.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">And thus to thee, oh Hayes! the tried, the true,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">On battle-field and in the civic chair,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Our heart's deep gratitude, thy meed and due,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">(As closes far too soon thy proud career),<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Goes out with benedictions pure and high:<br /></span> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span><span class="i4">Oh may thy set be brief, and, like the sun,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Rise thou again—thy light to fill the sky,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">A brighter course of glory still to run,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Till millions now unborn shall hail thy name<br /></span> +<span class="i2">In ages yet to come, with grand acclaim!"<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Early in 1875 he was overwhelmed with letters +urging upon him the acceptance of the third nomination +for governor. Many of these letters presented +as an inducement in favor of acceptance that if he +ran for governor and succeeded in beating Allen, the +prize of the presidency would be within his reach. +To one of these letters from a leading editor he replied +on April 10:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The personal advantages you suggest rather tend to repel me. +The melancholy thing in our public life is the insane desire to get +higher.... But now I can't take that direction, and I will +be ever so much obliged if you will help drop me out of it as +smoothly as may be."</p></div> + +<p>To a member of the State legislature he wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Content with the past, I am not in a state of mind about the +future. It is for us to act well in the present. George E. Pugh +used to say there is no political hereafter."</p></div> + +<p>In the canvass of 1875, so much were the hearts of +the people set upon having their great State leader +the National leader, that the masses were invited in +announcements for political meetings to come out and +hear "the next President of the United States."</p> + +<p>As illustrating the firmness of Governor Hayes in +adhering to convictions, we give below a letter addressed +to Hon. James A. Garfield. It must be remembered +that at the time this letter was written the paper<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> +money madness prevailed through Ohio and in Congress +to an alarming extent.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<div style="margin-left: 35%;"> +<span class="smcap">Executive Department, State of Ohio</span>, +<span class="bracket2">}</span></div> +<div style="margin-left: 45%;"> +<span class="smcap">Columbus</span>, <i>March 4, 1876</i>. +</div> + +<p><i>My Dear General:</i></p> + +<p>I have your note of 2d. I am kept busy with callers, correspondence, +and the routine details of the office, and have not +therefore tried to keep abreast of the currents of opinion on +any of the issues. My notion is that the true contest is to be +between inflation and a sound currency. The Democrats are +again drifting all to the wrong side. We need not divide on details, +on methods, or time when.</p> + +<p>The previous question will again be irredeemable paper as a +permanent policy, or a policy which seeks a return to coin. My +opinion is decidedly against yielding a hair's breadth.</p> + +<p>We can't be on the inflation side of the question. We must +keep our face, our front, firmly in the other direction. "No +steps backward," must be something more than unmeaning platform +words. "The drift of sentiment among our friends in +Ohio," which you inquire about, will depend on the conduct of +our leading men. It is for them to see that the right sentiment +is steadily upheld. We are in a condition such that firmness +and adherence to principle are of peculiar value just now. I +would "consent" to no backward steps. To yield or compromise +is weakness, and will destroy us. If a better resumption +measure can be substituted for the present one, that may do. +But keep cool. We can better afford to be beaten in Congress +than to back out.</p> + + +<span style="margin-left: 18em;">Sincerely,</span> +<span style="margin-left: 24em;" class="smcap">R. B. Hayes.</span> +</div> +<br /> +<p>Here is high courage and lofty political morality. +The letter proclaims the grand truth that the only inquiry +worthy of a statesman is, not what the tendency +of public opinion is, but what ought it to be?</p> + +<p>To a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention he +wrote, under date of April 6:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Having done absolutely nothing to make myself the candidate +of Ohio, I feel very little responsibility for future results. +When the State Convention was called it seemed probable that +if I encouraged my friends to organize for the purpose, every +district would elect my decided supporters. But to make such +an effort in my own behalf, to use Payne's phrase on repudiation, +'I abhorred.'"</p></div> + +<p>The Republican State Convention, which met +March 29, had passed, by a unanimous vote, and with +boundless enthusiasm, the following resolution:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The Republican party of Ohio, having full confidence in the +honesty, ability, and patriotism of Rutherford B. Hayes, cordially +presents him to the National Republican Convention, for +the nomination for president of the United States, and our +State delegates to that Convention are instructed and the district +delegates are requested to use their earnest efforts to secure his +nomination."</p></div> + +<p>We shall not stop to trace the growth of the Hayes +sentiment in other States. When the Sixth Republican +National Convention assembled in Cincinnati, on +June 14, 1876, the situation was this: Hayes was the +first choice of every one for the second place on the +ticket, and every one's second choice for the first. He +and his friends had in no way antagonized other candidates, +and had been guilty of no uncharitableness +of judgment toward them. In the convention, he +was modestly presented as the one candidate who +could harmonize all interests, and unite all party elements. +His friends argued that he combined merit +and availability to a higher degree than any one whose +name was before the convention.</p> + +<p>The spirit of the convention was good, and there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> +seemed a willing response to this portion of the opening +prayer:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"By Thy grace, give to them a spirit of concord, that harmony +may prevail in their counsels; a spirit of wisdom that may discern +and use the right means to promote the end for which they +are convened; a spirit of patriotism, that the prosperity of the +Nation may overshadow all personal or sectional desires; a spirit +of courage, that they may be faithful to the deepest convictions +of duty."</p></div> + +<p>Ex-Governor Morgan, of New York, Chairman of +the National Executive Committee, in his opening +address, pertinently said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Resumption accomplished, then, in all human probability, +will follow ten or fifteen years of prosperity, equal to that of any +former period, perhaps greater than the country has yet seen. +If you will, in addition, put a plank in your platform, declaring +for such an amendment of the constitution as will extend the +presidential office to six years, and make the incumbent ineligible +for re-election, you will deserve the gratitude of the American +people."</p></div> + +<p>The Hon. Theodore M. Pomeroy, Temporary Chairman, +forcibly declared:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"No, gentlemen, the late war was not a mere prize-fight for +National supremacy. It was the outgrowth of the conflict of irreconcilable +moral, social, and political forces. Democracy had +its lot with the moral, social, and political forces of the cause +which was lost; the Republican party with those which triumphed +and survived. The preservation of the results of that +victory devolves upon us here and now. Democracy has no traditions +of the past, no impulses of the present, no aspirations +for the future, fitting it for this task. The reaction of 1874 has +already spent itself in a vain effort to realize the situation. It +has simply demonstrated that no change in the machinery of the +government can be had outside of the Republican party, without +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span>drawing with it a practical nullification of the great work of reconstruction, +financial chaos, and administrative revolution. +The present House of Representatives has succeeded in nothing +except the development of its own incapacity."</p></div> + +<p>The additional speeches delivered on the first day +(which was devoted to organization) were by Senator +Logan, General Joseph R. Hawley, Ex-Governor +Noyes, Rev. Henry Highland Garnett, Ex-Governor +Wm. A. Howard, of Michigan, and Fred. Douglass.</p> + +<p>Mr. Douglass was vociferously applauded, when he +said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The thing, however, in which I feel the deepest interest, and +the thing in which I believe this country feels the deepest interest, +is that the principles involved in the contest which carried +your sons and brothers to the battle-field, which draped our +Northern churches with the weeds of mourning, and filled our +towns and our cities with mere stumps of men—armless, legless, +maimed, and mutilated—the thing for which you poured out your +blood and piled a debt for after-coming generations higher than +a mountain of gold, to weigh down the necks of your children +and your children's children—I say those principles, those principles +involved in that tremendous contest, are to be dearer to +the American people in the great political struggle now upon +them than any other principles we have."</p></div> + +<p>The most significant event of the first day's proceedings +was the reading from the platform, by George +William Curtis, of the outspoken address of the Republican +Reform Club of the city of New York.</p> + +<p>The Hon. Edward McPherson, of Pennsylvania, +was chosen permanent chairman. The important +events of the second day's proceedings were the adoption +of the platform and the putting presidential candidates +in nomination. The candidate the convention +subsequently selected was placed in nomination by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> +Ex-Governor Noyes, of Ohio, through the following +eminently appropriate speech:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>:—On behalf of the forty-four delegates from Ohio, +representing the entire Republican party of Ohio, I have the +honor to present to this convention the name of a gentleman +well known and favorably known throughout the country; one +held in high respect, and much beloved, by the people of Ohio; +a man who, during the dark and stormy days of the rebellion, +when those who are invincible in peace and invisible in battle +were uttering brave words to cheer their neighbors on, himself, +in the fore-front of battle, followed his leaders and his flag until +the authority of our government was established from the lakes +to the Gulf, and from the river round to the sea. A man who +has had the rare good fortune since the war was over to be twice +elected to Congress from the district where he resided, and subsequently +the rarer fortune of beating successively for the highest +office in the gift of the people of Ohio, Allen G. Thurman, +George H. Pendleton, and William Allen. He is a gentleman +who has somehow fallen into the habit of defeating Democratic +aspirants for the Presidency, and we in Ohio all have a notion +that from long experience he will be able to do it again. In presenting +the name of Governor Hayes, permit me to say we wage +no war upon the distinguished gentlemen whose names have been +mentioned here to-day. They have rendered great service to +their country, which entitles them to our respect and to our +gratitude. I have no word to utter against them. I only wish +to say that General Hayes is the peer of these gentlemen in integrity, +in character, in ability. They appear as equals in all the +great qualities which fit men for the highest positions which the +American people can give them. Governor Hayes is honest; he +is brave; he is unpretending; he is wise, sagacious, a scholar, and +a gentleman. Enjoying an independent fortune, the simplicity +of his private life, his modesty of bearing, is a standing rebuke to +the extravagance—the reckless extravagance—which leads to +corruption in public and in private places.</p> + +<p>Remember now, delegates to the convention, that a responsible +duty rests upon you. You can be governed by no wild impulse. +You can run no fearful risks in this campaign. You +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>must, if you would succeed, nominate a candidate here who will +not only carry the old, strong Republican States, but who will +carry Indiana, Ohio, and New York, as well as other doubtful +States. We care not who the man shall be, other than our own +candidate. Whoever you nominate, men of the convention, shall +receive our heartiest and most earnest efforts for their success. +But we beg to submit that in Governor Hayes you have those +qualities which are calculated best to compromise all difficulties, +and to soften all antagonisms. He has no personal enemies: His +private life is so pure that no man has ever dared to assail it. +His public acts throughout all these years have been above suspicion +even. I ask you, then, if, in the lack of these antagonisms, +and with all of these good qualities, living in a State which holds +its election in October, the result of which will be decisive, it +may be, of the presidential campaign—it is not worth while to +see to it that a candidate is nominated against whom nothing +can be said, and who is sure to succeed in the campaign?</p> + +<p>In conclusion, permit me to say that, if the wisdom of this +convention shall decide at last that Governor Hayes' nomination +is safest, and is best, that decision will meet with such responsive +enthusiasm here in Ohio as will insure Republican success at +home, and which will be so far-reaching and wide-spreading as +to make success almost certain from the Atlantic to the Pacific.</p></div> + +<p>The nomination was seconded by Benjamin F. +Wade, of Ohio, Colonel J. W. Davis, of West Virginia, +Hon. A. St. Gem, and Hon. J. P. Jones, of Missouri.</p> + +<p>The third and last day of the sitting of the Convention +was employed in balloting and in making the +nominations.</p> + +<p>At twenty minutes to 11 the balloting for president +began:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span></p> + + +<h4>FIRST BALLOT.</h4> + + +<table border="1" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="First Ballot"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='center'>STATES.</td><td align='center'>Blaine</td><td align='center'>Morton</td><td align='center'>Conkling</td><td align='center'>Bristow</td><td align='center'>Hayes</td><td align='center'>Hartranft</td><td align='center'>Wheeler</td><td align='center'>Jewell</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Alabama</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>1</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Arkansas</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>12</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>California</td><td align='center'>9</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Connecticut</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>10</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Delaware</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Florida</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>4</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Georgia</td><td align='center'>5</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Illinois</td><td align='center'>38</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Indiana</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>30</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Iowa</td><td align='center'>22</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Kansas</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Kentucky</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>24</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Louisiana</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Maine</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Maryland</td><td align='center'>16</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Massachusetts</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>17</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Michigan</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>9</td><td align='center'>4</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Minnesota</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Mississippi</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>12</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Missouri</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>12</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Nebraska</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Nevada</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New Hampshire</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New Jersey</td><td align='center'>13</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>5</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New York</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>69</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>North Carolina</td><td align='center'>9</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Ohio</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>44</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Oregon</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Pennsylvania</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>58</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Rhode Island</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>South Carolina</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>13</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Texas</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>5</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Tennessee</td><td align='center'>4</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Vermont</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Virginia</td><td align='center'>16</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>West Virginia</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Wisconsin</td><td align='center'>20</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Arizona</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Colorado</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Dakota</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Idaho</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Montana</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New Mexico</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Utah</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>District of Columbia</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Washington</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Wyoming</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='center'>Totals</td><td align='center'>285</td><td align='center'>125</td><td align='center'>99</td><td align='center'>113</td><td align='center'>61</td><td align='center'>58</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>11</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> + +<p>The second ballot resulted as follows: Blaine, 296; +Morton, 120; Bristow, 114; Conkling, 93; Hayes, +64; Hartranft, 63: Wheeler, 3; Washburne, 1.</p> + +<p>Third ballot: Blaine, 293; Bristow, 121; Morton, +113; Conkling, 90; Hartranft, 08; Hayes, 67; +Wheeler, 2; Washburne, 1.</p> + +<p>Fourth ballot: Blaine, 292; Bristow, 126; Morton, +108; Conkling, 84; Hartranft, 71; Hayes, 68; Washburne, +3; Wheeler, 2.</p> + +<p>Fifth ballot: Whole number of votes cast, 755. +Necessary to a choice, 378. Not voting, 1. Blaine, +286; Morton, 95; Bristow, 114; Conkling, 82; Hayes, +104; Hartranft, 69; Wheeler (Mass.), 2; Washburne, +(Ga. 1, 111. 1, Minn. 1), 3.</p> + +<p>On this ballot Hayes passed from the fifth to the +third place, through the aid of 22 votes cast for him +by Michigan, and 12 by North Carolina. This was +the first distinct foreshadowing of the result.</p> + +<p>On the sixth ballot Hayes was second, the vote +standing: Blaine, 308; Hayes, 113; Bristow, 111; +Morton, 85; Conkling, 81; Hartranft, 50; Washburne, +5; Wheeler, 2.</p> + +<p>The decisive ballot stood:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span></p> + + +<h4>SEVENTH BALLOT.</h4> + +<table border="1" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Seventh Ballot"> +<tbody> +<tr><td align='center'>STATES.</td><td align='center'>Hayes</td><td align='center'>Blaine</td><td align='center'>Bristow</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Alabama</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>17</td><td align='center'>3</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Arkansas</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>11</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>California</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>16</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Connecticut</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>7</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Delaware</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Florida</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Georgia</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>1</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Illinois</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>35</td><td align='center'>5</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Indiana</td><td align='center'>25</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>5</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Iowa</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>22</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Kansas</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Kentucky</td><td align='center'>24</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Louisiana</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Maine</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Maryland</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>16</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Massachusetts</td><td align='center'>21</td><td align='center'>5</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Michigan</td><td align='center'>22</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Minnesota</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>9</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Mississippi</td><td align='center'>16</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Missouri</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>20</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Nebraska</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Nevada</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New Hampshire</td><td align='center'>3</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New Jersey</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>12</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New York</td><td align='center'>61</td><td align='center'>9</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>North Carolina</td><td align='center'>20</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Ohio</td><td align='center'>44</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Oregon</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Pennsylvania</td><td align='center'>28</td><td align='center'>30</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Rhode Island</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>South Carolina</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>7</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Texas</td><td align='center'>15</td><td align='center'>1</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Tennessee</td><td align='center'>18</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Vermont</td><td align='center'>10</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Virginia</td><td align='center'>8</td><td align='center'>14</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>West Virginia</td><td align='center'>4</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Wisconsin</td><td align='center'>4</td><td align='center'>16</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Arizona</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Colorado</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>6</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Dakota</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Idaho</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Montana</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>New Mexico</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Utah</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>District of Columbia </td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Washington</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Wyoming</td><td align='center'>2</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Totals</td><td align='center'>381</td><td align='center'>351</td><td align='center'>21</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> + +<br /> +<p>The nomination of Governor Hayes was received +with indescribable enthusiasm, with long-continued<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> +cheering, and every other demonstration of joy and +delight.</p> + +<p>Outside of Ohio the State that contributed most to +this far-reaching result was Michigan. From the fact +that Mr. Bristow telegraphed to the Kentucky delegation +several hours before the crisis was reached to +cast their votes for Hayes, that State should share, +after Michigan, the honor of achieving the grand result. +Indiana, North Carolina, and New York followed +close upon Kentucky, if it is possible to compare +the value of the aid each State brought.</p> + +<p>On motion of the Hon. Wm. P. Frye, of Maine, +Rutherford B. Hayes was declared the unanimous +choice of the Republican National Convention for +President of the United States.</p> + +<p>This great convention concluded its labors by nominating +the able and incorruptible Wm. A. Wheeler, +of New York, for vice-president by acclamation.</p> + +<p>On the 17th of June, the day following the nomination, +the committee appointed by the convention to +notify Governor Hayes of the fact presented themselves +in the executive office at Columbus.</p> + +<p>Mr. McPherson, the chairman, approaching him, +said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"<span class="smcap">Governor Hayes</span>: We have been deputed by the National +convention of the Republican party, holden at Cincinnati on +the 14th of the present month, to inform you officially that you +have been unanimously nominated by that convention for the +office of President of the United States. The manner in which +that action was taken, and the response to it from every portion +of the country, attest the strength of the popular confidence in +you and the belief that your administration will be wise, courageous, +and just. We say, sir, your administration, for we believe +that the people will confirm the action of the convention, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span>thus save the country from the control of the men and the operations +of the principles and policy of the Democratic party. +We have also been directed to ask your attention to the summary +of the Republican doctrine contained in the platform +adopted by the convention. In discharging this agreeable duty +we find cause of congratulation in the harmonious action of the +convention, and in the hearty response given by the people we +see the promise of assured success. Ohio, we know, trusts and +honors you. Henceforth you belong to the whole country. +Under circumstances so auspicious, we trust you will indicate +your acceptance of the nomination."</p></div> + +<p>The governor, who had had no intimation as to +what the length or character of the address would be, +was left in doubt with respect to the response expected +from him by the committee. He, however, without +embarrassment, but in an intentionally subdued tone +of voice, gave this appropriately brief reply:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"<span class="smcap">Sir</span>: I have only to say in response to your information that +I accept the nomination. Perhaps at the present time it would +be improper for me to say more than this, although even now I +should be glad to give some expression to the profound sense of +gratitude I feel for the confidence reposed in me by yourselves +and those for whom you act. At a future time I shall take occasion +to present my acceptance in writing, with my views upon +the platform."</p></div> + +<p>Since his nomination for the presidency, Governor +Hayes has changed in no perceptible respect the +habits, recreations, or labors of his daily life. He +rises early and accomplishes much work before breakfast. +He labors in the executive office in the capitol +from nine until five, discharging his varied duties as +governor, answering or dictating the answers to be +given his official, political, and private correspondence, +and remaining at all times accessible to visitors of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> +every age, sex, color, and condition, who seek to see +him. His evenings are passed with his family, or at +the social parties of his many friends. He makes his +customary trips to his home and farms near Fremont, +and, while profitably managing large property interests, +finds time to devote to pioneer history, to domestic +architecture, to gardening, to general literature, to +languages, and other liberal studies and pursuits. He +is sobered, but not overpowered or oppressed by the +new responsibilities cast upon him. He suffers himself +to be—as he ever has been—natural. Moderate, +discreet, and wise in all things as he has been in the +past and is in the present, he is conspicuously one who +grows wiser each day that he lives.</p> + +<p>Governor Hayes has reached the age of fifty-four, +is five feet nine inches in height, and weighs one hundred +and eighty pounds. Perfect health and habits +leave him just in the ripe maturity of physical manhood +and mind. His shoulders and breast are broad, +his frame solid and compact, his limbs muscular and +strong. He has a fresh, ruddy complexion, is full of +activity and elasticity, and is very fond of the amusements +of young people. He has an exceptionally high +and full forehead, a prominent nose, and bluish-gray +eyes. A heavy sandy mustache and beard, which are +silvered a little, conceal his mouth and chin. His +light-brown hair is thin and slightly sprinkled with +gray.</p> + +<p>The Governor is the father of eight children, five +of whom are now living. Those still living were +born as follows: Birchard Austin, November 4, +1853; Webb Cook, March 20, 1856; Rutherford<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> +Platt, June 24, 1858; Fanny Hayes, September 2, +1867; Scott Russell, February 8, 1871.</p> + +<p>The youngest of these children was born in Columbus, +the others in Cincinnati. The oldest son graduated +at Cornell University, in the class of 1874, and +is now at the Harvard Law School. The second son +passed three years at Cornell, and is now at home. +The third son is at Cornell.</p> + +<p>Three weeks from the day that Governor Hayes +was nominated for the Presidency, his private secretary, +Captain A. E. Lee, put upon the telegraphic +wires, at Columbus, the following accurate copy of:</p> +<br /> +<div class="blockquot"><center><b>THE LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.</b></center> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 45%;"><span class="smcap">Columbus, Ohio</span>, <i>July 8, 1876.</i></span> +<br /> +<p>Hon. Edward McPherson, Hon. Wm. A. Howard, Hon. Joseph +H. Rainey, and others, Committee of the Republican National +Convention.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>: In reply to your official communication of June +17, by which I am informed of my nomination for the office of +President of the United States by the Republican National +Convention at Cincinnati, I accept the nomination with gratitude, +hoping that, under Providence, I shall be able, if elected, +to execute the duties of the high office as a trust for the benefit +of all the people.</p> + +<p>I do not deem it necessary to enter upon any extended examination +of the declaration of principles made by the convention. +The resolutions are in accord with my views, and I heartily concur +in the principles they announce. In several of the resolutions, +however, questions are considered which are of such importance +that I deem it proper to briefly express my convictions +in regard to them.</p> + +<p>The fifth resolution adopted by the convention is of paramount +interest. More than forty years ago, a system of making appointments +to office grew up, based upon the maxim "To the victors +belong the spoils." The old rule, the true rule, that honesty, +capacity, and fidelity constitute the only real qualifications for +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span>office, and that there is no other claim, gave place to the idea +that party services were to be chiefly considered. All parties, in +practice, have adopted this system. It has been essentially modified +since its first introduction. It has not, however, been improved.</p> + +<p>At first the president, either directly or through the heads of +departments, made all the appointments. But gradually the +appointing power, in many cases, passed into the control of members +of Congress. The offices, in these cases, have become not +merely rewards for party services, but rewards for services to +party leaders. This system destroys the independence of the +separate departments of the government; it tends directly to +extravagance and official incapacity; it is a temptation to dishonesty; +it hinders and impairs that careful supervision and +strict accountability by which alone faithful and efficient public +service can be secured; it obstructs the prompt removal and +sure punishment of the unworthy. In every way it degrades the +civil service and the character of the government. It is felt, I +am confident, by a large majority of the members of Congress, +to be an intolerable burden, and an unwarrantable hindrance to +the proper discharge of their legitimate duties. It ought to be +abolished. The reform should be thorough, radical, and complete.