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<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Task of Social Hygiene, by Havelock Ellis</h1>
<pre>
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre>
<p>Title: The Task of Social Hygiene</p>
<p>Author: Havelock Ellis</p>
<p>Release Date: July 17, 2007  [eBook #22090]</p>
<p>Language: English</p>
<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TASK OF SOCIAL HYGIENE***</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3>E-text prepared by Juliet Sutherland, Ross Wilburn,<br />
    and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
    (http://www.pgdp.net)</h3>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<hr class="full" />
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>

<h1>THE TASK OF SOCIAL HYGIENE</h1>


<h4>BY THE SAME AUTHOR
<br /><br />
STUDIES IN THE PSYCHOLOGY
OF SEX. <span class="smcap">Six Vols</span>.
<br />
THE NEW SPIRIT
<br />
AFFIRMATIONS
<br />
MAN AND WOMAN
<br />
THE CRIMINAL
<br />
THE WORLD OF DREAMS
<br />
THE SOUL OF SPAIN
<br />
IMPRESSIONS AND COMMENTS
<br />
ESSAYS IN WAR-TIME. <span class="smcap">Etc</span>.</h4>


<h1>THE TASK OF
SOCIAL HYGIENE</h1>

<h4>BY</h4>

<h3>HAVELOCK ELLIS</h3>

<h4>AUTHOR OF<br />
"THE SOUL OF SPAIN"; "THE WORLD OF DREAMS"; ETC.</h4>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 151px;">
<img src="images/logo.jpg" width="151" height="192" alt="" title="" />
</div>

<h4>BOSTON AND NEW YORK<br />
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY<br />
1916</h4>


<h4><i>Printed in Great Britain.</i></h4>
<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>

<h3>PREFACE</h3>


<p>The study of social hygiene means the study of
those things which concern the welfare of human
beings living in societies. There can, therefore,
be no study more widely important or more generally interesting.
I fear, however, that by many persons social
hygiene is vaguely regarded either as a mere extension
of sanitary science, or else as an effort to set up an intolerable
bureaucracy to oversee every action of our
lives, and perhaps even to breed us as cattle are bred.</p>

<p>That is certainly not the point of view from which this
book has been written. Plato and Rabelais, Campanella
and More, have been among those who announced
the principles of social hygiene here set forth. There
must be a social order, all these great pioneers recognized,
but the health of society, like the health of the body,
is marked by expansion as much as by restriction, and,
the striving for order is only justified because without
order there can be no freedom. If it were not the mission
of social hygiene to bring a new joy and a new freedom
into life I should not have concerned myself with the
writing of this book.</p>

<p>When we thus contemplate the process of social
hygiene, we are no longer in danger of looking upon it as
an artificial interference with Nature. It is in the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>
Book of Nature, as Campanella put it, that the laws of
life and of government are to be read. Or, as Quesnel
said two centuries ago, more precisely for our present
purpose, "Nature is universal hygiene." All animals are
scrupulous in hygiene; the elaboration of hygiene moves
<i>pari passu</i> with the rank of a species in intelligence.
Even the cockroach, which lives on what we call filth,
spends the greater part of its time in the cultivation of
personal cleanliness. And all social hygiene, in its fullest
sense, is but an increasingly complex and extended
method of purification&mdash;the purification of the conditions
of life by sound legislation, the purification of our own
minds by better knowledge, the purification of our
hearts by a growing sense of responsibility, the purification
of the race itself by an enlightened eugenics, consciously
aiding Nature in her manifest effort to embody
new ideals of life. It was not Man, but Nature, who
realized the daring and splendid idea&mdash;risky as it was&mdash;of
placing the higher anthropoids on their hind limbs
and so liberating their fore-limbs in the service of their
nimble and aspiring brains. We may humbly follow
in the same path, liberating latent forces of life and
suppressing those which no longer serve the present ends
of life. For, as Shakespeare said, when in <i>The Winter's
Tale</i> he set forth a luminous philosophy of social hygiene
and applied it to eugenics,</p>

<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"Nature is made better by no mean</span>
<span class="i0">But Nature makes that mean ...</span>
<span class="i12">This is an art</span>
<span class="i0">Which does mend Nature, change it rather, but</span>
<span class="i0">The art itself is Nature."</span>
</div></div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>
In whatever way it may be understood, however,
social hygiene is now very much to the front of people's
minds. The present volume, I wish to make clear,
has not been hastily written to meet any real or supposed
demand. It has slowly grown during a period of nearly
twenty-five years, and it expresses an attitude which is
implicit or explicit in the whole of my work. By some
readers, doubtless, it will be seen to constitute an extension
in various directions of the arguments developed in
the larger work on "Sex in Relation to Society," which
is the final volume of my <i>Studies in the Psychology of
Sex</i>. The book I now bring forward may, however,
be more properly regarded as a presentation of the wider
scheme of social reform out of which the more special
sex studies have developed. We are faced to-day by the
need for vast and complex changes in social organization.
In these changes the welfare of individuals and the
welfare of communities are alike concerned. Moreover,
they are matters which are not confined to the affairs
of this nation or of that nation, but of the whole family
of nations participating in the fraternity of modern
progress.</p>

<p>The word "progress," indeed, which falls so easily
from our lips is not a word which any serious writer
should use without precaution. The conception of
"progress" is a useful conception in so far as it binds
together those who are working for common ends, and
stimulates that perpetual slight movement in which life
consists. But there is no general progress in Nature,
nor any unqualified progress; that is to say, that there
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>
is no progress for all groups along the line, and that even
those groups which progress pay the price of their
progress. It was so even when our anthropoid ancestors
rose to the erect position; that was "progress," and it
gained us the use of hands. But it lost us our tails,
and much else that is more regrettable than we are
always able to realize. There is no general and ever-increasing
evolution towards perfection. "Existence
is realized in its perfection under whatever aspect it is
manifested," says Jules de Gaultier. Or, as Whitman
put it, "There will never be any more perfection than
there is now." We cannot expect an increased power of
growth and realization in existence, as a whole, leading
to any general perfection; we can only expect to see
the triumph of individuals, or of groups of individuals,
carrying out their own conceptions along special lines,
every perfection so attained involving, on its reverse side,
the acquirement of an imperfection. It is in this sense,
and in this sense only, that progress is possible. We need
not fear that we shall ever achieve the stagnant immobility
of a general perfection.</p>

<p>The problems of progress we are here concerned with
are such as the civilized world, as represented by some
of its foremost individuals or groups of individuals, is
just now waking up to grapple with. No doubt other
problems might be added, and the addition give a greater
semblance of completion to this book. I have selected
those which seem to me very essential, very fundamental.
The questions of social hygiene, as here understood, go
to the heart of life. It is the task of this hygiene not
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>
only to make sewers, but to re-make love, and to do both
in the same large spirit of human fellowship, to ensure
finer individual development and a larger social organization.
At the one end social hygiene may be regarded
as simply the extension of an elementary sanitary code;
at the other end it seems to some to have in it the glorious
freedom of a new religion. The majority of people,
probably, will be content to admit that we have here a
scheme of serious social reform which every man and
woman will soon be called upon to take some share in.</p>

<p>
<span class="smcap">Havelock Ellis</span>.</p>


<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span></p>
<h3>CONTENTS</h3>



<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Contents">
<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#Introduction">I.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Introduction</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td>&nbsp;</td><td align='right'>PAGE</td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>The aim of Social Hygiene&mdash;Social Reform&mdash;The Rise of Social
Reform out of English Industrialism&mdash;The Four Stages of Social
Reform&mdash;(1) The Stage of Sanitation&mdash;(2) Factory Legislation&mdash;(3)
The Extension of the Scope of Education&mdash;(4) Puericulture&mdash;The
Scientific Evolution corresponding to these Stages&mdash;Social
Reform only Touched the Conditions of Life&mdash;Yet Social Reform
Remains highly Necessary&mdash;The Question of Infantile
Mortality and the Quality of the Race&mdash;The Better Organization
of Life Involved by Social Hygiene&mdash;Its Insistence on the
Quality rather than on the Conditions of Life&mdash;The Control of
Reproduction&mdash;The Fall of the Birth-rate in Relation to the
Quality of the Population&mdash;The Rejuvenation of a Society&mdash;The
Influence of Culture and Refinement on a Race&mdash;Eugenics&mdash;The
Regeneration of the Race&mdash;The Problem of Feeble-mindedness&mdash;The
Methods of Eugenics&mdash;Some of the Problems
which Face us</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">1</td></tr>

<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPII">II.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Changing Status of Women</span></a></td></tr>


<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>The Origin of the Woman Movement&mdash;Mary Wollstonecraft&mdash;George
Sand&mdash;Robert Owen&mdash;William Thompson&mdash;John Stuart
Mill&mdash;The Modern Growth of Social Cohesion&mdash;The Growth of
Industrialism&mdash;Its Influence in Woman's Sphere of Work&mdash;The
Education of Women&mdash;Co-education&mdash;The Woman Question
and Sexual Selection&mdash;Significance of Economic Independence&mdash;The
State Regulation of Marriage&mdash;The Future of Marriage&mdash;Wilhelm
von Humboldt&mdash;Social Equality of Women&mdash;The
Reproduction of the Race as a Function of Society&mdash;Women
and the Future of Civilization</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">49</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPIII">III.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The New Aspect of the Woman's Movement</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Eighteenth-Century France&mdash;Pioneers of the Woman's Movement&mdash;The
Growth of the Woman's Suffrage Movement&mdash;The Militant
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>
Activities of the Suffragettes&mdash;Their Services and Disservices
to the Cause&mdash;Advantages of Women's Suffrage&mdash;Sex
Questions in Germany&mdash;Bebel&mdash;The Woman's Rights Movement
in Germany&mdash;The Development of Sexual Science in Germany&mdash;The
Movement for the Protection of Motherhood&mdash;Ellen
Key&mdash;The Question of Illegitimacy&mdash;Eugenics&mdash;Women as Law-makers
in the Home</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">67</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPIV">IV.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Emancipation of Women in Relation
to Romantic Love</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>The Absence of Romantic Love in Classic Civilization&mdash;Marriage as
a Duty&mdash;The Rise of Romantic Love in the Roman Empire&mdash;The
Influence of Christianity&mdash;The Attitude of Chivalry&mdash;The
Troubadours&mdash;The Courts of Love&mdash;The Influence of the Renaissance&mdash;Conventional
Chivalry and Modern Civilization&mdash;The
Woman Movement&mdash;The Modern Woman's Equality of
Rights and Responsibilities excludes Chivalry&mdash;New Forms of
Romantic Love still remain possible&mdash;Love as the Inspiration
of Social Hygiene</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">113</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPV">V.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Significance of a Falling Birth-rate</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>The Fall of the Birth-rate in Europe generally&mdash;In England&mdash;In
Germany&mdash;In the United States&mdash;In Canada&mdash;In Australasia&mdash;"Crude"
Birth-rate and "Corrected" Birth-rate&mdash;The Connection
between High Birth-rate and High Death-rate&mdash;"Natural
Increase" measured by Excess of Births over Deaths&mdash;The
Measure of National Well-being&mdash;The Example of
Russia&mdash;Japan&mdash;China&mdash;The Necessity of viewing the Question
from a wide Standpoint&mdash;The Prevalence of Neo-Malthusian
Methods&mdash;Influence of the Roman Catholic Church&mdash;Other
Influences lowering the Birth-rate&mdash;Influence of Postponement
of Marriage&mdash;Relation of the Birth-rate to Commercial and
Industrial Activity&mdash;Illustrated by Russia, Hungary, and Australia&mdash;The
Relation of Prosperity to Fertility&mdash;The Social
Capillarity Theory&mdash;Divergence of the Birth-rate and the Marriage-rate&mdash;Marriage-rate
and the Movement of Prices&mdash;Prosperity
and Civilization&mdash;Fertility among Savages&mdash;The lesser
fertility of Urban Populations&mdash;Effect of Urbanization on Physical
Development&mdash;Why Prosperity fails permanently to increase
Fertility&mdash;Prosperity creates Restraints on Fertility&mdash;The process
of Civilization involves Decreased Fertility&mdash;In this Respect
it is a Continuation of Zoological Evolution&mdash;Large Families as
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span>
a Stigma of Degeneration&mdash;The Decreased Fertility of Civilization
a General Historical Fact&mdash;The Ideals of Civilization to-day&mdash;The
East and the West</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">134</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPVI">VI.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Eugenics and Love</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Eugenics and the Decline of the Birth-rate&mdash;Quantity and Quality
in the Production of Children&mdash;Eugenic Sexual Selection&mdash;The
Value of Pedigrees&mdash;Their Scientific Significance&mdash;The Systematic
Record of Personal Data&mdash;The Proposal for Eugenic Certificates&mdash;St.
Valentine's Day and Sexual Selection&mdash;Love and
Reason&mdash;Love Ruled by Natural Law&mdash;Eugenic Selection not
opposed to Love&mdash;No Need for Legal Compulsion&mdash;Medicine in
Relation to Marriage.</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">193</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPVII">VII.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Religion and the Child</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Religious Education in Relation to Social Hygiene and to Psychology&mdash;The
Psychology of the Child&mdash;The Contents of
Children's Minds&mdash;The Imagination of Children&mdash;How far may
Religion be assimilated by Children?&mdash;Unfortunate Results of
Early Religious Instruction&mdash;Puberty the Age for Religious
Education&mdash;Religion as an Initiation into a Mystery&mdash;Initiation
among Savages&mdash;The Christian Sacraments&mdash;The Modern
Tendency as regards Religious Instruction&mdash;Its Advantages&mdash;Children
and Fairy Tales&mdash;The Bible of Childhood&mdash;Moral
Training</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">217</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPVIII">VIII.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The Problem of Sexual Hygiene</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>The New Movement for giving Sexual Instruction to Children&mdash;The
Need of such a Movement&mdash;Contradictions involved by the
Ancient Policy of Silence&mdash;Errors of the New Policy&mdash;The Need
of Teaching the Teacher&mdash;The Need of Training the Parents&mdash;And
of Scientifically equipping the Physician&mdash;Sexual Hygiene
and Society&mdash;The far-reaching Effects of Sexual Hygiene</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">244</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPIX">IX.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Immorality and the Law</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Social Hygiene and Legal Compulsion&mdash;The Binding Force of
Custom among Savages&mdash;The Dissolving Influence of Civilization&mdash;The
Distinction between Immorality and Criminality&mdash;Adultery
as a Crime&mdash;The Tests of Criminality&mdash;National
Differences in laying down the Boundary between Criminal
and Immoral Acts&mdash;France&mdash;Germany&mdash;England&mdash;The United
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span>
States&mdash;Police Administration&mdash;Police Methods in the United
States&mdash;National Differences in the Regulation of the Trade in
Alcohol&mdash;Prohibition in the United States&mdash;Origin of the American
Method of Dealing with Immorality&mdash;Russia&mdash;Historical
Fluctuations in Methods of Dealing with Immorality and Prostitution&mdash;Homosexuality&mdash;Holland&mdash;The
Age of Consent&mdash;Moral
Legislation in England&mdash;In the United States&mdash;The Raines Law&mdash;America
Attempts to Suppress Prostitution&mdash;Their Futility&mdash;German
Methods of Regulating Prostitution&mdash;The Sound
Method of Approaching Immorality&mdash;Training in Sexual
Hygiene&mdash;Education in Personal and Social Responsibility</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">258</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPX">X.&mdash;<span class="smcap">The War against War</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Why the Problem of War is specially urgent To-day&mdash;The Beneficial
Effects of War in Barbarous Ages&mdash;Civilization renders
the Ultimate Disappearance of War Inevitable&mdash;The Introduction
of Law in disputes between Individuals involves the Introduction
of Law in disputes between Nations&mdash;But there must be
Force behind Law&mdash;Henry IV's Attempt to Confederate Europe&mdash;Every
International Tribunal of Arbitration must be able to
Enforce its decisions&mdash;The Influences making for the Abolition
of Warfare&mdash;(1) Growth of International Opinion&mdash;(2) International
Financial Development&mdash;(3) The Decreasing Pressure
of Population&mdash;(4) The Natural Exhaustion of the Warlike Spirit&mdash;(5)
The Spread of Anti-military Doctrines&mdash;(6) The Over-growth
of Armaments&mdash;(7) The Dominance of Social Reform&mdash;War
Incompatible with an Advanced Civilization&mdash;Nations as
Trustees for Humanity&mdash;The Impossibility of Disarmament&mdash;The
Necessity of Force to ensure Peace&mdash;The Federated State
of the Future&mdash;The Decay of War still leaves the Possibilities
of Daring and Heroism</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">311</td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPXI">XI.&mdash;<span class="smcap">
The Problem of an International Language</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Early Attempts to construct an International Language&mdash;The
Urgent Need of an Auxiliary Language To-day&mdash;Volap&uuml;k&mdash;The
Claims of Spanish&mdash;Latin&mdash;The Claims of English&mdash;Its Disadvantages&mdash;The
Claims of French&mdash;Its Disadvantages&mdash;The
Modern Growth of National Feeling opposed to Selection of a
Natural Language&mdash;Advantages of an Artificial Language&mdash;Demands
it must Fulfil&mdash;Esperanto&mdash;Its Threatened Disruption&mdash;The
International Association for the Adoption of an Auxiliary
International Language&mdash;The First Step to Take</p></blockquote></td><td align='right' valign="bottom">349</td></tr>
<tr><td><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span></td></tr>


<tr><td colspan="2" align='center'><a href="#CHAPXII">XII.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Individualism and Socialism</span></a></td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><blockquote><p>Social Hygiene in Relation to the Alleged Opposition between
Socialism and Individualism&mdash;The Two Parties in Politics&mdash;The
Relation of Conservatism and Radicalism to Socialism
and Individualism&mdash;The Basis of Socialism&mdash;The Basis of Individualism&mdash;The
seeming Opposition between Socialism and
Individualism merely a Division of Labour&mdash;Both Socialism and
Individualism equally Necessary&mdash;Not only Necessary, but
Indispensable to each other&mdash;The Conflict between the Advocates
of Environment and Heredity&mdash;A New Embodiment
of the supposed Conflict between Socialism and Individualism&mdash;The
place of Eugenics&mdash;Social Hygiene ultimately one with
the Hygiene of the Soul&mdash;The Function of Utopias</p></blockquote></td><td align="right" valign="bottom">381</td></tr>

<tr><td align='left'><a href="#INDEX"><span class="smcap">Index</span></a></td><td align='right'>407</td></tr>
</table>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
<h2>THE TASK
OF SOCIAL HYGIENE</h2>



<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<h3>I</h3>

<h3><a name="Introduction" id="Introduction"></a>INTRODUCTION</h3>

<blockquote><p>The Aim of Social Hygiene&mdash;Social Reform&mdash;The Rise of Social Reform
out of English Industrialism&mdash;The Four Stages of Social Reform&mdash;(1)
The Stage of Sanitation&mdash;(2) Factory Legislation&mdash;(3) The Extension
of the Scope of Education&mdash;(4) Puericulture&mdash;The Scientific
Evolution corresponding to these Stages&mdash;Social Reform only
Touched the Conditions of Life&mdash;Yet Social Reform Remains highly
Necessary&mdash;The Question of Infantile Mortality and the Quality of the
Race&mdash;The Better Organization of Life Involved by Social Hygiene&mdash;Its
Insistence on the Quality rather than on the Conditions of
Life&mdash;The Control of Reproduction&mdash;The Fall of the Birth-rate in
Relation to the Quality of the Population&mdash;The Rejuvenation of
a Society&mdash;The Influence of Culture and Refinement on a
Race&mdash;Eugenics&mdash;The Regeneration of the Race&mdash;The Problem of
Feeble-Mindedness&mdash;The Methods of Eugenics&mdash;Some of the Problems
which Face us.</p></blockquote>