</p> + +<p>We should return to the principles and practice of the founders +of the government, supplying by legislation, when needed, +that which was formerly established custom. They neither expected +nor desired from the public officer any partisan service. +They meant that public officers should owe their whole service to +the government and to the people. They meant that the officer +should be secure in his tenure as long as his personal character +remained untarnished, and the performance of his duties satisfactory. +If elected, I shall conduct the administration of the +government upon these principles; and all constitutional powers +vested in the executive will be employed to establish this reform.</p> + +<p>The declaration of principles by the Cincinnati Convention +makes no announcement in favor of a single presidential term. +I do not assume to add to that declaration; but, believing that +the restoration of the civil service to the system established by +Washington and followed by the early presidents can be best accomplished +by an executive who is under no temptation to use +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span>the patronage of his office to promote his own re-election, I desire +to perform what I regard as a duty, in stating now my inflexible +purpose, if elected, not to be a candidate for election +to a second term.</p> + +<p>On the currency question, I have frequently expressed my +views in public, and I stand by my record on this subject. I regard +all the laws of the United States relating to the payment +of the public indebtedness, the legal tender notes included, as +constituting a pledge and moral obligation of the Government, +which must in good faith be kept. It is my conviction that the +feeling of uncertainty inseparable from an irredeemable paper +currency, with its fluctuations of values, is one of the great obstacles +to a revival of confidence and business, and to a return +of prosperity. That uncertainty can be ended in but one way—the +resumption of specie payments; but the longer the instability +connected with our present money system is permitted to +continue, the greater will be the injury inflicted upon our economical +interests, and all classes of society.</p> + +<p>If elected, I shall approve every appropriate measure to accomplish +the desired end, and shall oppose any step backward.</p> + +<p>The resolution with respect to the public school system is one +which should receive the hearty support of the American people. +Agitation upon this subject is to be apprehended, until, by constitutional +amendment, the schools are placed beyond all danger +of sectarian control or interference. The Republican party is +pledged to secure such an amendment.</p> + +<p>The resolution of the convention on the subject of the permanent +pacification of the country, and the complete protection of +all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitutional +rights, is timely and of great importance. The condition of the +Southern States attracts the attention and commands the sympathy +of the people of the whole Union. In their progressive +recovery from the effects of the war, their first necessity is an +intelligent and honest administration of government, which will +protect all classes of citizens in all their political and private rights. +What the South most needs is peace, and peace depends upon +the supremacy of law. There can be no enduring peace if the +constitutional rights of any portion of the people are habitually +disregarded. A division of political parties, resting merely upon +distinctions of race, or upon sectional lines, is always unfortu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span>nate, and may be disastrous. The welfare of the South, alike +with that of every other part of the country, depends upon the +attractions it can offer to labor, to immigration, and to capital. +But laborers will not go, and capital will not be ventured, where +the constitution and the laws are set at defiance, and distraction, +apprehension, and alarm, take the place of peace-loving and +law-abiding social life. All parts of the constitution are sacred, +and must be sacredly observed—the parts that are new no less +than the parts that are old. The moral and material prosperity +of the Southern States can be most effectively advanced by a +hearty and generous recognition of the rights of all by all—a +recognition without reserve or exception.</p> + +<p>With such a recognition fully accorded, it will be practicable +to promote, by the influence of all legitimate agencies of the +general government, the efforts of the people of those States to +obtain for themselves the blessings of honest and capable local +government.</p> + +<p>If elected, I shall consider it not only my duty, but it will be +my ardent desire, to labor for the attainment of this end.</p> + +<p>Let me assure my countrymen of the Southern States that if +I shall be charged with the duty of organizing an Administration, +it will be one which will regard and cherish their truest interests—the +interests of the white and of the colored people both, and +equally; and which will put forth its best efforts in behalf of a +civil policy which will wipe out forever the distinction between +North and South in our common country.</p> + +<p>With a civil service organized upon a system which will secure +purity, experience, efficiency, and economy; with a strict regard +for the public welfare, solely, in appointments; with the speedy, +thorough, and unsparing prosecution and punishment of all public +officers who betray official trusts; with a sound currency; +with education unsectarian and free to all; with simplicity and +frugality in public and private affairs, and with a fraternal spirit +of harmony pervading the people of all sections and classes, we +may reasonably hope that the second century of our existence +as a Nation will, by the blessing of God, be pre-eminent as an +era of good feeling, and a period of progress, prosperity, and +happiness.</p> +<span style="margin-left: 14em;">Very respectfully,</span> +<span style="margin-left: 18em;">Your fellow-citizen,</span> +<span style="margin-left: 24em;" class="smcap">R. B. Hayes.</span> +</div> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> + +<p>The non-partisan verdict upon this letter is that it +is faultless in style, sound in principle, courageous, +broad and elevated in tone, liberal, wise, statesmanlike, +and strong. It is, in short, the declaration of +faith of an honest man who has a heart in his breast +and a head on his shoulders, with purity in that heart +and brains in that head.</p> + +<p>The conclusions which follow our study of the public +career of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, and the +study of that interior life, the beauty of which the +world will not know until he has passed from it, are +briefly these.</p> + +<p>In boyhood, in battle, in the civic chair, in the esteem +of his State, in every duty and relation of life, +he has been first, and now, it would seem, is first in +the hearts of his countrymen. As a student, he was +foremost; as a lawyer, he was in the front rank; as a +soldier, he was the bravest; as a legislator, the most +judicious; as a governor, second to none of Ohio's +great magistrates.</p> + +<p>The most striking characteristic of Hayes as a soldier +was his personal intrepidity. Anthony Wayne, +Francis Marion, and Ethan Allen were called brave +men in the Revolution, and so they were; but we look +in vain in their histories for as numerous proofs of +unsurpassable daring as the hero of Cloyd Mountain, +Cedar Creek, and South Mountain, has given us. +Four horses shot under him; four wounds in action; +fighting after he fell; a hundred days exposed to +death under fire—these are the evidences of as lofty +a courage as is yet known among men.</p> + +<p>As a regimental, brigade, and division commander, +his most striking quality as a leader was his impetu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span>osity. General Crook used to say that Hayes fought +infantry as other men fought cavalry. He was always +wanting to move forward, to charge, to get at the +enemy with cold steel. His favorite step was the +double-quick; his choice of distance two paces; and +his preferred mode of fighting, the hand-to-hand grapple. +This meant business, was decisive, and was soon +over.</p> + +<p>Another characteristic was his constant care for the +comfort of his soldiers. He was much in the hospitals, +cheering up the wounded, writing letters for them, +and sending last messages from the lips of the dying +to wives, mothers, and friends. He shared his blanket, +his last crust, his last penny, with the neediest of his +men, and abstained from food when they had none.</p> + +<p>His house is to-day, and has been since the war, a +soldiers' home, where all who served with him are invited +to come at all times and partake at his own +table with his wife and children. Seldom is this generous +hospitality imposed on by the members of his +large military family. Once, only, a pseudo-soldier, +whom the children called the "Veteran," having +served two days and a half in the army, remained +just double the term of his military service under the +governor's roof. He doubtless found that the rations +at this camp were good.</p> + +<p>As a civil magistrate, Governor Hayes has developed +executive and administrative abilities of the +highest order. He has a practical, common-sense, +direct way of doing things. He first finds what +things ought to be done, and then how. When his +own party has been in a minority, he has made +friends with a few of the most reasonable men in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +opposition, and through them, as instruments, has accomplished +his purposes.</p> + +<p>He is a discriminating judge of human nature, and +is magnetic enough to make legislators follow his +lead, as his soldiers followed him.</p> + +<p>He has fixed rules of official conduct to which he +adheres in all cases. For example, if he has a judge +to appoint—and he has appointed many to fill vacancies—his +simple inquiry is, Whom do the members of +the legal profession want, who live in the judicial +district to be provided for? When that fact is accurately +ascertained, the appointment follows as a matter +of course, even though the lawyer preferred may +be his personal enemy. In the interests of learning, +higher education, human benevolence, and equal +rights, Hayes has accomplished more than any governor +Ohio has yet had. We make this statement +with the honorable records of old Jeremiah Morrow, +Corwin, Chase, Tod, Brough, and Cox spread before +us.</p> + +<p>In a word, Governor Hayes is square-built, solid +and sound, mentally, morally, and physically. His integrity +is a proverb; his fidelity to his convictions is +recognized by political enemies; his record is of unassailable +soundness; and there is absolutely nothing +vulnerable in his character. He has a Lincoln-like +soundness of judgment, and is as inexorably just as +old John Marshall. He is a man absolutely free from +eccentricities and affectations; he neither walks nor +talks on stilts. His manners have the warmth and +grace that sincerity and simplicity give. In bearing, +he is animated and thoughtful, manly and refined. +His firmness, while it does not amount to obstinacy,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> +marks the clear-cut individuality and decision of his +character. He has the guiding faculty and the power +of containing himself. He takes a just measure both +of himself and of other men. If the country will do +this, his future is as secure as his past. If president, +he would do the right thing at the right time, in the +right way. His election will give us, not a "solid +South" or a solid North, but a solid Union!</p> + +<p>Since experience has taught us how essential it is +that the representative of the women of America in +the executive mansion should worthily represent all +that is best and most elevated in our social life, a word +in regard to the companion of Governor Hayes may +not be out of taste. If any public man in our history +has been more fortunate and happy in his home surroundings +and family relations, we are not aware who +he may be. If the voice of the people should decree +the transplanting of the ideal home of this family +from the capital of Ohio to the capital of the Republic, +the pure and elevating influences radiating from +such a home would pervade and purify the social life of +the National city, if not of the land. A severer simplicity +would mark the inner and the outer life of the +president's household. Extravagance in dress and +living, wastefulness in vain displays and in ambitious +entertainments, would find no encouragement from +the mistress of the Nation's mansion. The lessons +of truth and piety, of purity and virtue, of charity +and benevolence, of sincerity and self-forgetfulness, +would be taught by example. A whole people could +here find in illustration the sacredness of the family +and the holiness of home.</p> + +<p>A union of rare accomplishments, social and do<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span>mestic, with beauty of features, manners, and character, +may yet be found in a successor of Mrs. Madison.</p> + +<p>A doctor of divinity and a doctor of laws, the president +of the Ohio Wesleyan University, bears this +weighty testimony, in a public address, to the correctness +of what we have hereinbefore recorded:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"It is in no spirit of partisanship, nor with the slightest reference +to merely political ends, but simply in illustration of our +subject that we add, already there are hopeful signs of reformation +in our National life. It is a sign of progress that the suspicion +of sullied purity is beginning to be fatal to a public man. +It is an omen of good when in a large and representative convention, +with the names of many distinguished men before it, +one is borne above them all on the tide of popular enthusiasm +and with ringing peals of applause is presented to the American +people, without effort of his own, as a candidate for the highest +office in the Nation, not only because of his eminent ability, but +largely because of the transparent purity of his character and +his high, manly, moral worth.</p> + +<p>"It is doubtless a cause of honest pride to the citizens of this +town, irrespective of political creeds and preferences, that the +man thus highly distinguished is a native of your classic city. +By reason of its youth this university can not claim him as a +son, but it regards with maternal pride his not less worthy companion, +who, after graduation at one of the best female colleges +in the State, indicated her rare good sense by passing through +much of the college curriculum of our university here.</p> + +<p>"If, by the decree of the people and the providence of God, this +worthy pair, honored graduates of Ohio's higher schools of learning, +shall be lifted to the highest position and power and influence +in the Nation, we have reason to believe that they will +illustrate the salutary influence of that cultured goodness of +which we have spoken, and that the National capital and the +entire National domain will enjoy a purer atmosphere."</p> +</div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX.</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> + + +<center> +<b><i>Speech of</i> <span class="smcap">General R. B. Hayes</span>, <i>delivered at <a name="LEBANON" id="LEBANON"></a>Lebanon</i>, +<i>Ohio</i>, <i>August 5, 1867.</i></b> +</center> +<br /> +<p> +<i>Fellow-Citizens:</i><br /> +</p> + +<p>President Lincoln began his memorable address at the dedication +of the Gettysburg National Cemetery with these words:</p> + +<p>"Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on +this continent a new Nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated +to the proposition that all men are created equal."</p> + +<p>This was Abraham Lincoln's opinion of what was accomplished +and what was meant by the Declaration of Independence. +His idea was that it gave birth to a Nation, and that it +dedicated that Nation to equal rights.</p> + +<p>Now, so far as the performance of duty in the present condition +of our country is concerned, "this is the whole law and the +prophets." The United States are not a confederacy of independent +and sovereign States, bound together by a mere treaty +or a compact, but the people of the United States constitute a Nation, +having one flag, one history, "one country, one constitution, +one destiny." Whoever seeks to divide this Nation into +two sections—into a North and a South, or into four sections, according +to the cardinal points of the compass, or into thirty or +forty independent sovereignties—is opposed to the Nation, and +the Nation's friends should be opposed to him.</p> + +<p>Washington, in his Farewell Address, says:</p> + +<p>"The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, +is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in +the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity +at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity, +of that very liberty which you so highly prize.... +The name of American, which belongs to you in your National +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span>capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more +than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With +slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, +habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, +fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty +you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts—of +common dangers, sufferings, and successes."</p> + +<p>The sentiment of Nationality is the sentiment of the Declaration +of Independence; it is the sentiment of the fathers; it is +the sentiment which carried us through the war of the Revolution, +and through the war of the late Rebellion; and it is a sentiment +which the people of the United States ought forever to +cultivate and cherish.</p> + +<p>The great idea to which the Nation, according to Mr. Lincoln, +was dedicated by the fathers is expressed in the Declaration in +these familiar phrases: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their +Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are +life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these +rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their +just powers from the consent of the governed."</p> + +<p>An intelligent audience will not wish to hear discussion as to +the import of these sentences. Their language is simple, their +meaning plain, and their truth undoubted. The equality declared +by the fathers was not an equality of beauty, of physical +strength, or of intellect, but an equality of rights. Foolish attempts +have been made by those who hate the principles of the +fathers to destroy the great fundamental truth of the Declaration, +by limiting the application of the phrase "all men" to the +men of a single race.</p> + +<p>But Jefferson's original draft of the Declaration leaves no +room to doubt what he meant by these words. The gravest +charge he made against the King of Great Britain in the original +draft of the Declaration of Independence was the following:</p> + +<p>"He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating +its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a +distant people, who never offended him, capturing and carrying +them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable +death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span>the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian +King of Great Britain, determined to keep open market where +MEN should be bought and sold."</p> + +<p>In this sentence the word "men" is written by Jefferson in +capital letters, showing with what emphasis he wished to declare +that the King of Great Britain was making slaves of a people to +whom belonged the rights of men.</p> + +<p>Unfortunately for our country, that King, and others who +"waged cruel war against human nature itself," had already succeeded +in planting in the bosom of American society an element +implacably hostile to human rights, and destined to become the +enemy of the Union, whenever the American people, in their +National capacity, should refuse assent to any measures which +the holders of slaves should deem necessary or even important +for the security or prosperity of their "peculiar institution."</p> + +<p>I need not, upon this occasion, repeat what is now familiar history—how, +by the invention of the cotton-gin, and the consequent +enormous increase of the cotton crop, slave labor in the +cotton States, and slave breeding in the Northern slave States, +became so profitable that the slaveholders were able, for many +years, largely to influence, if not control, every department of +the National Government. The slave power became something +more than a phrase—it was a definite, established, appalling +fact. The Missouri controversy, South Carolina nullification, the +Texas controversy, the adoption of the compromise measures +of 1850, and the repeal of the Missouri compromise in 1854, +were all occasions when the country was compelled to see the +magnitude, the energy, the recklessness, and the arrogance of +the slave power.</p> + +<p>Precisely when the men who wielded that power determined +to destroy the Union it is not now necessary to inquire. Threats +of disunion were made in the first Congress that assembled +under the constitution. Upon various pretexts they were repeated +from time to time, and no one doubts that slavery was at +the bottom of them. In 1833 General Jackson wrote to Rev. A. +J. Crawford: "Take care of your nullifiers; you have them +among you; let them meet with the indignant frown of every +man who loves his country. The tariff, it is now known, was a +mere pretext ... and disunion and a Southern Confederacy +the real object. The next pretext will be the negro or +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>slavery question." General Jackson was no doubt right as to +the existence of a settled purpose to break up the Union, and +to establish a Southern Confederacy, as long ago as 1832. But +why was there such a purpose? On what ground did it stand?</p> + +<p>Great political parties, whether sectional or otherwise, do not +come by accident, nor are they the invention of political intrigue. +A faction born of a clique may have some strength at +one or two elections, but the wisest political wire-workers can +not, by merely "taking thought," create a strong and permanent +party. The result of the Philadelphia Convention last summer +probably taught this truth to the authors of that movement. +Great political movements always have some adequate cause.</p> + +<p>Now, on what did the conspirators who plotted the destruction +of the Union and the establishment of a Southern Confederacy +rely? In the first place, they taught a false construction +of the National constitution, which was miscalled State rights, +the essential part of which was that "any State of the Union +might secede from the Union whenever it liked." This doctrine +was the instrument employed to destroy the unity of the Nation. +The fact which gave strength and energy to those who employed +this instrument was that in the southern half of the Union, society, +business, property, religion, and law were all based on the +proposition that over four millions of our countrymen, capable +of civilization and religion, were, because of their race and color, +"so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man +was bound to respect." The practice, founded upon this denial +of the Declaration of Independence, protected by law and sanctioned +by usage, was our great National transgression, and was +the cause of our great National calamity.</p> + +<p>In a country where discussion was free, sooner or later, parties +were sure to be formed on the issues presented by the slaveholders. +The supporters of the Union and of human rights would +band together against the supporters of disunion and slavery. +For many years after the struggle really began, the issues were +not clearly defined, and neither party was able to occupy its true +and final position, or to rally to its standard all who were in fact +its friends. Old parties encumbered the ground. Men were +slow to give up old associations and leave the discussion of obsolete, +immaterial, or ephemeral issues.</p> + +<p>At last the crisis came. In 1860, Mr. Lincoln, who was un<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span>friendly to slavery and faithful to the Union, was elected president. +The party of disunion and slavery were prepared for this +event. Their action was prompt, decisive, and defiant. They +proceeded to organize southern conventions, and formally to +withdraw from the Union, and undertook to establish a new +government and a new Nation on the soil of the United States.</p> + +<p>Prior to 1860 the party calling itself Democratic had gathered +under one name and one organization almost the whole of the +secessionists of the South and a large body of the people of the +North, many of whom had no sympathy either with secession +or slavery. In 1860 the secessionists were so arrogant in their +demands that the great body of the Democratic party in the +North refused to yield to them, and supported Mr. Douglass in +opposition both to Mr. Lincoln, and to the disunion and slavery +candidate, Mr. Breckenridge. But it was well known that many +leading Democrats who supported Mr. Douglass leaned strongly +toward the southern Calhoun democracy, and that their sympathies +were with slave-holding or at least with slaveholders.</p> + +<p>The evidence of this is abundantly furnished in their recorded +opinions. The most distinguished and perhaps the most influential +Democrat now actively engaged in politics in Ohio, who +presided over and addressed the last Democratic State Convention +held at Columbus, Mr. Pendleton, delivered a speech in the +House of Representatives on the 18th of January, 1861.</p> + +<p>You will recollect how far the slaveholders had progressed in +their great rebellion at that date. Mr. Pendleton himself says:</p> + +<p>"To-day, sir, four States of this Union have, so far as their +power extends, seceded from it. Four States, as far as they are +able, have annulled the grants of power made to the Federal +Government; they have resumed the powers delegated by the +Constitution; they have canceled, so far as they could, every +limitation upon the full exercise of all their sovereign rights. +They do not claim our protection; they ask no benefit from our +laws; they seek none of the advantages of the confederation. +On the other hand, they renounce their allegiance; they repudiate +our authority over them, and they assert that they have +assumed—some of them that they have resumed—their position +among the family of sovereignties, among the nations of the +earth.... To-day, even while I am speaking, Georgia is voting +upon this very question. And unless the signs of the times +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span>very much deceive us, within three weeks other States will be +added to the number."</p> + +<p>Mr. Pendleton might also have said that prior to that date, forts, +arsenals, dock-yards, mints, and other places and property belonging +to the United States, had been seized by organized and +armed bodies of rebels; the collection of debts due in the South +to Northern creditors had been stopped; South Carolina had declared +that any attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter by the United +States would be regarded by that State as an act of hostility +against her and equivalent to a declaration of war; the Star of +the West, an unarmed vessel, with the American flag floating at +her mast-head, carrying provisions to the famishing garrison of +Fort Sumter, had been fired on and driven from Charleston harbor; +in short, at that date the rebels were engaged in actual war +against the Nation, and the only reason why blood had not been +shed was that the National government had failed in its duty to +defend the Nation's property, and to maintain the sacredness of +the National flag.</p> + +<p>At that crisis Mr. Pendleton delivered and sent forth a speech +bearing this significant motto: "But, sir, armies, money, blood, +can not maintain this Union—justice, reason, peace, may." The +speech was according to its motto. Accustomed as he is to speak +cautiously, and in a scholarly and moderate way, we can not be +mistaken as to his drift. On the authority of the National government +he says:</p> + +<p>"Now, sir, what force of arms can compel a State to do that +which she has agreed to do? What force of arms can compel a +State to refrain from doing that which her State government, +supported by the sentiment of her people, is determined to persist +in doing.... Sir, the whole scheme of coercion is impracticable. +It is contrary to the genius and spirit of the Constitution."</p> + +<p>These extracts sufficiently and fairly show Mr. Pendleton's notion +of the duty and authority of the Nation in that great crisis. +He held the States rights doctrines of Calhoun and Breckenridge, +and not the National principles of Washington and Jackson.</p> + +<p>As to the treatment of rebels already in arms, and as to the +"demands" of the slave power, consider this advice which he +gave to Congress and the people:</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +"If these Southern States can not be conciliated; if you, gentlemen, +can not find it in your hearts to grant their demands; +if they must leave the family mansion, I would signalize their +departure by tokens of love; I would bid them farewell so tenderly +that they would be forever touched by the recollection of +it; and if in the vicissitudes of their separate existence they +should desire to come together with us again in one common +government, there should be no pride to be humiliated, there +should be no wound inflicted by my hand to be healed. They +should come and be welcome to the places they now occupy."</p> + +<p>Thus we see there were those who, with honeyed phrases and +soft words, would have looked smilingly on, while the great Republic—the +pride of her children, the hope of the ages—built +by the fathers at such an expense of suffering, of treasure, and +of blood, was stricken by traitors' hands from the roll of living +Nations, and while an armed oligarchy should establish in its +stead a nation founded on a denial of human rights, and under +whose sway south of the Potomac more than half of the territory +of the old Thirteen Colonies—soil once fertilized by the +best blood of the Revolution—should, for generations to come, +continue to be tilled by the unrequited toil of slaves.</p> + +<p>The best known, the boldest, and perhaps the ablest leader of +the peace Democracy in the North is Mr. Vallandigham. He +was chairman of the committee on resolutions in the last Democratic +State Convention in Ohio, and reported the present State +platform of his party. He, probably, still enjoys in a greater degree +than any other public man the affection and confidence of +the positive men of the Ohio Democracy, who, from beginning +to end, opposed the war. On the 20th of February, 1861, he delivered +a speech in the House of Representatives in support of +certain amendments which he proposed to the Constitution of +the United States. In an appendix to that speech, he published +an extract from a card in the Cincinnati <i>Enquirer</i> of November +10, 1860, from which I quote:</p> + +<p>"And now let me add that I did say, ... in a public +speech at the Cooper Institute, on the 2d of November, 1860, +that if any one or more of the States of this Union should at +any time secede, for reasons of the sufficiency and justice of +which, before God and the great tribunal of history, they alone +may judge, much as I should deplore it, I never would, as a rep<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span>resentative in Congress of the United States, vote one dollar of +money whereby one drop of American blood should be shed in +a civil war.... And I now deliberately repeat and reaffirm +it, resolved, though I stand alone, though all others yield and fall +away, to make it good to the last moment of my public life." +Here was another strong man of large influence solemnly pledged +to allow the Union to be broken up and destroyed, in case the +rebel conspirators chose that alternative, rather than forgo +their demands in favor of oppression and against human rights.</p> + +<p>On the 23d of January, 1861, the Democratic party held a +State Convention at Columbus. Remember, at that date the air +was thick with threats of war from the South. The rebels were +organizing and drilling; arms robbed from the National arsenals +were in their hands; and the question upon all minds was +whether the Republic should perish without having a single +blow struck in her defense, or whether the people of the loyal +North should rise as one man, prepared to wage war until treason +and, if need be, slavery went down together. On this question, +that convention was bound to speak. Silence was impossible. +There were present war Democrats and peace Democrats, followers +of Jackson, and followers of Calhoun. There was a determined +and gallant struggle on the part of the war Democrats, +but the superior numbers, or more probably the superior tactics +and strategy, of the peace men triumphed.</p> + +<p>The present candidate of the Democratic party for Governor +of Ohio, Judge Thurman, a gentleman of character and ability, +a distinguished lawyer and judge and a politician of long experience, +succeeded in passing through the convention this resolution:</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the two hundred thousand Democrats of Ohio +send to the people of the United States, both North and South, +greeting; and when the people of the North shall have fulfilled +their duties to the constitution and to the South, then, and not +until then, will it be proper for them to take into consideration +the question of the right and propriety of coercion."</p> + +<p>In support of this famous resolution, Judge Thurman addressed +the convention, and, among other things, is reported to +have said:</p> + +<p>"A man is deficient in understanding who thinks the cause of +disunion is that the South apprehended any overt act of oppres<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span>sion in Lincoln's administration. It is the spirit of the late +presidential contest that alarms the South.... It would +try the ethics of any man to deny that some of the Southern +States have no cause for revolution.... Then you must be +sure you are able to coerce before you begin the work. The +South are a brave people. The Southern States can not be held +by force. The blacks won't fight for the invaders.... The +Hungarians had less cause of complaint against Austria than the +South had against the North."</p> + +<p>When we reflect on what the rebels had done and what they +were doing when this resolution was passed, it seems incredible +that sane men, having a spark of patriotism, could for one moment +have tolerated its sentiments. The rebels had already deprived +the United States of its jurisdiction and property in +about one-fourth of its inhabited territory, and were rapidly extending +their insurrection so as to include within the rebel lines +all of the slave States. The lives and property of Union citizens +in the insurgent States were at the mercy of traitors, and the +National flag was everywhere torn down, and shameful indignities +and outrages heaped upon all who honored it.</p> + +<p>This resolution speaks of fulfilling the duties of the people of +the North to the South. The first and highest duty of the people +of the North to themselves, to the South, to their country, +and to God, was to crush the rebellion. All speeches and resolutions +against either the right or the propriety of coercion +merely gave encouragement, "moral aid and comfort," more important +than powder and ball, to the enemies of the Nation.</p> + +<p>Do I state too strongly the mischievous, the fatal tendency of +these proceedings? The resolution adopted by the peace Democracy +of Ohio is addressed in terms "to the people of all the +States, North and South," and in fact was sent, I am informed, +to the governors of all the States.</p> + +<p>In the South, Union men were laboring by every means in +their power to prevent secession. Their most cogent argument +was that the National government would defend itself by war +against rebellion. To this, the rebel reply was, "There will be +no war. Secession will be peaceable. The peace party of the +North will prevent coercion. If there is fighting, it will be as +Ex-President Pierce writes to Jefferson Davis, 'The fighting will +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span>not be along Mason and Dixon's line merely. It will be within +our own borders, in our own streets.'"</p> + +<p>For the evidence of the correctness of this opinion, the rebels +could point confidently to such speeches and resolutions as those +we are now considering. Governor Orr, of South Carolina, in a +recent speech at the Charleston Board of Trade banquet, is reported +to have said:</p> + +<p>"I know there is an apprehension widespread in the North and +West that, after the reconstruction of the Southern States, we +shall fall into the arms of our old allies and associates, the old +Democratic party. I say to you, gentlemen, however, that I +would give no such pledges. We have accounts to settle with +that party, gentlemen, before I, at least, will consent to affiliate +with it. Many of you will remember that, when the war first +commenced, great hopes and expectations were held out by our +friends in the North and West that there would be no war, and +that if it commenced, it would be North of Mason and Dixon's +line, and not in the South."</p> + +<p>Without pausing to inquire how much strength accrued to the +rebellion in its earlier stages by the encouragement it received +from sympathizers in the North, let us pass on to the spring and +summer of 1861, after the bombardment and surrender of Fort +Sumter, and when the armies of the Union and of the rebellion +were facing each other upon a line of operations extending +from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The most superficial observer +could not fail to discover these facts.</p> + +<p>In the South, where slavery was strongest, the rebellion was +strongest. Where there were few slaveholders, there were few +rebels. South Carolina and Mississippi, having the largest number +of slaves in proportion to population, were almost unanimous +for rebellion. Western Virginia, Eastern Kentucky, East +Tennessee, had few slaves, and love of the Union and hatred of +secession in those mountain regions was nearly universal.</p> + +<p>The counterpart of this was found everywhere in the North. +In counties and districts where the majority of the people had +been accustomed to defend or excuse the practice of slave-holding +and the aggressions of the slaveholders, there was much +sympathy with the rebellion and strong opposition to the war. +Men who abused and hated negroes did not usually hate rebels. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span>On the other hand, anti-slavery counties and districts were quite +sure to be Union to the core.</p> + +<p>In Ohio, as in other free States, the Democratic party could +not be led off in a body after the peace Democracy. Brough, +Tod, Matthews, Dorsey, Steedman, and a host of Democrats of +the Jackson school, nobly kept the faith. Lytle, McCook, Webster, +and gallant spirits like them, from every county and neighborhood +of our State, sealed their devotion to the Union and +to true Democracy with their life's blood.</p> + +<p>They believed, with Douglass, in the last letter he ever wrote, +that "it was not a party question, nor a question involving partisan +policy; it was a question of government or no government, +country or no country, and hence it became the imperative duty +of every Union man, every friend of constitutional liberty, to +rally to the support of our common country, its government and +flag, as the only means of checking the progress of revolution, +and of preserving the Union of the States."</p> + +<p>They believed the words of Douglass' last speech: "This is no +time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known. +Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There +are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the +United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this +war—only patriots and traitors."</p> + +<p>As the war progressed, the great political parties of the country +underwent important changes, both of organization and policy. +In the North, the Republican party, the great body of the +American or Union party of 1860, and the war Democracy formed +the Union party. The Democracy of the South, for the most +part, became rebels, and in the North those who did not unite +with the Union party generally passed under the control and +leadership of the peace Democracy.</p> + +<p>At the beginning of the war, the creed of the Union party +consisted of one idea—it labored for one object—the restoration +of the Union. Slavery, the rights of man, the principles of the +Declaration of Independence, were for the time lost sight of in +the struggle for the Nation's life. As late as August, 1862, President +Lincoln wrote to Mr. Greeley: "My paramount object is +to save the Union, and not either to save or to destroy slavery. +If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do +it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span>and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I +would also do that."</p> + +<p>Slowly, gradually, after repeated disasters and disappointments, +the eyes of the Union leaders were opened to the fact +that slavery and rebellion were convertible terms; that the Confederacy, +according to its Vice-President, Alexander H. Stephens, +was founded upon "exactly the opposite idea" from that of Jefferson +and the fathers. "Its foundations," said he, "are laid, its +corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not +equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior +race, is his natural and normal condition." Mr. Lincoln +and the Union party, struggling faithfully onward, finally +reached the solid ground that the American government was +founded on the broad principles of right, justice, and humanity, +and that, for this Nation, "Union and liberty" were indeed +"one and inseparable."</p> + +<p>The leaders of the peace Democracy were for a time overwhelmed +by the popular uprising which followed the attack on +Fort Sumter, and were not able during the year 1861 or the early +part of 1862 to mark out definitely the course to be pursued. +But, like the Union party, they gradually approached the position +they were ultimately to occupy.</p> + +<p>Their success in the autumn elections of 1862 encouraged them +to enter upon the pathway in which they have plodded along +consistently if not prosperously ever since. Opposition to the +war measures of Mr. Lincoln's administration, and in particular +to every measure tending to the enfranchisement and elevation +of the African race, became their settled policy. By this policy +they were placed in harmony with their former associates, the +rebels of the South. The rebels were fighting to destroy the +Union. The peace party were opposing the only measures which +could save it. The rebels were fighting for slavery. The peace +party were laboring in their way to keep alive and inflame the +prejudice against race and color, on which slavery was based.</p> + +<p>The abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the repeal +of the fugitive slave law, Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of +emancipation, in a word, every step of the Union party toward +enfranchisement of the colored people, the peace Democracy +opposed. Every war measure, every means adopted to strengthen +the cause of the Union and weaken the rebellion, met with the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span>the same opposition. Whatever Mr. Lincoln or Congress did to +get money, to get men, or to obtain the moral support of the +country and the world—tax laws, tariff laws, greenbacks, government +bonds, army bills, drafts, blockades, proclamations—met +the indiscriminate and bitter assaults of these men. The +enlistment of colored soldiers, a measure by which between one +and two hundred thousand able-bodied men were transferred +from the service of the rebels in corn-fields to the Union service +in battle-fields—how Mr. Lincoln and the Union party were vilified +for that wise and necessary measure! But worse, infinitely +worse, than mere opposition to war measures, were their efforts +to impair the confidence of the people, to diminish the moral +power of the government, to give hope and earnestness to the +enemies of the Union, by showing that the administration was +to blame for the war, that it was unnecessary, unjust, and that it +had been perverted from its original object, and that it could +not but fail.</p> + +<p>I need not go beyond the record of leaders of the Ohio Democracy +of to-day for proof what I am saying. Mr. Pendleton, +usually so gentlemanly and prudent in speech, lost his balance +after the victories of the peace Democracy in 1862. At the Democratic +jubilee in Butler county over the elections, Mr. Pendleton +is reported as saying:</p> + +<p>"I came up to see if there were any Butternuts in Butler +county. I came to see if there were any Copperheads in Butler +county, as my friends of the Cincinnati <i>Gazette</i> and <i>Commercial</i> +are fond of terming the Democracy of the country. I came up +to tell you that there are a good many of that stripe of animals +in old Hamilton. I have traveled about the country lately, and +I assure you there is a large crop of Butternuts everywhere: not +only that, but the quality and character of the nut is quite as +good as the quantity."</p> + +<p>Of course, Mr. Pendleton was applauded by his audience; and +he returned to his place in the House of Representatives at +Washington prepared to give expression to his views with the +same plainness and boldness which marked the utterances of +his colleague, Mr. Vallandigham.</p> + +<p>On the 31st of January, 1863, he made an elaborate speech +against the enlistment of negroes into the service of the United +States, in which he said:</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> +"I should be false to you, my fellow-representatives, if I did +not tell you that there is an impression, growing with great rapidity, +upon the minds of the people of the Northwest that they +have been deliberately deceived into this war—that their patriotism +and their love of country have been engaged to call them +into the army, under the pretense that the war was to be for the +Union and the Constitution, when, in fact, it was to be an armed +crusade for the abolition of slavery. I tell you, sir, that unless +this impression is speedily arrested it will become universal; it +will ripen into conviction, and then it will be beyond your power +to get from their broad plains another man, or from their almost +exhausted coffers another dollar."</p> + +<p>In the same speech he says:</p> + +<p>"I said two years ago, on this floor, that armies, money, war +can not restore this Union; justice, reason, peace, may. I believed +it then; I have believed it at every moment since; I believe +it now. No event of the past two years has for a moment +shaken my faith. Peace is the first step to Union. Peace +is Union. Peace unbroken would have preserved it; peace +restored will, I hope, in some time reconstruct it. The only +bonds which can hold these States in confederation, the only +ties which can make us one people, are the soft and silken +cords of affection and interest. These are woven in peace, not +war; in conciliation, not coercion; in deeds of kindness and acts +of friendly sympathy, not in deeds of violence and blood. The +people of the Northwest were carried away by the excitement +of April and May. They believed war would restore the Union. +They trusted to the assurances of the president and his cabinet, +and of Congress, that it should be carried on for that purpose +alone. They trusted that it would be carried on under the Constitution. +They were patriotic and confiding. They sent their +sons, and brothers, and husbands to the army, and poured out +their treasures at the feet of the administration. They feel that +the war has been perverted from this end; that the Constitution +has been disregarded; that abolition and arbitrary power, not +Union and constitutional liberty, are the governing ideas of the +administration. They are in no temper to be trifled with. They +think they have been deceived. There is danger of revolution. +They are longing for peace."</p> + +<p>Need I pause to inquire who would receive encouragement, or +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span>whose spirits would be depressed, on reading these remarkable +sentences? Imagine them read by the rebel camp-fires, or at the +fire-sides of the rebel people. What hope, what exultation we +should behold in the faces of those who heard them! On the +other hand, at Union camp-fires, or by the loyal fire-sides of the +North, what sorrow, what mortification, what depression such +statements would surely carry wherever they were heard and +believed!</p> + +<p>The course of the peace Democracy of Ohio during the memorable +contest of 1863, between Brough and Vallandigham, is too +well known to require attention now. Judge Thurman was one +of the committee who constructed the platform of the convention +which nominated Mr. Vallandigham, and was the ablest +member of the State Central Committee which had charge of +the canvass in his behalf during his exile.</p> + +<p>The key-note to that canvass was given by Mr. Vallandigham +himself in a letter written from Canada, July 15, 1863. That +letter contained the following:</p> + +<p>"If this civil war is to terminate only by the subjugation or +submission of the South to force and arms, the infant of to-day +will not live to see the end of it. No, in another way only can +it be brought to a close. Traveling a thousand miles and more, +through nearly half of the Confederate States, and sojourning +for a time at widely different points, I met not one man, woman, +or child, who was not resolved to perish rather than yield to the +pressure of arms, even in the most desperate extremity. And +whatever may and must be the varying fortune of the war, in +all which I recognize the hand of Providence pointing visibly to +the ultimate issue of this great trial of the States and people +of America, they are better prepared now every way to make +good their inexorable purpose than at any period since the beginning +of the struggle. These may be unwelcome truths; but +they are addressed only to candid and honest men."</p> + +<p>The assumption of the certain success of the rebellion, and +that the war for the Union would assuredly fail, was the strong +point of these gentlemen in favor of the election of Vallandigham +and the defeat of Brough. Fortunately, the patriotic people +saw the situation from another standpoint, and under the +influence of different feelings and different sympathies.</p> + +<p>In the elections of 1863, the peace Democracy of Ohio and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span>other States sustained defeats which have no parallel in our political +history. But, notwithstanding their reverses, the year +1864, the year of the presidential election, found the Ohio leaders +possibly sadder, but certainly not wiser nor more patriotic +than before.</p> + +<p>At the National Convention at Chicago, in August, Mr. Pendleton +was nominated for vice-president, Judge Thurman was a +delegate of the State of Ohio at large, and Mr. Vallandigham as +a district delegate, and as a member of the committee on platform, +was the author of the following resolution adopted by the +convention:</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the +sense of the American people, that, after four years of failure to +restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, +under pretense of military necessity, or war power higher than +the constitution, the constitution has been disregarded in every +part, and public liberty and private rights have been alike trodden +down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially +impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare +demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, +with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, +or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable +moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal +Union of the States."</p> + +<p>This resolution does not seem to require explanation or comment. +But as General McClellan's letter accepting the nomination +for president did not square well with this part of the party +platform, Mr. Vallandigham, in a speech at Sidney, Ohio, September +24, 1864, explained it at some length. In that speech, +he said:</p> + +<p>"I am speaking now of the fact that this convention pronounced +this war a failure, and giving you the reasons why it is +a failure.... What has been gained by this campaign? +More lives have been lost, more hard fighting has been done, +more courage has been exhibited by the Federal as well as the +Southern soldiers than in any former campaign, and what has +been accomplished? General Grant is nearer to Richmond, occupying +a territory of perhaps eleven miles, which was not in +the possession of the United States when the campaign began, +from City Point to the suburbs of Petersburg. To secure that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span>he gave up all the country from Manassas down to Richmond and +a large part of the valley.... How about the Southern +campaign? General Sherman, through the courage of the best +disciplined, best organized, and most powerful army that has +been seen since the campaigns of the first Napoleon, has taken +Atlanta—a town somewhat larger than Sidney. It has cost him +sixty thousand men and four or five months of the most terrible +campaign ever waged on this continent or any other, or any +other part of the globe. He occupies from two to five miles on +each side of a railroad of one hundred and thirty-eight miles in +length. He has penetrated that far into Georgia. What has +been surrendered to obtain that? All of Texas, nearly all of +Louisiana, nearly all of Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, and a +part of Tennessee, which were in possession of the Federals +on the first of May. Kentucky has been opened to continual +incursions of the Confederate armies. All this has been surrendered +in order to gain this barren strip of country on the line of +the railroad. The war, then, has been properly pronounced a +failure in a military point of view. The convention meant that +it has failed to restore the Union, and there is not a Republican +in the land who does not know it."</p> + +<p>In the Sidney speech, Mr. Vallandigham says, also:</p> + +<p>"What will you have now? Four years more of war? What +guaranties of success have you? Do you want two million more +of men to go forth to this war as the Crusaders went to the sepulcher +at Jerusalem? The beginning of this administration +found us with very little debt, comparatively no taxation, and +peace and happiness among the States; and now look at the +scene! Four more years of war, do you tell me, when the first +four, with every advantage, has failed? Now, too, that the hearts +of one-half of the people are turned away from war, and intent +upon the arts of peace? What will be the consequence? Four +thousand millions more of debt, five hundred millions more of +taxation, more conscriptions, more calls for five hundred thousand +men, more sacrifices for the next four years. All this is +what Abraham Lincoln demands of you in order that the South +may be compelled not to return to the Union, but to abandon +slavery."</p> + +<p>All this logic, this eloquence, this taxing the imagination to +portray the horrors of war, failed to deceive the people; Lincoln +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span>was re-elected; the war went on, and a few short months witnessed +the end of the armed rebellion, and the triumph of liberty +and of Union.</p> + +<p>Now came the work of reconstruction. The leaders of the +Peace Democracy, who had failed in every measure, in every +plan, in every opinion, and in every prediction relating to the +war, were promptly on hand, and with unblushing cheek were +prepared to take exclusive charge of the whole business of reorganization +and reconstruction. They had a plan all prepared—a +plan easily understood, easily executed, and which they +averred would be satisfactory to all parties. Their plan was in +perfect harmony with the conduct and history of its authors +and friends during the war. They had been in very close sympathy +with the men engaged in the rebellion, while their sympathy +for loyal white people at the South was not strong, and +they were bitterly hostile to loyal colored people both North +and South. Their plan was consistent with all this.</p> + +<p>According to it, the rebels were to be treated in the same +manner as if they had remained loyal. All laws, State and National, +all orders and regulations of the military, naval, and +other departments of the government, creating disabilities on +account of participation in the rebellion, were to be repealed, +revoked, or abolished. The rebellious States were to be represented +in Congress by the rebels without hindrance from any +test oath. All appointments in the army, in the navy, and in +the civil service, were to be made from men who were rebels, +on the same terms as from men who were loyal. The people +and governments in the rebellious States were to be subjected to +no other interference or control from the military or other departments +of the general government than exists in the States +which remained loyal. Loyal white men and loyal colored men +were to be protected alone in those States by State laws, executed +by State authorities, as if they were in the loyal States.</p> + +<p>There were to be no amendments to the constitution, not even +an amendment abolishing slavery. In short, the great rebellion +was to be ignored or forgotten, or, in the words of one of their +orators, "to be generously forgiven." The war, whose burdens, +cost, and carnage they had been so fond of exaggerating, suddenly +sank into what the Rev. Petroleum V. Nasby calls "the +late unpleasantness," for which nobody but the abolitionists +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span>were to blame. Under this plan the States could soon re-establish +slavery where it had been disturbed by the war. Jefferson +Davis, Toombs, Slidell, and Mason could be re-elected to their +old places in the Senate of the United States; Lee could be re-appointed +in the army, and Semmes and Maury could be restored +to the navy. Of course this plan of the Peace Democracy was +acceptable to the rebels of the South.</p> + +<p>But the loyal people, who under the name of the Union party +fought successfully through the war of the rebellion, objected to +this plan as wrong in principle, wrong in its details, and fatally +wrong as an example for the future. It treats treason as no +crime and loyalty as no virtue; it contains no guarantees, irreversible +or otherwise, against another rebellion by the same parties +and on the same grounds. It restores to political honor and +power in the government of the Nation men who have spent the +best part of their lives in plotting the overthrow of that government, +and who for more than four years levied public war against +the United States; it allows Union men in the South, who +have risked all—and many of whom have lost all but life in upholding +the Union cause—to be excluded from every office, State and +National, and in many instances to be banished from the States +they so faithfully laboured to save; it abandons the four millions +of colored people to such treatment as the ruffian class of the +South, educated in the barbarism of slavery and the atrocities +of the rebellion, may choose to give them; it leaves the obligations +of the Nation to her creditors and to the maimed soldiers +and to the widows and orphans of the war, to be fulfilled by men +who hate the cause in which those obligations were incurred; +it claims to be a plan which restores the Union without requiring +conditions; but, in conceding to the conquered rebels the +repeal of laws important to the Nation's welfare, it grants conditions +which they demand, while it denies to the loyal victors +conditions which they deem of priceless value.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, President Johnson having declared that +"the rebellion, in its revolutionary progress, had deprived the +people of the rebel States of all civil government," proceeded by +military power to set up provisional State governments in those +States, and to require them to declare void all ordinances of secession, +to repudiate the rebel debt, and to adopt the thirteenth +amendment of the constitution, proposed by the Union party, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span>abolishing slavery throughout the United States. The Peace +Democracy opposed all conditions, and, instinctively unsound +upon human rights, opposed the amendment abolishing slavery. +The elections of 1865 settled that question against them, and deprived +them of New Jersey, the last free State which adhered to +their fallen fortunes.</p> + +<p>At the session of Congress of 1865-66, the president, finding +that his co-called State governments in the rebel States—created +by military power alone and without the sanction of the legislative +power of the government—had accepted his conditions; +insisted that those States were fully restored to their former +proper relations with the general government, and that they +were again entitled to representation in the same manner with +the loyal States. This plan accorded with the wishes of all unrepentant +rebels, and as a matter of course received the support +of their allies of the Peace Democracy.</p> + +<p>The Union party, at the sacrifice of all of the power and patronage +of the administration they had elected, firmly opposed +and finally defeated this project. They required, before the +complete restoration of the rebel States, that the fourteenth +amendment of the constitution should be adopted, which was +framed to secure civil rights to the colored people, equal representation +between the free States and the former slave States, +the disqualification for office of leading rebels, the payment of +the loyal obligations to creditors, to maimed soldiers, and to +widows and orphans, and the repudiation of the rebel debt, and +of claims to payment for slaves. On the adoption of this amendment +turned the elections of 1866. After the amplest debates +before the people the Union party carried the country in favor +of the amendment, electing more than three-fourths of the +members of the House of Representatives. They also secured +the adoption of the amendment in twenty-one out of the twenty-four +States now represented, which have acted upon it by an +average vote in the State legislature of more than four to one.</p> + +<p>In striking contrast with this was the action of the rebel +States. Tennessee alone ratified the amendment. The other +ten promptly and defiantly rejected it by an average majority in +their State legislatures of more than fifty to one. When, therefore, +the Thirty-ninth Congress met in the session of 1866-67 +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span>they found the work of reconstruction in those ten States still +unaccomplished.</p> + +<p>Now, in what condition were those ten rebel States? In the +first place all political power in those States was in the hands of +rebels, and for the most part of leading and unrepentant rebels. +Their governors, their members of legislature, their judges, +their county and city officers, and their members of Congress, +with rare exceptions, were rebels. Such was their political condition.</p> + +<p>What was their condition with respect to the preservation of +order, the suppression of crime, and the redress of private +grievances? After the suppression of the rebellion the next +plain duty of the National government was to see that the lives, +liberty, and property of all classes of citizens were secure, and +especially to see that the loyal white and colored citizens who +resided or might sojourn in those States did not suffer injustice, +oppression, or outrage because of their loyalty. Loyal men, +without distinction of race or color, were clearly entitled to +the full measure of protection usually found in civilized countries, +if in the nature of things it was possible for the Nation to +furnish it.</p> + +<p>Inquiring as to the condition of things in the South, I waive +the uniform current of information derived from the press and +other unofficial sources from all parts of the South, and rely exclusively +on the official reports of army officers like Grant, +Thomas, Sheridan, and Howard—officers of clear heads, of +strong sense, and of spotless integrity, whose business it is to +know the facts, and who all united in warning the Nation that +Union men, either white or colored, were not safe in the South.</p> + +<p>General Grant says that the class at the South who "will acknowledge +no law but force" is sufficiently formidable to justify +the military occupation of that territory.</p> + +<p>General Sheridan, in an official report, says the "trial of a +white man for the murder of a freedman in Texas would be a +farce; and, in making this statement, I make it because truth +compels me, and for no other reason.... Over the killing +of many freedmen nothing is done." General Sheridan cites +cases in which our National soldiers wearing the uniform of the +Republic have been deliberately shot "without provocation" by +citizens, and the grand jury refused to find a bill against the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span>murderers. Even in Virginia, General Schofield was compelled +to resort to a military tribunal because "a gentleman" who shot +a negro dead in cold blood "was instantly acquitted by one of +the civil courts."</p> + +<p>General Ord reports in Arkansas fifty-two murders of freed +persons by white men in the past three or four months, <i>and no +reports have been received that the murderers have been imprisoned or +punished</i>.... "The number of murders reported is not half +the number committed."</p> + +<p>General Sickles says that in South Carolina, "in certain counties, +such as Newberry, Edgecombe, and Laurens, so much countenance +was given to outrages on freedmen by the indifference +of the civil authorities and by the population, who made themselves +accomplices in the crimes, that other measures became +necessary."</p> + +<p>In Mississippi, General Thomas calls attention to the legislation +in regard to colored people. "It is oppressive, unjust, and +unconstitutional." The laws as to buying real estate, bearing +arms, making contracts, and the like, are of such a character +"that the constitutional gift of freedom is not much more than +a name."</p> + +<p>General Sheridan, speaking of Louisiana, says: "Homicides +are frequent in some localities. Sometimes they are investigated +by a coroner's jury, which justifies the act and releases +the perpetrator; in other cases, ... the parties are held to +bail in a nominal sum; but the trial of a white man for the killing +of a freedman can, in the existing state of society in this +State, be nothing more or less than a farce."</p> + +<p>General Thomas, in February last, in relation to the display of +the rebel flag in Rome, Georgia, said: "The sole cause of this and +similar offenses lies in the fact that certain citizens of Rome, +and a portion of the people of the States lately in rebellion, do +not and have not accepted the situation, and that is that the late +civil war was a rebellion, and history will so record it.... +Everywhere in the States lately in rebellion treason is respectable +and loyalty odious. This the people of the United States +who ended the rebellion and saved the country will not permit; +and all attempts to maintain this unnatural order of things will +be met by decided disapproval."</p> + +<p>Upon these official reports, showing not merely that atrocious +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span>crimes were everywhere committed against loyal people, but +that the civil authorities did not even attempt to prevent them +by the punishment of the perpetrators, it became the plain duty +of Congress to adopt measures "to enforce peace and good order +in the rebel States, until loyal and Republican State governments +could be legally established." How well this duty was +performed will appear from a brief examination of the reconstruction +acts which were passed by Congress in March last, and +by the auspicious results which followed their adoption and execution.