<p>Social Hygiene, as it will be here understood,
may be said to be a development, and even a
transformation, of what was formerly known as
Social Reform. In that transformation it has undergone
two fundamental changes. In the first place, it is
no longer merely an attempt to deal with the conditions
under which life is lived, seeking to treat bad conditions
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
as they occur, without going to their source, but
it aims at prevention. It ceases to be simply a reforming
of forms, and approaches in a comprehensive
manner not only the conditions of life, but life itself. In
the second place, its method is no longer haphazard,
but organized and systematic, being based on a growing
knowledge of those biological sciences which were
scarcely in their infancy when the era of social reform
began. Thus social hygiene is at once more radical and
more scientific than the old conception of social reform.
It is the inevitable method by which at a certain stage
civilization is compelled to continue its own course, and
to preserve, perhaps to elevate, the race.</p>

<p>The era of social reform followed on the rise of modern
industrialism, and, no doubt largely on this account,
although an international movement, it first became
definite and self-conscious in England. There were
perhaps other reasons why it should have been in the
first place specially prominent in England. When at
the end of the seventeenth century, Muralt, a highly
intelligent Swiss gentleman, visited England, and wrote
his by no means unsympathetic <i>Lettres sur les Anglais</i>,
he was struck by a curious contradiction in the English
character. They are a good-natured people, he observed,
very rich, so well-nourished that sometimes
they die of obesity, and they detest cruelty so much
that by royal proclamation it is ordained that the fish
and the ducks of the ponds should be duly and properly
fed. Yet he found that this good-natured, rich,
cruelty-hating nation systematically allowed the prisoners
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
in their gaols to die of starvation. "The great cruelty
of the English," Muralt remarks, "lies in permitting
evil rather than in doing it."<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The root of the apparent
contradiction lay clearly in a somewhat excessive independence
and devotion to liberty. We give a man
full liberty, they seem to have said, to work, to become
rich, to grow fat. But if he will not work, let him starve.
In that point of view there were involved certain fallacies,
which became clearer during the course of social evolution.</p>

<p>It was obvious, indeed, that such an attitude, while
highly favourable to individual vigour and independence,
and not incompatible with fairly healthy social life
under the conditions which prevailed at the time, became
disastrous in the era of industrialism. The conditions
of industrial life tore up the individual from the
roots by which he normally received strength, and
crowded the workers together in masses, thus generating
a confusion which no individual activity could grapple
with. So it was that the very spirit which, under the
earlier conditions, made for good now made for evil.
To stand by and applaud the efforts of the individual
who was perhaps slowly sinking deeper and deeper into
a miry slough of degradation began to seem an even
diabolical attitude. The maxim of <i>laissez-faire</i>, which
had once stood for the whole unfettered action of natural
activities in life, began to be viewed with horror and
contempt. It was realized that there must be an intelligent
superintendence of social conditions, humane
regulation, systematic organization. The very intensity
of the evils which the English spirit produced led to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
a reaction by which that spirit, while doubtless remaining
the same at heart, took on a different form, and manifested
its energy in a new direction.</p>

<p>The modern industrial era, replacing domestic industry
by collective work carried out by "hands" in
factories, began in the eighteenth century. The era
of social reform was delayed until the second quarter
of the nineteenth century. It has proceeded by four
successively progressive stages, each stage supplementing,
rather than supplanting, the stage that preceded it.
In 1842 Sir Edwin Chadwick wrote an official Report
on the <i>Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population
of Great Britain</i>, in which was clearly presented for the
first time a vivid, comprehensive, and authoritative
picture of the incredibly filthy conditions under which
the English labouring classes lived. The times were
ripe for this Report. It attracted public attention,
and exerted an important influence. Its appearance
marks the first stage of social reform, which was mainly
a sanitary effort to clear away the gross filth from our
cities, to look after the cleansing, lighting, and policing
of the streets, to create a drainage system, to improve
dwellings, and in these ways to combat disease and to
lower the very high death-rate.</p>

<p>At an early stage, however, it began to be seen that
this process of sanitation, necessary as it had become,
was far too crude and elementary to achieve the ends
sought. It was not enough to improve the streets,
or even to regulate the building of dwellings. It was
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
clearly necessary to regulate also the conditions of
work of the people who lived in those streets and dwellings.
Thus it was that the scheme of factory legislation was
initiated. Rules were made as to the hours of labour,
more especially as regards women and children, for whom,
moreover, certain specially dangerous or unhealthy
occupations were forbidden, and an increasingly large
number of avocations were brought under Government
inspection. This second stage of social reform encountered
a much more strenuous opposition than
the first stage. The regulation of the order and cleanliness
of the streets was obviously necessary, and it had
indeed been more or less enforced even in medieval
times;<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but the regulation of the conditions of work
in the interests of the worker was a more novel proceeding,
and it appeared to clash both with the interests of the
employers and the ancient principles of English freedom
and independence, behind which the employers consequently
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
sheltered themselves. The early attempts
to legislate on these lines were thus fruitless. It was
not until a distinguished aristocratic philanthropist
of great influence, the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury,
took up the question, that factory legislation began to
be accepted. It continues to develop even to-day,
ever enlarging the sphere of its action, and now meeting
with no opposition. But, in England, at all events,
its acceptance marks a memorable stage in the growth
of the national spirit. It was no longer easy and natural
for the Englishmen to look on at suffering without
interference. It began to be recognized that it was
perfectly legitimate, and even necessary, to put a curb
on the freedom and independence which involved suffering
to others.</p>

<p>But as the era of factory legislation became established,
a further advance was seen to be necessary. Factory
legislation had forbidden the child to work. But the
duty of the community towards the child, the citizen of
the future, was evidently by no means covered by this
purely negative step. The child must be prepared to
take his future part in life, in the first place by education.
The nationalization of education in England dates from
1870. But during the subsequent half century "education"
has come to mean much more than mere instruction;
it now covers a certain amount of provision for meals when
necessary, the enforcement of cleanliness, the care of
defective conditions, inborn or acquired, with special
treatment for mentally defective children, an ever-increasing
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
amount of medical inspection and supervision,
while it is beginning to include arrangements for placing
the child in work suited to his capacities when he leaves
school.</p>

<p>During the past ten years the movement of social
reform has entered a fourth stage. The care of the
child during his school-days was seen to be insufficient;
it began too late, when probably the child's fate for
life was already decided. It was necessary to push the
process further back, to birth and even to the stage
before birth, by directing social care to the infant,
and by taking thought of the mother. This consideration
has led to a whole series of highly important and fruitful
measures which are only beginning to develop, although
they have already proved very beneficial. The immediate
notification to the authorities of a child's birth, and the
institution of Health Visitors to ascertain what is being
done for the infant's well-being, and to aid the mother
with advice, have certainly been a large factor in the
recent reduction in the infantile death-rate in England.
<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
</p>

<p>The care of the infant has indeed now become a new
applied science, the science of puericulture. Professor
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
Budin of Paris may fairly be regarded as the founder
of puericulture by the establishment in Paris, in 1892,
of Infant Consultations, to which mothers were encouraged
to bring their babies to be weighed and examined,
any necessary advice being given regarding
the care of the baby. The mothers are persuaded to
suckle their infants if possible, and if their own health
permits. For the cases in which suckling is undesirable
or impossible, Budin established Milk Dep&ocirc;ts, where
pure milk is supplied at a low price or freely. Infant
Consultations and Milk Dep&ocirc;ts are now becoming common
everywhere. A little later than Budin, another distinguished
French physician, Pinard, carried puericulture
a step further back, but a very important step,
by initiating a movement for the care of the pregnant
woman. Pinard and his pupils have shown by a number
of detailed investigations that the children born to
working mothers who rest during the last three months
of pregnancy, are to a marked extent larger and finer
than the children of those mothers who enjoy no such
period of rest, even though the mothers themselves
may be equally robust and healthy in both cases. Moreover,
it is found that premature birth, one of the
commonest accidents of modern life, tends to be prevented
by such rest. The children of mothers who
rest enjoy on the average three weeks longer development
in the womb than the children of the mothers
who do not rest, and this prolonged ante-natal development
cannot fail to be a benefit for the whole of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
child's subsequent life. The movement started by
Pinard, though strictly a continuation of the great
movement for the improvement of the conditions of
life, takes us as far back as we are able to go on these
lines, and has in it the promise of an immense benefit
to human efficiency.</p>
<p>In connection with the movement of puericulture
initiated by Budin and Pinard must be mentioned
the institution of Schools for Mothers, for it is closely
associated with the aims of puericulture. The School
for Mothers arose in Belgium, a little later than the
activities of Budin and Pinard commenced. About
1900 a young Socialist doctor of Ghent, Dr. Miele,
started the first school of this kind, with girls of from
twelve to sixteen years of age as students and assistants.
The School eventually included as many as twelve
different services, among these being dispensaries for
mothers, a mothers' friendly society, milk dep&ocirc;ts both
for babies and nursing mothers, health talks to mothers
with demonstrations, courses on puericulture (including
anatomy, physiology, preparation of foods, weighing,
etc.) to girls between fourteen and eighteen, who afterwards
become eligible for appointment as paid assistants.
<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
In 1907 Schools for Mothers were introduced into England,
at first under the auspices of Dr. Sykes, Medical Officer
of Health for St. Pancras, London. Such Schools are
now spreading everywhere. In the end they will probably
be considered necessary centres for any national system
of puericulture. Every girl at the end of her school life
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
should be expected to pass through a certain course of
training at a School for Mothers. It would be the technical
school for the working-class mother, while such a course
would be invaluable for any girl, whatever her social
class, even if she is never called to be a mother herself
or to have the care of children.
</p>

<p>The great movement of social reform during the
nineteenth century, we thus see, has moved in four
stages, each of which has reinforced rather than replaced
that which went before: (1) the effort to cleanse
the gross filth of cities and to remedy obvious disorder
by systematic attention to scavenging, drainage, the
supply of water and of artificial light, as well as by
improved policing; (2) the great system of factory
legislation for regulating the conditions of work, and
to some extent restraining the work of women and
of children; (3) the introduction of national systems of
education, and the gradual extension of the idea of
education to cover far more than mere instruction;
and (4), most fundamental of all and last to appear,
the effort to guard the child before the school age, even
at birth, even before birth, by bestowing due care on
the future mother.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
It may be pointed out that this movement of practical
social reform has been accompanied, stimulated, and
guided by a corresponding movement in the sciences
which in their application are indispensable to the
progress of civilized social reform. There has been
a process of mutual action and reaction between science
and practice. The social movement has stimulated the
development of abstract science, and the new progress in
science has enabled further advances to be made in
social practice. The era of expansion in sanitation
was the era of development in chemistry and physics,
which alone enabled a sound system of sanitation to be
developed. The fight against disease would have been
impossible but for bacteriology. The new care for
human life, and for the protection of its source, is associated
with fresh developments of biological science.
Sociological observations and speculation, including
economics, are intimately connected with the efforts of
social reform to attain a broad, sound, and truly democratic
basis.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
When we survey this movement as a whole, we have
to recognize that it is exclusively concerned with the
improvement of the conditions of life. It makes no
attempt to influence either the quantity or the quality
of life.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
It may sometimes have been carried out with
the assumption that to improve the conditions of life
is, in some way or other, to improve the quality of life
itself. But it accepted the stream of life as it found
it, and while working to cleanse the banks of the stream
it made no attempt to purify the stream itself.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
It must, however, be remembered that the arguments
which, especially nowadays, are brought against the
social reform of the condition of life, will not bear serious
examination. It is said, for instance, or at all events
implied, that we need bestow very little care on the
conditions of life because such care can have no permanently
beneficial effect on the race, since acquired characters,
for the most part, are not transmitted to descendants.
But to assume that social reform is unnecessary because
it is not inherited is altogether absurd. The people
who make this assumption would certainly not argue
that it is useless for them to satisfy their own hunger
and thirst, because their children will not thereby be
safeguarded from experiencing hunger and thirst. Yet
the needs which the movement of organized social reform
seeks to satisfy are precisely on a level with, and indeed
to some extent identical with, the needs of hunger and
thirst. The impulse and the duty which move every
civilized community to elaborate and gratify its own
social needs to the utmost are altogether independent
of the race, and would not cease to exist even in a community
vowed to celibacy or the most absolute Neo-Malthusianism.
Nor, again, must it be said that social
reform destroys the beneficial results of natural selection.</p>

<p>Here, indeed, we encounter a disputed point, and
it may be admitted that the precise data for absolute
demonstration in one direction or the other cannot
yet be found. Whenever human beings breed in reckless
and unrestrained profusion&mdash;as is the case under some
conditions before a free and self-conscious civilization
is attained&mdash;there is an immense infantile mortality.
It is claimed, on the one hand, that this is beneficial,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
and need not be interfered with. The weak are killed
off, it is said, and the strong survive; there is a process
of natural survival of the fittest. That is true. But
it is equally true, as has also been clearly seen on the
other hand, that though the relatively strongest survive,
their relative strength has been impaired by the very
influences which have proved altogether fatal to their
weaker brethren. There is an immense infantile mortality
in Russia. Yet, notwithstanding any resulting "survival
of the fittest," Russia is far more ravaged by disease
than Norway, where infantile mortality is low. "A high
infantile mortality," as George Carpenter, a great
authority on the diseases of childhood, remarks, "denotes
a far higher infantile deterioration rate"; or,
as another doctor puts it, "the dead baby is next of
kin to the diseased baby," The protection of the weak,
so frequently condemned by some Neo-Darwinians,
is thus in reality, as Goldscheid terms it, "the protection
of the strong from degeneration."</p>

<p>There is, however, more to be said. Not only must
an undue struggle with unfavourable conditions enfeeble
the strong as well as kill the feeble; it also imposes
an intolerable burden upon these enfeebled survivors.
The process of destruction is not sudden, it is gradual.
It is a long-drawn-out process. It involves the multiplication
of the diseased, the maimed, the feeble-minded,
of paupers and lunatics and criminals. Even natural
selection thus includes the need for protecting the feeble,
and so renders urgent the task of social reform, while
the more thoroughly this task is carried out with the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
growth of civilization, the more stupendous and overwhelming
the task becomes.</p>

<p>It is thus that civilization, at a certain point in its
course, renders inevitable the appearance of that wider
and deeper organization of life which in the present
volume we are concerned with under the name of Social
Hygiene. That movement is far from being an abrupt
or revolutionary manifestation in the ordinary progress
of social growth. As we have seen, social reform during
the past eighty years may be said to have proceeded
in four successive stages, each of which has involved
a nearer approach to the sources of life. The fourth
stage, which in its beginnings dates only from the last
years of the nineteenth century, takes us to the period
before birth, and is concerned with the care of the child
in the mother's womb. The next stage cannot fail
to take us to the very source of life itself, lifting us
beyond the task of purifying the conditions, and laying
on us the further task of regulating the quantity and
raising the quality of life at its very source. The duty
of purifying, ordering, and consolidating the banks of the
stream must still remain.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> But when we are able to
control the stream at its source we are able to some
extent to prevent the contamination of that stream by
filth, and ensure that its muddy floods shall not sweep away
the results of our laborious work on the banks. Our sense
of social responsibility is developing into a sense of racial
responsibility, and that development is expressed in the
nature of the tasks of Social Hygiene which now lie before us.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
It is the control of the reproduction of the race which
renders possible the new conception of Social Hygiene.
We have seen that the gradual process of social reform
during the first three quarters of the nineteenth century,
by successive stages of movement towards the sources
of life, finally reached the moment of conception. The
first result of reform at this point was that procreation
became a deliberate act. Up till then the method of
propagating the race was the same as that which savages
have carried on during thousands of years, the chief
difference being that whereas savages have frequently
sought to compensate their recklessness by destroying
their inferior offspring, we had accepted all the offspring,
good, bad, and indifferent, produced by our indiscriminate
recklessness, shielding ourselves by a false theology.
Children "came," and their parents disclaimed all
responsibility for their coming. The children were
"sent by God," and if they all turned out to be idiots,
the responsibility was God's. But when it became
generally realized that it was possible to limit offspring
without interfering with conjugal life a step of immense
importance was achieved. It became clear to all that
the Divine force works through us, and that we are not
entitled to cast the burden of our evil actions on any
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
Higher Power. Marriage no longer fatally involved
an endless procession of children who, in so far as they
survived at all, were in a large number of cases doomed
to disease, neglect, misery, and ignorance. The new
Social Hygiene was for the first time rendered possible.</p>

<p>It was in France during the first half of the nineteenth
century that the control of reproduction first began to
become a social habit. In Sweden and in Denmark,
the fall in the birth-rate, though it has been irregular,
may be said to have begun in 1860. It was not until
about the year 1876 that, in so far as we may judge by
the arrest of the birth-rate, the movement began to
spread to Europe generally. In England it is usual
to associate this change with a famous prosecution
which brought a knowledge of the means of preventing
conception to the whole population of Great Britain.
Undoubtedly this prosecution was an important factor
in the movement, but we cannot doubt that, even if the
prosecution had not taken place, the course of social
progress must still have pursued the same course. It
is noteworthy that it was about this same period, in
various European countries, that the tide turned, and
the excessively high birth-rate began to fall.
<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Recklessness
was giving place to foresight and self-control.
Such foresight and self-control are of the essence of
civilization.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
It cannot be disputed that the transformation by
which the propagation of the race became deliberate
and voluntary has not been established in social custom
without a certain amount of protestation from various
sides. No social change, however beneficial, ever is
established without such protestation, which may,
therefore, be regarded as an inevitable and probably
a salutary part of social change. Even some would-be
scientific persons, with a display of elaborate statistics,
set forth various alarmistic doctrines. If, said these
persons, this new movement goes on at the present
pace, and if all other conditions remain unchanged,
then all sorts of terrible results will ensue. But the
alarming conclusion failed to ensue, and for a very
sufficient reason. The assumed premises of the argument
were unsound. Nothing ever goes on at the same pace,
nor do all other conditions ever remain unchanged.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
The world is a living fire, as Heraclitus long ago put it.
All things are in perpetual flux. Life is a process of
perpetual movement. It is idle to bid the world stand
still, and then to argue about the consequences. The
world will not stand still, it is for ever revolving, for
ever revealing some new facet that had not been allowed
for in the neatly arranged mechanism of the statistician.</p>

<p>It is perhaps unnecessary to dwell on a point which
is now at last, one may hope, becoming clear to most
intelligent persons. But I may perhaps be allowed
to refer in passing to an argument that has been brought
forward with the wearisome iteration which always
marks the progress of those who are feeble in argument.
The good stocks of upper social class are decreasing in
fertility, it is said; the bad stocks of lower social class
are not decreasing; therefore the bad stocks are tending
to replace the good stocks.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
It must, however, be pointed out that, even assuming
that the facts are as stated; it is a hazardous assumption
that the best stocks are necessarily the stocks of high
social class. In the main no doubt this is so, but good
stocks are nevertheless so widely spread through all
classes&mdash;such good stocks in the lower social classes
being probably the most resistent to adverse conditions&mdash;that
we are not entitled to regard even a slightly greater
net increase of the lower social classes as an unmitigated
evil. It may be that, as Mercier has expressed it, "we
have to regard a civilized community somewhat in the
light of a lamp, which burns at the top and is replenished
from the bottom."<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>

<p>The soundness of a stock, and its aptitude for performing
efficiently the functions of its own social sphere,
cannot, indeed, be accurately measured by any tendency
to rise into a higher social sphere. On the whole, from
generation to generation, the men of a good stock remain
within their own social sphere, whether high or low,
adequately performing their functions in that sphere,
from generation to generation. They remain, we may
say, in that social stratum of which the specific gravity
is best suited for their existence.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>