</p> + +<p>By these acts, the ten rebel States were divided into five military +districts, subject to the military authority of the United +States; and it was made the duty of the president to assign +military officers, not below the rank of brigadier-general, to command +each of said districts, and to detail a sufficient military +force to enable such officers to perform their duties. The duties +of military commanders were defined as follows, in the 3d section +of the act:</p> + +<p>"Sec. 3. <i>And be it further enacted</i>, That it shall be the duty of +each officer assigned as aforesaid, to protect all persons in their +rights of person and property, to suppress insurrection, disorder, +and violence, and to punish, or cause to be punished, all disturbers +of the public peace and criminals; and to this end he +may allow local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to try +offenders; or when, in his judgment, it may be necessary for the +trial of offenders, he shall have power to organize military commissions +or tribunals for that purpose; and all interference, +under color of State authority, with the exercise of military authority +under this act shall be null and void."</p> + +<p>The act also sets forth the manner in which the people of any +one of the rebel States could form a State constitution, and the +terms on which the State would be fully restored to proper relations +with the Union. The most important provisions are those +relating to the qualifications of voters, and the one requiring +the adoption of the amendment to the constitution proposed by +the Thirty-ninth Congress, known as article fourteen. The right +of suffrage is given to all men of suitable age and residence, +without distinction of race or color, except a limited number +who are excluded for participation in the rebellion.</p> + +<p>In pursuance of these acts, the district of Louisiana and Texas +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span>was placed under the command of General Sheridan; Arkansas +and Mississippi under General Ord; Alabama, Georgia, and +Florida under General Pope; North Carolina and South Carolina +under General Sickles; and Virginia under General Schofield. +The merits of this plan are obvious.</p> + +<p>1. It places the rebels again under the control of the power +which conquered them, and of the very officers to whom they +surrendered.</p> + +<p>2. It is well calculated to afford protection to all loyal people, +white or colored, against those who would oppress or injure them +on account of their loyalty.</p> + +<p>3. It places the new State governments of the South upon the +solid basis of justice and equal rights.</p> + +<p>This plan received in Congress the support of many members +of Congress who did not uniformly vote with the Union party, +and was acceptable to some of its most distinguished adversaries. +In the Senate, Reverdy Johnson, a Maryland Democrat, +voted for it, and made effective speeches in its support. The +loyal press of the North, without exception, upheld it.</p> + +<p>In the South, its success was everywhere gratifying and unexampled. +Its enemies had said that it would organize anarchy in +the rebel States—that it would immediately inaugurate a war of +races between whites and blacks—and compared the condition +of the South under it to the condition of India under English +oppression, and to Hungary under the despotism of Austria.</p> + +<p>But the course of the public press, and the conduct, the letters, +and speeches of public men in the rebel States, vindicated +the wisdom and justice of the measure. I will quote only from +rebel sources.</p> + +<p>In Virginia, the Charlottesville <i>Chronicle</i> addressed its readers +as follows:</p> + +<p>"<span class="smcap">For White Folks and Colored Folks</span>.—Every colored person +may now go where and when he pleases. He is a free man and +a full citizen. This is not all; by another bound they have become +voters. They will take part in the government of the +country. No people was ever so suddenly, so rapidly lifted up.</p> + +<p>"Shall we all live happily together, or shall we hate each other, +and quarrel and bear malice?</p> + +<p>"Let us all try and get on together. The land is big enough. +Let the whites accommodate themselves to the new state of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span>things. Let them be polite and kind to all, and be always ready +to accord to every man, whether white or colored, his full rights. +We make bold to say that the behavior of the colored people of +this State, since they were set free, has surprised all fair-minded +white people. We do not believe the white people, under the +same circumstances, would have behaved so well by twenty per +cent. They have shown the greatest moderation. They have +passed from plantation hands to freedom and the ballot without +outward excitement."</p> + +<p>The Richmond <i>Examiner</i>, the organ of the fire-eaters, says of +the colored people:</p> + +<p>"This class of our population, as a general thing, manifest a +disposition to prepare themselves for the altered political condition +in which the events of the past two years have placed them. +The sudden abolition of slavery did not, as most persons expected, +turn their heads. They have been, in the main, orderly +and well behaved. They have not presumed upon their newly-acquired +freedom to commit breaches of the peace or to be guilty +of any acts calculated to sow dissension between the two races. +The utmost good feeling is felt by the white people of this city +toward the negroes. There is not one particle of bitterness felt +for them."</p> + +<p>In South Carolina, Wade Hampton addressed a mixed assembly +of whites and colored people at Columbia, in which he quoted +from a former speech to his old soldiers:</p> + +<p>"There is one other point on which there should be no misunderstanding +as to our position—no loop on which to hang a +possible misconstruction as to our views—and that is the abolition +of slavery. The deed has been done, and I, for one, do +honestly declare that I never wish to see it revoked. Nor do I +believe that the people of the South would now remand the +negro to slavery, if they had the power to do so unquestioned.</p> + +<p>"Under our paternal care, from a mere handful, he grew to be +a mighty host. He came to us a heathen; we made him a +Christian. Idle, vicious, savage in his own country, in ours he +became industrious, gentle, civilized. As a slave, he was faithful +to us; as a freeman, let us treat him as a friend. Deal with him +frankly, justly, kindly, and, my word for it, he will reciprocate +your kindness. If you wish so see him contented, industrious, +useful, aid him in his efforts to elevate himself in the scale of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span>civilization, and thus fit him not only to enjoy the blessings of +freedom, but to appreciate his duties."</p> + +<p>After stating the provisions of the "military bill," as he calls +the reconstruction law, he said to the colored people:</p> + +<p>"But suppose the bill is pronounced unconstitutional; how +then? I tell you what I am willing to see done. I am willing +to give the right of suffrage to all who can read and who pay a +certain amount of taxes; and I agree that this qualification shall +bear on white and black alike. You would have no right to +complain of a law which would put you on a perfect political +equality with the whites, and which would put within your reach +and that of your children the privilege enjoyed by any class of +citizens."</p> + +<p>In Georgia, the prevailing sentiment is indicated by the following. +The Atlanta <i>New Era</i> says:</p> + +<p>"We freely accept the Sherman platform as the only means +whereby to rescue the country from total destruction, and if we +mistake not, our backbone will prove sufficiently strong to enable +us to look the issue full in the face, without a shudder. It +is our bounden duty, and that of every other patriot and well-wisher +of the South, to at once signify an unconditional acceptance +of the measures perfected by Congress for our restoration +to the Union, and heartily co-operate with the United States authorities +in securing that most desirable end."</p> + +<p>The Augusta <i>Press</i>, alluding to the recent meeting of negroes +at Columbia, S. C., and the fact that speeches were made by General +Wade Hampton and others, states that—</p> + +<p>"All good citizens all over the South entertain precisely the +same kind feelings for the colored people that were exhibited +by these eminent Carolinians, and it is unfortunate that these +sentiments are not more widely manifested in meetings for public +counsel with them. 'Representative men' in every community +should be prompt and earnest in signifying their wish to +co-operate with the colored people in the administration of the +laws and the preservation of harmony and good will. To this +end, we deem it our duty to urge that in every community public +meetings be held, in which the two races may take friendly +counsel together."</p> + +<p>In Florida, Hon. R. S. Mallory, a former Democratic United +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span>States Senator, is reported to have said, at a large meeting composed +of whites and blacks, in Pensacola, that—</p> + +<p>"The recent legislation of Congress ought to be submitted to +in good faith; that, as the negro was now entitled to vote, it was +the interest of the State that he should be educated and enlightened, +and made to comprehend the priceless value of the +ballot, and the importance to himself and to the State of its judicious +use.</p> + +<p>"Let us fully and frankly acknowledge, as well by deeds as by +words, their equality with us, before law, and regard it as +no less just to ourselves and them than to our State and her +best interests to aid in their education, elevation, and enjoyment +of all the rights which follow their new condition."</p> + +<p>Governor Patton, of Alabama, says:</p> + +<p>"It seems to me that it is the true feeling of the Southern +people to contribute their best influence in favor of an early organization +of their respective States, in accordance with the requirements +of the recent reconstruction act. Congress claims +the right to control this whole question. In my humble judgment, +it is unwise to contend longer against its power, or to struggle +further against its repeatedly expressed will."</p> + +<hr style='width: 25%;' /> + +<p>"The freedmen are now to vote the first time. We should +cherish against them no ill-feeling. The elective franchise is +conferred upon them; let them exercise it freely, and in their +own way. No effort should be made to control their votes, except +such as may tend to enable them to vote intelligently, and +such as may be necessary to protect them against mischievous influences +to which, from their want of intelligence, they may possibly +be subjected. Above all things, we should discourage everything +which may tend to generate antagonism between white +and colored voters."</p> + +<p>In Mississippi, Albert G. Brown, a former Democratic United +States Senator, and a rebel, says:</p> + +<p>"To those who think it most becoming men in my situation to +keep quiet, I am free to say 'that is very much my own opinion.'"</p> + +<p>"As I speak reluctantly, you will not be surprised if I say as +little as possible."</p> + +<hr style='width: 25%;' /> + +<p>"The negro is a fixture in this country. He is not going out of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span>it; he is not going to die out, and he is not going to be driven out. +Nor is his exodus from the country desirable. I am frank in +saying if they, every one of them, could be packed in a balloon, +carried over the water, and emptied into Africa, I would not +have it done, unless, indeed, it were already arranged that the +balloon should return by the way of Germany, Ireland, Scotland, +etc., and bring us a return cargo of white laborers. If the negro +is to stay here, and it is desirable to have him do so, what is the +duty of the intelligent white man toward him? Why, to educate +him, admit him, when sufficiently instructed, to the right +of voting, and as rapidly as possible prepare him for a safe and +rational enjoyment of that 'equality before the law' which, as a +free man, he has a right to claim, and which we can not long refuse +to give."</p> + +<p>The Mississippi <i>Index</i> says:</p> + +<p>"There are some laws on our statute-book respecting negroes +that are of no practical use, and will have to be done away with +some day. The sooner we dispense with them the better. But +in the matter of educating the negro we can accomplish more +toward convincing the people of the North that we have been +misrepresented and slandered than by legislative action. Let +us take the work of education out of the hands of the Yankees +among us. We can do this by encouraging the establishment +of negro schools and placing them in the charge of men and +women whom we know to be competent and trustworthy."</p> + +<p>In Louisiana, General Longstreet, one of the most distinguished +of the rebel Generals, says:</p> + +<p>"The striking feature, and the one that our people should +keep in view, is, that we are a conquered people. Recognizing +this fact fairly and squarely, there is but one course left for wise +men to pursue—accept the terms that are offered us by the conquerors. +There can be no discredit to a conquered people for +accepting the conditions offered by their conquerors. Nor is +that any occasion for a feeling of humiliation. We have made +an honest, and I hope that I may say, a creditable fight, but we +have lost. Let us come forward, then, and accept the ends +involved in the struggle.</p> + +<p>"Our people earnestly desire that the constitutional government +shall be re-established, and the only means to accomplish +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span>this is to comply with the requirements of the recent Congressional +legislation."</p> + +<hr style='width: 25%;' /> + +<p>"The military bill and amendments are peace offerings. We +should accept them as such, and place ourselves upon them as +the starting-point from which to meet future political issues as +they arise."</p> + +<p>"Like other Southern men, I naturally sought alliance with +the Democratic party, merely because it was opposed to the Republican +party. But, as far as I can judge, there is nothing tangible +about it, except the issues that were staked upon the war +and lost. Finding nothing to take hold of except prejudice, +which can not be worked into good for any one, it is proper and +right that I should seek some standpoint from which good may +be done."</p> + +<p>Quotations like these from prominent Democratic politicians, +from rebel soldiers, and from influential rebel newspapers, might +be multiplied indefinitely. Enough have been given to show +how completely and how exactly the Reconstruction Acts have +met the evil to be remedied in the South. My friend, Mr. Hassaurek, +in his admirable speech at Columbus, did not estimate +too highly the fruits of these measures. Said he:</p> + +<p>"And, sir, this remedy at once effected the desired cure. The +poor contraband is no longer the persecuted outlaw whom incurable +rebels might kick and kill with impunity; but he at +once became 'our colored fellow-citizen,' in whose well-being his +former master takes the liveliest interest. Thus, by bringing +the negro under the American system, we have completed his +emancipation. He has ceased to be a pariah. From an outcast +he has been transformed into a human being, invested with the +great National attribute of self-protection, and the re-establishment +of peace, and order, and security, the revival of business +and trade, and the restoration of the Southern States on the +basis of loyalty and equal justice to all, will be the happy results +of this astonishing metamorphosis, provided the party which has +inaugurated this policy remains in power to carry it out."</p> + +<p>The Peace Democracy generally throughout the North oppose +this measure. In Ohio they oppose it especially because it commits +the people of the Nation in favor of manhood suffrage. +They tell us that if it is wise and just to entrust the ballot to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span>colored men in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, and +in the rebel States, it is also just and wise that they should have +it in Ohio and in the other States of the North.</p> + +<p>Union men do not question this reasoning, but if it is urged +as an objection to the plan of Congress, we reply: There are now +within the limits of the United States about five millions of colored +people. They are not aliens or strangers. They are here +not by the choice of themselves or of their ancestors. They are +here by the misfortune of their fathers and the crime of ours. +Their labor, privations, and sufferings, unpaid and unrequited, +have cleared and redeemed one-third of the inhabited territory +of the Union. Their toil has added to the resources and wealth +of the nation untold millions. Whether we prefer it or not, +they are our countrymen, and will remain so forever.</p> + +<p>They are more than countrymen—they are citizens. Free colored +people were citizens of the colonies. The Constitution of +the United States, formed by our fathers, created no disabilities +on account of color. By the acts of our fathers and of ourselves, +they bear equally the burdens and are required to discharge the +highest duties of citizens. They are compelled to pay taxes and +to bear arms. They fought side by side with their white countrymen +in the great struggle for independence, and in the recent +war for the Union. In the revolutionary contest, colored men +bore an honorable part, from the Boston massacre, in 1770, to +the surrender of Cornwallis, in 1781. Bancroft says: "Their +names may be read on the pension rolls of the country side by +side with those of other soldiers of the revolution." In the war +of 1812 General Jackson issued an order complimenting the colored +men of his army engaged in the defense of New Orleans. +I need not speak of their number or of their services in the war +of the rebellion. The Nation enrolled and accepted them among +her defendants to the number of about two hundred thousand, +and in the new regular army act, passed at the close of the rebellion, +by the votes of Democrats and Union men alike, in the +Senate and in the House, and by the assent of the president, +regiments of colored men, cavalry and infantry, form part of the +standing army of the Republic.</p> + +<p>In the navy, colored American sailors have fought side by side +with white men from the days of Paul Jones to the victory of +the Kearsarge over the rebel pirate Alabama. Colored men will, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span>in the future as in the past, in all times of National peril, be our +fellow-soldiers. Tax-payers, countrymen, fellow-citizens, and +fellow-soldiers, the colored men of America have been and will +be. It is now too late for the adversaries of nationality and human +rights to undertake to deprive these tax-payers, freemen, +citizens, and soldiers of the right to vote.</p> + +<p>Slaves were never voters. It was bad enough that our fathers, +for the sake of Union, were compelled to allow masters to reckon +three-fifths of their slaves for representation, without adding +slave suffrage to the other privileges of the slaveholder. But +free colored men were always voters in many of the Colonies, +and in several of the States, North and South, after independence +was achieved. They voted for members of the Congress +which declared independence, and for members of every Congress +prior to the adoption of the Federal Constitution; for the +members of the convention which framed the Constitution; for +the members of many of the State conventions which ratified +it, and for every president from Washington to Lincoln.</p> + +<p>Our government has been called the white man's government. +Not so. It is not the government of any class, or sect, or nationality, +or race. It is a government founded on the consent of the +governed, and Mr. Broomall, of Pennsylvania, therefore properly +calls it "the government of the governed." It is not the +government of the native born, or of the foreign born, of the +rich man, or of the poor man, of the white man, or of the colored +man—it is the government of the freeman. And when +colored men were made citizens, soldiers, and freemen, by our +consent and votes, we were estopped from denying to them the +right of suffrage.</p> + +<p>General Sherman was right when he said, in his Atlanta letter, +of 1864: "If you admit the negro to this struggle for any purpose, +he has a right to stay in for all; and, when the fight is +over, the hand that drops the musket can not be denied the +ballot."</p> + +<p>Even our adversaries are compelled to admit the Jeffersonian +rule, that "the man who pays taxes and who fights for the country +is entitled to vote."</p> + +<p>Mr. Pendleton, in his speech against the enlistment of colored +soldiers, gave up the whole controversy. He said: "Gentlemen +tell us that these colored men are ready, with their strong arms +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span>and their brave hearts, to maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, +and to defend the integrity of the Union, which in our +hands to-day is in peril. What is that Constitution? It provides +that every child of the Republic, every citizen of the land +is before the law the equal of every other. It provides for all +of them trial by jury, free speech, free press, entire protection for +life and liberty and property. It goes further. It secures to every +citizen the right of suffrage, the right to hold office, the right to +aspire to every office or agency by which the government is carried +on. Every man called upon to do military duty, every man +required to take up arms in its defense, is by its provisions entitled +to vote, and a competent aspirant for every office in the +government."</p> + +<p>The truth is, impartial manhood suffrage is already practically +decided. It is now merely a question of time. In the eleven +rebel States, in five of the New England States, and in a number +of the Northwestern States, there is no organized party able +to successfully oppose impartial suffrage. The Democratic party +of more than half of the States are ready to concede its justice +and expediency. The Boston <i>Post</i>, the able organ of the New +England Democracy, says:</p> + +<p>"Color ought to have no more to do with the matter (voting) +than size. Only establish a right standard, and then apply it impartially. +A rule of that sort is too firmly fixed in justice and +equality to be shaken. It commends itself too clearly to the +good sentiment of the entire body of our countrymen to be successfully +traversed by objections. Once let this principle be +fairly presented to the people of the several States, with the +knowledge on their part that they alone are to have the disposal +and settlement of it, and we sincerely believe it would not +be long before it would be adopted by every State in the Union."</p> + +<p>The New York <i>World</i>, the ablest Democratic newspaper in the +Union, says:</p> + +<p>"Democrats in the North, as well as the South, should be fully +alive to the importance of the new element thrust into the politics +of the country. We suppose it to be morally certain that +the new constitution of the State of New York, to be framed +this year, will confer the elective franchise upon all adult male +negroes. We have no faith in the success of any efforts to shut +the negro element out of politics. It is the part of wisdom +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span>frankly to accept the situation, and get beforehand with the +Radicals in gaining an ascendancy over the negro mind."</p> + +<p>The Chicago <i>Times</i>, the influential organ of the Northwestern +Democracy, says:</p> + +<p>"The word 'white' is not found in any of the original constitutions, +save only that of South Carolina. In every other State +negroes, who possessed the qualifications that were required impartially +of all men, were admitted to vote, and many of that +race did vote, in the Southern as well as in the Northern States. +And, moreover, they voted the Democratic ticket, for it was the +Democratic party of that day which affirmed their right in that +respect upon an impartial basis with white men. All Democrats +can not, even at this day, have forgotten the statement of General +Jackson, that he was supported for the presidency by negro +voters in the State of Tennessee.</p> + +<p>"The doctrine of impartial suffrage is one of the earliest and +most essential doctrines of Democracy. It is the affirmation of +the right of every man who is made a partaker of the burdens +of the State to be represented by his own consent or vote in its +government. It is the first principle upon which all true republican +government rests. It is the basis upon which the liberties +of America will be preserved, if they are preserved at all. The +Democratic party must return from its driftings, and stand again +upon the immutable rock of principles."</p> + +<p>In Ohio the leaders of the Peace Democracy intend to carry +on one more campaign on the old and rotten platform of prejudice +against colored people. They seek in this way to divert attention +from the record they made during the war of the rebellion. +But the great facts of our recent history are against them. +The principles of the fathers, reason, religion, and the spirit of +the age are against them.</p> + +<p>The plain and monstrous inconsistency and injustice of excluding +one-seventh of our population from all participation in +a government founded on the consent of the governed in this +land of free discussion is simply impossible. No such absurdity +and wrong can be permanent. Impartial suffrage will carry the +day. No low prejudice will long be able to induce American +citizens to deny to a weak people their best means of self-protection +for the unmanly reason that they are weak. Chief Justice +Chase expressed the true sentiment when he said "the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span>American Nation can not afford to do the smallest injustice to +the humblest and feeblest of her children."</p> + +<p>Much has been said of the antagonism which exists between +the different races of men. But difference of religion, difference +of nationality, difference of language, and difference of rank and +privileges are quite as fruitful causes of antagonism and war as +difference of race. The bitter strifes between Christians and +Jews, between Catholics and Protestants, between Englishmen +and Irishmen, between aristocracy and the masses are only too +familiar. What causes increase and aggravate these antagonisms, +and what are the measures which diminish and prevent +them, ought to be equally familiar. Under the partial and unjust +laws of the Nations of the Old World men of one nationality +were allowed to oppress those of another; men of one +faith had rights which were denied to men of a different faith; +men of one rank or caste enjoyed special privileges which were +not granted to men of another. Under these systems peace was +impossible and strife perpetual. But under just and equal laws +in the United States, Jews, Protestants, and Catholics, Englishmen +and Irishmen, the former aristocrat and the masses of the +people, dwell and mingle harmoniously together. The uniform +lesson of history is that unjust and partial laws increase and +create antagonism, while justice and equality are the sure foundation +of prosperity and peace.</p> + +<p>Impartial suffrage secures also popular education. Nothing +has given the careful observer of events in the South more gratification +than the progress which is there going on in the establishment +of schools. The colored people, who as slaves were debarred +from education, regard the right to learn as one of the +highest privileges of freemen. The ballot gives them the power +to secure that privilege. All parties and all public men in the +South agree that, if colored men vote, ample provision must be +made in the reorganization of every State for free schools. The +ignorance of the masses, whites as well as blacks, is one of the +most discouraging features of Southern society. If Congressional +reconstruction succeeds, there will be free schools for all. +The colored people will see that their children attend them. +We need indulge in no fears that the white people will be left +behind. Impartial suffrage, then, means popular intelligence; +it means progress; it means loyalty; it means harmony between +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span>the North and the South, and between the whites and the colored +people.</p> + +<p>The Union party believes that the general welfare requires +that measures should be adopted which will work great changes +in the South. Our adversaries are accustomed to talk of the rebellion +as an affair which began when the rebels attacked Fort +Sumter in 1861, and which ended when Lee surrendered to +Grant in 1865. It is true that the attempt by force of arms to +destroy the United States began and ended during the administration +of Mr. Lincoln. But the causes, the principles, and the +motives which produced the rebellion are of an older date than +the generation which suffered from the fruit they bore, and their +influence and power are likely to last long after that generation +passes away. Ever since armed rebellion failed, a large party in +the South have struggled to make participation in the rebellion +honorable and loyalty to the Union dishonorable. The lost +cause with them is the honored cause. In society, in business, +and in politics, devotion to treason is the test of merit, the passport +to preferment. They wish to return to the old state of +things—<i>an oligarchy of race and the sovereignty of States</i>.</p> + +<p>To defeat this purpose, to secure the rights of man, and to +perpetuate the National Union, are the objects of the Congressional +plan of reconstruction. That plan has the hearty support +of the great generals (so far as their opinions are known)—of +Grant, of Thomas, of Sheridan, of Howard—who led the armies +of the Union which conquered the rebellion. The statesmen +most trusted by Mr. Lincoln and by the loyal people of the +country during the war also support it. The Supreme Court of +the United States, upon formal application and after solemn argument, +refuse to interfere with its execution. The loyal press +of the country, which did so much in the time of need to uphold +the patriot cause, without exception, are in favor of the +plan.</p> + +<p>In the South, as we have seen, the lessons of the war and the +events occurring since the war have made converts of thousands +of the bravest and of the ablest of those who opposed the National +cause. General Longstreet, a soldier second to no living +corps commander of the rebel army, calls it "a peace offering," +and advises the South in good faith to organize under it. Unrepentant +rebels and unconverted Peace Democrats oppose it, just +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span>as they opposed the measures which destroyed slavery and saved +the nation.</p> + +<p>Opposition to whatever the Nation approves seems to be the +policy of the representative men of the Peace Democracy. Defeat +and failure comprise their whole political history. In +laboring to overthrow reconstruction they are probably destined +to further defeat and further failure. I know not how it may +be in other States, but if I am not greatly mistaken as to the +mind of the loyal people of Ohio, they mean to trust power in +the hands of no man who, during the awful struggle for the Nation's +life, proved unfaithful to the cause of liberty and of +Union. They will continue to exclude from the administration +of the government those who prominently opposed the war, +until every question arising out of the rebellion relating to the +integrity of the Nation and to human rights shall have been +firmly settled on the basis of impartial justice.</p> + +<p>They mean that the State of Ohio, in this great progress, +"whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift +artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable +pursuits for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair +chance in the race of life," shall tread no step backward.</p> + +<p>Penetrated and sustained by a conviction that in this contest +the Union party of Ohio is doing battle for the right, I enter +upon my part of the labors of the canvass with undoubting confidence +that the goodness of the cause will supply the weakness +of its advocates, and command in the result that triumphant +success which I believe it deserves.</p> + +<br /> +<center><b><i>Speech of</i> <span class="smcap">General R. B. Hayes</span>, <i>delivered at <a name="Sidney" id="Sidney"></a>Sidney, +Ohio, Wednesday, September 4, 1867.</i></b> +</center> +<br /> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<p> +<i>Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens</i>:<br /> +</p> + +<p>It was very plain at the beginning of the pending canvass in +Ohio that the leading speakers of the peace party of the State +were desirous to persuade the people that at this election they +were to pass upon different issues from those which have been +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span>considered in former elections. They undertook at the beginning, +generally, to discuss questions which have not heretofore +been much considered. They told the people that the old issues +were settled, and that in this canvass in particular, there would +be no propriety in discussing the record made by men during +the war; that the war was over; that bygones ought to be permitted +to be bygones; and they started a considerable number +of subjects for discussion, which I claim are either unimportant +matters, or are matters which are in no sense party questions. +For example, Judge Ranney, in a very elaborate speech at Mansfield, +of great length, discussed perhaps a dozen or fifteen topics, +almost all of which are in no sense party questions. For example, +he talked about the land grants that had been made to the +railroads, particularly to the Pacific Railroad, during the last few +years, and of the subsidies of money that by law have been +given to the railroad companies. Now, this is but a specimen of +the topics discussed by Judge Ranney. It is enough to say, in +regard to the railroads, that they were voted for indiscriminately +by Union men and by Democrats—peace Democrats and war +Democrats—and that they were finally made laws by the signature +of Andrew Johnson. They are in no sense, therefore, party +issues; and the only purpose of discussing them is, so far as I +can see, to mislead the people, and to withdraw their attention +from the main issues before them.</p> + +<p>Judge Thurman has discussed the subject of a standing army. +He has spoken of the great expense of keeping up a standing +army, and, as I think, has greatly exaggerated the sum requisite—naming +two hundred and fifty millions as the annual expense +of it. I suppose that is three or four, or perhaps five times as +great as the actual amount: but I do not stop to argue that matter +with him. I say to him, in regard to it, that Democrats voted +for it in both houses, and it became a law by the signature of the +president whom he supports. It is not, therefore, a party issue.