<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
Yet, undoubtedly, from time to time, there is a slight
upward social tendency, due in most cases to the exceptional
energy and ability of some individual who
succeeds in permanently lifting his family into a slightly
higher social stratum.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Such a process has always
taken place, in the past even more conspicuously than
in the present. The Normans who came over to England
with William the Conqueror and constituted the proud
English nobility were simply a miscellaneous set of
adventurers, professional fighting men, of unknown,
and no doubt for the most part undistinguished, lineage.
William the Conqueror himself was the son of a woman
of the people. The Catholic Church founded no families,
but its democratic constitution opened a career to men of
all classes, and the most brilliant sons of the Church
were often of the lowliest social rank. We should not,
therefore, say that the bad stocks are replacing the good
stocks. There is not the slightest evidence for any such
theory. All that we are entitled to say is that when
in the upward progression of a community the vanishing
point of culture and refinement is attained the bearers
of that culture and refinement die off as naturally and
inevitably as flowers in autumn, and from their roots
spring up new and more vigorous shoots to replace
them and to pass in their turn through the same stages,
with that perpetual slight novelty in which lies the secret
of life, as well as of art. An aristocracy which is merely
an aristocracy because it is "old"&mdash;whether it is an
aristocracy of families, or of races, or of species&mdash;has
already ceased to be an aristocracy in any sound meaning
of the term. We need not regret its disappearance.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
Do not, therefore, let us waste our time in crying
over the dead roses of the summer that is past. There
is something morbid in the perpetual groaning over
that inevitable decay which is itself a part of all life.
Such a perpetual narrow insistence on one aspect of
life is scarcely sane. One suspects that these people
are themselves of those stocks over whose fate they
grieve. Let us, therefore, mercifully leave them to
manure their dead roses in peace. They will soon be
forgotten. The world is for ever dying. The world is
also for ever bursting with life. The spring song of <i>Sursum
corda</i> easily overwhelms the dying autumnal wails of
the <i>Dies Ir&aelig;</i>.</p>

<p>It would thus appear that, even apart from any
deliberate restraint from procreation, as a family attains
the highest culture and refinement which civilization
can yield, that family tends to die out, at all events
in the male line.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
This is, for instance, the result which
Fahlbeck has reached in his valuable demographic
study of the Swedish nobility, <i>Der Adel Schwedens</i>.
"Apparently," says Fahlbeck, "the greater demands
on nervous and intellectual force which the culture and
refinement of the upper classes produce are chiefly
responsible for this. For these are the two personal
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
factors by which those classes are distinguished from the
lower classes: high education and refinement in tastes
and habits. The first involves predominant activity
of the brain, the last a heightened sensitiveness in all
departments of nervous life. In both respects, therefore,
there is increased work for the nervous system,
and this is compensated in the other vital functions,
especially reproduction. Man cannot achieve everything;
what he gains on one side he loses on the other." We
should do well to hold these wise words in mind when
we encounter those sciolists who in the presence of the
finest and rarest manifestations of civilizations, can
only talk of race "decay." A female salmon, it is
estimated, lays about nine hundred eggs for every pound
of her own weight, and she may weigh fifty pounds.
The progeny of Shakespeare and Goethe, such as it was,
disappeared in the very centuries in which these great
men themselves died. At the present stage of civilization
we are somewhat nearer to Shakespeare and Goethe than
to the salmon. We must set our ideals towards a very
different direction from that which commends itself to
our Salmonidian sciolists. "Increase and multiply"
was the legendary injunction uttered on the threshold
of an empty world. It is singularly out of place in an
age in which the earth and the sea, if not indeed
the very air, swarm with countless myriads of undistinguished
and indistinguishable human creatures, until
the beauty of the world is befouled and the glory of the
Heavens bedimmed. To stem back that tide is the task
now imposed on our heroism, to elevate and purify and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
refine the race, to introduce the ideal of quality in place
of the ideal of quantity which has run riot so long,
with the results we see. "As the Northern Saga tells
that Odin must sacrifice his eye to attain the higher
wisdom," concludes Fahlbeck, "so Man also, in order
to win the treasures of culture and refinement, must
give not only his eye but his life, if not his own life that
of his posterity."<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
The vulgar aim of reckless racial
fertility is no longer within our reach and no longer
commends itself as worthy. It is not consonant with
the stage of civilization we are at the moment passing
through. The higher task is now ours of the regeneration
of the race, or, if we wish to express that betterment
less questionably, the aggeneration of the race.
<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
The control of reproduction, we see, essential as it
is, cannot by itself carry far the betterment of the race,
because it involves no direct selection of stocks. Yet
we have to remember that though this control, with
the limitation of offspring it involves, fails to answer
all the demands which Social Hygiene to-day makes
of us, it yet achieves much. It may not improve what
we abstractly term the "race," but it immensely improves
the individuals of which the race is made up.
Thus the limitation of the family renders it possible
to avoid the production of undesired children. That
in itself is an immense social gain, because it tends to
abolish excessive infantile mortality.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> It means that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
adequate care will be expended upon the children that
are produced, and that no children will be produced
unless the parents are in a position to provide for them.
<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
Even the mere spacing out of the children in a family,
the larger interval between child-births, is a very great
advantage. The mother is no longer exhausted by
perpetually bearing, suckling, and tending babies, while
the babies themselves are on the average of better
quality.<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
Thus the limitation of offspring, far from being
an egoistic measure, as some have foolishly supposed,
is imperatively demanded in the altruistic interests of
the individuals composing the race.</p>

<p>But the control of reproduction, enormously beneficial
as it is even in its most elementary shapes, mainly concerns
us here because it furnishes the essential condition
for the development of Social Hygiene. The control
of reproduction renders possible, and leads on to, a wise
selection in reproduction. It is only by such selection
of children to be born that we can balance our indiscriminate
care in the preservation of all children that are
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
born, a care which otherwise would become an intolerable
burden. It is only by such selection that we can work
towards the elimination of those stocks which fail to
help us in the tasks of our civilization to-day. It is
only by such selection that we can hope to fortify the
stocks that are fitted for these tasks. More than two
centuries ago Steele playfully suggested that "one might
wear any passion out of a family by culture, as skilful
gardeners blot a colour out of a tulip that hurts its
beauty."<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
The progress of civilization, with the self-control
it involves, has made it possible to accept this
suggestion seriously.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
The difference is that whereas
the flowers of our gardens are bettered only by the
control of an arbitrary external will and intelligence,
our human flowers may be bettered by an intelligence
and will, a finer sense of responsibility, developed within
themselves. Thus it is that human culture renders
possible Social Hygiene.</p>



<p>Three centuries ago an inspired monk set forth his
ideal of an ennobled world in <i>The City of the Sun</i>. Campanella
wrote that prophetic book in prison. But his
spirit was unfettered, and his conception of human
society, though in daring it outruns all the visions
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
we may compare it with, is yet on the lines along which
our civilization lies. In the City of the Sun not only
was the nobility of work, even mechanical work,&mdash;which
Plato rejected and More was scarcely conscious of,&mdash;for
the first time recognized, but the supreme impulse
of procreation was regarded as a sacred function, to be
exercised in the light of scientific knowledge. It was a
public rather than a private duty, because it concerned
the interests of the race; only valorous and high-spirited
men ought to procreate, and it was held that the father
should bear the punishments inflicted on the son for
faults due to his failure by defects in generation.
<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Moreover,
while unions not for the end of procreation were
in the City of the Sun left to the judgment of the individuals
alone concerned, it was not so with unions
for the end of procreation. These were arranged by
the "great Master," a physician, aided by the chief
matrons, and the public exercises of the youths and
maidens, performed in a state of nakedness, were of
assistance in enabling unions to be fittingly made. No
eugenist under modern conditions of life proposes that
unions should be arranged by a supreme medical public
official, though he might possibly regard such an official,
if divested of any compulsory powers, a kind of public
trustee for the race, as a useful institution. But it is
easy to see that the luminous conception of racial
betterment which, since Galton rendered it practicable,
is now inspiring social progress, was already burning
brightly three centuries ago in the brain of this imprisoned
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
Italian monk. Just as Thomas More has been called
the father of modern Socialism, so Campanella may be
said to be the prophet of modern Eugenics.</p>

<p>By "Eugenics" is meant the scientific study of
all the agencies by which the human race may be improved,
and the effort to give practical effect to
those agencies by conscious and deliberate action in
favour of better breeding. Even among savages eugenics
may be said to exist, if only in the crude and unscientific
practice of destroying feeble, deformed, and abnormal
infants at birth. In civilized ages elaborate and more
or less scientific attempts are made by breeders of animals
to improve the stocks they breed, and their efforts have
been crowned with much success. The study of the
same methods in their bearing on man proceeded out
of the Darwinian school of biology, and is especially
associated with the great name of Sir Francis Galton,
the cousin of Darwin. Galton first proposed to call
this study "Stirpiculture." Under that name it inspired
Noyes, the founder of the Oneida Community,
with the impulse to carry it into practice with a thoroughness
and daring&mdash;indeed a similarity of method&mdash;which
caused Oneida almost to rival the City of the Sun.
But the scheme of Noyes, excellent as in some respects it
was as an experiment, outran both scientific knowledge
and the spirit of the times. It was not countenanced
by Galton, who never had any wish to offend general
sentiment, but sought to win it over to his side, and
before 1880 the Oneida Community was brought to
an end in consequence of the antagonism it aroused.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
Galton continued to develop his conceptions slowly
and cautiously, and in 1883, in his <i>Inquiries into Human
Faculty</i>, he abandoned the term "Stirpiculture" and
devised the term "Eugenics," which is now generally
adopted to signify Good Breeding.</p>

<p>Galton was quite well aware that the improved breeding
of men is a very different matter from the improved
breeding of animals, requiring a different knowledge
and a different method, so that the ridicule which has
sometimes been ignorantly flung at Eugenics failed to
touch him. It would be clearly undesirable to breed
men, as animals are bred, for single points at the sacrifice
of other points, even if we were in a position to breed
men from outside. Human breeding must proceed from
impulses that arise, voluntarily, in human brains and
wills, and are carried out with a human sense of personal
responsibility. Galton believed that the first need was the
need of knowledge in these matters. He was not anxious
to invoke legislation.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The compulsory presentation of
certificates of health and good breeding as a preliminary
to marriage forms no part of Eugenics, nor is compulsory
sterilization a demand made by any reasonable eugenist.
Certainly the custom of securing certificates of health
and ability is excellent, not only as a preliminary to
marriage, but as a general custom. Certainly, also,
there are cases in which sterilization is desirable, if
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
voluntarily accepted.<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>
But neither certification nor
sterilization should be compulsory. They only have
their value if they are intelligent and deliberate, springing
out of a widened and enlightened sense of personal
responsibility to society and to the race.</p>

<p>Eugenics constitutes the link between the Social
Reform of the past, painfully struggling to improve the
conditions of life, and the Social Hygiene of the future,
which is authorized to deal adequately with the conditions
of life because it has its hands on the sources
of life. On this plane we are able to concentrate our
energies on the finer ends of life, because we may reasonably
expect to be no longer hampered by the ever-increasing
burdens which were placed upon us by the
failure to control life; while the more we succeed in
our efforts to purify and strengthen life, the more magnificent
become the tasks we may reasonably hope to
attempt and compass.</p>

<p>A problem which is often and justly cited as one to
be settled by Eugenics is that presented by the existence
among us of the large class of the feeble-minded. No
doubt there are some who would regret the disappearance
of the feeble-minded from our midst. The philosophies
of the Bergsonian type, which to-day prevail so widely,
place intuition above reason, and the "pure fool" has
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
sometimes been enshrined and idolized. But we may
remember that Eugenics can never prevent absolutely
the occurrence of feeble-minded persons, even in the
extreme degree of the imbecile and the idiot.
<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> They
come within the range of variation, by the same right
as genius so comes. We cannot, it may be, prevent the
occurrence of such persons, but we can prevent them
from being the founders of families tending to resemble
themselves. And in so doing, it will be agreed by most
people, we shall be effecting a task of immense benefit
to society and the race.</p>

<p>Feeble-mindedness is largely handed on by heredity.
It was formerly supposed that idiocy and feeble-mindedness
are mainly due to environmental conditions, to
the drink, depravity, general disease, or lack of nutrition
of the parents, and there is no doubt an element of truth
in that view. But serious and frequent as are the results
of bad environment and acquired disease in the parentage
of the feeble-minded, they do not form the fundamental
factor in the production of the feeble-minded.
<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
Feeble-mindedness is essentially a germinal variation,
belonging to the same large class as all other biological
variations, occurring, for the most part, in the first
place spontaneously, but strongly tending to be inherited.
It thus resembles congenital cataract, deaf-mutism,
the susceptibility to tuberculous infection, etc.
<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p>

<p>Exact investigation is now showing that feeble-mindedness
is passed on from parent to child to an
enormous extent. Some years ago Ashby, speaking
from a large experience in the North of England, estimated
that at least seventy-five per cent of feeble-minded
children are born with an inherited tendency
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
to mental defect. More precise investigation has since
shown that this estimate was under the mark. Tredgold,
who in England has most carefully studied the
heredity of the feeble-minded,
<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
found that in over
eighty-two per cent cases there is a bad nervous inheritance.
In a large number of cases the bad heredity
was associated with alcoholism or consumption in the
parentage, but only in a small proportion of cases (about
seven per cent) was it probable that alcoholism and
consumption alone, and usually combined, had sufficed
to produce the defective condition of the children,
while environmental conditions only produced mental
defect in ten per cent cases.
<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
Heredity is the chief
cause of feeble-mindedness, and a normal child is never
born of two feeble-minded parents. The very thorough
investigation of the heredity of the feeble-minded which
is now being carried on at the institution for their care
at Vineland, New Jersey, shows even more decisive
results. By making careful pedigrees of the families
to which the inmates at Vineland belong it is seen that
in a large proportion of cases feeble-mindedness is handed
on from generation to generation, and is traceable
through three generations, though it sometimes skips
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
a generation. In one family of three hundred and nineteen
persons, one hundred and nineteen were known to
be feeble-minded, and only forty-two known to be normal.
The families tended to be large, sometimes very large,
most of them in many cases dying in infancy or growing
up weak-minded.
<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>

<p>Not only is feeble-mindedness inherited, and to a
much greater degree than has hitherto been suspected
even by expert authorities, but the feeble-minded
thus tend (though, as Davenport and Weeks have found,
not invariably) to have a larger number of children than
normal people. That indeed, we might expect, apart
altogether from the question of any innate fertility. The
feeble-minded have no forethought and no self-restraint.
They are not adequately capable of resisting their
own impulses or the solicitations of others, and they are
unable to understand adequately the motives which guide
the conduct of ordinary people. The average number
of children of feeble-minded people seems to be frequently
about one-third more than in normal families, and is
sometimes much greater. Dr. Ettie Sayer, when investigating
for the London County Council the family
histories of one hundred normal families and one hundred
families in which mentally defective children had been
found, ascertained that the families of the latter averaged
7.6 children, while in the normal families they averaged 5.
Tredgold, specially investigating 150 feeble-minded cases,
found that they belonged to families in which 1269
children had been born, that is to say 7.3 per family,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
or, counting still-born children, 8.4. Nearly two-thirds
of these abnormally large families were mentally defective,
many showing a tendency to disease, pauperism, criminality,
or else to early death.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>
</p>

<p>Here, indeed, we have a counterbalancing influence,
for, in the large families of the feeble-minded, there is a
correspondingly large infantile mortality. A considerable
proportion of Tredgold's group of children were born dead,
and a very large number died early. Eichholz, again,
found that, in one group of defective families, about
sixty per cent of the children died young. That is
probably an unusually high proportion, and in Eichholz's
cases it seems to have been associated with very unusually
large families, but the infant mortality is always
very high.</p>

<p>This large early mortality of the offspring of the
feeble-minded is, however, very far from settling the
question of the disposal of the mentally defective, or
we should not find families of them propagated from
generation to generation. The large number who die
early merely serves, roughly speaking, to reduce the
size of the abnormal family to the size of a normal
family, and some authorities consider that it scarcely
suffices to do this, for we must remember that there
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
is a considerable mortality even in the so-called
normal family during early life. Even when there
is no abnormal fertility in the defective family
we may still have to recognize that, as Davenport
and Weeks argue, their defectiveness is intensified by
heredity. Moreover, we have to consider the social
disorder and the heavy expense which accompany
the large infantile mortality. Illegitimacy is frequently
the result of feeble-mindedness, since feeble-minded
women are peculiarly unable to resist temptation. A
great number of such women are continually coming
into the workhouses and giving birth to illegitimate
children whom they are unable to support, and who
often never become capable of supporting themselves,
but in their turn tend to produce a new feeble-minded
generation, more especially since the men who are
attracted to these feeble-minded women are themselves&mdash;according
to the generally recognized tendency of the
abnormal to be attracted to the abnormal&mdash;feeble-minded
or otherwise mentally defective. There is thus
generated not only a heavy financial burden, but also
a perpetual danger to society, and, it may well be, a
serious depreciation in the quality of the community.
<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>

<p>It is not only in themselves that the feeble-minded
are a burden on the present generation and a menace
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
to future generations. In large measure they form
the reservoir from which the predatory classes are
recruited. This is, for instance, the case as regards
prostitutes. Feeble-minded girls, of fairly high grade,
may often be said to be predestined to prostitution
if left to themselves, not because they are vicious, but
because they are weak and have little power of resistance.
They cannot properly weigh their actions against the
results of their actions, and even if they are intelligent
enough to do that, they are still too weak to regulate
their actions accordingly. Moreover, even when, as
often happens among the high-grade feeble-minded,
they are quite able and willing to work, after they have
lost their "respectability" by having a child, the opportunities
for work become more restricted, and they drift
into prostitution. It has been found that of nearly
15,000 women who passed through Magdalen Homes
in England, over 2500, or more than sixteen per cent&mdash;and
this is probably an under-estimate&mdash;were definitely
feeble-minded. The women belonging to this feeble-minded
group were known to have added 1000 illegitimate
children to the population. In Germany Bonhoeffer
found among 190 prostitutes who passed through a
prison that 102 were hereditarily degenerate and 53
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
feeble-minded. This would be an over-estimate as
regards average prostitutes, though the offences were
no doubt usually trivial, but in any case the association
between prostitution and feeble-mindedness is intimate.
Everywhere, there can be no doubt, the ranks of prostitution
contain a considerable proportion of women who
were, at the very outset, in some slight degree feeble-minded,
mentally and morally a little blunted through
some taint of inheritance.<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>


<p>Criminality, again, is associated with feeble-mindedness
in the most intimate way. Not only do criminals
tend to belong to large families, but the families that
produce feeble-minded offspring also produce criminals,
while a certain degree of feeble-mindedness is extremely
common among criminals, and the most hopeless and
typical, though fortunately rare, kind of criminal,
frequently termed a "moral imbecile," is nothing more
than a feeble-minded person whose defect is shown not
so much in his intelligence as in his feelings and his
conduct. Sir H.B. Donkin, who speaks with authority
on this matter, estimates that, though it is difficult
to obtain the early history of the criminals who enter
English prisons, about twenty per cent of them are
of primarily defective mental capacity. This would
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
mean that every year some 35,000 feeble-minded persons
are sent to English prisons as "criminals." The tendency
of criminals to belong to the feeble-minded class is
indeed every day becoming more clearly recognized.
At Pentonville, putting aside prisoners who were too
mentally affected to be fit for prison discipline, eighteen
per cent of the adult prisoners and forty per cent of the
juvenile offenders were found to be feeble-minded. This
includes only those whose defect is fairly obvious, and
is not the result of methodical investigation. It is
certain that such methodical inquiry would reveal
a very large proportion of cases of less obvious mental
defect. Thus the systematic examination of a number
of delinquent children in an Industrial School showed
that in seventy-five per cent cases they were defective
as compared to normal children, and that their defectiveness
was probably inborn. Even the possession of a
considerable degree of cunning is no evidence against
mental defect, but may rather be said to be a sign of it,
for it shows an intelligence unable to grasp the wider
relations of life, and concentrated on the gratification
of petty and immediate desires. Thus it happens that
the cunning of criminals is frequently associated with
almost inconceivable stupidity.
<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>


<p>Closely related to the great feeble-minded class,
and from time to time falling into crime, are the inmates
of workhouses, tramps, and the unemployable. The
so-called "able-bodied" inmates of the workhouses
are frequently found, on medical examination, to be,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
in more than fifty per cent cases, mentally defective,
equally so whether they are men or women. Tramps,
by nature and profession, who overlap the workhouse
population, and are estimated to number 20,000 to 30,000
in England and Wales, when the genuine unemployed
are eliminated, are everywhere found to be a very degenerate
class, among whom the most mischievous kinds
of feeble-mindedness and mental perversion prevail.
Inebriates, the people who are chronically and helplessly
given to drink, largely belong to the same great family,
and do not so much become feeble-minded because
they drink, but possess the tendency to drink because
they have a strain of feeble-mindedness from birth.
Branthwaite, the chief English authority on this question,
finds that of the inebriates who come to his notice,
putting aside altogether the group of actually insane
persons, about sixty-three per cent are mentally defective,
and scarcely more than a third of the whole number of
average mental capacity. It is evident that these people,
even if restored to sobriety, would still retain their more
or less inborn defectiveness, and would remain equally,
unfit to become the parents of the coming generation.</p>

<p>These are the kind of people&mdash;tramps, prostitutes,
paupers, criminals, inebriates, all tending to be born
a little defective&mdash;who largely make up the great degenerate
families whose histories are from time to time
recorded. Such a family was that of the Jukes in America,
who, in the course of five generations, by constantly
intermarrying with bad stocks, produced 709 known
descendants who were on the whole unfit for society,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
and have been a constant danger and burden to society.
<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>
A still larger family of the same kind, more recently
studied in Germany, consisted of 834 known persons,
all descended from a drunken vagabond woman, probably
somewhat feeble-minded but physically vigorous. The
great majority of these descendants were prostitutes,
tramps, paupers, and criminals (some of them murderers),
and the direct cost in money to the Prussian State
for the keep and care of this woman and her family
has been a quarter of a million pounds. Yet another
such family is that of the "Zeros." Three centuries
ago they were highly respectable people, living in a
Swiss valley. But they intermarried with an insane
stock, and subsequently married other women of an
unbalanced nature. In recent times 310 members of
this family have been studied, and it is found that
vagrancy, feeble-mindedness, mental troubles, criminality,
pauperism, immorality are, as it may be termed, their
patrimony.<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>

<p>These classes, with their tendency to weak-mindedness,
their inborn laziness, lack of vitality, and unfitness
for organized activity, contain the people who
complain that they are starving for want of work, though
they will never perform any work that is given them.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
Feeble-mindedness is an absolute dead-weight on the
race. It is an evil that is unmitigated. The heavy
and complicated social burdens and injuries it inflicts
on the present generation are without compensation,
while the unquestionable fact that in any degree it is
highly inheritable renders it a deteriorating poison
to the race; it depreciates the quality of a people.
The task of Social Hygiene which lies before us cannot
be attempted by this feeble folk. Not only can they
not share it, but they impede it; their clumsy hands
are for ever becoming entangled in the delicate mechanism
of our modern civilization. Their very existence is
itself an impediment. Apart altogether from the gross
and obvious burden in money and social machinery
which the protection they need, and the protection we
need against them, casts upon the community,
<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> they
dilute the spiritual quality of the community to a degree
which makes it an inapt medium for any high achievement.
It matters little how small a city or a nation
is, provided the spirit of its people is great. It is the
smallest communities that have most powerfully and
most immortally raised the level of civilization, and
surrounded the human species (in its own eyes) with
a halo of glory which belongs to no other species. Only
a handful of people, hemmed in on every side, created
the eternal radiance of Athens, and the fame of the
little city of Florence may outlive that of the whole
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
kingdom of Italy. To realize this truth in the future
of civilization is one of the first tasks of Social Hygiene.
<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>

<p>It is here that the ideals of Eugenics may be expected
to work fruitfully. To insist upon the power of heredity
was once considered to indicate a fatalistic pessimism.
It wears a very different aspect nowadays, in the light
of Eugenics. "To the eugenist," as Davenport observes,
"heredity stands as the one great hope of the human
race: its saviour from imbecility, poverty, disease, immorality."
<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
We cannot, indeed, desire any compulsory
elimination of the unfit or any centrally regulated breeding
of the fit.<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>
Such notions are idle, and even the mere fact
that unbalanced brains may air them abroad tends to
impair the legitimate authority of eugenic ideals. The
two measures which are now commonly put forward
for the attainment of eugenic ends&mdash;health certificates
as a legal preliminary to marriage and the sterilization
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
of the unfit&mdash;are excellent when wisely
applied, but they become mischievous, if not ridiculous,
in the hands of fanatics who would employ them by
force. Domestic animals may be highly bred from outside,
compulsorily. Man can only be bred upwards from
within through the medium of his intelligence and will,
working together under the control of a high sense of
responsibility. The infinite cunning of men and women
is fully equal to the defeat of any attempt to touch life
at this intimate point against the wish of those to whom
the creation of life is entrusted. The laws of marriage
even among savages have often been complex and
strenuous in the highest degree. But it has been easy
to bear them, for they have been part of the sacred
and inviolable traditions of the race; religion lay behind
them. And Galton, who recognized the futility of mere
legislation in the elevation of the race, believed that the
hope of the future lies in rendering eugenics a part of
religion. The only compulsion we can apply in eugenics
is the compulsion that comes from within. All those in
whom any fine sense of social and racial responsibility
is developed will desire, before marriage, to give, and to
receive, the fullest information on all the matters that
concern ancestral inheritance, while the registration
of such information, it is probable, will become ever
simpler and more a matter of course.
<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> And if he finds
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
that he is not justified in aiding to carry on the race,
the eugenist will be content to make himself, in the
words of Jesus, "a eunuch for the kingdom of Heaven's
sake," whether, under modern conditions, that means
abstention in marriage from procreation, or voluntary
sterilization by operative methods.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> For, as Giddings
has put it, the goal of the race lies, not in the ruthless
exaltation of a super-man, but in the evolution of a super-mankind.
Such a goal can only be reached by resolute
selection and elimination.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p>

<p>The breeding of men lies largely in the hands of women.
That is why the question of Eugenics is to a great extent
one with the woman question. The realization of eugenics
in our social life can only be attained with the realization
of the woman movement in its latest and completest
phase as an enlightened culture of motherhood, in all
that motherhood involves alike on the physical and the
psychic sides. Motherhood on the eugenic basis is a
deliberate and selective process, calling for the highest
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
intelligence as well as the finest emotional and moral
aptitudes, so that all the best energies of a long evolution
of womanhood in the paths of modern culture here find
their final outlet. The breeding of children further
involves the training of children, and since the expansion
of Social Hygiene renders education a far larger and
more delicate task than it has ever been before, the
responsibilities laid upon women by the evolution of
civilization become correspondingly great.</p>

<p>For the men who have been thus born and taught
the tasks imposed by Social Hygiene are in no degree
lighter. They demand all the best qualities of a selectively
bred race from which the mentally and physically weak
have, so far as possible, been bred out. The substitution
of law for war alike in the relations of class to class,
and of nation to nation, and the organization of international
methods of social intercourse between peoples
of different tongues and unlike traditions, are but two
typical examples of the tasks, difficult but imperative,
which Social Hygiene presents and the course of modern
civilization renders insistent. Again, the adequate
adjustment of the claims of the individual and the
claims of the community, each carried to its farthest
point, can but prove an exquisite test of the quality
of any well-bred and well-trained race. It is exactly
in that balancing of apparent opposites, the necessity of
pushing to extremes both opposites, and the consequent
need of cultivating that quality of temperance the Greeks
estimated so highly, that the supreme difficulties of
modern civilization lie. We see these difficulties again
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
in relation to the extension of law. It is desirable and
inevitable that the sphere of law should be extended,
and that the disputes which are still decided by brutal
and unreasoning force should be decided by humane
and reasoning force, that is to say, by law. But, side
by side with this extension of law, it is necessary to wage
a constant war with the law-making tendency, to cherish
an undying resolve to maintain unsullied those sacred
and intimate impulses, all the finest activities of the
moral sphere, which the generalizing hand of law can
only injure and stain.</p>

<p>It is these fascinating and impassioning problems,
every day becoming of more urgent practical importance,
which it is the task of Social Hygiene to solve, having
first created the men and women who are fit to solve
them. It is such problems as these that we are to-day
called upon to illuminate, as far as we may&mdash;it may
not yet be very far&mdash;by the dry light of science.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
 Muralt, <i>Lettres sur les Anglais</i>. Lettre V.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
In the reign of Richard II (1388) an Act was passed for "the
punishment of those which cause corruption near a city or great town
to corrupt the air." A century later (in Henry VII's time) an Act was
passed to prevent butchers killing beasts in walled towns, the preamble
to this Act declaring that no noble town in Christendom should contain
slaughter-houses lest sickness be thus engendered. In Charles II's
time, after the great fire of London, the law provided for the better
paving and cleansing of the streets and sewers. It was, however, in
Italy, as Weyl points out (<i>Geschichte der Sozialen Hygiene im Mittelalter</i>,
at a meeting of the Gesellschaft f&uuml;r Soziale Medizin, May 25, 1905),
that the modern movement of organized sanitation began. In the
thirteenth century the great Italian cities (like Florence and Pistoja)
possessed <i>Codici Sanitarii</i>; but they were not carried out, and when
the Black Death reached Florence in 1348, it found the city altogether
unprepared. It was Venice which, in the same year, first initiated
vigorous State sanitation. Disinfection was first ordained by Gian
Visconti, in Milan, in 1399. The first quarantine station of which we
hear was established in Venice in 1403.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
The rate of infant mortality in England and Wales has decreased
from 149 per 1000 births in 1871-80 to 127 per 1000 births in 1910.
In reference to this remarkable fall which has taken place <i>pari passu</i>
with the fall in the birth-rate, Newsholme, the medical officer to the
Local Government Board, writes: "There can be no reasonable doubt
that much of the reduction has been caused by that 'concentration'
on the mother and the child which has been a striking feature of the
last few years. Had the experience of 1896-1900 held good there would
have been 45,120 more deaths of infants in 1910 than actually occurred."
In some parts of the country, however, where the women go out to
work in factories (as in Lancashire and parts of Staffordshire) the infantile
mortality remains very high.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
Mrs. Bertrand Russell, "The Ghent School for Mothers," <i>Nineteenth
Century</i>, December, 1906.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
It is scarcely necessary to say that other classifications of social
reform on its more hygienic side may be put forward. Thus W.H.
Allen, looking more narrowly at the sanitary side of the matter, but
without confining his consideration to the nineteenth century, finds
that there are always seven stages: (1) that of racial tutelage, when
sanitation becomes conscious and receives the sanction of law; (2) the
introduction of sanitary comfort, well-paved streets, public sewers,
extensive waterworks; (3) the period of commercial sanitation,
when the mercantile classes insist upon such measures as quarantine
and street-cleaning to check the immense ravages of epidemics; (4) the
introduction of legislation against nuisances and the tendency to
extend the definition of nuisance, which for Bracton, in the fourteenth
century, meant an obstruction, and for Blackstone, in the eighteenth,
included things otherwise obnoxious, such as offensive trades and foul
watercourses; (5) the stage of precaution against the dangers incidental
to the slums that are fostered by modern conditions of industry;
(6) the stage of philanthropy, erecting hospitals, model tenements,
schools, etc.; (7) the stage of socialistic sanitation, when the community
as a whole actively seeks its own sanitary welfare, and devotes public
funds to this end.<br /> (W.H. Allen, "Sanitation and Social Progress,"
<i>American Journal of Sociology</i>, March, 1903.)</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
Dr. F. Bushee has pointed out ("Science and Social Progress,"
<i>Popular Science Monthly</i>, September, 1911) that there is a kind of related
progression between science and practice in this matter: "The natural
sciences developed first, because man was first interested in the conquest
of nature, and the simpler physical laws could be grasped at
an early period. This period brought an increase of wealth, but it
was wasteful of human life. The desire to save life led the way
to the study of biology. Knowledge of the physical environment
and of life, however, did not prevent social disease from flourishing,
and did not greatly improve the social condition of a large part of
society. To overcome these defects the social sciences within recent
years have been cultivated with great seriousness. Interest in the
social sciences has had to wait for the enlarged sympathies and the
sense of solidarity which has appeared with the growing interdependence
of dense populations, and these conditions have been dependent
upon the advance of the other sciences. With the cultivation of the
social sciences, the chain of knowledge will be complete, at least so
far as the needs which have already appeared are concerned. For
each group of sciences will solve one or more of the great problems
which man has encountered in the process of development. The
physical sciences will solve the problems of environment, the biological
sciences the problems of life, and the social sciences the problems of
society."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
This exclusive pre-occupation with the improvement of the environment
has been termed Euthenics by Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, who has
written a book with this title, advocating euthenics in opposition to
eugenics.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
Not one of the four stages of social reform already summarized
can be neglected. On the contrary, they all need to be still further
consolidated in a completely national organization of health. I may
perhaps refer to the little book on <i>The Nationalization of Health</i>, in
which, many years ago, I foreshadowed this movement, as well
as to the recent work of Professor Benjamin Moore on the same
subject. The gigantic efforts of Germany, and later of England, to
establish National Insurance systems, bear noble witness to the ardour
with which these two countries, at all events, are moving towards the
desired goal.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
In some countries, however, the decline, although traceable about
1876, only began to be pronounced somewhat later, in Austria in 1883,
in the German Empire, Hungary and Italy in 1885, and in Prussia
in 1886. Most of these countries, though late in following the
modern movement of civilization initiated by France, are rapidly
making their way in the same direction. Thus the birth-rate in Berlin
is already as low as that of Paris ten years ago, although the French
decline began at a very early period. In Norway, again, the decline
was not marked until 1900, but the birth-rate has nevertheless already
fallen as low as that of Sweden, where the fall began very much earlier.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
"Foresight and self-control is, and always must be, the ground
and medium of all Moral Socialism," says Bosanquet (<i>The Civilization
of Christendom</i>, p. 336), using the term "Socialism" in the wide and not
in the economic sense. We see the same civilized growth of foresight
and self-control in the decrease of drunkenness. Thus in England the
number of convictions for drunkenness, while varying greatly in different
parts of the country, is decreasing for the whole country at the
rapid rate of 5000 to 8000 a year, notwithstanding the constant growth
of the population. It is incorrect to suppose that this decrease has any
connection with decreased opportunities for drinking; thus in London
County and in Cardiff the proportion of premises licensed for drinking
is the same, yet while the convictions for drunkenness in 1910 were
in London 83 per 10,000 inhabitants, in Cardiff they were under 6
per 10,000.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a>
Thus Heron finds that in London during the past fifty years there
has been 100 per cent increase in the intensity of the relation between
low social birth and high birth-rate, and that the high birth-rate of
the lower social classes is not fully compensated by their high death-rate
(D. Heron, "On the Relation of Fertility in Man to Social
Status," <i>Drapers' Company Research Memoirs</i>, No. I, 1906). As,
however, Newsholme and Stevenson point out (<i>Journal Royal Statistical
Society</i>, April, 1906, p. 74), the net addition to the population
made by the best social classes is at so very slightly lower a rate than
that made by the poorest class that, even if we consent to let the
question rest on this ground, there is still no urgent need for the
wailings of Cassandra.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>
Sociological Papers</i> of the Sociological Society, 1904, p. 35.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a>
There is a certain profit in studying one's own ancestry. It has
been somewhat astonishing to me to find how very slight are the social
oscillations traceable in a middle-class family and the families it
intermarries with through several centuries. A professional family
tends to form a caste marrying within that caste. An ambitious member
of the family may marry a baronet's daughter, and another, less
pretentious, a village tradesman's daughter; but the general level is
maintained without rising or falling. Occasionally, it happens that the
ambitious and energetic son of a prosperous master-craftsman becomes
a professional man, marries into the professional caste, and
founds a professional family; such a family seems to flourish for some
three generations, and then suddenly fails and dies out in the male
line, while the vigour of the female line is not impaired.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a>
The new social adjustment of a family, it is probable, is always
difficult, and if the change is sudden or extreme, the new environment
may rapidly prove fatal to the family. Lorenz (<i>Lehrbuch der Genealogie</i>,
p. 135) has shown that when a peasant family reaches an upper social
class it dies out in a few generations.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a>
See, on this point, Reibmayr, <i>Entwicklungsgeschichte des Talentes
und Genies</i>, Vol. I, ch. <span class="smcap">vii</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a>
Fahlbeck, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 168.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a>
Regeneration implies that there has been degeneration, and it
cannot be positively affirmed that such degeneration has, on the whole,
occurred in such a manner as to affect the race. Reibmayr (<i>Die
Entwicklungsgeschichte des Talentes und Genies</i>, Bd. I, p. 400) regards
degeneration as a process setting in with urbanization and the tendency
to diminished population; if so, it is but another name for civilization,
and can only be condemned by condemning civilization, whether or
not physical deterioration occurs. The Inter-departmental Commission
on Physical Deterioration held in 1904, in London, concluded that
there are no sufficient statistical or other data to prove that the physique
of the people in the present, as compared with the past, has undergone
any change; and this conclusion was confirmed by the Director-General
of the Army Medical Service. There is certainly good reason
to believe that urban populations (and especially industrial workers in
factories) are inferior in height and weight and general development
to rural populations, and less fit for military or similar service. The
stunted development of factory workers in the East End of London
was noted nearly a century ago, and German military experience
distinctly shows the inferiority of the town-dweller to the country-dweller.
(See e.g. Weyl, <i>Handbuch der Hygiene</i>, Supplement, Bd. IV,
pp. 746 <i>et seq.</i>; <i>Politisch-Anthropologische Revue</i>,
1905, pp. 145 <i>et seq.</i>)
The proportion of German youths fit for military service slowly decreases
every year; in 1909 it was 53.6 per cent, in 1910 only 53 per
cent; of those born in the country and engaged in agricultural or
forest work 58.2 were found fit; of those born in the country and
engaged in other industries, 55.1 per cent; of those born in towns,
but engaged in agricultural or forest work, 56.2 per cent; of those
born in towns and engaged in other industries 47.9 per cent. It is
fairly clear that this deterioration under urban and industrial conditions
cannot properly be termed a racial degeneration. It is, moreover,
greatly improved even by a few months' training, and there is an immense
difference between the undeveloped, feeble, half-starved
recruit from the slums and the robust, broad-shouldered veteran when
he leaves the army. The term "aggeneration"&mdash;not beyond criticism,
though it is free from the objection to "regeneration"&mdash;was proposed
by Prof. Christian von Ehrenfels ("Die Aufsteigende Entwicklung
des Menschen," <i>Politisch-Anthropologische Revue</i>, April, 1903, p. 50).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a>
It is unnecessary to touch here on the question of infant mortality,
which has already been referred to, and will again come in for consideration
in a later chapter. It need only be said that a high birth-rate
is inextricably combined with a high death-rate. The European countries
with the highest birth-rates are, in descending order: Russia,
Bulgaria, Roumania, Servia, and Hungary. The European countries
with the highest death-rates are, in descending order, almost the same:
Russia, Hungary, Spain, Bulgaria, and Servia, It is the same outside
Europe. Thus Chile, with a birth-rate which comes next after Roumania,
has a death-rate that is only second to Russia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a>
Nystr&ouml;m (<i>La Vie Sexuelle</i>, 1910, p. 248) believes that "the time
is coming when it will be considered the duty of municipal authorities,
if they have found by experience or have reason to suspect that children
will be thrown upon the parish, to instruct parents in methods of
preventive conception."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a>
The directly unfavourable influences on the child of too short an
interval between its birth and that of the previous child has been shown,
for instance, by Dr. R.J. Ewart ("The Influence of Parental Age on
Offspring," <i>Eugenics Review</i>, October, 1911). He has found at Middlesbrough
that children born at an interval of less than two years after
the birth of the previous child still show at the age of six a notable
deficiency in height, weight, and intelligence, when compared with
children born after a longer interval, or with first-born children.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a>
<i>Tatler</i>, Vol. II, No. 175, 1709.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a>
"Write Man for Primula, and the stage of the world for that
of the greenhouse," says Professor Bateson (<i>Biological Fact and the
Structure of Society</i>, 1912, p. 9), "and I believe that with a few generations
of experimental breeding we should acquire the power similarly
to determine how the varieties of men should be represented in the
generations that succeed." But Bateson proceeds to point out that our
knowledge is still very inadequate, and he is opposed to eugenics
by Act of Parliament.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a>
E. Solmi, <i>La Citt&agrave; del Sole di Campanella</i>, 1904, p. xxxiv.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a>
Only a year before his death Galton wrote (Preface to <i>Essays in
Eugenics</i>): "The power by which Eugenic reform must chiefly be
effected is that of Popular Opinion, which is amply strong enough for
that purpose whenever it shall be roused."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a>
It may perhaps be necessary to remark that by sterilization is here
meant, not castration, but, in the male vasectomy (and a corresponding
operation in the female), a simple and harmless operation which involves
no real mutilation and no loss of power beyond that of
procreation. See on this and related points, Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies in
the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society," chap.
<span class="smcap">xii</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a>
 The term "feeble-minded" may be used generally to cover all
degrees of mental weakness. In speaking a little more precisely, however,
we have to recognize three main degrees of congenital mental
weakness: <i>feeble-mindedness</i>, in which with care and supervision it is
possible to work and earn a livelihood; <i>imbecility</i>, in which the subject
is barely able to look after himself, and sometimes only has enough
intelligence to be mischievous (the moral imbecile); and <i>idiocy</i>, the
lowest depth of all, in which the subject has no intelligence and no
ability to look after himself. More elaborate classifications are sometimes
proposed. The method of Binet and Simon renders possible
a fairly exact measurement of feeble-mindedness.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a>
Mott (<i>Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry</i>, Vol. V, 1911) accepts
the view that in some cases feeble-mindedness is simply a form of
congenital syphilis, but he points out that feeble-mindedness abounds
in many rural districts where syphilis, as well as alcoholism, is very
rare, and concludes by emphasizing the influence of heredity; the
prevalence of feeble-mindedness in these rural districts is thus due
to the fact that the mentally and physically fit have emigrated to the
great industrial centres, leaving the unfit to procreate the race.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a>
"Whether germinal variations," remarked Dr. R.J. Ryle at a
Conference on Feeble-mindedness (<i>British Medical Journal</i>, October 3,
1911), "be expressed by cleft palate, cataract, or cerebral deficiency of
the pyramidal cells in the brain cortex, they may be produced, and,
when once produced, they are reproduced as readily as the perfected
structure of the face or eye or brain, if the gametes which contain these
potentialities unite to form the ovum. But Nature is not only the
producer. Given a fair field and no favour, natural selection would
leave no problem of the unfit to perplex the mind of man who looks
before and after. This we know cannot be, and we know, too, that
we have no longer the excuse of ignorance to cover the neglect of the
new duties which belong to the present epoch of civilization. We know
now that we have to deal with a growing group in our community
who demand permanent care and control as well for their own sakes
as for the welfare of the community. All are now agreed on the general
principle of segregation, but it is true that something more than this
should be forthcoming. The difficulties of theory are clearing up as
our wider view obtains a firmer grasp of our material, but the difficulties
of practice are still before us." These remarks correspond with the
general results reached by the Royal Commission on the Feeble-minded,
which issued its voluminous facts and conclusions in 1908.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_29">
<span class="label">[29]</span></a> See, for instance, A.F. Tredgold,
<i>Mental Deficiency</i>, 1908.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a>
The investigation of Bezzola showing that the maxima in the conception
of idiots occur at carnival time, and especially at the vintage,
has been held (especially by Forel) to indicate that alcoholism of the
parents at conception causes idiocy in the offspring. It may be so.
But it may also be that the licence of these periods enables the defective
members of the community to secure an amount of sexual activity
which they would be debarred from under normal conditions. In that
case the alcoholism would merely liberate, and not create, the idiocy-producing
mechanism.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Godden,
<i>Eugenics Review</i>, April, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a>
Feeble-mindedness and the other allied variations are not always
exactly repeated in inheritance. They may be transmuted in passing
from father to son, an epileptic father, for instance, having a feeble-minded
child. These relationships of feeble-mindedness have been
clearly brought out in an important investigation by Davenport and
Weeks (<i>Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease</i>, November, 1911),
who have for the first time succeeded in obtaining a large number
of really thorough and precise pedigrees of such cases.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a>
It may be as well to point out once more that the possibility of such
limited depreciation must not be construed into the statement that there
has been any general "degeneration of the race." It maybe added that
the notion that the golden age lay in the past, and that our own age is degenerate
is not confined to a few biometricians of to-day; it has commended
itself to uncritical minds in all ages, even the greatest, as far back
as we can go. Montesquieu referred to this common notion (and attempted
to explain it) in his <i>Pens&eacute;es Diverses</i>: "Men have such a bad opinion
of themselves," he adds, "that they have believed not only that their
minds and souls were degenerate, but even their bodies, and that they
were not so tall as the men of previous ages." It is thus quite logically
that we arrive at the belief that when mankind first appeared, "there
were giants on the earth in those days," and that Adam lived to the
age of nine hundred and thirty. Evidently no syndromes of degenerescence
there!</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a>
The Superintendent of a large State School for delinquent girls in
America (as quoted in the Chicago Vice Commission's Report on <i>The
Social Evil in Chicago</i>, p. 229) says: "The girls who come to us possessed
of normal brain power, or not infected with venereal disease,
we look upon as a prize indeed, and we seldom fail to make a woman
worth while of a really normal girl, whatever her environment has been.
But we have failed in numberless cases where the environment has been
all right, but the girl was born wrong."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a>
See e.g. Havelock Ellis, <i>The Criminal</i>, 4th ed., 1910, chap
<span class="smcap">IV</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a>
R.L. Dugdale, <i>The Jukes</i>, 4th ed., 1910. It is noteworthy that
Dugdale, who wrote nearly forty years ago, was concerned to prove
the influence of bad environment rather than of bad heredity. At that
time the significance of heredity was scarcely yet conceived. It remains
true, however, that bad heredity and bad environment constantly
work together for evil.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a>
 J&ouml;rger, <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Rassen-und Gesellschafts-Biologie</i>, 1905, p. 294.
Criminal families are also recorded by Aubry,
<i>La Contagion du Meutre</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a>
 Even during school life this burden is serious. Mr. Bodey, Inspector
of Schools, states that the defective school child costs three
times as much as the ordinary school child.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>
I have set forth these considerations more fully in a popular form in
<i>The Problem of the Regeneration of the Race</i>, the first of a series of "New
Tracts for the Times," issued under the auspices of the National Council
of Public Morals.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a>
C.B. Davenport, "Euthenics and Eugenics," <i>Popular Science
Monthly</i>, January, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a>
The use of the terms "fit" and "unfit" in a eugenic sense has
been criticized. It is said, for instance, that in a bad environment
it may be precisely the defective classes who are most "fit" to survive.
It is quite true that these terms are not well adapted to resist hyper-critical
attack. The persistence with which they are employed seems,
however, to indicate a certain "survival of the fittest." The terms
"worthy" and "unworthy," which some would prefer to substitute,
are unsatisfactory, for they have moral associations which are misleading.
Galton spoke of "civic worth" in this connection, and very
occasionally used the term "worthy" (with inverted commas), but
he was careful to point out (<i>Essays in Eugenics</i>, p. 35) that in eugenics
"we must leave morals as far as possible out of the discussion, not
entangling ourselves with the almost hopeless difficulties they raise
as to whether a character as a whole is good or bad."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a>
Dr. Toulouse has devoted a whole volume to the results of a minute
personal examination of Zola, the novelist, and another to Poincar&eacute;, the
mathematician. Such minute investigations are at present confined
to men of genius, but some day, perhaps, we shall consider that from
the eugenic standpoint all men are men of genius.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a>
Sterilization for social ends was introduced in Switzerland a few
years ago, in order to enable some persons with impaired self-control
to be set at liberty and resume work without the risk of adding to the
population defective members who would probably be a burden on the
community. It was performed with the consent of the subjects (in
some cases at their urgent request) and their relations, so requiring
no special legislation, and the results are said to be satisfactory. In
some American States sterilization for some classes of defective persons
has been established by statute, but it is difficult to obtain reliable
information as regards the working and the results of such legislation.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a>
When Professor Giddings speaks of the "goal of mankind," it
must, of course, be remembered, he is using a bold metaphor in order
to make his meaning clearer. Strictly speaking, mankind has no
"goals," nor are there any ends in Nature which are not means to
further ends.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="CHAPII" id="CHAPII">II</a></h3>