</p> + +<p>I can not, in any reasonable length of time, even name the +various topics that have been discussed in this way. Perhaps +none has attracted more attention than the subject of finances, +and the main issue presented by our Democratic friends on that +subject has been this—namely, that it is for the interest of the +people to pay off the whole of the present bonded debt by an +issue of greenbacks. At the beginning of the canvass, the Cin<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span>cinnati <i>Enquirer</i>, and, I think, the leading peace party paper at +Columbus, and Mr. Vallandigham, presented this as the leading +question before the people. The <i>Enquirer</i> told us that Democratic +conventions in forty counties had resolved in favor of it; +and certainly if any one of the topics which have been presented +in this way may be regarded as a party topic, that is one. If +they have succeeded in making a new issue, that is one. On the +20th of last month, I spoke at Batavia, and I referred to that +subject. I said that Judge Thurman was plainly committed +against the issue of more greenbacks; that when we were in the +midst of the war, and the necessities of the country were such +that it was necessary to get money by every means in our power, +he had told the people there was no constitutional authority to +issue greenbacks. I said further, that in his speech at Waverly +he had spoken of this currency as a currency of rags; and that, +therefore, I was authorized to say he was opposed to this new +scheme of the Cincinnati <i>Enquirer</i>. That speech of mine was reported +in the Cincinnati <i>Commercial</i> of the next morning. On +the following day, the 22d of August, the <i>Enquirer</i> noticed my +speech. I will read you the whole of the <i>Enquirer's</i> article on +that subject. I do this because I think, in this county as well as +elsewhere, Democrats are claiming the votes of Union men on +the ground that it is wise to pay off the bonded debt by an issue +of greenbacks, and I wish to show that Judge Thurman is opposed +to the scheme. Therefore, it is no party issue, because no +party State convention has resolved in favor of it, and the peace +party candidate for governor is against it. The <i>Enquirer</i> says, +under the caption of "Judge Thurman and the bondholders:"</p> + +<p>"In his speech at Batavia, Clermont county, on Tuesday, General +Hayes, while discussing the payment of the public debt +question, said:</p> + +<p>"Judge Thurman has not yet spoken distinctly on this question. +But his well-known opinion, that even the necessities of +the war did not authorize, under our constitution, the issue of +the legal-tender currency, coupled with the fact that he speaks +of it in his Waverly speech as a currency of 'rags—only +rags'—warrants me in saying that he is probably opposed, on +grounds both of constitutional law and of expediency, to the +financial scheme of Mr. Vallandigham and of the Cincinnati +<i>Enquirer</i>. Judge Ranney and Judge Jewett are also evidently +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span>unwilling to accept the inflation theories of the <i>Enquirer</i>. They +are both opposed to taking up the greenbacks now in circulation +by an issue of bonds bearing interest, and repeat the same arguments +against this policy of Johnson's administration which +were urged by the Cincinnati <i>Gazette</i> and by Thaddeus Stevens +and Judge Kelley, with much more cogency, a year or two ago."</p> + +<p>Commenting on the above, the <i>Enquirer</i> says, editorially:</p> + +<p>"This will render it necessary for Judge Thurman to do what +he ought to have done in his first (Waverly) speech, define his +position distinctly on this question. As one of his friends and +supporters, we call upon him to put a stop to these representations +of General Hayes by giving the people his views.</p> + +<p>"Is he for the bondholders or the people? Does he believe +that the debts due the bondholders should be paid in any other +than the government money, which pays all other debts and liabilities, +even those which were contracted in gold?</p> + +<p>"Is he for one currency for the bondholders and another and +different currency for the people?</p> + +<p>"The Democracy of more than forty counties in Ohio have +spoken out on this question, and we have no doubt the example +will be followed by every county in the State. In some counties +no other resolutions have been passed.</p> + +<p>"The time has passed when the people kept step to the music +of candidates. The latter must now march with and not against +the people. Will Judge Thurman define his position, for thousands +of votes may depend upon it?"</p> + +<p>On the 27th of August, at Wapakoneta, Judge Thurman made +a speech, which I hold in my hand—as you see, a very long +speech, covering all of one side of the <i>Commercial</i>, and parts of +two others. One would suppose that, a week having elapsed +since the speech to which his attention was called had been +made, that in this speech, at least, if this was an important issue +of the canvass, we should have his position plainly and clearly +defined. Of that long speech he devotes to that important question, +which the <i>Enquirer</i> says is the real question, and which +many of your speakers doubtless here say is the real question, +precisely eleven lines—one short paragraph. And the pith of +that paragraph is contained in these two lines: "I am sorry that +what I have to say on that subject for publication I must reserve +for some future time."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> +I think that this satisfactorily shows where my friend Judge +Thurman stands on that issue, and that we therefore need no +longer discuss it—in short, that, as a party question, it is abandoned +by the candidate of the Democratic party. There is another +phase of the financial question. Judge Ranney and Judge +Jewett are telling the people that it is the policy of Secretary +McCulloch to take up the greenback currency and issue in its +stead interest-bearing bonds, not taxable, principal and interest, +both payable in coin at the option of the secretary. That is +true. That was the policy, and is the policy of Secretary McCulloch. +But they go further, and say they are authorized to +say that this is the policy of the Union party. I take issue with +them on that statement. They offer no proof that it is true, +except the fact that it is the policy of the Johnson administration; +and I submit to an intelligent audience that the fact that +Johnson and his administration are in favor of a measure is no +evidence whatever that the Union party supports it. It is not +for me to prove a negative, but I am prepared, nevertheless, to +prove it. The very measure which was intended to carry out +this policy of Secretary McCulloch to enable him to take up the +greenback currency with interest-bearing bonds was introduced +in Congress in March, 1866. I have here the votes upon that +question, and I say to you that the Democratic party in both +houses—all the members of the Democratic party in both +houses—voted for Senator McCulloch's plan, and that Mr. Julian, +Judge Schofield, Mr. Lawrence, all of whom I see here, and +myself, a majority of the Republican members of Congress, voted +against the scheme, and it became a law because a minority of +the Union party, with the unanimous vote of the Democratic +party, supported it; and because, when it was submitted to Andrew +Johnson, instead of vetoing it, as he did all Union party +measures, he wrote his name, on the 12th of April, at the bottom +of it, "Approved, Andrew Johnson." Now, it is under that +measure, and by virtue of that law, voted for by Mr. Finck and +and Mr. LeBlond, of the Democratic party of Ohio, in the House +of Representatives; it is by virtue of that law that to-day Secretary +McCulloch is issuing interest-bearing bonds, not taxable, to +take up the greenback currency of the country. I think, then, +I am authorized in saying that these gentlemen are mistaken +when they accuse the Union party of being in favor of taking +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span>up the greenback currency and putting in the place of it interest-bearing, +non-taxable bonds.</p> + +<p>This investigation of two or three of the leading questions +presented to the people at the beginning of this canvass by the +advocates of the peace party of Ohio is, I think, sufficient to +warrant me in saying that all of the side issues presented are +merely urged on the people to withdraw their minds from the +great main issue which ought to engage the attention of the +American Nation. What is that great issue? It is reconstruction. +That is the main question before us, and until it is settled, +and settled rightly, all other issues sink into insignificance in +comparison with it. Fortunately for the Union party of Ohio, +events are occurring every day at Washington which tend more +and more clearly to define the exact question before the people, +showing that the main question is whether the Union shall be reconstructed +in the interests of the rebellion or in the interests of +loyalty and Union; whether that reconstruction shall be carried +on by men who, during the war, were in favor of the war and +against the rebellion, or by men who in the North were against +the war, and who in the South carried on the rebellion. On one +side of this question we see Andrew Johnson, Judge Black, and +the other leaders of the peace party of the North and the unrepentant +rebels of the South; and on the other side is the great +war secretary, Stanton, with General Grant, General Sheridan, +General Thomas, General Howard, and the other Union commanders +engaged in carrying out the reconstruction acts of Congress. +This presents clearly enough the question before the +people. General Grant, in one paragraph of his letter to the +president, said to him:</p> + +<p>"General Sheridan has performed his civil duties faithfully +and intelligently. His removal will only be regarded as an effort +to defeat the laws of Congress. It will be interpreted by the +unreconstructed element in the South—those who did all they +could to break up this government by arms, and now wish to be +the only element consulted as to the method of restoring order—as +a triumph. It will embolden them to renewed opposition +to the will of the loyal masses, believing that they have the executive +with them."</p> + +<p>This presents exactly the question before the people. We +want the loyal people of the country, the victors in the great +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span>struggle we have passed through, to do the work; we want reconstruction +upon such principles, and by means of such measures +that the causes which made reconstruction necessary shall +not exist in the reconstructed Union; we want that foolish notion +of State rights, which teaches that the State is superior to the +Nation—that there is a State sovereignty which commands the +allegiance of every citizen higher than the sovereignty of the +nation—we want that notion left out of the reconstructed +Union; we want it understood that whatever doubts may have +existed prior to the war as to the relation of the State to the +National government, that now the National government is supreme, +anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the +contrary notwithstanding. Again, as one of the causes of the +rebellion, we want slavery left out, not merely in name, but in +fact, and forever; we want the last vestige, the last relic of that +institution, rooted out of the laws and institutions of every State; +we want that in the South there shall be no more suppression +of free discussion. I notice that in the long speech of my friend, +Judge Thurman, he says that for nearly fifty years, throughout +the length and breadth of the land, freedom of speech and of +the press was never interfered with, either by the government or +the people. For more than thirty years, fellow-citizens, there +has been no such thing as free discussion in the South. Those +moderate speeches of Abraham Lincoln on the subject of slavery—not +one of them—could have been delivered without endangering +his life, south of Mason and Dixon's line. We want in +the reconstructed Union that there shall be the same freedom +of the press and freedom of speech in the States of the South +that there always has been in the States of the North. Again, +we want the reconstructed Union upon such principles that the +men of the South who, during the war, were loyal and true to +the government, shall be protected in life, liberty, and property, +and in the exercise of their political rights. It becomes the +solemn duty of the loyal victors in the great struggle to see that +the men who, in the midst of difficulties, discouragements, and +dangers in the South were true, are protected in these rights. +And, in order that our reconstruction shall be carried out faithfully +and accomplish these objects, we further want that the +work shall be in the hands of the right men. Andrew Johnson, +in the days when he was loyal, said the work of reconstruction +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span>ought to be placed absolutely in the hands of the loyal men of +the State; that rebels, and particularly leading rebels, ought not +to participate in that work; that while that work is going on +they must take back seats. We want that understood in our +work of reconstruction. How important it is to have the right +men in charge of this work appears upon the most cursory examination +of what has already been done. President Lincoln +administered the same laws substantially—was sworn to support +the same constitution with Andrew Johnson—yet how different +the reconstruction as carried out by these two men. Lincoln's +reconstruction in all the States which he undertook to reorganize +gave to those States loyal governments, loyal governors, +loyal legislatures, judges, and officers of the law. Andrew Johnson, +administering the same constitution and the same laws, reconstructs +a number of States, and in all of them leading rebels +are elected governors, leading rebels are members of the legislature, +and leading rebels are sent to Congress. It makes, then, +the greatest difference to the people of this country who it is +that does the work.</p> + +<p>This, my friends, brings me to a proposition to which I call the +attention of every audience that I have occasion to address, and +that is this, that until the work of reconstruction is complete, +until every question arising out of the rebellion relating to the +integrity of the Nation and to human rights has been settled, +and settled rightly, no man ought to be trusted with power in +this country, who, during the struggle for the Nation's life, was +unfaithful to Union and liberty. That is the proposition upon +which I go before the people of Ohio. At the beginning of the +canvass, as I have said, the gentlemen who are engaged in advocating +the claims of the peace party of Ohio did not desire to +have this record discussed. I am happy to know by this long +Wapakoneta speech of Judge Thurman that at last they have +found it necessary to come to the discussion of the true question. +Judge Thurman, in that speech, invites us to the discussion of +it. He says:</p> + +<p>"I give all of them this bold and unequivocal defiance, that +there is no one act of my life, or one sentence ever uttered by +me that I am not prepared to have investigated by the American +people; and I wish them to stand up to the same rule, that I +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span>may see what is in their past record, and see how it tallies with +what they say to the American people at the present time."</p> + +<p>He proceeds to do this. He proceeds to examine the record +of various gentlemen connected with the Union party. Now, I +am not in the habit of giving challenges or accepting challenges, +but I desire, for a few minutes, to ask the attention of this audience +to the record of my friend, Judge Thurman. He under-takes +to justify the course he took as a leader of the peace party +of Ohio, by telling us what Mr. Lincoln said in 1848. Now, +what is it that Mr. Lincoln said? He made a speech during the +Mexican war as to the title which Texas had to certain lands in +dispute between the State of Texas and Mexico, or rather between +the United States and Mexico. He laid down the doctrine +that a revolutionary government is entitled to own just as +much of the property of the former government as it has succeeded +in conquering; and he says, in the course of that speech, +that it is the right of every people to revolutionize; that the +right of revolution, in short, belongs to every people; that it was +the right exercised by our forefathers in 1776. Now, that is all +true—that is all correct; but how does my friend Judge Thurman +find any justification for the rebellion in that? What is +the right of revolution? It is the right to resist a government +under which you live, if that government is guilty of intolerable +oppression or injustice, but not otherwise. And that is the doctrine +of Abraham Lincoln. Now, in order to make that a precedent +for the rebellion, Judge Thurman is bound to take the position +that, in the case of the rebel States, there had been acts of +intolerable oppression and injustice done to that part of the +country which went into rebellion. I know that the rebels, for +the most part, did not put the rebellion upon that ground; but +Judge Thurman now does it for them. He makes it out—or +must make it out to sustain himself—that it was a case of revolution, +growing out of the exercise of that right which our +fathers exercised in 1776. Now, if Judge Thurman can show +that there was justification for the rebellion, he has made out +his case. If that rebellion was not justified by such circumstances—if +there was no such intolerable injustice and oppression—he +has failed in his precedent. He goes further, and says +that Mr. Wade, Chief Justice Chase, Secretary Stanton, and General +Butler all held sentiments before the war the same as the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span>sentiments which he held then, and holds now, on the subject +of the rights of the States. Suppose they did—suppose they belonged +to the same party before the war—is that any defense of +his conduct during the war? They saw fit, after the war had +broken out, to rally to the side of their country, notwithstanding +any notions or theories they might have held with regard to +the rights of the States.</p> + +<p>I do not stop now to discuss the correctness of Judge Thurman's +opinions as to the course of these men prior to the war. +It is enough for me to say that the question I make—the question +which the people of Ohio make—is, What was your conduct +after it was found that there was a conspiracy to break up the +Union, after war was upon us, and armies were raised—what was +your conduct then? That is the question before the people. +And I ask of an intelligent audience, what was the duty of a +good citizen after that war for the destruction of the government +and the Union had begun? Need I ask any old Jackson Democrat +what is his duty when the Union is at stake? In 1806, +Aaron Burr proposed this matter to Andrew Jackson, of making +a new confederacy in the Southwest. Jackson said:</p> + +<p>"I hate the Dons, and I would like to see Mexico dismembered; +but before I would see one State of this Union severed +from the rest, I would die in the last ditch."</p> + +<p>That was Jackson's Democracy. Douglass said:</p> + +<p>"This is no time for delay. The existence of a conspiracy is +now known; armies are raised to accomplish it. There can be +but two sides to the question. A man must be either for the +United States or against the United States. There can be no +neutrals in this war—only patriots and traitors."</p> + +<p>There is the Douglass doctrine. But I need not go back to +Jackson and Douglass. I have the opinions of the very gentlemen +who now lead the peace party on this subject. Let me read +you a resolution, introduced and passed through a Democratic +convention, in 1848, by Clement L. Vallandigham:</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That whatever opinions might have been entertained +of the origin, necessity or justice, by the Tories of the +revolutionary war, by the Federalists of the late war with England, +or by the Whigs and Abolitionists of the present war with +Mexico, the fact of their country being engaged in such a war +ought to have been sufficient for them and to have precluded +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span>debate on that subject till a successful termination of the war, +and that in the meantime the patriot could have experienced no +difficulty in recognizing his place on the side of his country, and +could never have been induced to yield either physical or moral +aid to the enemy."</p> + +<p>I will quote also from Judge Thurman himself. In a speech +lecturing one of his colleagues, who thought the Mexican war +was unnecessary, he says:</p> + +<p>"It is a strange way to support one's country, right or wrong, +to declare after war has begun, when it exists both in law and in +fact, that the war is aggressive, unholy, unrighteous, and damnable +on the part of the government of that country, and on that +government rests its responsibility and its wrongfulness. It is +a strange way to support one's country right or wrong in a war, +to tax one's imagination to the utmost to depict the disastrous +consequences of the contest; to dwell on what it has already +cost and what it will cost in future; to depict her troops +prostrated by disease and dying with pestilence; in a word, to +destroy, as far as possible, the moral force of the government in +the struggle, and hold it up to its own people and the world as +the aggressor that merits their condemnation. It was for this +that I arraigned my colleague, and that I intend to arraign him. +It was because his remarks, as far as they could have any influence, +were evidently calculated to depress the spirits of his +own countrymen, to lessen the moral force of his own government, +and to inspire with confidence and hope the enemies of his +country."</p> + +<p>He goes on further to say:</p> + +<p>"What a singular mode it was of supporting her in a war to +bring against the war nearly all the charges that were brought +by the peace party Federalists against the last war, to denounce +it as an unrighteous, unholy, and damnable war; to hold up our +government to the eyes of the world as the aggressors in the +conflict; to charge it with motives of conquest and aggrandizement; +to parade and portray in the darkest colors all the horrors +of war; to dwell upon its cost and depict its calamities."</p> + +<p>Now, that was the doctrine of Judge Thurman as to the duties +of citizens in time of war—in time of such a war as the Mexican +war even, in which no vital interest of the country could by possibility +suffer. Judge Thurman says that General Hayes, in his +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span>speech, has a great many slips cut from the newspapers, and that +he must have had some sewing society of old ladies to cut out the +slips for him. I don't know how he found that out. I never +told it, and you know the ladies never tell secrets that are confided +to them. I hold in my hand a speech of Judge Thurman, +from which I have read extracts, and I find that he has in it +slips cut from more than twenty different prints, sermons, newspapers, +old speeches, and pamphlets, to show how, in the war of +1812, certain Federalists uttered unpatriotic sentiments. I presume +he must have acquired his slips on that day in the way he +says I acquired mine now.</p> + +<p>Now, my friends, I propose to hold Judge Thurman to no severe +rule of accountability for his conduct during the war. I +merely ask that it shall be judged by his own rule: "Your country +is engaged in war, and it is the duty of every citizen to say +nothing and do nothing which shall depress the spirits of his +own countrymen, nothing that shall encourage the enemies of +his country, or give them moral aid or comfort." That is the +rule. Now, Judge Thurman, how does your conduct square with +it? I do not propose to begin at the beginning of the war, or +even just before the war, to cite the record of Judge Thurman. +I am willing to say that perhaps men might have been mistaken +at that time. They might have supposed in the beginning a +conciliatory policy, a non-coercive policy, would in some way +avoid the threatened struggle. But I ask you to approach the +period when the war was going on, when armies to the number +of hundreds of thousands of men were ready on one side and +the other, and when the whole world knew what was the nature +of the great struggle going on in America. Taking the beginning +of 1863, how stands the conflict? We have pressed the rebellion +out of Kentucky and through Tennessee. Grant stands +before Vicksburg, held at bay by the army of Pemberton; Rosecranz, +after the capture of Nashville, has pressed forward to +Murfreesboro, but is still held out of East Tennessee by the +army of Bragg. The army of the Potomac and the army of Lee, +in Virginia, are balanced, the one against the other. The whole +world knows that that exhausting struggle can not last long +without deciding in favor of one side or the other. That the +year 1863 is big with the fate of Union and of liberty, every +intelligent man in the world knows—that on one side it is a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span>struggle for nationality and human rights. There is not in all +Europe a petty despot who lives by grinding the masses of the +people, who does not know that Lincoln and the Union are his +enemies. There is not a friend of freedom in all Europe who +does not know that Lincoln and the loyal army are fighting in the +cause of free government for all the world. Now, in that contest, +where are you, Judge Thurman? It is a time when we +need men and money, when we need to have our people inspired +with hope and confidence. Your sons and brothers are +in the field. Their success depends upon your conduct at home.</p> + +<p>The men who are to advise you what to do have upon them a +dreadful responsibility to give you wise and patriotic advice. +Judge Thurman, in the speech I am quoting from, says:</p> + +<p>"But now, my friends, I shall not deal with obscure newspapers +or obscure men. What a private citizen like Allen G. +Thurman may have said in 1861 is a matter of indifference."</p> + +<p>Ah, no, Judge Thurman, the Union party does not propose to +allow your record to go without investigation because you are a +private citizen. I know you held no official position under the +government at the time I speak of; but, sir, you had for years +been a leading, able, and influential man in the great party which +had often carried your State. You were acting under grave responsibilities. +More than that, during that year 1863, you were +more than a private citizen. You were one of the delegates to +the State convention of that year; you were one of the committee +that forms your party platform in that convention; you were +one of the central committee that carries on the canvass in the +absence of your standard-bearers; and you were one of the orators +of the party. No, sir, you were not a private citizen in 1863. +You were one of the leading and one of the ablest men in your +party in that year, speaking through the months of July, August, +September, and October, in behalf of the candidate of the peace +party. You can not escape as a private citizen.</p> + +<p>Well, sir, in the beginning of that eventful year, there rises in +Congress the ablest member of the peace party, to advise Congress +and to advise the people, and what does he say?</p> + +<p>"You have not conquered the South. You never will. It is +not in the nature of things possible, especially under your auspices. +Money you have expended without limit; blood you have +poured out like water."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> +Now, mark the taunt—the words of discouragement that were +sent to the people and to the army of the Union:</p> + +<p>"Defeat, debt, taxation, sepulchers—these are your trophies. +Can you get men to enlist now at any price?"</p> + +<p>Listen again to the words that were sent to the army and to +the loyal people:</p> + +<p>"Ah, sir, it is easier to die at home."</p> + +<p>We knew that, Judge Thurman, better than Mr. Vallandigham +knew it. We had seen our comrades falling and dying alone on +the mountain side and in the swamps—dying in the prison-pens +of the Confederacy and in the crowded hospitals, North and +South. Yet he had the face to stand up in Congress, and say to +the people and the world, "Ah, sir, it is easier to die at home." +Judge Thurman, where are you at this time? He goes to Columbus +to the State convention, on the 11th of June of that +year, in all the capacities in which I have named him—as a delegate, +as committeeman, and as an orator—and he spends that +whole summer in advocating the election of the man who taunted +us with the words, "Defeat, debt, taxation, sepulchers—these +are your trophies."</p> + +<p>In every canvass you know there is a key-note. What was +the key-note of that canvass? Who sounded it? It came over +to us from Canada. On the 15th of July, 1863, Mr. Vallandigham +wrote, accepting the nomination of that convention of +Judge Thurman's. He said, in his letter:</p> + +<p>"If this civil war is to terminate only by the subjugation or +submission of the South to force and arms, the infant of to-day +will not live to see the end of it. No; in another way only can +it be brought to a close. Traveling a thousand miles and more, +through nearly half of the Confederate States, and sojourning +for a time at widely different points, I met not one man, woman, +or child who was not resolved to perish, rather than yield to the +pressure of arms, even in the most desperate extremity. And +whatever may and must be the varying fortune of the war, in all +of which I recognize the hand of Providence pointing visibly to +the ultimate issue of this great trial of the States and people of +America, they are better prepared now, every way, to make good +their inexorable purpose than at any period since the beginning +of the struggle."</p> + +<p>That was the key-note of the campaign. It was the platform +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span>of the candidate in behalf of whom Judge Thurman went +through the State of Ohio—all over the State—in July, August, +and September, up to the night of the 12th of October—making +his last speech just twenty-four hours before the glad news went +out to all the world, over the wires, that the people of Ohio had +elected John Brough by over one hundred thousand majority, +in preference to the author of the sentiment, "Defeat, debt, +taxation, sepulchers."</p> + +<p>And how true was that sentiment which had been endorsed +by the peace party. I do not question the motives of men in +any of my speeches. I merely ask as to the facts. "Better prepared," +said he, "than ever before," on the 15th of July. On +that theory, they went through the canvass to the end. What +was the fact? On the 15th of July, 1863, Grant had captured +Vicksburg. That gallant, glorious son of Ohio, who perished +afterward in the Atlanta campaign, and whose honored remains +now sleep near his old home on the lake shore, General James +B. McPherson, on the 4th of July, had ridden at the head of a +triumphant host into Vicksburg. On the 7th of July, Banks had +captured Port Hudson. A few days afterward, a party of serenaders, +calling upon Mr. Lincoln, saw that good man, who had +been bowed down with the weight and cares of office; they saw +his haggard face lit up with joy and cheer, and he said to them: +"At last, Grant is in Vicksburg. The Father of Waters, the Mississippi, +again flows unvexed to the sea."</p> + +<p>On the 15th of July, what else had happened? The army of +Lee, defiantly crowding up into Pennsylvania, and claiming to +go where it pleased, and take what it pleased, only doubting +whether they would first capture Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, +or New York, and concluding finally that it was a matter +of military strategy first to capture the Army of the Potomac—that +army, which had invaded Pennsylvania under such flattering +auspices, was, on the 15th of July, when Mr. Vallandigham's +letter was written, straggling back over the swollen +waters of the Potomac, glad to escape from the pursuing armies +of the Union, with the loss of thirty thousand of its bravest and +best, killed, wounded, and captured, and utterly unable ever +after during the war to set foot upon free soil except in such +fragments as were captured by our armies in subsequent battles. +That was the condition of the two great armies when Mr. Val<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span>landigham uttered that sentiment; and on that sentiment my +friend, Judge Thurman, argued his case through all that summer.</p> + +<p>But wisdom was not learned even at the close of 1863 by this +peace party. Things were greatly changed in the estimation of +every loyal man. We had now not merely got possession of the +Mississippi river—we had not merely driven the army of Lee +out of Pennsylvania, never again to return, but the battle of +Mission Ridge and the battle of Knoxville had been fought. +That important strategic region, East Tennessee, was now within +our lines. From that abode of loyalty, the mountain region of +East Tennessee, we could pierce to the very heart of the Southern +Confederacy. We were now in possession of the interior +lines, giving us an immense advantage, and we were in a condition +to march southeast to Atlanta and northeast to Richmond; +yet with this changed state of affairs, where is my friend Judge +Thurman? Advising the people? What is he advising them +to do? He says Allen G. Thurman was a private citizen. Not +so. He held no official position, I know, under the government. +Fortunately for the people of this country, they were not giving +official positions in Ohio to men of his opinions and sentiments +at that time. [A voice, "They won't now, either."] But he was +made delegate at large from the State of Ohio to the convention +to meet at Chicago to nominate a president and form a platform +on which that nominee should stand. Mr. Vallandigham was a +district delegate and one of the committee to form a platform, +and he drew the most important resolution. The principal +plank of that platform is of his construction. You are perfectly +familiar with it. It merely told the people that the war had +been for four years a failure, and advised them to prepare to negotiate +with this Confederate nation on our Southern borders. +Well, when this advice was given to the Nation, we were still in +the midst of the war, and were prosecuting it with every prospect +of success. What had been accomplished in 1863 enabled +us, with great advantages, to press upon the rebellion. I remember +well when I first read that resolution declaring the war +a four years' failure. It came to the army in which I was serving +on the same day that the news came to us that Sherman had +captured Atlanta. We heard of both together. The war a four +years' failure, said the Chicago convention. I well remember +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span>how that evening our pickets shouted the good news to the +pickets of the enemy. What good news? News that a convention +representing nearly one-half of the people of the North +had concluded that the war was a failure? No such news was +shouted from our-picket line. The good news that they shouted +was that Sherman had captured Atlanta.