<h3>THE CHANGING STATUS OF WOMEN
<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></h3>

<blockquote><p>The Origin of the Woman Movement&mdash;Mary Wollstonecraft&mdash;George
Sand&mdash;Robert Owen&mdash;William Thompson&mdash;John Stuart Mill&mdash;The
Modern Growth of Social Cohesion&mdash;The Growth of Industrialism&mdash;Its
Influence in Woman's Sphere of Work&mdash;The Education of
Women&mdash;Co-education&mdash;The Woman Question and Sexual Selection&mdash;Significance
of Economic Independence&mdash;The State Regulation of
Marriage&mdash;The Future of Marriage&mdash;Wilhelm von Humboldt&mdash;Social
Equality of Women&mdash;The Reproduction of the Race as a
Function of Society&mdash;Women and the Future of Civilization.</p></blockquote>


<h4>I</h4>

<p>It was in the eighteenth century, the seed-time of
modern ideas, that our great-grandfathers became
conscious of a discordant break in the traditional
conceptions of women's status. The vague cries of
Justice, Freedom, Equality, which were then hurled
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
about the world, were here and there energetically
applied to women&mdash;notably in France by Condorcet&mdash;and
a new movement began to grow self-conscious
and coherent. Mary Wollstonecraft, after Aphra Behn
the first really noteworthy Englishwoman of letters,
gave voice to this movement in England.</p>

<p>The famous and little-read <i>Vindication of the Rights
of Women</i>, careless and fragmentary as it is, and by no
means so startling to us as to her contemporaries, shows
Mary Wollstonecraft as a woman of genuine insight,
who saw the questions of woman's social condition
in their essential bearings. Her intuitions need little
modification, even though a century of progress has
intervened. The modern advocates of woman's suffrage
have little to add to her brief statement. She is far,
indeed, from the monstrous notion of Miss Cobbe, that
woman's suffrage is the "crown and completion" of
all progress so far as women's movements are concerned.
She looks upon it rather as one of the reasonable conditions
of progress. It is pleasant to turn from the
eccentric energy of so many of the advocates of women's
causes to-day, all engaged in crying up their own particular
nostrum, to the genial many-sided wisdom of
Mary Wollstonecraft, touching all subjects with equal
frankness and delicacy.</p>

<p>The most brilliant and successful exponent of the
new revolutionary ideas&mdash;making Corinne and her
prototype seem dim and ineffectual&mdash;was undoubtedly
George Sand. The badly-dressed woman who earned
her living by scribbling novels, and said to M. du Camp,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
as she sat before him in silence rolling her cigarette,
"Je ne dis rien parceque je suis b&ecirc;te," has exercised
a profound influence throughout Europe, an influence
which, in the Sclavonic countries especially, has helped
to give impetus to the resolution we are now considering.
And this not so much from any definite doctrines that
underlie her work&mdash;for George Sand's views on such
matters varied as much as her political views&mdash;as from
her whole temper and attitude. Her large and rich
nature, as sometimes happens in genius of a high order,
was twofold; on the one hand, she possessed a solid
serenity, a quiet sense of power, the qualities of a <i>bonne
bourgeoise</i>, which found expression in her imperturbable
calm, her gentle look and low voice. And with this was
associated a massive, almost Rabelaisian temperament
(one may catch glimpses of it in her correspondence),
a sane exuberant earthliness which delighted in every
manifestation of the actual world. On the other hand,
she bore within her a volcanic element of revolt, an
immense disgust of law and custom. Throughout her
life George Sand developed her strong and splendid
individuality, not perhaps as harmoniously, but as
courageously and as sincerely as even Goethe.</p>

<p>Robert Owen, who, like Saint-Simon in France,
gave so extraordinary an impulse to all efforts at social
reorganization, and who planted the seed of many
modern movements, could not fail to extend his influence
to the region of sex. A disciple of his, William
Thompson, who still holds a distinguished position in
the history of the economic doctrines of Socialism,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
wrote, under the inspiration of a woman (a Mrs. Wheeler),
and published in 1825, an <i>Appeal of One Half of the Human
Race, Women, against the Pretensions of the Other Half, Men,
to retain them in Political, and thence in Civil and Domestic
Slavery</i>. It is a thorough and logical, almost eloquent,
demand for the absolute social equality of the sexes.
<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p>


<p>Forty years later, Mill, also inspired by a woman,
published his <i>Subjection of Women</i>. However partial
and inadequate it may seem to us, this was at that
day a notable book. Mill's clear vision and feminine
sensibilities gave freshness to his observations regarding
the condition and capacity of women, while his reputation
imparted gravity and resonance to his utterances.
Since then the signs in literature of the breaking up of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
the status of women have become far too numerous
to be chronicled even in a volume. It is enough to have
mentioned here some typical initiatory names. Now,
the movement may be seen at work anywhere, from
Norway to Italy, from Russia to California. The status
which women are now entering places them, not, as in
the old communism, in large measure practically above
men, nor, as in the subsequent period, both practically
and theoretically in subordination to men. It places
them side by side, with like rights and like duties in relation
to society.</p>


<h4>II</h4>

<p>Condorcet, Mary Wollstonecraft, George Sand, Owen,
Mill&mdash;these were feathers on the stream. They indicated
the forces that had their source at the centre of social
life. That historical movement which produced mother-law
probably owed its rise, as well as its fall, to demands
of subsistence and property&mdash;that is, to economic causes.
The decay of the subsequent family system, in which
the whole power is concentrated in the male head,
is being produced by similar causes. The early
communism, and the modes of action and sentiment
which it had produced, still practically persisted long
after the new system had arisen. In the patriarchal
family the woman still had a recognized sphere of work
and a recognized right to subsistence. It was not,
indeed, until the sudden development of the industrial
system, and the purely individualistic economics with
which it was associated, at the beginning of the nineteenth
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
century, that women in England were forced to realize
that their household industries were gone, and that they
must join in that game of competition in which the field
and the rules had alike been chosen with reference to
men alone. The commercial and industrial system,
and the general diffusion of education that has
accompanied it, and which also has its roots in economic
causes, has been the chief motive force in revolutionizing
the status of women; and the epoch of unrestricted
competition on masculine lines has been a necessary
period of transition.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p>

<p>At the present time two great tendencies are visible
in our social organization. On the one hand, the threads
of social life are growing closer, and organization, as
regards the simple and common means of subsistence,
is increasing. On the other hand, as regards the things
that most closely concern the individual person, the
sphere of freedom is being perpetually enlarged. Instead
of every man digging a well for his own use and at his
own free pleasure, perhaps in a graveyard or a cesspool,
we consent to the distribution of water by a central
executive. We have carried social methods so far that,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
instead of producing our own bread and butter, we
prefer to go to a common bakery and dairy. The same
centralizing methods are extending to all those things
of which all have equal need. On the other hand, we
exercise a very considerable freedom of individual
thought. We claim a larger and larger freedom of
individual speech and criticism. We worship any god
we choose, after any fashion we choose. The same
individual freedom is beginning to invade the sexual
relationships. It is extending to all those things in
regard to which civilized men have become so variously
differentiated that they have no equal common needs.
These two tendencies, so far from being antagonistic,
cannot even be carried out under modern conditions
of life except together. It is only by social co-operation
in regard to what is commonly called the physical side
of life that it becomes possible for the individual to
develop his own peculiar nature. The society of the
future is a reasonable anarchy founded on a broad basis
of Collectivism.</p>

<p>It is not our object here to point out how widely
these tendencies affect men, but it is worth while to
indicate some of their bearings on the condition of
women. While genuine productive industries have
been taken out of the hands of women who work under
the old conditions, an increasingly burdensome weight
of unnecessary duties has been laid upon them. Under
the old communistic system, when a large number of
families lived together in one great house, the women
combined to perform their household duties, the cooking
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
being done at a common fire. They had grown up together
from childhood, and combination could be effected
without friction. It is the result of the later system
that the woman has to perform all the necessary household
duties in the most wasteful manner, with least
division of labour; while she has, in addition, to perform
a great amount of unnecessary work, in obedience to
traditional or conventional habits, which make it impossible
even to perform the simple act of dusting the
rooms of a small house in less than perhaps an hour
and a half. She has probably also to accomplish, if
she happens to belong to the middle or upper classes,
an idle round of so-called "social duties." She tries
to escape, when she can afford it, by adopting the apparently
simple expedient of paying other people to
perform these necessary and unnecessary household
duties, but this expedient fails; the "social duties"
increase in the same ratio as the servants increase
and the task of overseeing these latter itself proves
formidable. It is quite impossible for any person under
these conditions to lead a reasonable and wholesome
human life. A healthy life is more difficult to attain
for the woman of the ordinary household than for the
worker in a mine, for he at least, when the work of his
set is over, has two-thirds of the twenty-four hours
to himself. The woman is bound by a thousand Lilliputian
threads from which there seems no escape. She
often makes frantic efforts to escape, but the combined
strength of the threads generally proves too strong.
There can be no doubt that the present household
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
system is doomed; the higher standard of intelligence
demanded from women, the growth of interest in the
problems of domestic economy, the movement for
association of labour, the revolt against the survivals
of barbaric complication in living&mdash;all these, which
are symptoms of a great economic revolution, indicate,
the approach of a new period.</p>

<p>The education of women is an essential part of the
great movement we are considering. Women will shortly
be voters, and women, at all events in England, are
in a majority. We have to educate our mistresses
as we once had to educate our masters. And the word
"education" is here used by no means in the narrow
sense. A woman may be acquainted with Greek and the
higher mathematics, and be as uneducated in the wider
relationships of life as a man in the like case. How
much women suffer from this lack of education may be
seen to-day even among those who are counted as leaders.</p>