</p> + +<p>This, my friends, is a part of that record which we are invited +to examine by my friend Judge Thurman. I ask you to apply +to it the principle that whoever, during the great struggle, was +unfaithful to the cause of the country is not to be trusted to be +one of the men to harvest and secure the legitimate fruits of +the victory, which the Union people and the Union army won +during the rebellion. In the great struggle in 1863 in Ohio, I +had not an opportunity to hear the eloquent voice of John +Brough, which I knew stirred the hearts of the people like the +sound of a trumpet, but I read, as occasion offered, his speeches, +and I saw not one in which he did not warn the young men—warn +the Democrats of Ohio—that if they remained through +that struggle opposed to this country, the conduct particularly +of leading men would never be forgotten, and never forgiven. +Now, in this canvass, I merely have to ask the people to remember +the prediction of honest John Brough, and see that that +prediction is made good.</p> + +<p>It is not worth while now to consider, or undertake to predict, +when we shall cease to talk of the records of those men. It +does seem to me that it will, for many years to come, be the voice +of the Union people of the State that for a man who as a leader—as +a man having control in political affairs—that for such a man +who has opposed the interests of his country during the war, +"the post of honor is the private station." When shall we stop +talking about it? When ought we to stop talking about that +record, when leading men come before the people? Certainly +not until every question arising out of the rebellion, and every +question which is akin to the questions which made the rebellion, +is settled. Perhaps these men will be remembered long +after these questions are settled; perhaps their conduct will long +be remembered. What was the result of this advice to the people? +It prolonged the war; it made it impossible to get recruits; +it made it necessary that we should have drafts. They opposed +the drafts, and that made rioting, which required that troops +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span>should be called from all the armies in the field, to preserve the +peace at home. From forty to a hundred thousand men in the +different States of this Union were kept within the loyal States +to preserve the peace at home. And now, when they talk to you +about the debt and about the burden of taxation, remember how +it happened that the war was so prolonged, that it was so expensive, +and that the debt grew to such large proportions.</p> + +<p>There are other things, too, to be remembered. I recollect +that at the close of the last session of Congress, I went over to +Arlington, the estate formerly of Robert E. Lee, and I saw there +the great National cemetery into which that beautiful place has +been converted. I saw the graves of 18,000 Union soldiers, +marked with white head-boards, denoting the name of each occupant, +and his regiment and company. Passing over those +broad acres, covered with the graves of the loyal men who had +died in defense of their country, I came upon that which was +even more touching than these 18,000 head-boards. I found a +large granite, with this inscription upon it:</p> + +<p>"Beneath this stone repose the remains of two thousand one +hundred and eleven unknown soldiers, gathered, after the war, +from the field of Bull Run and the route to the Rappahannock. +Their remains could not be identified, but their names and deaths +are recorded in the archives of their country, and its grateful +citizens honor them as of their noble army of martyrs. May +they rest in peace. September, 1866."</p> + +<p>I say to those men who were instrumental and prominent in +prolonging the war, by opposing it, that when honeyed words +and soft phrases can erase from the enduring granite inscriptions +like these, the American people may forget their conduct; but +I believe they will not do so until some such miracle is accomplished.</p> + +<p>That is all I desire to say this afternoon upon the record of the +peace party of Ohio. A few words upon another topic that is +much discussed in this canvass, and that is the proposed amendment +to the constitution of the State of Ohio. At the beginning, +I desire to say, that there may be no misunderstanding—and I +suppose there is no misunderstanding upon that subject—that I +am in favor of the adoption of that amendment, and I trust that +every Union man, and every Democrat too, will vote for it next +October. And why do I say this? Let us discuss it a moment. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span>It consists of four parts. First, it disfranchises any man who becomes +a resident of the State of Ohio, or who was a citizen of +Ohio, who fought in the rebellion against the country. Isn't +that right? If you want that to go into your constitution, vote +for the amendment. It disfranchises every man who, being liable +to the draft, when the country needed them at the front—when +the soldiers doing their duty at the front were anxiously +looking for their aid—it disfranchises every man who, at such +time, ran away to escape the draft. Isn't that right? In the +next place, it disfranchises every man who deserted his comrades +at the front, and ran away to vote the peace party ticket at the +rear. Isn't that right? It disfranchises him whether he voted +that ticket or not, I may observe. If you want these provisions +in your State constitution, vote for the amendment. In the next +place, it gives the right of suffrage to all the negroes of Ohio. +Mark the phrase: I have not said impartial suffrage or manhood +suffrage. I wish to be understood. It gives the suffrage to the +negroes of Ohio upon the same terms that it is given to white +men. The reason I am in favor of that is because it is right.</p> + +<p>Let me have the ears of my Democratic friends on that question +a moment. If Democracy has any meaning now that is +good—any favorable meaning—it is that Democracy is a government +of the people, by the people, and for the people. It is a +government in which every man who has to obey the laws has a +part in making the laws, unless disqualified by crime. Then the +proposition I am for is a Democratic proposition. Again, it is +according to the principles upon which good men have always +desired to see our institutions placed, namely, that all men are +entitled to equal rights before the law. They are not equal in +any other respect. Nobody claims that they are. But we propose +to give to each man the same rights which you want for +yourself. It is, in short, obeying the rule of the Great Teacher: +"Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you." +Abraham Lincoln said: "No man is good enough to govern another +without that other man's consent." Is not that true? +Good as you think you are, are you good enough absolutely to +govern another man without that other man's consent? If you +really think so, just change shoes with that other man, and see +if you are willing to be governed yourself, without your consent, +by somebody else. The declaration of independence says gov<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span>ernments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. +Now, don't you see there is no way by which one man +can give consent to be governed by another man in a republican +government except by the ballot? There is no way provided by +which you can consent to give powers to a government except +by the ballot. Therefore every man governed under our system +is entitled to the ballot.</p> + +<p>So much for principle. One word now as to why our Democratic +friends oppose it. I remember their opposing the extension +of suffrage once under circumstances that made many of us +think they were doing wrong. During the years 1861, 1862, +1863, and 1864, I was a citizen of the Fifteenth ward, in Cincinnati; +I had lived there ever since it was a ward. All the property +I had in the world was taxed there, real or personal; and +there was a party in Ohio of loyal Union men, who said I and +others who were with me ought to have a right to vote, although +I was not in the Fifteenth ward, but was serving the country in +the field against the rebels. The Democratic party in Ohio—these +very peace men—said no. Why did they say I should not +vote? I never heard but one good reason, and that was the apprehension +they had that if the soldiers did vote, they wouldn't +vote the Democratic ticket. That's what's the matter. Now, +I suspect we have the same difficulty on this proposition; I suspect +that the real trouble is that they fear if the colored man +has a vote, they have dealt so hardly with him these last few +years that when he comes to vote he will vote against the Democratic +party. That's what's the matter. Why, for the sake +of political power, these Democrats of Ohio have not been unwilling +to look kindly toward the colored man. Do you remember +we once had black laws in Ohio which kept the colored men +out of the State? Who repealed those laws? Why did they do +it? The Democratic party did it, because they could get political +power by it. I suspect that if it were quite certain that the +colored vote would elect Allen G. Thurman Governor of Ohio, +our Democratic friends would not object to it at all. What, +then, do I say to the Union men? This objection may be very +good for the Democrats, but it is not a wise one for you.</p> + +<p>I commend to you Union men who are a little weak on this +question, or perhaps I should say a little strong, the example of +the Union men of the country during the war. Abraham Lin<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span>coln thought, in 1862, it was wise to proclaim freedom to the +slaves. Many good Union men thought it was unwise—thought +Mr. Lincoln was going too far or too fast—but the sequel justified +the wisdom of Abraham Lincoln. Again, he thought it was +wise that colored men should be placed in our armies. There were +good soldiers and good Union men who thought it was unwise. +They feared that Mr. Lincoln was going too fast or too far, but +events justified it. Now, everybody agrees that in both cases +Abraham Lincoln was right. Now, the example I commend to our +Union friends who are doubting on this great question is the example +of those Union men during the war who doubted the wisdom +of these other measures. Greatly as they were opposed to the +proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, strongly as they were opposed +to the enlistment of colored soldiers, I say to you I never heard +of one good Union man, in the army or out of it, who left his +party because of that difference with Mr. Lincoln. I commend +that example to the Union men who now doubt about colored +suffrage. The truth is, that every step made in advance toward +the standard of the right has in the event always proved a safe +and wise step. Every step toward the right has proved a step +toward the expedient; in short, that in politics, in morals, in +public and private life, the right is always expedient.</p> + +<p>I thank you, fellow-citizens, for your kind attention.</p> + +<br /> +<center><b><i>Speech of</i> <span class="smcap">Governor Hayes</span>, <i>on his <a name="re-nomination" id="re-nomination"></a>re-nomination, delivered +June 23, 1869.</i></b></center> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<br /> +<p>Twice since the organization of existing political parties the +people of Ohio have trusted the law-making power of the State +in the hands of the Democratic party. They first tried the experiment +twelve years ago, and such were the results that ten +years elapsed before they ventured upon a repetition of it. Two +years ago, in a time of reaction, which was general throughout +the country, the Democratic party, by a minority of the popular +vote, having large advantages in the apportionment, obtained +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span>complete control of the legislature in both of its branches. They +came into power, proclaiming that the past ought to be forgotten; +that old issues and divisions should be laid aside; that new +ideas and new measures required attention; and they were particularly +emphatic and earnest in declaring that the enormous +burdens of debt and taxation under which the people were +struggling made retrenchment and economy the supreme duty +of the hour.</p> + +<p>These were their promises, and the manner in which they +were kept is now before the people for their judgment. Disregarding +the well-known and solemnly-expressed will of Ohio, +they began the business of their first session by passing fruitless +resolutions to rescind the ratification of the 14th amendment to +the constitution of the United States.</p> + +<p>They placed on the statute book visible admixture bills, to deprive +citizens of the right of suffrage—a constitutional right long +enjoyed and perfectly well settled by repeated decisions of the +highest court having jurisdiction of the question.</p> + +<p>They repealed the law allowing, after the usual residence, the +disabled veterans of the Union army to vote in the township in +which the National Soldiers' Home is situated; and enacted a +law designed to deprive of the right of suffrage a large number +of young men engaged in acquiring an education at "any school, +seminary, academy, college, university, or other institution of +learning." To prevent citizens who were deprived of their constitutional +rights by these acts from obtaining prompt relief in +the Supreme Court, they passed a law prohibiting that court from +taking up causes on its docket according to its own judgment of +what was demanded by public justice, in any case "except where +the person seeking relief had been convicted of murder in the +first degree, or of a crime the punishment of which was confinement +in the penitentiary."</p> + +<p>I believe it is the general judgment of the people of Ohio that +the passage of these measures, unconstitutional as some of them +are, and unjust as they all are, was mainly due to the fact that +the classes of citizens disfranchised by them do not commonly +vote with the Democratic party. The Republican party condemns +all such legislation, and demands its repeal.</p> + +<p>On the important subject of suffrage, General Grant, in his +inaugural message, expresses the convictions of the Republican +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span>party. He says: "The question of suffrage is one which is +likely to agitate the public so long as a portion of the citizens +of the Nation are excluded from its privileges in any State. It +seems to me very desirable that this question should be settled +now, and I entertain the hope and express the desire that it +may be by the ratification of the fifteenth amendment to the +constitution."</p> + +<p>During the canvass which resulted in the election of the late +Democratic legislature the Republicans were charged with having +used $800,000, raised for the relief of soldiers' families, to pay +the State debt, and this charge was insisted upon, notwithstanding +a majority of the Democratic members had supported the +measure. The idea was everywhere held out that if the Democratic +party were successful this money would be restored to the +relief fund and expended for the benefit of the soldiers. The +failure to redeem this pledge is aggravated by the fact that the +legislature, by a strictly party vote in the Senate, refused to provide +for the support of soldiers' destitute orphans at homes to +be established without expense to the State by the voluntary +contributions of patriotic and charitable people.</p> + +<p>But of all the pledges upon which the Democratic party obtained +power in the last legislature, the most important, and +those in regard to which the just expectations of the people have +been most signally disappointed, are their pledges in relation to +financial affairs—to expenditure, to debt, and to taxation. Upon +this subject the people are compelled to feel a very deep interest. +The flush times of the war have been followed by a financial reaction, +and for the last three or four years the country has been +on the verge of a financial crisis. The burdens of taxation bear +heavily upon labor and upon capital. The Democratic party, +profuse alike of accusations against their adversaries, and of +promises of retrenchment and reform, were clothed with power +to deal with the heaviest part of these burdens, viz: with the +expenditures, debts, assessments, and taxes which are authorized +by State legislation. The results of their two years of power are +now before the people. They are contained in the 65th and 66th +volumes of the Laws of Ohio. Let any Republican diligently +study these volumes, and he will fully comprehend the meaning +of Job when he said, "Oh, that mine adversary had written a +book." No intelligent man can read carefully these volumes, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span>and note the number and character of the laws increasing the +expenses and liabilities of the State and authorizing additional +debts and additional taxation for city and village, for county +and township purposes, without having the conviction forced +upon him that the gentlemen who enacted these laws hold to +the opinion that the way to increase wealth is to increase taxation, +and that public debts are public blessings.</p> + +<p>When the late Democratic Legislature assembled they found +the revenue raised yearly in Ohio by taxation to pay the interest +on the State and local debts and for State and local expenditures +was $20,253,615.34. This is at the rate of almost forty dollars +for every vote cast in the State at the last election, and exceeds +seven dollars for each inhabitant of the State. Of this large +sum collected annually by direct taxation less than one-fifth or +$3,981,099.79 was for State purposes, and more than four-fifths +or $16,272,515.34 was for local purposes. The increase of taxation +for State purposes during the last few years has been small, +but many items of taxation for local purposes are increasing +rapidly. The taxation, for example, in the thirty-three cities of +the State has increased until, according to the report of the auditor +of State, "in several the rates of levy exceed three per cent, +and the average rate in all is but little short of three per cent." +In this condition of the financial affairs of the State, and in the +embarrassed and depressed condition of the business of the +country, the duty of the legislature was plain. They were to +see that no unnecessary additional burdens were imposed upon +the people—that all wholesome restraints and limitations upon +the power of local authorities to incur debts and levy taxes +should be preserved and enforced, and especially that no increase +of liabilities should be authorized except in cases of pressing +necessity.</p> + +<p>Now consider the facts. These gentlemen professed to be +scrupulously strict in their observance of the requirements of +the constitution. Yet under provisions which contemplate one +legislative session in two years they held two sessions in the same +year, and three sessions in their term of two years. They were +in session two hundred and sixty days—longer than was ever before +known in Ohio, and at an expense of $250,624.10—more +than double that of their Republican predecessors.</p> + +<p>They created between thirty and forty new offices at a cost to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span>the people for salaries, fees, and expenses of at least $75,000 per +annum. They added to the State liabilities for various purposes +about $1,500,000. In order to avoid an increase of taxes levied +for State purposes they diminished the sum levied to pay the +State debt, and increased the levy for other State purposes almost +$600,000.</p> + +<p>The acts of the last legislature in relation to local debts and +local taxes are of the most extraordinary character. These acts +relate to raising money for county purposes, for township purposes, +for city and village purposes, and for special purposes. +These taxes or debts are levied or incurred under the direction +of county commissioners, township trustees, or of city or village +councils, who derive their authority exclusively from State legislation. +The State legislature has therefore the control of the +whole matter. Now, the general statement which I wish to make, +and which I believe is sustained by the facts, is, that the late +Democratic legislature authorized greater local pecuniary burdens +to be imposed upon the people of Ohio, without their consent, +than were ever before authorized by any General Assembly, +either in peace or war, since the organization of our State government.</p> + +<p>Sixty or seventy different acts were passed authorizing debts +to be contracted, amounting in the aggregate to more than +$25,000,000. A large part of them bear eight per cent interest, +and a very small part bear less than seven and three-tenths per +cent interest. And they passed seventy or eighty acts by which +additional taxes were authorized to the amount of over +$10,000,000.</p> + +<p>Now it is to be hoped, as to a considerable part of the local +debts and local taxes authorized by the late Democratic legislature, +that the people will not be burdened with them. It is to be +hoped that county commissioners, city councils, and other local +boards, will show greater moderation and economy in the exercise +of their dangerous and oppressive powers under the laws than +was exhibited in their enactment. But in any event, nothing is +more certain than that the people of Ohio have great reason to apprehend +that the evil consequences of these laws will be felt +in their swollen tax bills for many years.</p> + +<p>It is probable that many of the acts to which I have alluded, +creating additional offices, incurring State liabilities, and au<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span>thorizing local debts and taxes were required by sound policy. +But a candid investigation will show that the larger part of these +enormous burdens of expenditure, debt, and taxation could and +ought to have been avoided.</p> + +<p>The last legislature afforded examples of many of the worst +evils to which legislative bodies are liable—long sessions, excessive +legislation, unnecessary expenditures, and recklessness in +authorizing local debts and local taxes. These evils "have increased, +are increasing, and ought to be diminished." Let there +be reform as to all of them. Especially let the people of all +parties insist that the parent evil—long legislative sessions—shall +be reformed altogether. Let the bad precedent of long sessions, +set by the last legislature, be condemned, and the practice of +short sessions established. With the average rate of taxation +in the cities and large towns of the State—nearly three per +cent.—legitimate business and industry can not continue to +thrive, if the rate of taxation continues to increase. With the +rates of interest for public debts ranging from seven and three-tenths +per cent to eight per cent, the reckless increase of such +debts must stop, or will seriously affect the prosperity of the +State. These are subjects which deserve, and which, I trust, will +receive, the profound attention of the people in the pending canvass.</p> + +<p>It is said that one of the ablest Democratic members of the +last legislature declared at its close that "enough had been done +to keep the Democratic party out of power in Ohio for twenty +years." Let the Republican press and the Republican speakers +see to it that the history of the acts of that body be spread fully +before the people, and I entertain no doubt that the declaration +will be substantially made good.</p> + +<p>It is probable that the discussions of the present canvass will +turn more upon State legislation and less upon National affairs +than those of any year since 1861. Neither senators nor representatives +in Congress are to be chosen. But it is an important +State election, and will be regarded as having a bearing on National +politics. The Republicans of Ohio heartily approve of the +principles of General Grant's inaugural message, and are gratified +by the manner in which he is dealing with the leading questions +of the first three months of his administration.</p> + +<p>Under President Johnson, Secretary McCulloch hoarded mill<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span>ions of gold, to enable him to maintain a wretched rivalry with +the gold gamblers of New York city. The Nation was defrauded +of its just dues, and the National debt increased from November +1, 1867, to November 1, 1868, $35,625,102.82. General Grant began +his financial policy by revoking his predecessor's pardons of +revenue robbers, and by cutting down expenses in all directions; +and Secretary Boutwell disposes of surplus gold in the purchase +of interest-bearing bonds to the amount of two millions a week, +and in his first quarter reduces the National debt more than +twenty millions of dollars.</p> + +<p>The two Democratic Johnsons, Andrew and Reverdy, furnished +their ideas of a foreign policy in the Johnson-Clarendon treaty. +They undertook to settle the American claims against England +on account of the Alabama outrage by the award of a Commission, +one-half of whose members were to be chosen by England +and the other half by the United States; and, in case of a disagreement, +an umpire was to be chosen by lot. That is to say, a +great National controversy, involving grave questions of international +law, and claims of undoubted validity, amounting to millions +of money, was to be decided by the toss of a copper! The +administration of General Grant crushed the disgraceful treaty, +and proposes to deal with England on the principle laid down in +General Grant's inaugural. The United States will treat all other +Nations "as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each +other;" but, "if others depart from this rule in their dealings +with us, we may be compelled to follow their precedent."</p> + +<p>On the great question of reconstruction, in what a masterly +way and with what marked success has General Grant's administration +begun. Congress had fixed its day of adjournment, +and all plans for reconstructing the three unrepresented States +had been postponed until next December. At this junction +General Grant, on the 7th of April last, sent to Congress a special +message recommending that before its adjournment it take the +necessary steps for the restoration of the State of Virginia to its +proper relations to the Union. As the ground of his recommendation +he said: "I am led to make this recommendation +from the confident hope and belief that the people of that State +are now ready to co-operate with the National government in +bringing it again into such relations to the Union as it ought as +soon as possible to establish and maintain, and to give to all its +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span>people those equal rights under the law which were asserted in +the declaration of independence, in the words of one of the +most illustrious of its sons."</p> + +<p>The message of the president was referred, in the House of +Representatives, to the Committee on Reconstruction. That +committee the next day reported a bill for the reconstruction of +Virginia, and also of Mississippi and Texas. The character of +the bill sufficiently appears by the first two sections relating to +Virginia:</p> + +<p>"<i>Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the +United States of America in Congress assembled</i>, That the President +of the United States, at such time as he may deem best for the +public interest, may submit the constitution which was framed +by the convention which met in Richmond, Virginia, on Tuesday, +the 3d day of December, 1867, to the registered voters of +said State, for ratification or rejection; and may also submit +to a separate vote such provisions of said constitution as he may +deem best.</p> + +<p>"<span class="smcap">Sec. 2</span>. <i>And be it further enacted</i>, That at the same election +the voters of said State may vote for and elect members of the +General Assembly of said State and all the officers of said State +provided for by the said constitution, and for members of Congress; +and the officer commanding the district of Virginia shall +cause the lists of registered voters of said State to be revised +and corrected prior to such election, and for that purpose may +appoint such registrars as he may deem necessary. And said +election shall be held and returns thereof made in the manner +provided by the election ordinance adopted by the convention +which framed said constitution."</p> + +<p>It will be seen that by this bill the people of Virginia were to +proceed in the work of reconstruction at such time as the president +might deem best, and that such reconstruction in all its +parts was to be on the basis of equal political rights. The constitution +to be submitted was framed by a convention, in the +election of which colored citizens participated, and of which +colored men were members. The "registered voters" who are +to vote on its ratification or rejection, and also for members of +the General Assembly, for State officers and for members of Congress, +include the colored men of Virginia; and if the constitution +is adopted, it secures to them equal political rights in that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span>State. The remaining sections of the bill provide for the reconstruction +of Mississippi and Texas on the same principles, and +left the time and manner to the discretion of the president.</p> + +<p>This bill was reported to the House of Representatives and +unanimously agreed upon by a committee, of which four members +were Democrats. The most distinguished Democratic representatives +of the States of New York and Pennsylvania advocated +its passage. Out of about seventy Democratic members +of the House, only twenty-five voted against it, and the only +Democratic members from Ohio who voted on the passage of the +bill, voted for it.</p> + +<p>It thus appears that upon the recommendation of General +Grant even the Democratic party of Ohio, by their representatives +in Congress, voted for equal political rights in Virginia, +Mississippi, and Texas! And to-day the great body of the people +of those States, Democrats and Conservatives as well as Republicans, +have yielded assent to that great principle. In view +of these facts I submit that I am fully warranted in saying that +General Grant has begun the work of reconstruction in a masterly +way and with marked success.</p> + +<p>Again thanking you for the honor you have done me, I repeat, +in conclusion, what I said two years ago. The people represented +in this convention mean that the State of Ohio in the +great progress, "whose leading object is to elevate the condition +of men, to lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the +paths of laudable pursuits for all, and to afford all an unfettered +start and a fair chance in the race of life," shall tread no more +steps backward. I shall enter upon my part of the labors of the +canvass believing that the Union Republican party is battling +for the right, and with undoubting confidence that the goodness +of the cause will supply the weakness of its advocates, and command +in the result that triumphant success which it deserves.</p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> + +<br /> +<center><b><i>Speech of</i> <span class="smcap">General R. B. Hayes</span>, <i>delivered at <a name="Zanesville" id="Zanesville"></a>Zanesville, +Ohio, Thursday, August 24, 1871.</i></b></center> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<br /> +<p>The change of principles which a majority of the late Democratic +State Convention at Columbus decided to make, commonly +called the new departure, lends to the pending political contest +in Ohio its chief interest. Indeed, there is no other salient feature +in the Democratic platform. Resolutions in the usual form +were adopted on several other political topics; but the main discussion, +and the absorbing interest of the convention, was on the +question of accepting as a finality the series of Republican measures +which is generally regarded as the natural and legitimate +result of the overthrow of the rebellion, and which is embodied +in the last three amendments to the constitution.</p> + +<p>Certain influential Democratic leaders in Ohio had become satisfied +by the repeated defeats of their party that no considerable +number of Republicans would ever aid the Democratic party to +obtain power until it fully and explicitly accepted in good faith, +as a final settlement of the questions involved, the leading Republican +measures resulting from the war. They were convinced +that Republicans generally regarded these measures of such vital +importance that, until they were irrevocably established, other +and minor questions would not be allowed to divide that great +body of patriotic people who rallied together in support of the +government during its struggle for existence. The important +principles which Republicans claim should be accepted as settled +are:</p> + +<p>1. That the National power is the Supreme power of the land, +and that the doctrine that the States are in any proper sense +sovereign, including as it does the right of nullification and secession, +is no longer to be maintained.</p> + +<p>2. That all persons born or naturalized in the United States, +and subject to their jurisdiction, are citizens thereof, and entitled +to equal rights, civil and political, without regard to race, +color, or condition.</p> + +<p>3. That the public debt resulting from the war is of binding +obligation, and must be fully and honestly paid.