<p>There are extravagances in every period of transition.
Undoubtedly a potent factor in bringing about a saner
attitude will be the education of boys and girls together.
The lack of early fellowship fosters an unnatural divergence
of aims and ideals, and a consequent lack of
sympathy. It makes possible those abundant foolish
generalizations by men concerning "women," by women
concerning "men." St. Augustine, at an early period
of his ardent career, conceived with certain friends
the notion of forming a community having goods in
common; the scheme was almost effected when it
was discovered that "those little wives, which some
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[48]</a></span>
already had, and others would shortly have," objected,
and so it fell through. Perhaps the <i>muliercul&aelig;</i> were
right. It is simply a rather remote instance of a fundamental
divergence amply illustrated before our eyes.
If men and women are to understand each other, to enter
into each other's natures with mutual sympathy, and
to become capable of genuine comradeship, the foundation
must be laid in youth. Another wholesome reform,
promoted by co-education, is the physical education
of women. In the case of boys special attention has
generally been given to physical education, and the lack
of it is one among several artificial causes of that chronic
ill-health which so often handicaps women. Women
must have the same education as men, Miss Faithfull
shrewdly observes, because that is sure to be the best.
The present education of boys cannot, however, be
counted a model, and the gradual introduction of co-education
will produce many wholesome reforms. If
the intimate association of the sexes destroys what
remnant may linger of the unhealthy ideal of chivalry&mdash;according
to which a woman was treated as a cross between
an angel and an idiot&mdash;that is matter for rejoicing.
Wherever men and women stand in each other's presence
the sexual instinct will always ensure an adequate ideal
halo.</p>


<h4>III</h4>

<p>The chief question that we have to ask when we
consider the changing status of women is: How will
it affect the reproduction of the race? Hunger and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
love are the two great motor impulses, the ultimate
source, probably, of all other impulses. Hunger&mdash;that
is to say, what we call "economic causes"&mdash;has, because
it is the more widespread and constant, though
not necessarily the more imperious instinct, produced
nearly all the great zoological revolutions, including,
as we have seen, the rise and fall of that phase of human
evolution dominated by mother-law. Yet love has,
in the form of sexual selection, even before we reach
the vertebrates, moulded races to the ideal of the female;
and reproduction is always the chief end of nutrition
which hunger waits on, the supreme aim of life everywhere.</p>

<p>If we place on the one side man, as we know him
during the historical period, and on the other, nearly
every highly organized member of the animal family,
there appears, speaking roughly and generally, a distinct
difference in the relation which these two motor impulses
bear to each other. Among animals generally,
economics are comparatively so simple that it is possible
to satisfy the nutritive instinct without putting any
hard pressure on the spontaneous play of the reproductive
instinct. And nearly everywhere it is the female
who has the chief voice in the establishment of sexual
relationships. The males compete for the favour of
the female by the fascination of their odour, or brilliant
colour, or song, or grace, or strength, as revealed in what
are usually mock-combats. The female is, in these
respects, comparatively unaccomplished and comparatively
passive. With her rests the final decision, and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
only after long hesitation, influenced, it seems, by a
vaguely felt ideal resulting from her contemplation
of the rivals, she calls the male of her choice.
<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> A dim
instinct seems to warn her of the pains and cares of
maternity, so that only the largest promises of pleasure
can induce her to undertake the function of reproduction.
In civilized man, on the other hand, as we know him,
the situation is to some extent reversed; it is the woman
who, by the display of her attractions, competes for the
favour of the man. The final invitation does not come,
as among animals generally, from the female; the decision
rests with the man. It would be a mistake to
suppose that this change reveals the evolution of a
superior method; although it has developed the beauty
of women, it has clearly had its origin in economic
causes. The demands of nutrition have overridden
those of reproduction; sexual selection has, to a large
extent, given place to natural selection, a process clearly
not for the advantage of the race. The changing status
of women, in bestowing economic independence, will
certainly tend to restore to sexual selection its due weight
in human development.</p>

<p>In so doing it will certainly tend also to destroy
prostitution, which is simply one of the forms in which
the merging of sexual selection in natural selection
has shown itself. Wherever sexual selection has free
play, unhampered by economic considerations, prostitution
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
is impossible. The dominant type of marriage
is, like prostitution, founded on economic considerations;
the woman often marries chiefly to earn her living;
here, too, we may certainly expect profound modifications.
We have long sought to preserve our social
balance by placing an unreasonable licence in the one
scale, an equally unreasonable abstinence in the other;
the economic independence of women, tending to render
both extremes unnecessary, can alone place the sexual
relationships on a sound and free basis.</p>

<p>The State regulation of marriage has undoubtedly
played a large and important part in the evolution of
society. At the present time the advantages of this
artificial control no longer appear so obvious (even
when the evidence of the law courts is put aside); they
will vanish altogether when women have attained
complete economic independence. With the disappearance
of the artificial barriers in the way of friendship
between the sexes and of the economic motive to sexual
relationships&mdash;perhaps the two chief forces which now
tend to produce promiscuous sexual intercourse, whether
dignified or not with the name of marriage&mdash;men and
women will be free to engage, unhampered, in the search,
so complicated in a highly civilized condition of society,
for a fitting mate.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
It is probable that this inevitable change will be
brought about partly by the voluntary action of individuals,
and in greater measure by the gradual and
awkward method of shifting and ever freer divorce
laws. The slow disintegration of State-regulated marriage
from the latter cause may be observed now throughout the
United States, where there is, on the whole, a developing
tendency to frequency and facility of divorce. It is
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
clear, however, that on this line marriage will not cease
to be a concern to the State, and it may be as well to
point out at once the important distinction between
State-<i>regulated</i> and State-<i>registered</i> marriage. Sexual
relationships, so long as they do not result in the production
of children, are matters in which the community
has, as a community, little or no concern, but as soon
as a sexual relationship results in the pregnancy of the
woman the community is at once interested. At this
point it is clearly the duty of the State to register the
relationship.<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>

<p>It is necessary to remember that the kind of equality
of the sexes towards which this change of status is leading,
is social equality&mdash;that is, equality of freedom.
It is not an intellectual equality, still less is it likeness.
Men and women can only be alike mentally when they
are alike in physical configuration and physiological
function. Even complete economic equality is not
attainable. Among animals which live in herds under
the guidance of a leader, this leader is nearly always
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
a male; there are few exceptions.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> In woman, the long
period of pregnancy and lactation, and the prolonged
helplessness of her child, render her for a considerable
period of her life economically dependent. On whom
shall she be dependent? This is a question of considerable
moment. According to the old conception of the
family, all the members were slaves producing for the
benefit of the owner, and it was natural that the wife
should be supported by the husband when she is producing
slaves for his service. But this conception is,
as we have seen, no longer possible. It is clearly unfair
also to compel the mother to depend on her own previous
exertions. The reproduction of the race is a social
function, and we are compelled to conclude that it is
the duty of the community, as a community, to provide
for the child-bearer when in the exercise of her social
function she is unable to provide for herself. The woman
engaged in producing a new member, who may be a
source of incalculable profit or danger to the whole
community, cannot fail to be a source of the liveliest
solicitude to everyone in the community, and it was
a sane and beautiful instinct that found expression
of old in the permission accorded to a pregnant woman
to enter gardens and orchards, and freely help herself.
Whether this instinct will ever again be embodied in
a new form, and the reproduction of the race be recognized
as truly a social function, is a question which even yet
lacks actuality. The care of the child-bearer and her
child will at present continue to be a matter for individual
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
arrangement. That it will be arranged much better
than at present we may reasonably hope. On the one
hand, the reckless multiplication of children will probably
be checked; on the other hand, a large body of women
will no longer be shut out from maternity. That the
state should undertake the regulation of the birth-rate
we can scarcely either desire or anticipate. Undoubtedly
the community has an abstract right to limit the number
of its members. It may be pointed out, however, that
under rational conditions of life the process would probably
be self-regulating; in the human races, and also
among animals generally, fertility diminishes as the
organism becomes highly developed. And, without
falling back on any natural law, it may be said that
the extravagant procreation of children, leading to
suffering both to parents and offspring, carried on under
existing social conditions, is largely the result of ignorance,
largely of religious or other superstition. A more developed
social state would not be possible at all unless
the social instincts were strong enough to check the
reckless multiplication of offspring. Richardson and
others appear to advocate the special cultivation of
a class of non-childbearing women. Certainly no woman
who freely chose should be debarred from belonging to
such a class. But reproduction is the end and aim of all
life everywhere, and in order to live a humanly complete
life, every healthy woman should have, not sexual
relationships only, but the exercise at least once in her
life of the supreme function of maternity, and the
possession of those experiences which only maternity
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
can give. That unquestionably is the claim of natural
and reasonable living in the social state towards which
we are moving.</p>

<p>To deal with the social organization of the future
would be to pass beyond the limits that I have here
set myself, and to touch on matters of which it is impossible
to speak with certainty. The new culture
of women, in the light and the open air, will doubtless
solve many matters which now are dark to us. Morgan
supposed that it was in some measure the failure of the
Greeks and Romans to develop their womanhood which
brought the speedy downfall of classic civilization.
The women of the future will help to renew art and
science as well as life. They will do more even than this,
for the destiny of the race rests with women. "I have
sometimes thought," Whitman wrote in his <i>Democratic
Vistas</i>, "that the sole avenue and means to a reconstructed
society depended primarily on a new birth,
elevation, expansion, invigoration of women." That
intuition is not without a sound basis, and if a great
historical movement called for justification here would
be enough.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a>
This chapter was written so long ago as 1888, and published in the
<i>Westminster Review</i> in the following year. I have pleasure in here
including it exactly as it was originally written, not only because it
has its proper place in the present volume, but because it may be
regarded as a programme which I have since elaborated in numerous
volumes. The original first section has, however, been omitted, as it
embodied a statement of the matriarchal theory which, in view of the
difficulty of the subject and the wide differences of opinion about it, I
now consider necessary to express more guardedly (see, for a more recent
statement, Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI,
"Sex in Relation to Society," chap. <span class="smcap">x</span>).
With this exception, and the deletion of two insignificant footnotes, no
changes have been made. After the lapse of a quarter of a century I find
nothing that I seriously wish to withdraw and much that I now wish to
emphasize.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a>
The following passage summarizes this <i>Appeal</i>: "The simple
and modest request is, that they may be permitted equal enjoyments
with men, <i>provided they can, by the free and equal development and
exercise of their faculties, procure for themselves such enjoyments</i>. They
ask the same means that men possess of acquiring every species of
knowledge, of unfolding every one of their faculties of mind and body
that can be made tributary to their happiness. They ask every facility
of access to every art, occupation, profession, from the highest to the
lowest, without one exception, to which their inclinations and talents
may direct and may fit them to occupy. They ask the removal of <i>all</i>
restraints and exclusions not applicable to men of equal capacities.
They ask for perfectly equal political, civil, and domestic rights. They
ask for equal obligations and equal punishments from the law with men
in case of infraction of the same law by either party. They ask for
an equal system of morals, founded on utility instead of caprice and
unreasoning despotism, in which the same action, attended with the
same consequences, whether done by man or woman, should be attended
with the same portion of approbation or disapprobation; in which
every pleasure, accompanied or followed by no preponderant evil,
should be equally permitted to women and to men; in which every
pleasure accompanied or followed by preponderant evil should be
equally censured in women and in men."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a>
A period of transition not the less necessary although it is certainly
disastrous and tends to produce an unwholesome tension between the
sexes so long as men and women do not receive equal payment for equal
work. "A thing of beauty is a joy for ever," as a working man in
Blackburn lately put it, "but when the thing of beauty takes to doing
the work for 16s. a week that you have been paid 22s. for, you do not
feel as if you cannot live without possessing that thing of beauty all to
yourself, or that you are willing to lay your life and your fortune
(when you have one) at its feet." On the other hand, the working girl
in the same town often complains that a man will not look at a girl
unless she is a "four-loom weaver," earning, that is, perhaps, 20s. or
25s. a week.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a>
See the very interesting work of Alfred Espinas, <i>Des Soci&eacute;t&eacute;s
Animales</i>, which contains many fruitful suggestions for the student of
human sociology.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a>
The subtle and complex character of the sexual relationships in a
high civilization, and the unhappy results of their State regulation,
was well expressed by Wilhehm von Humboldt in his <i>Ideen zu einen
Versuch, die Grenzen der Wirksamkeit des Staates zu bestimmen</i>, so long
ago as 1792: "A union so closely allied with the very nature of the
respective individuals must be attended with the most hurtful consequences
when the State attempts to regulate it by law, or, through
the force of its institutions, to make it repose on anything save simple
inclination. When we remember, moreover, that the State can only
contemplate the final results of such regulations on the race, we shall
be still more ready to admit the justice of this conclusion. It may
reasonably be argued that a solicitude for the race only conducts to the
same results as the highest solicitude for the most beautiful development
of the inner man. For after careful observation it has been found
that the uninterrupted union of one man with one woman is most
beneficial to the race, and it is likewise undeniable that no other union
springs from true, natural, harmonious love. And further, it may be
observed that such love leads to the same results as those very relations
which law and custom tend to establish. The radical error seems to be
that the law commands; whereas such a relation cannot mould itself
according to external arrangements, but depends wholly on inclination;
and wherever coercion or guidance comes into collision with inclination,
they divert it still farther from the proper path. Wherefore it appears
to me that the State should not only loosen the bonds in this instance,
and leave ampler freedom to the citizen, but that it should entirely
withdraw its active solicitude from the institution of marriage, and both
generally and in its particular modifications, should rather leave it
wholly to the free choice of the individuals, and the various contracts
they may enter into with respect to it. I should not be deterred from
the adoption of this principle by the fear that all family relations
might be disturbed, for although such a fear might be justified by
considerations of particular circumstances and localities, it could not
fairly be entertained in an inquiry into the nature of men and States
in general. For experience frequently convinces us that just where
law has imposed no fetters, morality most surely binds; the idea of
external coercion is one entirely foreign to an institution which, like
marriage, reposes only on inclination and an inward sense of duty; and
the results of such coercive institutions do not at all correspond to
the intentions in which they originate."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a>
Such register should, as Bertillon rightly insisted, be of the most
complete description&mdash;setting forth all the anthropological traits of
the contracting parties&mdash;so that the characteristics of a human group
at any time and place may be studied and compared. Registration
of this kind would, beside its more obvious convenience, form an almost
indispensable guide to the higher evolution of the race. I may here add
that I have assumed, perhaps too rashly, that the natural tendency
among civilized men and women is towards a monogamic and more or
less permanent union; preceded, it may be in most individuals, by a
more restless period of experiment. Undoubtedly, many variations
will arise in the future, leading to more complex relationships. Such
variations cannot be foreseen, and when they arise they will still have
to prove their stability and their advantage to the race.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a>
As among geese, and, occasionally, it is said, among elephants.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
<a name="CHAPIII" id="CHAPIII"></a></p><h3>III</h3>

<h3>THE NEW ASPECT OF THE WOMAN'S
MOVEMENT</h3>

<blockquote><p>Eighteenth-Century France&mdash;Pioneers of the Woman's Movement&mdash;The
Growth of the Woman's Suffrage Movement&mdash;The Militant
Activities of the Suffragettes&mdash;Their Services and Disservices to
the Cause&mdash;Advantages of Women's Suffrage&mdash;Sex Questions in
Germany&mdash;Bebel&mdash;The Woman's Rights Movement in Germany&mdash;The
Development of Sexual Science in Germany&mdash;the Movement for
the Protection of Motherhood&mdash;Ellen Key&mdash;The Question of
Illegitimacy&mdash;Eugenics&mdash;Women as Law-makers in the Home.</p></blockquote>


<h4>I</h4>

<p>The modern conception of the political equality
of women with men, we have seen, arose in
France in the second half of the eighteenth
century. Its way was prepared by the philosophic
thinkers of the <i>Encyclop&eacute;die</i>, and the idea was definitely
formulated by some of the finest minds of the age,
notably by Condorcet,<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> as part of the great new programme
of social and political reform which was to
some small degree realized in the upheaval of the Revolution.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
The political emancipation of women constituted
no part of the Revolution. It has indeed been
maintained, and perhaps with reason, that the normal
development of the revolutionary spirit would probably
have ended in vanquishing the claim of masculine predominance
if war had not diverted the movement of
revolution by transforming it into the Terror. Even
as it was, the rights of women were not without their
champions even at this period. We ought specially
to remember Olympe de Gouges, whose name is sometimes
dismissed too contemptuously. With all her
defects of character and education and literary style,
Olympe de Gouges, as is now becoming recognized,
was, in her biographer's words, "one of the loftiest and
most generous souls of the epoch," in some respects
superior to Madame Roland. She was the first woman
to demand of the Revolution that it should be logical
by proclaiming the rights of woman side by side with
those of her equal, man, and in so doing she became the
great pioneer of the feminist movement of to-day.
<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> She
owes the position more especially to her little pamphlet,
issued in 1791, entitled <i>D&eacute;claration des Droits de la Femme</i>.
It is this <i>D&eacute;claration</i> which contains the oft-quoted
(or misquoted) saying: "Women have the right to ascend
the scaffold; they must also have the right to ascend
the tribune." Two years later she had herself ascended
the scaffold, but the other right she claimed is only now
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
beginning to be granted to women. At that time there
were too many more pressing matters to be dealt with,
and the only women who had been taught to demand
the rights of their sex were precisely those whom the
Revolution was guillotining or exiling. Even had it
been otherwise, we may be quite sure that Napoleon,
the heir of the Revolution and the final arbiter of what
was to be permanent in its achievements, would have
sternly repressed any political freedom accorded to
women. The only freedom he cared to grant to women
was the freedom to produce food for cannon, and so
far as lay in his power he sought to crush the political
activities of women even in literature, as we see in his
treatment of Mme de Sta&euml;l.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>

<p>An Englishwoman of genius was in Paris at the time
of the Revolution, with as broad a conception of the
place of woman side by side with man as Olympe de
Gouges, while for the most part she was Olympe's superior.
In 1792, a year after the <i>D&eacute;claration des Droits de la
Femme</i>, Mary Wollstonecraft&mdash;it is possible to some extent
inspired by the brief <i>D&eacute;claration</i>&mdash;published her <i>Vindication
of the Rights of Women</i>. It was not a shrill outcry,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
nor an attack on men&mdash;in that indeed resembling
the <i>D&eacute;claration</i>&mdash;but just the book of a woman, a wise
and sensible woman, who discusses many women's
questions from a woman's point of view, and desires
civil and political rights, not as a panacea for all evils,
but simply because, as she argues, humanity cannot
progress as a whole while one half of it is semi-educated
and only half free. There can be little doubt that if
the later advocates of woman's suffrage could have
preserved more of Mary Wollstonecraft's sanity, moderation,
and breadth of outlook, they would have diminished
the difficulties that beset the task of convincing the
community generally. Mary Wollstonecraft was, however,
the inspired pioneer of a great movement which
slowly gained force and volume.<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> During the long
Victorian period the practical aims of this movement
went chiefly into the direction of improving
the education of girls so as to make it, so far as possible,
like that of boys. In this matter an immense revolution
was slowly accomplished, involving the entrance of
women into various professions and employments hitherto
reserved to men. That was a very necessary preliminary
to the extension of the franchise to women. The suffrage
propaganda could not, moreover, fail to benefit by
the better education of women and their increased
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
activity in public life. It was their activity, indeed,
far more than the skill of the women who fought
for the franchise, which made the political emancipation
of women inevitable, and the noble and brilliant women
who through the middle of the nineteenth century recreated
the educational system for women, and so prepared
them to play their proper part in life, were the
best women workers the cause of women's enfranchisement
ever had. There was, however, one distinguished
friend of the emancipation of women whose advocacy
of the cause at this period was of immense value. It
is now nearly half a century since John Stuart Mill&mdash;inspired,
like Thompson, by a woman&mdash;wrote his <i>Subjection
of Women</i>, and it may undoubtedly be said
that since that date no book on this subject published
in any country&mdash;with the single exception of Bebel's
<i>Woman</i>&mdash;has been so widely read or so influential.
The support of this distinguished and authoritative
thinker gave to the woman's movement a stamp of
aristocratic intellectuality very valuable in a land
where even the finest minds are apt to be afflicted by
the disease of timidity, and was doubtless a leading
cause of the cordial reception which in England the
idea of women's political emancipation has long received
among politicians. Bebel's book, speedily translated
into English, furnished the plebeian complement
to Mill's.</p>