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> +Mr. Vallandigham, with that boldness and energy for which +he was distinguished, undertook the task of forcing his party to +take the position required to make success possible in Ohio. In +this work, he was encouraged, and probably aided, by the counsel +and advice of that other eminent Democratic leader, Chief +Justice Chase. The first authentic announcement of the new +movement in Ohio was made by the Montgomery County Democratic +Convention, held at Dayton, on the 18th day of May last. +The speech and resolutions of Mr. Vallandigham in that body +contained much sound Republicanism. He still clung to a general +assertion of the State rights heresy, but accepted the last +three constitutional amendments "as a settlement, in fact, of all +the issues of the war," and "pledged" the Democratic party to +the faithful and absolute enforcement of the constitution as it +now is, "so as to secure equal rights to all persons, without distinction +of race, color, or condition." On the subject of the National +debt, and of currency, he was equally explicit. He declared +"in favor of the payment of the public debt at the earliest +practicable moment consistent with moderate taxation; that +specie is the basis of all sound currency; and that true policy +requires a speedy return to that basis as soon as practicable without +distress to the debtor class of people."</p> + +<p>Surely, here was a long stride away from the Democracy of the +last ten years, and toward wholesome Republican ideas. If a +Democratic victory could be gained by adopting Republican +principles, the framer of the Dayton platform was not lacking in +political sagacity. Unfortunately for the success of the scheme, +no Ohio Democrat of conspicuous position, except Mr. Chase, is +known to have approved Mr. Vallandigham's resolutions as a +whole. The chief justice wrote to Mr. Vallandigham the well-known +letter of May 20, in which he warmly congratulated him +on the movement which was to return "the Democratic party to +its ancient platform of progress and reform."</p> + +<p>This was perfectly consistent with the previous opinions and +public conduct of Mr. Chase. He had supported the three +amendments to the constitution, and notwithstanding the censure +of his Democratic associates, he had been signally active +and influential in procuring the ratification by Ohio of the fifteenth +amendment. In addition to this, he was probably the +only prominent Western Democrat who was for the payment of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span>the public debt in coin, and in favor of a speedy return to specie +payments.</p> + +<p>When the convention assembled, on the first of June, neither +the talents and energy of Mr. Vallandigham nor the great name +and authority of the chief justice were sufficient to carry through, +in all its parts, the Dayton programme. The financial resolutions +were stricken out and the oft-defeated greenback theory, +slightly modified, was inserted in its place. Other important +paragraphs of Mr. Vallandigham were also omitted, in which +"secession, slavery, inequality before the law, and political inequality" +were described as "belonging to the dead past" and +"buried out of sight." This left as the new departure two resolutions, +which were adopted only after strong opposition.</p> + +<p>"1. <i>Resolved, by the Democracy of Ohio</i>, That denouncing the extraordinary +means by which they were brought about, we recognize +as accomplished facts the three several amendments to the +constitution, recently adopted, and regard the same as no longer +political issues before the country.</p> + +<p>"2. ...The Democratic party pledges itself to the full, +faithful, and absolute enforcement of the constitution as it now +is, so as to secure equal rights to all persons under it, without +distinction of race, color, or condition."</p> + +<p>The Democratic managers claim that by this movement they +have taken such a position that, at least equally with the Republicans, +they are entitled to the confidence and support of the +early and earnest friends of the principles of the three recent +constitutional amendments. They claim at the same time, in +the same breath, that they are entitled also to the confidence of +the Democratic people whom they have hitherto taught that the +amendments were ratified by force and fraud; that they are revolutionary +and void, and that they are a dangerous departure +from the principles of the fathers of the republic, and destructive +of all good government.</p> + +<p>Now, the important question presented is, whether it is safe +and wise to trust these amendments for interpretation, construction, +and execution to the party which, from first to last, has +fiercely opposed them. The safe rule is, if you want a law fairly +and faithfully administered, entrust power only to its friends. +It will rarely have a fair trial at the hands of its enemies. These +amendments are no exception to this rule.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> +What the country most needs, and what good citizens most +desire in regard to these great measures is peace—repose. They +wish to be able to rest confidently in the belief that they are to +be enforced and obeyed. They do not want them overthrown +by revolutionary violence or defeated by fraud. They do not +wish them repealed by constitutional amendments, abrogated by +judicial construction, nullified by unfriendly legislation, State +or National, or left a dead letter by non-action on the part of +law-makers or executive officers. Has the time come when the +country can afford to trust the Democratic party on these questions? +Consider the facts.</p> + +<p>The new departure is by no means generally accepted by the +Democratic party, and where accepted the conversion is sudden +and recent, and against the protest of a large element of sincere +and inflexible Democrats.</p> + +<p>The only State touching the borders of Ohio which has been +reliably Democratic for the last five years is Kentucky. She +sends to Congress an undivided Democratic delegation of two +senators and nine representatives. At the late election, notwithstanding +the heroic efforts of her Republicans under the splendid +leadership of General Harlan, the Democratic organs are +able to rejoice that they still hold the State by from thirty to +forty thousand majority. Where did the Democrats of Kentucky, +in their canvass, stand on the new departure? They +marched in the old Democratic path. They turned no back +somersault to catch Republican votes. On the very day that the +Ohio Democracy were wrangling in convention over the bitter +dose, Governor Leslie, addressing the Democracy of Lewis county, +said: "As to the new amendments, I am out and out opposed to +them. I care not who in Indiana, Ohio, or elsewhere may be for +them. Those amendments were engrafted upon the constitution +of the country, and proclaimed to the country as part and parcel +of the constitution by force and by fraud, and not in the legitimate +way laid down in the constitution. Ten States of this +Union were tied hand and foot, and bayonets were presented to +their breasts to make them consent against their will to the passage +of these amendments. The procuring of these amendments +was a fraud upon this people, and upon the people of the whole +United States, and having been thus obtained, I hold that they +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span>ought to be repealed. There may be some Democrats who are +not for their repeal, but the great body of our party is for it."</p> + +<p>The Democratic candidate for lieutenant-governor, Mr. Carlisle, +was equally decided. Said he: "In the first place, I do not +think that the resolution passed by the Ohio Democracy, declaring +that these constitutional amendments are no longer political +issues before the country, will have the effect which they appear +to have supposed it would.</p> + +<p>"Instead of withdrawing them as subjects of political discussion, +it will give them far more prominence than they ever had +heretofore, and they will be confronted with them throughout +the entire canvass. The only way in which any question can be +withdrawn from the arena of political discussion is for both parties +to ignore it altogether.</p> + +<p>"This can not be done as to these amendments, because they +present real living issues, in which the people feel a very deep +interest. They are not dead issues, and politicians can not kill +them by resolutions. The Ohio Democrats seem to recognize +this to some extent at least, for they have simply attempted to +turn the discussion away from the validity and merits of the +amendments themselves to the question of their construction. +In this I think they have made a grievous mistake."</p> + +<p>In Indiana, the last authoritative Democratic utterance on this +subject, was the passage, in January last, by the Senate of that +State, of the following resolution, offered by Mr. Hughes, every +Democrat supporting it:</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That Congress has no lawful power derived from the +constitution of the United States, nor from any other source +whatever, to require any State of the Union to ratify an amendment +proposed to the constitution of the United States as a condition +precedent to representation in Congress; that all such +acts of ratification are null and void, and the votes so obtained +ought not to be counted to affect the rights of the people and +the States of the whole Union, and that the State of Indiana +protests and solemnly declares that the so-called fifteenth amendment +is not this day, nor never has been in law, a part of the +constitution of the United States."</p> + +<p>It is not necessary to go to neighboring States for Democratic +authorities, to show how far the new departure is from modern +Democracy.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +When this question was last debated before the people of Ohio, +the Democratic position on the principle of the fifteenth amendment, +and on its constitutional validity, if <i>declared</i> adopted, was +thus stated:</p> + +<p>Speaking of the principle of the amendment, Judge Thurman +said: "I tell you it is only the entering wedge that will destroy +all intelligent suffrage in this country, and turn our country +from an intelligent white man's government into one of the most +corrupt mongrel governments in the world."</p> + +<p>On its validity, if declared adopted, General Ward said: "Fellow-citizens +of Ohio, I boldly assert that the States of this Union +have always had, both before and since the adoption of the constitution +of the United States, entire sovereignty over the whole +subject of suffrage in all its relations and bearings. Ohio has +that sovereignty now, and it can not be taken from her without +her consent, even by all the other States combined, except by +revolutionary usurpation. The right to regulate suffrage as to +the organization of its own government, and the election of officers +under it, is an inalienable attribute of sovereignty, which +the State could not surrender without surrendering its sovereign +existence as a State. To take from Ohio the power of determining +who shall exercise the right of suffrage is not an amendment +of the constitution, but a revolutionary usurpation by the other +States, in no wise constitutionally binding upon her sovereignty +as a State."</p> + +<p>These opinions are still largely prevalent in the Democratic +party. When a new departure was announced at Dayton, the +leading organ of the party in this State said:</p> + +<p>"There are matters in the Montgomery county resolutions +which, it is very safe to say, will not receive the approval of the +State convention, and which should not receive its endorsement. +They have faults of omission and commission. They evince a +desire to sail with the wind, and as near the water as possible +without getting wet. The Democracy everywhere believe that +the constitution was altered by fraud and force, and do not intend +to be mealy-mouthed in their expression of the outrage, +whatever they may agree upon as to how the amendments should +be treated in the future, for the sake of saving, if possible, what +is left of constitutional liberty."</p> + +<p>After the scheme was adopted in convention, the common +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span>sentiment was well expressed by the editor who said that "the +platform was made for present use, and is marked with the taint +of insincerity."</p> + +<p>The speeches of Colonel McCook and other Democratic gentlemen +exhibit, when carefully read, clearly enough the character +of the new departure.</p> + +<p>In accepting his nomination, Colonel McCook said: "Let me +speak now upon the fifteenth amendment, which confers the +right of suffrage upon the blacks. It was no legitimate consequence +of the war; it was no legitimate consequence of secession; +but it was passed in the exigency of a political party, that +they might have control as much in Ohio as in those States in +the South. I opposed it, as I did the fourteenth, from the beginning, +and I have no regrets over that opposition. But now +a word more upon it. If it contained nothing but this provision +for suffrage there would be but little objection in it; but it contains +a provision intended to confer power upon Congress which +is dangerous to the liberties of the country, and the dangers can +only be avoided by having Democratic Congresses in the future, +who will trust no power to the executive which bears the purse +and sword to interfere with our elections."</p> + +<p>When interrogated on this subject at Chardon, he said: "When +he received the nomination he had said that no black man who +had received the right to vote under the 15th amendment ever +could have it taken away. Repealing the 15th amendment would +not take it away; that amendment is no more sacred, but just +as sacred as any other part of the constitution; but repealing it +could not take away a right." He was asked as to the 13th, +14th, and 15th amendments: "Do you regard them as in the same +sense and to the same extent parts of the constitution as other +portions?" He answered: "Yes, certainly. Can not men see +the difference between opposing the adoption of a measure and +yielding when it has been adopted, and opposition has become +useless?" He was asked: "Are these amendments never again +to become political questions?" "I have no authority or power +to answer such a question. How can I answer as to all the future? +How can I tell what the Democracy of New York or any +other State may do? But how can they become political questions, +now that they are acquiesced in by almost the entire people +of the country?"</p> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> +<p>Mr. Hubbard, the chairman of Colonel McCook's first meeting, +said: "The Democrats did not dispute that this amendment, +which was adopted by constitutional forms, was valid; but, while +accepting it, call it a 'new departure.' If you please, we don't +surrender the right to make such returns to the old constitution +as we may deem expedient. It is a future question that we are +not bound to discuss."</p> + +<p>The gentleman who has the second place on the Democratic +ticket, Mr. Hunt, says: "There is no reasoning, and certainly no +circumstance, which can give the 13th amendment more binding +force than either of the other two amendments. If the 13th amendment +abolished slavery, then the title to vote under the 15th +amendment is as perfect as the title to liberty. The fact that +they have been declared a part of the constitution does not preclude +any legitimate discussion as to their expediency. Proper +action will never be barred, for the statute of limitation will run +with the constitution itself. Experience may teach the necessity +of a change in any provision of the organic law, and any +legislation to be permanent must conform to the living sentiment +of the people."</p> + +<p>These paragraphs furnish no adequate reply to the questions +which an intelligent and earnest Republican, who believes in +the wisdom and value of the amendments, would put to these +distinguished gentlemen, when they ask him for his vote. He +would ask: "If the Democratic party shall obtain the controlling +power in the general government, in its several departments, +executive, legislative, and judicial, and in the State governments, +what would it do? Would it faithfully execute these amendments, +or would it not rather use its power to get rid of them—either +by constitutional amendment, by judicial decision, by +unfriendly legislation, or by a failure or refusal to legislate?" +Before the "new departure" can gain Republican votes, its +friends must answer satisfactorily these questions. The speeches +I have quoted fail to furnish such answers. Colonel McCook +objects to the 15th amendment, because "it contains a provision +intended to confer power upon Congress which is dangerous to +the liberties of the country." Now, what is this dangerous provision? +It reads: "Section 2. The Congress shall have power to +enforce this article by appropriate legislation." Each of the +three recent amendments contains a similar provision. Without +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span>this provision, they would be inoperative in more than half of +the late rebel States. The complaints made of these provisions +warn us that in Democratic hands the legislation required to +give force and effect to these provisions would be denied.</p> + +<p>But the most significant part of these speeches are the passages +which refer to the repeal of the amendments. Mr. Hubbard +said: "We don't surrender the right to make such returns to +the old constitution as we may deem expedient. It is a future +question that we are not bound to discuss." Colonel McCook +says: "How can I answer for all the future? How can I tell +what the Democracy of New York or any other State may do?" +Mr. Hunt says: "The fact that they have been declared a part +of the constitution does not preclude any legitimate discussion +as to their expediency. Proper action will never be barred." +The meaning of all this is that the Democratic party will acquiesce +in the amendments while it is out of power. Whether +or not it will try to repeal them when it gets power is a question +of the future which they are not bound to discuss. Or as another +distinguished gentleman has it, this question is "beyond +the range of profitable discussion." In reply to these gentlemen, +the well-informed Republican citizen when asked to vote +for the new departure, is very likely to adopt their own phraseology, +and to say, Whether I shall vote your ticket or not is a +question of the future which it is not now proper to discuss—"it +is beyond the range of profitable discussion;" and if he has the +Democratic veneration for Tammany hall, he will say with Colonel +McCook, "How can I tell what the Democracy of New York +may do?"</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the decision of the late convention, it is +probable that the real sentiment of the Democracy of Ohio is +truly stated by the Butler county Democrat:</p> + +<p>"Our position then, is, that while we regard the so-called +amendments as gross usurpation and base frauds—not a part of +the Federal constitution <i>de facto</i> nor <i>de jure</i>—and, therefore, acts +which are void, we will abide by them until a majority of the +people of the States united shall, at the polls, put men in power +who shall hold them to be null and of no effect. We adhere +strictly, on this point, to the second resolution of Hon. L. D. +Campbell, adopted at the Democratic convention held in this +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span>county last May; and to refresh the minds of our readers we reproduce +it here:</p> + +<p>"2. That now, as heretofore, we are opposed to all lawlessness +and disorder, and for maintaining the supremacy of the constitution +and laws as the only certain means of public safety, and +will abide by all their provisions until the same shall be amended, +abrogated, or repealed by the lawfully constituted authorities."</p> + +<p>The new departure has certainly very little claim to the support +of Republican citizens. What are its claims on honest +Democrats?</p> + +<p>Colonel McCook, to make the new departure palatable to his +Democratic supporters, tells them that a repeal of the fifteenth +Amendment would fail of its object. That the right to vote, once +exercised by the black man, can not be taken away. Is this +sound either in law or logic? By the fifteenth amendment no +State can deny the right to vote to any citizens on account of +race or color. Suppose that amendment was repealed; what +would prevent Kentucky from denying suffrage to colored citizens? +Plainly nothing. And in case of such repeal it is probable +that in less than ninety days thereafter every Democratic +State would deny suffrage to colored citizens, and the great body +of Democratic voters would heartily applaud that result. The +truth is, no sound argument can be made, showing or tending to +show that the new departure is consistent with the Democratic +record. Hitherto Democracy has taught that, as a question of +law, the amendments were made by force and fraud, and are +therefore void; that, as a question of principles, this is a white +man's government, and that to confer suffrage on the colored +races—on the African or Chinaman—would change the nature +of the government and speedily destroy it. Now the new departure +demands that Democrats shall accept the amendments +as valid, and shall take a pledge "to secure equal rights to all +persons, without distinction of race, color, or condition." Sincere +Democrats will find it very difficult to take that pledge, unless +they are now convinced that their whole political life has +been a great mistake.</p> + +<p>When an individual changes his political principles—turns his +coat merely to catch votes—he is generally thought to be unworthy +of support, I entertain no doubt that the people of Ohio, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span>at the approaching election, will, upon that principle, by a large +majority, condemn the Democratic party for its bold attempt to +catch Republican votes by the new departure.</p> + +<br /> +<center><b><i>Speech of</i> <span class="smcap">General R. B. Hayes</span>, <i>delivered at <a name="Marion" id="Marion"></a>Marion, +Lawrence County, Ohio, July 31, 1875.</i></b></center> +<br /> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<p> +<i>Fellow-citizens of Lawrence County:</i><br /> +</p> + +<p>It is a gratification for which I wish to make my acknowledgments +to the Republican committee of this county, to have the +privilege of beginning, in behalf of the Republicans of Ohio, the +oral discussions of this important political canvass before the +people of Lawrence county. Although my residence is separated +from yours by the whole breadth of the State, we are not +strangers. We have met before on similar occasions, and some +of you were my comrades in the Union army during a considerable +part of the great civil conflict which ended ten years ago. +Those who had the honor and the happiness to serve together +during that memorable struggle are not likely to forget each +other. We shall forever regard those four years as the most interesting +period of our lives.</p> + +<p>The great majority of the people of Lawrence county, citizens +as well as soldiers, have also good reason to recall the events and +scenes of that contest with satisfaction and pride.</p> + +<p>The official records of the State show how well Lawrence +county performed her part in the war for the Union. From the +beginning to the end, with the ballot at home and with the musket +in the field, this county stood among the foremost of all the +communities in the United States in devotion to the good cause. +And since the Nation's triumph, Lawrence county, sooner or +later, but never too late to rejoice in the final and decisive victory, +has supported every measure required to secure the legitimate +results of that triumph. You have done your part forever +to set at rest the great questions of the past. It is settled that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span>the United States constitute a Nation, and that their government +possesses ample power to maintain its authority over every part of +its territory against all opposers. It is settled that no man under +the American flag shall be a slave. It is settled that all men +born or naturalized in the United States and within its jurisdiction +shall be citizens thereof, and have equal civil and political +rights. It is settled that the debt contracted to save the Nation +is sacred, and shall be honestly paid. You may well be congratulated +that on all of these questions you fought and voted on the +right side.</p> + +<p>Fortunately, there is still further cause for congratulation. +Our adversaries, who were on the wrong side of all of these questions, +and who opposed us on all of them to the very last, are +now compelled to be silent in their platform on every one of +them. Not a single one of their fourteen resolutions raises any +question on any of these long-contested subjects. It is not +strange that they are silent. I do not choose on this occasion to +recall the predictions of evil which they so confidently made +when discussing the measures to which I have referred. It is +enough for my present purpose to point to the grand results. +When the Republican party, with Abraham Lincoln as president, +received the government from the hands of the Democratic party, +fifteen years ago, the Union of the fathers was destroyed. A +hostile Nation, dedicated to perpetual slavery, had been established +south of the Potomac, and claimed jurisdiction over one-third +of the people and territory of the Republic. These States +were "dissevered, discordant, belligerent"—our land was rent +with civil feud, and ready to be drenched in fraternal blood. +Now, behold the change! The Union is re-established on firmer +foundations than ever before. Brave men in the South, who +were then in battle array against us, now stand side by side with +Union soldiers, with no shadow of discord between them. +Slavery, which was then an impassable gulf between the hostile +sections, is now gone; and good men of the South unite with +good men of the North in thanking God that it is forever a thing +of the past. Then there was no freedom of speech or of the press—no +friendly mingling together of the people of the two sections of +the country. Now the people of the South receive and greet as +a fellow-citizen and a friend the vice-president—a citizen of Massa<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span>chusetts, and an anti-slavery man from his youth; and Maryland, +Virginia, and South Carolina send their distinguished sons to +celebrate with New England the centennial anniversaries of the +early battles of the Revolution. The men of the North and the +men of the South are now everywhere coming together in a +spirit of harmony and friendship which this generation has not +witnessed before, and which has not existed, until now, since +Jefferson was startled by that "fire-ball in the night"—the Missouri +question—more than fifty years ago.</p> + +<p>In this era of good feeling and reconciliation a few men of +morbid temperament, blind to what is passing before them, still +talk of "bayonets" and "tyranny and cruelty to the South" +and seek in vain to revive the prejudices and passions of the +past. But there is barely enough of this angry dissent to remind +us of the terrible scenes through which we have passed, and to +fill us with gratitude that the house which was divided against +itself is divided no longer, and that all of its inhabitants now +have a fair start and an equal chance in the race of life.</p> + +<p>Let us now proceed to the consideration of some of the questions +which engage the attention of the people of Ohio. The +war which the Democratic party and its doctrines brought upon +the country left a large debt, heavy taxation, a depreciated currency, +and an unhealthy condition of business, which resulted +two years ago in a financial panic and depression, from which +the country is now slowly recovering. With this condition of +things the Democratic party in its recent State convention at +Columbus undertook to deal.</p> + +<p>The most important part—in fact the only part of their platform +in Ohio this year which receives or deserves much attention, +is that in which is proclaimed a radical departure on the subject +of money from the teachings of all of the Democratic fathers. +This Ohio Democratic doctrine inculcates the abandonment of +gold and silver as a standard of value. Hereafter gold and silver +are to be used as money only "where respect for the obligation +of contracts requires payment in coin." The only currency for +the people is to be paper money, issued directly by the general +government, "its volume to be made and kept equal to the wants +of trade," and with no provision whatever for its redemption in +coin. The Democratic candidate for lieutenant-governor, who +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span>opened the canvass for his party, states the money issue substantially +as I have. General Carey, in his Barnesville speech, says:</p> + +<p>"Gold and silver, when used as money, are redeemable in any +property there is for sale in the Nation; will pay taxes for any +debt, public or private. This alone gives them their money +value. If you had a hundred gold eagles, and you could not +exchange them for the necessaries of life, they would be trash, +and you would be glad to exchange them for greenbacks or anything +else that you could use to purchase what you require. +With an absolute paper money, stamped by the government and +made a legal tender for all purposes, and its functions as money +are as perfect as gold or silver can be!"</p> + +<p>This is the financial scheme which the Democratic party asks +the people of Ohio to approve at the election in October. The +Republicans accept the issue. Whether considered as a permanent +policy or as an expedient to mitigate present evils we are +opposed to it. It is without warrant in the constitution, and it +violates all sound financial principles.</p> + +<p>The objections to an inflated and irredeemable paper currency +are so many that I do not attempt to state them all. They are +so obvious and so familiar that I need not elaborately present or +argue them. All of the mischief which commonly follows inflated +and inconvertible paper money may be expected from +this plan, and in addition it has very dangerous tendencies, +which are peculiarly its own. An irredeemable and inflated +paper currency promotes speculation and extravagance, and at +the same time discourages legitimate business, honest labor, and +economy. It dries up the true sources of individual and public +prosperity. Over-trading and fast living always go with it. It +stimulates the desire to incur debt; it causes high rates of interest; +it increases importations from abroad; it has no fixed +value; it is liable to frequent and great fluctuations, thereby +rendering every pecuniary engagement precarious and disturbing +all existing contracts and expectations; it is the parent of panics. +Every period of inflation is followed by a loss of confidence, +a shrinkage of values, depression of business, panics, lack of +employment, and widespread disaster and distress. The heaviest +part of the calamity falls on those least able to bear it. The +wholesale dealer, the middle-man, and the retailer always en<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span>deavor to cover the risks of the fickle standard of value by raising +their prices. But the men of small means and the laborer +are thrown out of employment, and want and suffering are liable +soon to follow.</p> + +<p>When government enters upon the experiment of issuing irredeemable +paper money there can be no fixed limit to its volume. +The amount will depend on the interest of leading politicians, +on their whims, and on the excitement of the hour. It +affords such facility for contracting debt that extravagant and +corrupt government expenditure are the sure result. Under the +name of public improvements, the wildest enterprises, contrived +for private gain, are undertaken. Indefinite expansion becomes +the rule, and in the end bankruptcy, ruin, and repudiation.</p> + +<p>During the last few years a great deal has been said about the +centralizing tendency of recent events in our history. The increasing +power of the government at Washington has been a +favorite theme for Democratic declamation. But where, since +the foundation of the government, has a proposition been seriously +entertained which would confer such monstrous and dangerous +powers on the general government as this inflation scheme +of the Ohio Democracy? During the war for the Union, solely +on the ground of necessity, the government issued the legal +tender, or greenback currency. But they accompanied it with +a solemn pledge in the following words of the act of June 30, +1864:</p> + +<p>"Nor shall the total amount of United States notes issued or +to be issued ever exceed four hundred millions, and such additional +sum, not exceeding fifty millions, as may be temporarily +required for redemption of temporary loans."</p> + +<p>But the Ohio inflationists, in a time of peace, on grounds of +mere expediency, propose an inconvertible paper currency, with +its volume limited only by the discretion or caprice of its issuers, +or their judgment as to the wants of trade. The most distinguished +gentleman whose name is associated with the subject +once said "the process must be conducted with skill and +caution, ... by men whose position will enable them to +guard against any evil," and using a favorite illustration he said, +"The secretary of the treasury ought to be able to judge. His +hand is upon the pulse of the country. He can feel all the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span>throbbings of the blood in the arteries. He can tell when the +blood flows too fast and strong, and when the expansion should +cease." This brings us face to face with the fundamental error +of this dangerous policy. The trouble is the pulse of the patient +will not so often decide the question as the interest of the +doctor. No man, no government, no Congress is wise enough +and pure enough to be trusted with this tremendous power +over the business, and property, and labor of the country. That +which concerns so intimately all business should be decided, if +possible, on business principles, and not be left to depend on the +exigencies of politics, the interests of party, or the ambition of +public men. It will not do for property, for business, or for labor +to be at the mercy of a few political leaders at Washington, +either in or out of Congress. The best way to prevent it is to +apply to paper money the old test sanctioned by the experience +of all Nations—let it be convertible into coin. If it can respond +to this test, it will, as nearly as possible, be sound, safe, and +stable.