<p>The movement for the education of women and their
introduction into careers previously monopolized by
men inevitably encouraged the movement for extending
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
the franchise to women. This political reform was remarkably
successful in winning over the politicians, and
not those of one party only. In England, since Mill published
his <i>Subjection of Women</i> in 1869, there have always
been eminent statesmen convinced of the desirability of
granting the franchise to women, and among the rank
and file of Members of Parliament, irrespective of party,
a very large proportion have pledged themselves to
the same cause. The difficulty, therefore, in introducing
woman's suffrage into England has not been primarily
in Parliament. The one point, at which political party
feeling has caused obstruction&mdash;and it is certainly a
difficult and important point&mdash;is the method by which
woman's suffrage should be introduced. Each party&mdash;Conservative,
Liberal, Labour&mdash;naturally enough desires
that this great new voting force should first be
applied at a point which would not be likely to injure
its own party interests. It is probable that in each
party the majority of the leaders are of opinion that
the admission of female voters is inevitable and perhaps
desirable; the dispute is as to the extent to which the
floodgates should in the first place be opened. In accordance
with English tradition, some kind of compromise,
however illogical, suggests itself as the safest first step,
but the dispute remains as to the exact class of women
who should be first admitted and the exact extent to
which entrance should be granted to them.</p>

<p>The dispute of the gate-keepers would, however,
be easily overcome if the pressure behind the gate were
sufficiently strong. But it is not. However large a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
proportion of the voters in Great Britain may be in
favour of women's franchise, it is certain that only
a very minute percentage regard this as a question
having precedency over all other questions. And the
reason why men have only taken a very temperate
interest in woman's suffrage is that women themselves,
in the mass, have taken an equally temperate interest
in the matter when they have not been actually hostile
to the movement. It may indeed be said, even at the
present time, that whenever an impartial poll is taken
of a large miscellaneous group of women, only a minority
are found to be in favour of woman's suffrage.
<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> No
significant event has occurred to stimulate general
interest in the matter, and no supremely eloquent or
influential voice has artificially stirred it. There has
been no woman of Mary Wollstonecraft's genius and
breadth of mind who has devoted herself to the cause,
and since Mill the men who have made up their minds
on this side have been content to leave the matter to
the women's associations formed for securing the success
of the cause. These associations have, however, been
led by women of a past generation, who, while of unquestionable
intellectual power and high moral character,
have viewed the woman question in a somewhat narrow,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
old-fashioned spirit, and have not possessed the gift
of inspiring enthusiasm. Thus the growth of the movement,
however steady it may have been, has been slow.
John Stuart Mill's remark, in a letter to Bain in 1869,
remains true to-day: "The most important thing
women have to do is to stir up the zeal of women themselves."</p>

<p>In the meanwhile in some other countries where,
except in the United States, it was of much more recent
growth, the woman's suffrage movement has achieved
success, with no great expenditure of energy. It has
been introduced into several American States and Territories.
It is established throughout Australasia. It
is also established in Norway. In Finland women may
not only vote, but also sit in Parliament.</p>

<p>It was in these conditions that the Women's Social
and Political Union was formed in London. It was
not an offshoot from any existing woman's suffrage
society, but represented a crystallization of new elements.
For the most part, even its leaders had not previously
taken any active part in the movement for woman's
suffrage. The suffrage movement had need of exactly
such an infusion of fresh and ardent blood; so that the
new society was warmly welcomed, and met with immediate
success, finding recruits alike among the rich
and the poor. Its unconventional methods, its eager
and militant spirit, were felt to supply a lacking element,
and the first picturesque and dashing exploits of the
Union were on the whole well received. The obvious
sincerity and earnestness of these very fresh recruits
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
covered the rashness of their new and rather ignorant
enthusiasm.</p>

<p>But a hasty excess of ardour only befits a first uncalculated
outburst of youthfulness. It is quite another
matter when it is deliberately hardened into a rigid
routine, and becomes an organized method of creating
disorder for the purpose of advertising a grievance
in season and out of season. Since, moreover, the attack
was directed chiefly against politicians, precisely that
class of the community most inclined to be favourable to
woman's suffrage, the wrong-headedness of the movement
becomes as striking as its offensiveness.</p>

<p>The effect on the early friends of the new movement
was inevitable. Some, who had hailed it with enthusiasm
and proclaimed its pioneers as new Joans of Arc, changed
their tone to expostulation and protest, and finally
relapsed into silence. Other friends of the movement,
even among its former leaders, were less silent. They
have revealed to the world, too unkindly, some of the
influences which slowly corrupt such a movement from
the inside when it hardens into sectarianism: the narrowing
of aim, the increase of conventionality, the jealousy
of rivals, the tendency to morbid emotionalism.</p>

<p>It is easy to exaggerate the misdeeds and the weaknesses
of the suffragettes. It is undoubtedly true that
they have alienated, in an increasing degree, the sympathies
of the women of highest character and best
abilities among the advocates of woman's suffrage.
Nearly all Englishwomen to-day who stand well above
the average in mental distinction are in favour of woman's
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
suffrage, though they may not always be inclined to
take an active part in securing it. Perhaps the only
prominent exception is Mrs. Humphry Ward. Yet
they rarely associate themselves with the methods
of the suffragettes. They do not, indeed, protest, for
they feel there would be a kind of disloyalty in fighting
against the Extreme Left of a movement to which they
themselves belong; but they stand aloof. The women
who are chiefly attracted to the ranks of the suffragettes
belong to three classes: (1) Those of the well-to-do
class with no outlet for their activities, who eagerly
embrace an exciting occupation which has become,
not only highly respectable, but even, in a sense, fashionable;
they have no natural tendency to excess, but are
easily moved by their social environment; some of
these are rich, and the great principle&mdash;once formulated
in an unhappy moment concerning a rich lady interested
in social reform&mdash;"We must not kill the goose that
lays the golden eggs," has never been despised by the
suffragette leaders; (2) the rowdy element among women
which is not so much moved to adopt the methods for
the sake of the cause as to adopt the cause for the sake
of the methods, so that in the case of their special
emotional temperament it may be said, reversing an
ancient phrase, that the means justify the end; this
element of noisy explosiveness, always found in a certain
proportion of women, though latent under ordinary
circumstances, is easily aroused by stimulation, and in
every popular revolt the wildest excesses are the acts
of women. (3) In this small but important group we find
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
women of rare and beautiful character who, hypnotized
by the enthralling influence of an idea, and often having
no great intellectual power of their own, are even unconscious
of the vulgarity that accompanies them,
and gladly sacrifice themselves to a cause that seems
to be sacred; these are the saints and martyrs of every
movement.</p>

<p>When we thus analyse the suffragette outburst we
see that it is really compounded out of quite varied
elements: a conventionally respectable element, a
rowdy element, and an ennobling element. It is, therefore,
equally unreasonable to denounce its vices or to
idealize its virtues. It is more profitable to attempt
to balance its services and its disservices to the cause
of women's suffrage.</p>

<p>Looked at dispassionately, the two main disadvantages
of the suffragette agitation&mdash;and they certainly seem
at the first glance very comprehensive objections&mdash;lie
in its direction and in its methods. There are two
vast bodies of people who require to be persuaded in
order to secure woman's suffrage: first women themselves,
and secondly their men-folk, who at present
monopolize the franchise. Until the majority of both
men and women are educated to understand the justice
and reasonableness of this step, and until men are persuaded
that the time has come for practical action,
the most violent personal assaults on cabinet ministers&mdash;supposing
such political methods to be otherwise
unobjectionable&mdash;are beside the mark. They are aimed
in the wrong direction. This is so even when we leave
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
aside the fact that politicians are sufficiently converted
already. The primary task of women suffragists is
to convert their own sex. Indeed it may be said that
that is their whole task. Whenever the majority of
women are persuaded that they ought to possess the
vote, we may be quite sure that they will communicate
that persuasion to their men-folk who are able to give
them the vote. The conversion of the majority of women
to a belief in women's suffrage is essential to its attainment
because it is only by the influence of the women
who belong to him, whom he knows and loves and respects,
that the average man is likely to realize that,
as Ellen Key puts it, "a ballot paper in itself no more
injures the delicacy of a woman's hand than a cooking
recipe." The antics of women in the street, however
earnest those women may be, only leave him indifferent,
even hostile, at most, amused.</p>

<p>It may be added that in any case it would be undesirable,
even if possible, to bestow the suffrage on
women so long as only a minority have the wish to exercise
it. It would be contrary to sound public policy.
It would not only discredit political rights, but it would
tend to give the woman's vote too narrow and one-sided
a character. To grant women the right to vote
is a different matter from granting women the right to
enter a profession. In order to give women the right
to be doctors or lawyers it is not necessary that women
generally should be convinced of the advantage of such
a step. The matter chiefly concerns the very small
number of women who desire the privilege. But the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
women who vote will be in some measure legislating
for women generally, and it is therefore necessary that
women generally should participate.</p>

<p>But even if it is admitted&mdash;although, as we have
seen, there is a twofold reason for not making such
an admission&mdash;that the suffragettes are justified in
regarding politicians as the obstacles in the way of
their demands, there still remains the question of the
disadvantage of their method. This method is by
some euphemistically described as the introduction
of "nagging" into politics; but even at this mild estimate
of its character the question may still be asked
whether the method is calculated to attain the desired
end. One hears women suffragettes declare that this
is the only kind of argument men understand. There
is, however, in the masculine mind&mdash;and by no means
least when it is British&mdash;an element which strongly
objects to be worried and bullied even into a good course
of action. The suffragettes have done their best to
stimulate that element of obstinacy. Even among
men who viewed the matter from an unprejudiced
standpoint many felt that, necessary as woman's suffrage
is, the policy of the suffragettes rendered the moment
unfavourable for its adoption. It is a significant fact
that in the countries which have so far granted women
the franchise no methods in the slightest degree resembling
those of the suffragettes have ever been practised.
It is not easy to imagine Australia tolerating such
methods, and in Finland full Parliamentary rights
were freely granted, as is generally recognized, precisely
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
as a mark of gratitude for women's helpfulness
in standing side by side with their men in a great political
struggle. The policy of obstruction adopted by the
English suffragettes, with its "tactics" of opposing at
election times the candidates of the very party whose
leaders they are imploring to grant them the franchise,
was so foolish that it is little wonder that many doubted
whether women at all understand the methods of politics,
or are yet fitted to take a responsible part in political
life.</p>

<p>The suffragette method of persuading public men
seems to be, on the whole, futile, even if it were directed
at the proper quarter, and even if it were in itself a
justifiable method. But it would be possible to grant
these "ifs" and still to feel that a serious injury is done
to the cause of woman's suffrage when the method of
violence is adopted by women. Some suffragettes
have argued, in this matter, that in political crises
men also have acted just as badly or worse. But,
even if we assume that this is the case,
<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> it has
been one of the chief arguments hitherto for the
admission of women into political life that they exercise
an elevating and refining influence, so that their entrance
into this field will serve to purify politics. That, no
doubt, is an argument mostly brought forward by men,
and may be regarded as, in some measure, an amiable
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
masculine delusion, since most of the refining and
elevating elements in civilization probably owe their origin
not to women but to men. But it is not altogether a
delusion. In the virtues of force&mdash;however humbly
those virtues are to be classed&mdash;women, as a sex, can
never be the rivals of men, and when women attempt
to gain their ends by the demonstration of brute force
they can only place themselves at a disadvantage.
They are laying down the weapons they know best
how to use, and adopting weapons so unsuitable that
they only injure the users.</p>

<p>Many women, speaking on behalf of the suffragettes,
protest against the idea that women must always be
"charming." And if "charm" is to be understood
in so narrow and conventionalized a sense that it means
something which is incompatible with the developed
natural activities, whether of the soul or of the body,
then such a protest is amply justified. But in the larger
sense, "charm"&mdash;which means the power to effect
work without employing brute force&mdash;is indispensable
to women. Charm is a woman's strength just as strength
is a man's charm. And the justification for women in
this matter is that herein they represent the progress
of civilization. All civilization involves the substitution
in this respect of the woman's method for the man's.
In the last resort a savage can only assert his rights
by brute force. But with the growth of civilization
the wronged man, instead of knocking down his opponent,
employs "charm"; in other words he engages an
advocate, who, by the exercise of sweet reasonableness,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
persuades twelve men in a box that his wrongs must
be righted, and the matter is then finally settled, not
by man's weapon, the fist, but by woman's weapon,
the tongue. Nowadays the same method of "charm"
is being substituted for brute force in international
wrongs, and with the complete substitution of arbitration
for war the woman's method of charm will have
replaced the man's method of brute force along the
whole line of legitimate human activity. If we realize
this we can understand why it is that a group of women
who, even in the effort to support a good cause, revert
to the crude method of violence are committing a double
wrong. They are wronging their own sex by proving
false to its best traditions, and they are wronging civilization
by attempting to revive methods of savagery
which it is civilization's mission to repress. Therefore
it may fairly be held that even if the methods of
the suffragettes were really adequate to secure women's
suffrage, the attainment of the franchise by those
methods would be a misfortune. The ultimate loss
would be greater than the gain.</p>

<p>If we hold the foregoing considerations in mind it
is difficult to avoid the conclusion that neither in their
direction nor in their nature are the methods of the
suffragettes fitted to attain the end desired. We have
still, however, to consider the other side of the question.</p>

<p>Whenever an old movement receives a strong infusion
of new blood, whatever excesses or mistakes
may arise, it is very unlikely that all the results will
be on the same side. It is certainly not so in this case.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
Even the opposition to woman's suffrage which the
suffragettes are responsible for, and the Anti-Suffrage
societies which they have called into active existence,
are not an unmitigated disadvantage. Every movement
of progress requires a vigorous movement of opposition
to stimulate its progress, and the clash of discussion
can only be beneficial in the end to the progressive
cause.</p>

<p>But the immense advantage of the activity of the
suffragettes has been indirect. It has enabled the great
mass of ordinary sensible women who neither join
Suffrage societies nor Anti-Suffrage societies to think
for themselves on this question. Until a few years ago,
while most educated women were vaguely aware of
the existence of a movement for giving women the
vote, they only knew of it as something rather unpractical
and remote; its reality had never been brought
home to them. When women witnessed the eruption
into the streets of a band of women&mdash;most of them
apparently women much like themselves&mdash;who were
so convinced that the franchise must be granted to women,
here and now, that they were prepared to face publicity,
ridicule, and even imprisonment, then "votes for women"
became to them, for the first time, a real and living issue.
In a great many cases, certainly, they realized that
they intensely disliked the people who behaved in this
way and any cause that was so preached. But in a
great many other cases they realized, for the first time
definitely, that the demand of votes for women was
a reasonable demand, and that they were themselves
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
suffragists, though they had no wish to take an active
part in the movement, and no real sympathy with its
more "militant" methods. There can be no doubt
that in this way the suffragettes have performed an
immense service for the cause of women's suffrage.
It has been for the most part an indirect and undesigned
service, but in the end it will perhaps more than serve
to counterbalance the disadvantages attached to their
more conscious methods and their more deliberate
aims.</p>

<p>If, as we may trust, this service will be the main outcome
of the suffragette phase of the women's movement,
it is an outcome to be thankful for; we may then remember
with gratitude the ardent enthusiasm of the
suffragettes and forget the foolish and futile ways in
which it was manifested. There has never been any
doubt as to the ultimate adoption of women's suffrage;
its gradual extension among the more progressive
countries of the world sufficiently indicates that it will
ultimately reach even to the most backward countries.
Its accomplishment in England has been gradual,
although it is here so long since the first steps were taken,
not because there has been some special and malignant
opposition to it on the part of men in general and
politicians in particular, but simply because England
is an old and conservative country, with a very ancient
constitutional machinery which effectually guards against
the hasty realization of any scheme of reform. This
particular reform, however, is not an isolated or
independent scheme; it is an essential part of a great
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
movement in the social equalization of the sexes which
has been going on for centuries in our civilization, a
movement such as may be correspondingly traced
in the later stages of the civilizations of antiquity.
Such a movement we may by our efforts help forward,
we may for a while retard, but it is a part of civilization,
and it would be idle to imagine that we can affect the
ultimate issue.</p>

<p>That the issue of women's suffrage may be reached
in England within a reasonable period is much to be
desired for the sake of the woman's movement in the
larger sense, which has nothing to do with politics,
and is now impeded by this struggle. The enfranchisement
of women, Miss Frances Cobbe declared thirty
years ago, is "the crown and completion" of all progress
in women's movement. "Votes for women,"
exclaims, more youthfully but not less unreasonably,
Miss Christabel Pankhurst, "means a new Heaven and
a new Earth." But women's suffrage no more means
a new Heaven or even a new Earth than it means,
as other people fear, a new Purgatory and a new Hell.
We may see this quite plainly in Australasia. Women's
votes aid in furthering social legislation and contribute
to the passing of acts which have their good side, and,
no doubt, like everything else, their bad side. As Elizabeth
Cady Stanton, who devoted her life to the political
enfranchisement of women, declared, the ballot is,
at most, only the vestibule to women's emancipation.
Man's suffrage has not introduced the millennium,
and it is foolish to suppose that woman's suffrage can.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
It is merely an act of justice and a reasonable condition
of social hygiene.</p>

<p>The attainment of the suffrage, if it is a beginning
and not an end, will thus have a real and positive value
in liberating the woman's movement from a narrow and
sterilizing phase of its course. In England, especially,
the woman's movement has in the past largely confined
itself to imitating men and to obtaining the same work
and the same rights as men. Putting the matter more
broadly, it may be said that it has been the aim of the
woman's movement to secure woman's claims as a
human being rather than as woman. But that is only
half the task of the woman's movement, and perhaps
not the most essential half. Women can never be like
men, any more than men can be like women. It is
their unlikeness which renders them indispensable to
each other, and which also makes it imperative that
each sex should have its due share in moulding the
conditions of life. Woman's function in life can never
be the same as man's, if only because women are the
mothers of the race. That is the point, the only point,
at which women have an uncontested supremacy over
men. The most vital problem before our civilization
to-day is the problem of motherhood, the question
of creating the human beings best fitted for modern
life, the practical realization of a sound eugenics. Manouvrier,
the distinguished anthropologist, who carries
feminism to its extreme point in the scientific sphere,
yet recognizes the fundamental fact that "a woman's
part is to make children." But he clearly perceives
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
also that "in all its extent and all its consequences
that part is not surpassed in importance, in difficulty,
or in dignity, by the man's part." On the contrary
it is a part which needs "an amount of intelligence
incontestably superior, and by far, to that required by
most masculine occupations."<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> We are here at the core
of the woman's movement. And the full fruition of
that movement means that women, by virtue of their
supremacy in this matter, shall take their proper share
in legislation for life, not as mere sexless human beings,
but as women, and in accordance with the essential
laws of their own nature as women.</p>

<h4>II</h4>

<p>There is a further question. Is it possible to discern
the actual embodiment of this new phase of the woman
movement? I think it is.</p>