</p> + +<p>The Republicans of Ohio are in favor of no sudden or +harsh measures. They do not propose to force resumption by a +contraction of the currency. They see that the ship is headed +in the right direction, and they do not wish to lose what has already +been gained. They are satisfied to leave to the influences +of time and the inherent energy and resources of the country the +work that yet remains to be done to place our currency at par. +We believe that what our country now needs to revive business +and to give employment to labor, is a restoration of confidence. +We need confidence in the stability and soundness of the financial +policy of the government. That confidence has for many +months past been slowly but steadily increasing. The Columbus +Democratic platform comes in as a disturbing element, and gives +a severe shock to reviving confidence. The country believed, +and rejoiced to believe, that Senator Thurman expressed the +sober judgment of Ohio, when he spoke last year in the Senate +on this subject. The senator said, March 24, 1874:</p> + +<p>"Never have I spoken in favor of that inflation of the currency, +which, I think I see full well, means that there shall never +be any resumption at all. That is the difference. It is one +thing to contract the currency, with a view to the resumption of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span>specie payment; it is another thing neither to contract nor enlarge +it, but let resumption, come naturally and as soon as the +business and production of the country will bring it about. But +it is a very different thing indeed to inflate the currency with a +view never in all time to redeem it at all. And that is precisely +what this inflation means. It means demonetizing gold and +silver in perpetuity, and substituting a currency of irredeemable +paper, based wholly and entirely upon government credit, and +depending upon the opinion and the interests of the members +of Congress and their hopes of popularity, whether the volume +of it shall be large or small. That is what this inflation means. +Sir, I have never said anything in favor of that. I am too old-fashioned +a Democrat for that. I can not give up the convictions +of a life-time, whether they be popular or unpopular."</p> + +<p>April 6th, when the Senate inflation bill was debated, he said:</p> + +<p>"It simply means that no man of my age shall ever again see +in this country that kind of currency which the framers of the +constitution intended should be the currency of the Union; +which every sound writer on political economy the world over +says is the only currency that defrauds no man. It means that +so long as I live, and possibly long after I shall be laid in the +grave, this people shall have nothing but an irredeemable +currency with which to transact their business—that currency +which has been well described as the most effective invention +that ever the wit of man devised to fertilize the rich man's field +by the sweat of the poor man's brow. I will have nothing to do +with it."</p> + +<p>How great the shock which was given to returning confidence +by the Democratic action at Columbus abundantly appears by +the manner in which the platform is received by the Liberal +and the English and the German Democratic press throughout +the United States. The Liberal press and the German press, so +far as I have observed, in the strongest terms condemn the platform. +They speak of it as disturbing confidence, shaking credit, +and threatening repudiation. A large part of the Democratic +press of other States is hardly less emphatic. It would be +strange, indeed, if this were otherwise. In Ohio, less than two +years ago, the convention which nominated Governor Allen resolved, +speaking of the Democratic party, that "it recognizes the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span>evils of an irredeemable paper currency, but insists that in the +return to specie payment care should be taken not to seriously +disturb the business of the country or unjustly injure the debtor +class." There was no inflation then. Now come the soft-money +leaders of the Democratic party, and try to persuade the people +that the promises of the United States should only be redeemed +by other promises, and that it is sound policy to increase them.</p> + +<p>The credit of the Nation depends on its ability and disposition +to keep its promises. If it fails to keep them, and suffers them +to depreciate, its credit is tainted, and it must pay high rates of +interest on all of its loans. For many years we must be a borrower +in the markets of the world. The interest-bearing debt is +over seventeen hundred millions of dollars. If we could borrow +money at the same rate with some of the great Nations of +Europe, we could save perhaps two per cent per annum on this +sum. Thirty or forty millions a year we are paying on account +of tainted credit. The more promises to pay an individual issues, +without redeeming them, the worse becomes his credit. It +is the same with Nations. The legal tender note for five dollars +is the promise of the United States to pay that sum in the money +of the world, in coin. No time is fixed for its payment. It is therefore +payable on presentation—on demand. It is not paid; it is past +due; and it is depreciated to the extent of twelve per cent. The +country recognizes the necessities of the situation, and waits, +and is willing to wait, until the productive business of the country +enables the government to redeem. But the Columbus financiers +are not satisfied. They demand the issue of more promises. +This is inflation. No man can doubt the result. The credit of +the Nation will inevitably suffer. There will be further depreciation. +A depreciation of ten per cent diminishes the value +of the present paper currency from fifty to one hundred +millions of dollars. Its effect on business would be disastrous +in the extreme. The present legal tenders have a certain steadiness, +because there is a limit fixed to their amount. Public +opinion confides in that limit. But let that limit be broken +down, and all is uncertainty. The authors of this scheme believe +inflation is a good thing. When this subject was under +discussion, a few years ago, the Cincinnati <i>Enquirer</i> said "the issue +of two millions dollars of currency would only put it in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span>power of each voter to secure $400 for himself and family to +spend in the course of a life-time. Is there any voter thinks +that is too much—more than he will want?" This shows what +the platform means. It means inflation without limit; and inflation +is the downward path to repudiation. It means ruin to +the Nation's credit, and to all individual credit. All the rest of +the world have the same standard of value. Our promises are +worthless as currency the moment you pass our boundary line. +Even in this country, very extensive sections still use the money +of the world. Texas, the most promising and flourishing State +of the South, uses coin. California and the other Pacific States +and Territories do the same. Look at their condition. Texas +and California are not the least prosperous part of the United +States. This scheme can not be adopted. The opinion of the +civilized world is against it. The vast majority of the ablest +newspapers of the country is against it. The best minds of the +Democratic party are against it. The last three Democratic candidates +for the presidency were against it. The German citizens +of the United States, so distinguished for industry, for thrift, and +for soundness of judgment in all practical money affairs, are a +unit against it. The Republican party is against it. The people +of Ohio will, I am confident, decide in October to have nothing +to do with it.</p> + +<p>Since the adoption of the inflation platform at Columbus, a +great change has taken place in the feelings and views of its +friends. Then they were confident—perhaps it is not too much +to say that they were dictatorial and overbearing toward their +hard money party associates. There was no doubt as to the intent +and meaning of the platform. Its friends asserted that the +country needed more money, and more money now. That the +way to get it was to issue government legal tender notes liberally. +But the storm of criticism and condemnation which burst +upon the platform from the soundest Democrats in all quarters +has alarmed its supporters. Many of them have been seized +with a panic, and are now utterly stampeded and in full retreat. +They say that they are not for inflation, not for inconvertible +paper money, and that they never have been. That they are +hard money men, and always have been. That they look forward +to a return of specie payment, and that it must always be +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span>kept in view. Why what did they mean by their platform? +Did they expect to make money plenty by an issue of more +coin? Certainly not. By an issue of more paper redeemable in +coin? Certainly not. They expected to issue more legal tender +notes—notes irredeemable and depreciated. But public opinion +as shown by the press is so decidedly against them, that Ohio inflationists +now begin to desert their own platform. Even Mr. +Pendleton is solicitous not to be held responsible for the Columbus +scheme. He says, "I speak for myself alone. I do not assume +to speak for the Democratic party. Its convention has +spoken for it," and proceeds to interpret the platform as if it was +for hard money. Senator Thurman did not so understand it. +He thought the hard money men were beaten and felt disappointed. +It now looks as if General Carey might be left almost +alone before the canvass ends. If Judge Thurman could get +that convention together again, it is evident that he could now +in the same body rout the inflationists, horse, foot, and artillery. +Nothing but a victory in Ohio can put inflation again on its legs. +Let it be defeated in October, and the friends of a sound and +honest currency will have a clear field for at least the life of the +present generation.</p> + +<p>Two years ago, the Democratic party came fully into power in +Ohio, in the State legislature, and for the first time in twenty +years, elected the executive of the State. They were also entrusted +with the affairs of the leading cities, and a majority of +the wealthiest and most populous counties in the State. It would +be profitable in us to inquire how this came about, and what are +the results. In the course of the canvass it is my purpose to +show in detail how unfortunate their management of State affairs +has been. It will appear, on investigation, that the interests +of the State in the benevolent, penal, and reformatory institutions +have been sacrificed to the spoils doctrine: how the +cities, and especially the chief city of the State, has suffered by +the corruption of its rulers; how public expenditures have been +increased, until the aggregate of taxation in Ohio, in this time +of money depression, is vastly larger than ever before; how the +number of salaried officers was increased; how the members of +the legislature were corrupted by bribery, notorious, and shameless; +and how the dominant party utterly failed to deal with +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span>this corruption as duty and the good name of the State demanded. +Fallacious and deceptive statements have been made +as to the reduction of the levy for State taxes, and as to the appropriations. +It is enough now to say that the aggregate taxation +in Ohio in 1874, was over $27,000,000, a larger sum than was +ever before collected by tax-gatherers in Ohio.</p> + +<p>Altogether the most interesting questions in our State affairs +are those which relate to the passage, by the last legislature, of +the Geghan bill and the war which the sectarian wing of the +Democratic party is now waging against the public schools. In +the admirable speech made by Judge Taft at the Republican +State Convention, he sounded the key-note to the canvass on +this subject. He said "our motto must be universal liberty and +universal suffrage, secured by universal education." Before we +discuss these questions, it may be well, in order that there may +be no excuse for further misrepresentation, to show by whom this +subject was introduced into politics, and to state explicitly that +we attack no sect and no man, either Protestant or Jew, Catholic +or Unbeliever, on account of his conscientious convictions in +regard to religion. Who began the agitation of this subject? +Why is it agitated? All parties have taken hold of it. The +Democratic party in their State convention make it the topic +of their longest resolution. In their platform they gave +it more space than to any other subject except the currency. +Many of the Democratic county conventions also took action +upon it.</p> + +<p>The Republican State Convention passed resolutions on the +question. It is stated that it was considered in about forty Republican +county conventions. The State Teachers' Association, +at their last meeting, passed unanimously the following resolution. +Mr. Tappan, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported +the following:</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That we are in favor of a free, impartial, and unsectarian +education to every child in the State, and that any division +of the school fund or appropriation of any part thereof to +any religious or private school would be injurious to education +and the best interests of the church."</p> + +<p>An able address by the Rev. Dr. Jeffers, of Cleveland, showing +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span>the "perils which threaten our public schools," was emphatically +applauded by that intelligent body of citizens.</p> + +<p>The assemblies of the different religious denominations in the +State, which have recently been held, have generally, and I +think without exception, passed similar resolutions. If blame +is to attach to all who consider and discuss this question before +the public, we have had a very large body of offenders. But I +have not named all who are engaged in it. I have not named +those who began it; those who for years have kept it up; those +who in the press, on the platform, in the pulpit, in legislative +bodies, in city councils, and in school boards, now unceasingly agitate +the question. Everybody knows who they are; everybody +knows that the sectarian wing of the Democratic party began +this agitation, and that it is bent on the destruction of our free +schools. If Republicans acting on the defensive discuss the +subject, and express the opinion that the Democratic party can't +safely be trusted, they are denounced in unmeasured terms. +General Carey calls them "political knaves" and "fools" and +"bigots." But it is very significant that no Democratic speaker +denounces those who began the agitation. All their epithets +are leveled at the men who are on the right side of the question. +Agitation on the wrong side—agitation against the schools may +go on. It meets no condemnation from leading Democratic candidates +and speakers. The reason is plain. Those who mean +to destroy the school system constitute a formidable part of the +Democratic party, without whose support that party, as the legislature +was told last Spring, can not carry the county, the city, +nor the State.</p> + +<p>The sectarian agitation against the public schools was begun +many years ago. During the last few years, it has steadily and +rapidly increased, and has been encouraged by various indications +of possible success. It extends to all of the States where +schools at the common expense have been long established. Its +triumphs are mainly in the large towns and cities. It has already +divided the schools, and in a considerable degree impaired +and limited their usefulness. The glory of the American system +of education has been that it was so cheap that the humblest +citizen could afford to give his children its advantages, and so +good that the man of wealth could nowhere provide for his chil<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span>dren anything better. This gave the system its most conspicuous +merit. It made it a Republican system. The young of all +conditions of life are brought together and educated on terms +of perfect equality. The tendency of this is to assimilate and +to fuse together the various elements of our population, to promote +unity, harmony, and general good will in our American society. +But the enemies of the American system have begun the +work of destroying it. They have forced away from the public +schools, in many towns and cities, one-third or one-fourth of their +pupils and sent them to schools which it is safe to say are no +whit superior to those they have left. These youth are thus deprived +of the associations and the education in practical Republicanism +and American sentiments which they peculiarly need. +Nobody questions their constitutional and legal right to do this, +and to do it by denouncing the public schools. Sectarians have +a lawful right to say that these schools are "a relict of paganism—that +they are Godless," and that "the secular school system +is a social cancer." But when having thus succeeded in dividing +the schools, they make that a ground for abolishing +school taxation, dividing the school fund, or otherwise destroying +the system, it is time that its friends should rise up in its +defense.</p> + +<p>We all agree that neither the government nor political parties +ought to interfere with religious sects. It is equally true that +religious sects ought not to interfere with the government or +with political parties. We believe that the cause of good government +and the cause of religion both suffer by all such interference. +But if Sectarians make demands for legislation of +political parties, and threaten that party with opposition at the +elections in case the required enactments are not passed, and if +the political party yields to such threats, then those threats, +those demands, and that action of the political party become a +legitimate subject of political discussion, and the sectarians who +thus interfere with the legislation of the State are alone responsible +for the agitation which follows.</p> + +<p>And now a few words as to the action of the last legislature on +this subject. After an examination of the Geghan bill, we shall +perhaps come to the conclusion that in itself it is not of great +importance. I would not undervalue the conscientious scruples +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span>on the subject of religion of a convict in the penitentiary, or of +any unfortunate person in any State institution. But the provision +of the constitution of the State covers the whole ground. +It needs no awkwardly framed statute of doubtful meaning, like +the Geghan bill, to accomplish the object of the organic law. +The old constitution of 1802, and the constitution now in force, +of 1851, are substantially alike. Both declare (I quote section +7, article 1, constitution of 1851):</p> + +<p>"All men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty +God according to the dictates of their own conscience. +No person shall be compelled to attend, erect, or support any +place of worship, or maintain any form of worship against his +consent; and no preference shall be given by law to any religious +society; nor shall any interference with the right of conscience +be permitted."</p> + +<p>If the Geghan bill is merely a reënactment of this part of the +bill of rights, it is a work of supererogation, and it is not strange +that the legislature did not, when it was introduced, favor +its passage. The author of the bill wrote, "the members +claim that such a bill is not needed." The same opinion prevails +in New Jersey, where a similar bill is said to have been defeated +by a vote of three to one. But the sectarians of Ohio were +resolved on the passage of this bill. Mr. Geghan, its author, +wrote to Mr. Murphy, of Cincinnati:</p> + +<p>"We have a prior claim upon the Democratic party. The elements +composing the Democratic party in Ohio to-day are made +up of Irish and German catholics, and they have always been +loyal and faithful to the interests of the party. Hence the +party is under obligations to us, and we have a perfect right to +demand of them, as a party, inasmuch as they are in control of +the State legislature and State government, and were by both +our means and votes placed where they are to-day, that they +should, as a party, redress our grievances."</p> + +<p>The organ of the friends of the bill published this letter, and +among other things said:</p> + +<p>"The political party with which nine-tenths of the Catholic +voters affiliate on account of past services that they will never +forget, now controls the State. Withdraw the support which +Catholics have given to it and it will fall in this city, county, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span>State, as speedily as it has risen to its long lost position and +power. That party is now on trial. Mr. Geghan's bill will test +the sincerity of its professions."</p> + +<p>That threat was effectual. The bill was passed, and the sectarian +organ therefore said:</p> + +<p>"The unbroken solid vote of the Catholic citizens of the State +will be given to the Democracy at the fall election."</p> + +<p>In regard to those who voted against the bill, it said: "They +have dug their political grave; it will not be our fault if they do +not fill it. When any of them appear again in the political +arena, we will put upon them a brand that every Catholic citizen +will understand." No defense of this conduct of the last +legislature has yet been attempted. The facts are beyond dispute. +This is the first example of open and successful sectarian +interference with legislation in Ohio. If the people are wise, +they will give it such a rebuke in October that for many years, +at least, it will be the last.</p> + +<p>But it is claimed that the schools are in no danger. Now that +public attention is aroused to the importance of the subject, it +is probable that in Ohio they are safe. But their safety depends +on the rebuke which the people shall give to the party which +yielded last spring at Columbus to the threats of their enemies. +It is said that no political party "desires the destruction of the +schools." I reply, no political party "desired" the passage of +the Geghan bill; but the power which hates the schools passed +the bill. The sectarian wing of the Democratic party rules that +party to-day in the great commercial metropolis of the Nation. +It holds the balance of power in many of the large cities of the +country. Without its votes, the Democratic party would lose +every large city and county in Ohio and every Northern State. +In the presidential canvass of 1864, it was claimed that General +McClellan was as good a Union man as Abraham Lincoln, and +that he was as much opposed to the rebellion. An eminent citizen +of this State replied: "I learn from my adversaries. Who +do the enemies of the Union want elected? The man they are +for, I am against." So I would say to the friends of the public +schools: "How do the enemies of universal education vote?" +If the enemies of the free schools give their "unbroken, solid +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span>vote" to the Democratic ticket, the friends of the schools will +make no mistake if they vote the Republican ticket.</p> + +<p>The Republicans enter upon this important canvass with many +advantages. Their adversaries are loaded down with the record +of the last legislature. Democratic legislatures have not been +fortunate in Ohio. Since the present division of parties, twenty +years ago, no Democratic legislature has ever failed to bring defeat +to its party. The people of Ohio have never been willing +to venture on the experiment of two Democratic legislatures in +succession. The Democratic inflation platform offends German +Democrats, has driven off the Liberal Republicans, and is accepted +by very few old-fashioned Democrats in its true intent +and meaning. The Republicans are out of power in the cities +and in the State, and are everywhere taking the offensive. If +Democrats assail them on account of some affair of years ago, +or in a distant Southern State, or at Washington, Republicans +reply by pointing to what Democrats are now doing in their own +cities, or have just done in the last legislature. The materials +for such retort are abundant and ready at hand. The Republicans +are embarrassed by no entangling alliance with the sectarian +enemies of the public schools, and they have yielded to no +sectarian demands or dictation in public affairs. We rejoice to +see indications of an active canvass and a large vote at the election. +Such a canvass and such a vote in Ohio never yet resulted +in a Democratic victory. Our motto is honest money +for all and free schools for all. There should be no inflation +which will destroy the one, and no sectarian interference which +will destroy the other.</p> + +<br /> +<center><b><i>Speech of</i> <span class="smcap">Governor Hayes</span> <i>to his neighbors at <a name="Fremont" id="Fremont"></a>Fremont, +delivered June 25, 1876.</i></b></center> +<br /> +<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">Top</a></span> +<p> +<i>Mr. Mayor, Fellow-Citizens, Friends, and Neighbors:</i><br /> +</p> + +<p>I need not attempt to express the emotions I feel at the reception +which the people of Fremont and this county have given +me to-night. Under any circumstances, an assemblage of this +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span>sort at my home to welcome me would touch me, would excite +the warmest emotions of gratitude; but what gives to this its +distinctive character is the fact that those who are prominent in +welcoming me home, I know, in the past, have not voted with +me or for me, and they do not intend in the future to vote with +me or for me. It is simply that, coming to my home, they rejoice +that Ohio, that Sandusky county, that the town of Fremont +has received at that National Convention high honor, +and I thank you, Democrats, fellow-citizens, Independents, and +Republicans, for this spontaneous and enthusiastic reception.</p> + +<p>I trust that in the course of events the time will never come +that you will have cause to regret what you do to-night. It is a +very great responsibility that has been placed upon me—to be a +representative of a party embracing twenty millions of people—a +responsibility which I know I am not equal to. I understand +very well that it was not by reason of ability or talents that I +was chosen. But that which does rejoice me is that here, where +I have been known from my childhood, there are those that +come and rejoice at the result.</p> + +<p>I trust, my friends, that as I run along in this desultory way—for +you well know that since I learned that I was to be here +to-night, the multitude of letters, and visits, and telegrams requiring +attention have given me no time to prepare for a reception +like this—you must, therefore, put up with hastily-formed +sentences, very unfitly representing the sentiments appropriate +to the occasion. Let me, if I may do it without too much egotism, +recur to the history of my connection with Fremont. Forty-two +years ago my uncle, Sardis Birchard, brought me to this place, +and I rejoice, my friends, in the good taste and good feeling +which have placed his portrait here to-night. He, having +adopted me as his child, brought me to Fremont. I recollect +well the appearance of the then Lower Sandusky, consisting of +a few wooden buildings scattered along the river, with little +paint on them, and these trees none of them grown, the old +fort still having some of its earthworks remaining, so that it +could be easily traced. A pleasant village this was for a boy to +enjoy himself in. There was the fishing on the river, shooting +water-fowls above the dam, at the islands and the lake. Per<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span>haps no boy ever enjoyed his departure from home better than +I did when I first came to Fremont.</p> + +<p>But now see what this town is,—how it has grown. It has +not increased to a first-class city, but it has become a pleasant +home, so pleasant, so thriving that I rejoice to think that whatever +may be the result next fall it will be pleasant to return +to it when the contest is over. If defeated, I shall return to +you oftener than if I go to the White House. If I go there I shall +look forward with pleasure to the time when I shall be permitted +to return to you, to be a neighbor with you again. And really +we have cause to be satisfied with our home and the interests +which the future has in store for us here. Larger cities always +have strife and rivalry, from which we are free, and yet we are +well situated between two commercial centers, the Eastern and +Western, between which is the great highway of the world, and +we can not but partake of their prosperity. Over the railroad +passing through this place, or near it, will pass for all time to +come the travel and trade of New York and San Francisco, of +London and Pekin. Every town along this route partakes of +the prosperity of this highway. Upper Sandusky, on the Pittsburgh, +Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad, and Tiffin, that thriving +and beautiful city through which passes the Baltimore and +Ohio Railroad, south of us, while along the lake shore passes the +great northern division of the Lake Shore Road, making this +route, as it were, the great artery of the world's travel, and we +can abide with the prosperity that is to come in the future. Those +of our friends who travel in Europe return sometimes dissatisfied, +because there is a rawness in this country not seen in England +and the older countries of Europe. But then the greatest +happiness, as all of us know, in preparing a garden or a home +is to see the improvements growing up under our hands. This +is what we enjoy; and the change in Fremont from the time I +first knew it till to-day gives me very great pleasure.</p> + +<p>There is another change which gives rise to mournful reflections. +When I came here in the year 1834, I became +acquainted with honored citizens who are no longer living. +There was, Mr. Mayor, your father, Rudolphus Dickinson, +Thomas I. Hawkins, Judge Olmsted, Judge Howland, and, +among others, that marvel of business energy, George Grant; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span>and I might go on giving name after name. But it is true that +of all those I remember seeing on that first visit, not one is with +us to-night. All who came with me, my uncle, my mother, and +my sister, are gone. But this is the order of Providence. +Events follow upon one another as wave follows wave upon the +ocean. It is for each man to do what he can to make others +happy. This is the prayer and this is the duty of life. Let us, +my friends, in every position, undertake to perform this duty. +For one, I have no reliance except that which Abraham Lincoln +had when, on leaving Springfield, he said to his friends: "I go +to Washington to assume a responsibility greater than that +which has been devolved upon any one since the first president, +and I beg you, my friends and neighbors, to pray that I may +have that Divine assistance, without which I can not succeed, +and with which I can not fail." In that spirit I ask you to deal +with me. If it shall be the will of the people that this nomination +shall be ratified, I know I shall have your good wishes and +your prayers. If, on the other hand, it shall be the will of the +people that another shall assume these great responsibilities, let +us see to it that we who shall oppose him give him a fair trial.</p> + +<p>My friends, I thank you for the interest you have taken in +this reception, and that you have laid aside partisan feeling. +There has been too much bitterness on such occasions in our +land. Let us see to it that abuse and vituperation of the candidate +that shall be named at St. Louis do not proceed from our +lips. Let us, in this centennial year, as we enter upon this second +century of our existence, set an example of what a free and +intelligent people can do. There is gathered at Philadelphia an +assemblage representing nearly all the Nations of the world, +with their arts and manufactures. We have invited competition, +and they have come to compete with us, and with +each other. We find that America stands well with the +works of the world, as there exhibited. Let us show, in +electing a chief magistrate of the Nation—the officer that is +to be the first of forty or forty-five millions—let us show all +those who visit us how the American people can conduct themselves +through a canvass of this kind. If it shall be in the +spirit in which we have met to-night, if it shall be that justness +and fairness shall be in all the discussions, it will com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span>mend free institutions to the world in a way which they have +never been commended before.</p> + +<p>Well, friends, I am detaining you too long. Therefore I close +what I have to say by expressing the feelings of gratitude entertained +by myself and family for the kindness and regard shown +us by the people of Fremont.</p> + +<p>About the middle of the war, General Sherman lost a boy, +named after himself, aged about thirteen years. He supposed +that he belonged to the Thirteenth Infantry, and when they went +out to drill and dress parade, he dressed in the dress of a sergeant +and marched with them. But he sickened and died. The +regiment gathered about him, for he was to them a comrade—dear +as the child is loved by men who are torn away from +the associations of home. General Sherman, the great soldier, +was touched by it. He said it would be idle for him to try to +express the gratitude which he felt; but he said they held the +key to the affections of himself and family, and if any of them +should ever be in need, if they would mention that they belonged +to the Thirteenth Infantry at the time his boy died, they +would divide with him the last blanket, and last morsel of food. +It is in this spirit that I wish to express my thanks to the people +of Fremont for the welcome they have given me. I bid you, +my friends, good night.</p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life, Public Services and Select +Speeches of Rutherford B. Hayes, by James Quay Howard + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF RUTHERFORD HAYES *** + +***** This file should be named 22037-h.htm or 22037-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/2/0/3/22037/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Marcia Brooks, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced +from scanned images of public domain material from the Google Print +project.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + +</body> +</html> diff --git a/22037-h/images/p001.jpg b/22037-h/images/p001.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..4120605 --- /dev/null +++ b/22037-h/images/p001.jpg |