<p>To those who are accustomed to watch the emotional
pulse of mankind, nothing has seemed so remarkable
during recent years as the eruption of sex questions
in Germany. We had always been given to understand
that the sphere of women and the laws of marriage
had been definitely prescribed and fixed in Germany
for at least two thousand years, since the days of Tacitus,
in fact, and with the best possible results. Germans
assured the world in stentorian tones that only in Germany
could young womanhood be seen in all its purity,
and that in the German <i>Hausfrau</i> the supreme ideal
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
had been reached, the woman whose great mission is
to keep alive the perennial fire of the ancient German
hearth. Here and there, indeed, the quiet voice of science
was heard in Germany; thus Schrader, the distinguished
investigator of Teutonic origins, in commenting on the
oft-quoted testimony of Tacitus to the chastity of the
German women, has appositely referred to the detailed
evidences furnished by the Committee of pastors of
the Evangelical Church as to the extreme prevalence
of unchastity among the women of rural Germany,
and argued that these widespread customs must be
very ancient and deep-rooted.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> But Germans in general
refused to admit that Tacitus had only used the idea
of German virtue as a stick to beat his own fellow-countrywomen
with.</p>

<p>The Social-Democratic movement, which has so largely
overspread industrial and even intellectual Germany,
prepared the way for a less traditional and idealistic
way of feeling in regard to these questions. The publication
by Bebel of a book, <i>Die Frau</i>, in which the leader
of the German Social-Democratic party set forth the
Socialist doctrine of the position of women in society,
marked the first stage in the new movement. This
book exercised a wide influence, more especially on
uncritical readers. It is, indeed, from a scientific point
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
of view a worthless book&mdash;if a book in which genuine
emotions are brought to the cause of human freedom
and social righteousness may ever be so termed&mdash;but
it struck a rude blow at the traditions of Teutonic sentiment.
With something of the rough tone and temper
of the great peasant who initiated the German Reformation,
a man who had himself sprung from the people,
and who knew of what he was speaking, here set down
in downright fashion the actual facts as to the position
of women in Germany, as well as what he conceived
to be the claims of justice in regard to that position,
slashing with equal vigour alike at the absurdities of
conventional marriage and of prostitution, the obverse
and the reverse, he declared, of a false society. The
emotional renaissance with which we are here concerned
seems to have no special and certainly no exclusive
association with the Social-Democratic movement,
but it can scarcely be doubted that the permeation
of a great mass of the German people by the socialistic
conceptions which in their bearing on women have been
rendered so familiar by Bebel's exposition has furnished,
as it were, a ready-made sounding-board which has
given resonance and effect to voices which might otherwise
have been quickly lost in vacuity.</p>

<p>There is another movement which counts for something
in the renaissance we are here concerned with,
though for considerably less than one might be led to
expect. What is specifically known as the "woman's
rights' movement" is in no degree native to Germany,
though Hippel is one of the pioneers of the woman's
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
movement, and it is only within recent years that it
has reached Germany. It is alien to the Teutonic feminine
mind, because in Germany the spheres of men and women
are so far apart and so unlike that the ideal of imitating
men fails to present itself to a German woman's mind.
The delay, moreover, in the arrival of the woman's
movement in Germany had given time for a clearer
view of that movement and a criticism of its defects to
form even in the lands of its origin, so that the German
woman can no longer be caught unawares by the cry
for woman's rights. Still, however qualified a view
might be taken of its benefits, it had to be recognized,
even in Germany, that it was an inevitable movement,
and to some extent at all events indispensable from the
woman's point of view. The same right to education
as men, the same rights of public meeting and discussion,
the same liberty to enter the liberal professions, these
are claims which during recent years have been widely
made by German women and to some extent secured,
while&mdash;as is even more significant&mdash;they are for the
most part no longer very energetically disputed. The
International Congress of Women which met in Berlin
in 1904 was a revelation to the citizens of Berlin of the
skill and dignity with which women could organize
a congress and conduct business meetings. It was
notable, moreover, in that, though under the auspices
of an International Council, it showed the large number
of German women who are already entitled to take a
leading part in the movements for women's welfare.
Both directly and indirectly, indeed, such a movement
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
cannot be otherwise than specially beneficial in Germany.
The Teutonic reverence for woman, the assertion of
the "aliquid divinum," has sometimes been accompanied
by the openly expressed conviction that she is a fool.
Outside Germany it would not be easy to find the representative
philosophers of a nation putting forward
so contemptuous a view of women as is set forth by
Schopenhauer or by Nietzsche, while even within recent
years a German physician of some ability, the late
Dr. M&ouml;bius, published a book on the "physiological
weak-mindedness of women."</p>

<p>The new feminine movement in Germany has received
highly important support from the recent development
of German science. The German intellect, exceedingly
comprehensive in its outlook, ploddingly thorough,
and imperturbably serious, has always taken the leading
and pioneering part in the investigation of sexual
problems, whether from the standpoint of history,
biology, or pathology. Early in the nineteenth century,
when even more courage and resolution were needed
to face the scientific study of such questions than is
now the case, German physicians, unsupported by any
co-operation in other countries, were the pioneers in
exploring the paths of sexual pathology.
<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> From the
antiquarian side, Bachofen, more than half a century
ago, put forth his conception of the exalted position
of the primitive mother which, although it has been
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
considerably battered by subsequent research, has
been by no means without its value, and is of special
significance from the present standpoint, because it
sprang from precisely the same view of life as that
animating the German women who are to-day inaugurating
the movement we are here concerned with.
From the medical side the late Professor Krafft-Ebing
of Vienna and Dr. Albert Moll of Berlin are recognized
throughout the world as leading authorities on sexual
pathology, and in recent times many other German
physicians of the first authority can be named in this
field; while in Austria Dr. F.S. Krauss and his coadjutors
in the annual volumes of <i>Anthropophyteia</i> are diligently
exploring the rich and fruitful field of sexual folk-lore.
The large volumes of the <i>Jahrbuch f&uuml;r Sexuelle Zwischenstufen</i>,
edited by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld of Berlin, have
presented discussions of the commonest of sexual aberrations
with a scientific and scholarly thoroughness,
a practical competence, as well as admirable tone, which
we may seek in vain in other countries. In Vienna,
moreover, Professor Freud, with his bold and original
views on the sexual causation of many abnormal mental
and nervous conditions, and his psycho-analytic method
of investigating and treating them, although his doctrines
are by no means universally accepted, is yet exerting
a revolutionary influence all over the world. During
the last ten years, indeed, the amount of German scientific
and semi-scientific literature, dealing with every aspect
of the sexual question, and from every point of view,
is altogether unparalleled. It need scarcely be said
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
that much of this literature is superficial or worthless.
But much of it is sound, and it would seem that on the
whole it is this portion of it which is most popular.
Thus Dr. August Forel, formerly professor of psychiatry
at Zurich and a physician of world-wide reputation,
published a few years ago at Munich a book on the
sexual question, <i>Die Sexuelle Frage</i>, in which all the
questions of the sexual life, biological, medical, and social,
are seriously discussed with no undue appeal to an
ignorant public; it had an immediate success and a large
sale. Dr. Forel had not entered this field before; he
had merely come to the conclusion that every man
at the end of his life ought to set forth his observations
and conclusions regarding the most vital of questions.
Again, at about the same time, Dr. Iwan Bloch, of Berlin,
published his many-sided work on the sexual life of
our time, <i>Das Sexualleben Unserer Zeit</i>, a work less remarkable
than Forel's for the weight of the personal
authority expressed, but more remarkable by the range
of its learning and the sympathetic attitude it displayed
towards the best movements of the day; this book
also met with great success.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> Still more recently (1912)
Dr. Albert Moll, with characteristic scientific thoroughness,
has edited, and largely himself written, a truly encyclop&aelig;dic
<i>Handbuch der Sexualwissenschaften</i>. The eminence
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
of the writers of these books and the mental calibre
needed to read them suffice to show that we are not
concerned, as a careless observer might suppose, with
a matter of supply and demand in prurient literature,
but with the serious and widespread appreciation of
serious investigations. This same appreciation is shown
not only by several bio-sociological periodicals of high
scientific quality, but by the existence of a journal like
<i>Sexual-Probleme</i>, edited by Dr. Max Marcuse, a journal
with many distinguished contributors, and undoubtedly
the best periodical in this field to be found in any language.</p>


<p>At the same time the new movement of German
women, however it may arise from or be supported
by political or scientific movements, is fundamentally
emotional in its character. If we think of it, every great
movement of the Teutonic soul has been rooted in emotion.
The German literary renaissance of the eighteenth
century was emotional in its origin and received its
chief stimulus from the contagion of the new irruption
of sentiment in France. Even German science is often
influenced, and not always to its advantage, by German
sentiment. The Reformation is an example on a huge
scale of the emotional force which underlies German
movements. Luther, for good and for evil, is the most
typical of Germans, and the Luther who made his mark
in the world&mdash;the shrewd, coarse, superstitious peasant
who blossomed into genius&mdash;was an avalanche of emotion,
a great mass of natural human instincts irresistible in
their impetuosity. When we bear in mind this general
tendency to emotional expansiveness in the manifestations
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
of the Teutonic soul we need feel no surprise that the
present movement among German women should be,
to a much greater extent than the corresponding movements
in other countries, an emotional renaissance.
It is not, first and last, a cry for political rights, but
for emotional rights, and for the reasonable regulation
of all those social functions which are founded on the
emotions.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p>

<p>This movement, although it may properly be said
to be German, since its manifestations are mainly exhibited
in the great German Empire, is yet essentially
a Teutonic movement in the broader sense of the word.
Germans of Austria, Germans of Switzerland, Dutch
women, Scandinavians, have all been drawn into this
movement. But it is in Germany proper that they all
find the chief field of their activities.</p>

<p>If we attempt to define in a single sentence the specific
object of this agitation we may best describe it as based
on the demands of woman the mother, and as directed
to the end of securing for her the right to control and
regulate the personal and social relations which spring
from her nature as mother or possible mother. Therein
we see at once both the intimately emotional and practical
nature of this new claim and its decisive unlikeness to
the earlier woman movement. That was definitely
a demand for emancipation; political enfranchisement
was its goal; its perpetual assertion was that women
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
must be allowed to do everything that men do. But
the new Teutonic woman's movement, so far from making
as its ideal the imitation of men, bases itself on that
which most essentially marks the woman as unlike the
man.</p>

<p>The basis of the movement is significantly indicated
by the title, <i>Mutterschutz</i>&mdash;the protection of the mother&mdash;originally
borne by "a Journal for the reform of sexual
morals," established in 1905, edited by Dr. Helene
St&ouml;cker, of Berlin, and now called <i>Die Neue Generation</i>.
All the questions that radiate outwards from the maternal
function are here discussed: the ethics of love, prostitution
ancient and modern, the position of illegitimate
mothers and illegitimate children, sexual hygiene, the
sexual instruction of the young, etc. It must not be
supposed that these matters are dealt with from the
standpoint of a vigilance society for combating vice.
The demand throughout is for the regulation of life, for
reform, but for reform quite as much in the direction
of expansion as of restraint. On many matters of detail,
indeed, there is no agreement among these writers,
some of whom approach the problems from the social
and practical side, some from the psychological and
philosophic side, others from the medical, legal, or historical
sides.</p>

<p>This journal was originally the organ of the association
for the protection of mothers, more especially unmarried
mothers, called the <i>Bund f&uuml;r Mutterschutz</i>. There are
many agencies for dealing with illegitimate children,
but the founders of this association started from the conviction
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
that it is only through the mother that the
child can be adequately cared for. As nearly a tenth
of the children born in Germany are illegitimate, and the
conditions of life into which such children are thrown
are in the highest degree unfavourable, the question
has its actuality.<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
It is the aim of the <i>Bund f&uuml;r Mutterschutz</i>
to rehabilitate the unmarried mother, to secure
for her the conditions of economic independence&mdash;whatever
social class she may belong to&mdash;and ultimately
to effect a change in the legal status of illegitimate
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
mothers and children alike. The Bund, which is directed
by a committee in which social, medical, and legal
interests are alike represented, already possesses numerous
branches, in addition to its head-quarters in Berlin,
and is beginning to initiate practical measures on the
lines of its programme, notably Homes for Mothers,
of which it has established nearly a dozen in different
parts of Germany.</p>

<p>In 1911 the first International Congress for the Protection
of Mothers and for Sexual Reform was held
at Dresden, in connection with the great Exhibition
of Hygiene. As a result of this Congress, an International
Union was constituted, representing Germany, Austria,
Italy, Sweden, and Holland, which may probably be
taken to be the countries which have so far manifested
greatest interest in the programme of sexual reform
based on recognition of the supreme importance of
motherhood. This movement may, therefore, be said
to have overcome the initial difficulties, the antagonism,
the misunderstanding, and the opprobrium, which every
movement in the field of sexual reform inevitably encounters,
and often succumbs to.</p>

<p>It would be a mistake to regard this Association as
a merely philanthropic movement. It claims to be
"An Association for the Reform of Sexual Ethics,"
and <i>Die Neue Generation</i> deals with social and ethical
rather than with philanthropic questions. In these
respects it reflects the present attitude of many thoughtful
German women, though the older school of women's
rights advocates still holds aloof. We may here, for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
instance, find a statement of the recent discussion
concerning the right of the mother to destroy her offspring
before birth. This has been boldly claimed for
women by Countess Gisela von Streitberg, who advocates
a return to the older moral view which prevailed not
only in classic antiquity, but even, under certain conditions,
in Christian practice, until Canon law, asserting
that the embryo had from the first an independent life,
pronounced abortion under all circumstances a crime.
Countess von Streitberg takes the standpoint that
as the chief risks and responsibilities must necessarily
rest upon the woman, it is for her to decide whether
she will permit the embryo she bears to develop. Dr.
Marie Raschke, taking up the discussion from the legal
side, is unable to agree that abortion should cease to
be a punishable offence, though she advocates considerable
modifications in the law on this matter. Dr. Siegfried
Weinberg, summarizing this discussion, again from
the legal standpoint, considers that there is considerable
right on the Countess's side, because from the modern
juridical standpoint a criminal enactment is only justified
because it protects a right, and in law the embryo
possesses no rights which can be injured. From the
moral standpoint, also, it is argued, its destruction
often becomes justifiable in the interests of the community.</p>

<p>This debatable question, while instructive as an
example of the radical manner in which German women
are now beginning to face moral questions, deals only
with an isolated point which has hardly yet reached
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
the sphere of practical politics.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> It is more interesting
to consider the general conceptions which underlie
this movement, and we can hardly do this better than by
studying the writings of Ellen Key, who is not only one
of its recognized leaders, but may be said to present
its aims and ideals in a broader and more convinced
manner than any other writer.</p>

<p>Ellen Key's views are mainly contained in three
books, <i>Love and Marriage</i>, <i>The Century of the Child</i>, and
<i>The Women's Movement</i>, in which form they enjoy a large
circulation, and are now becoming well known, through
translations, in England and America. She carefully
distinguishes her aims from what she regards as the
American conception of progress in woman's movements,
that is to say the tendency for women to seek to capture
the activities which may be much more adequately
fulfilled by the other sex, while at the same time
neglecting the far weightier matters that concern
their own sex. Man and woman are not natural
enemies who need to waste their energies in fighting
over their respective rights and privileges; in spiritual as
in physical life they are only fruitful together. Women,
indeed, need free scope for their activities&mdash;and the earlier
aspirations of feminism are thus justified&mdash;but they
need it, not to wrest away any tasks that men may be
better fitted to perform, but to play their part in that
field of creative life which is peculiarly their own. Ellen
Key would say that the highest human unit is triune:
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
father, mother, and child. Marriage, therefore, instead
of being, as it is to-day, the last thing to be thought of
in education, becomes the central point of life. In
Ellen Key's conception, "those who love each other
are man and wife," and by love she means not a temporary
inclination, but "a synthesis of desire and friendship,"
just as the air is a mixture of oxygen and nitrogen. It
must be this for both sexes alike, and Ellen Key sees a
real progress in what seems to her the modern tendency
for men to realize that the soul has its erotic side, and
for women to realize that the senses have. She has no
special sympathy with the cry for purity in masculine
candidates for marriage put forward by some women
of the present day. She observes that many men who
have painfully struggled to maintain this ideal meet
with disillusion, for it is not the masculine lamb, but
much more the spotted leopard, who fascinates women.
The notion that women have higher moral instincts
than men Ellen Key regards as absurd. The majority
of Frenchwomen, she remarks, were against Dreyfus,
and the majority of Englishwomen approved the South
African war. The really fundamental difference between
man and woman is that he can usually give his best as
a creator, and she as a lover, that his value is according
to his work and hers according to her love. And in love
the demand for each sex alike must not be primarily
for a mere anatomical purity, but for passion and for
sincerity.</p>

<p>The aim of love, as understood by Ellen Key, is always
marriage and the child, and as soon as the child comes
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
into question society and the State are concerned. Before
fruition, love is a matter for the lovers alone, and the
espionage, ceremony, and routine now permitted or
enjoined are both ridiculous and offensive. "The
flower of love belongs to the lovers, and should remain
their secret; it is the fruit of love which brings them
into relation to society." The dominating importance
of the child, the parent of the race to be, alone makes
the immense social importance of sexual union. It
is not marriage which sanctifies generation, but generation
which sanctifies marriage. From the point of view of
"the sanctity of generation" and the welfare of the
race, Ellen Key looks forward to a time when it will
be impossible for a man and woman to become parents
when they are unlikely to produce a healthy child,
though she is opposed to Neo-Malthusian methods,
partly on &aelig;sthetic grounds and partly on the more
dubious grounds of doubt as to their practical efficiency;
it is from this point of view also that she favours sexual
equality in matters of divorce, the legal assimilation
of legitimate and illegitimate children, the recognition
of unions outside marriage,&mdash;a recognition already legally
established under certain circumstances in Sweden,
in such a way as to confer the rights of legitimacy on
the child,&mdash;and she is even prepared to advise women
under some conditions to become mothers outside
marriage, though only when there are obstacles to legal
marriage, and as the outcome of deliberate will and
resolution. In these and many similar proposals in
detail, set forth in her earlier books, it is clear that Ellen
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
Key has sometimes gone beyond the mandate of her
central conviction, that love is the first condition for
increasing the vitality alike of the race and of the individuality,
and that the question of love, properly considered,
is the question of creating the future man.
As she herself has elsewhere quite truly pointed out,
practice must precede, and precede by a very long time,
the establishment of definite rules in matters of detail.</p>

<p>It will be noticed that a point with which Ellen Key
and the leaders of the new German woman's movement
specially concern themselves is the affectional needs
of the "supernumerary" woman and the legitimation
of her children. There is an excess of women over men,
in Germany as in most other countries. That excess,
it is said, is balanced by the large number of women
who do not wish to marry. But that is too cheap a
solution of the question. Many women may wish to
remain unmarried, but no woman wishes to be forced
to remain unmarried. Every woman, these advocates
of the rights of women claim, has a right to motherhood,
and in exercising the right under sound conditions
she is benefiting society. But our marriage system,
in the rigid form which it has long since assumed, has
not now the elasticity necessary to answer these demands.
It presents a solution which is often impossible, always
difficult, and perhaps in a large proportion of cases
undesirable. But for a woman who is shut out from
marriage to grasp at the vital facts of love and motherhood
which she perhaps regards, unreasonably or not,
as the supreme things in the world, must often be under
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
such conditions a disastrous step, while it is always
accompanied by certain risks. Therefore, it is asked,
why should there not be, as of old there was, a relationship
established which while of less dignity than marriage,
and less exclusive in its demands, should yet permit a
woman to enter into an honourable, open, and legally
recognized relationship with a man? Such a relationship
a woman could proclaim to the whole world, if
necessary, without reflecting any disesteem upon herself
or her child, while it would give her a legal claim on her
child's father. Such a relationship would be substantially
the same as the ancient concubinate, which persisted
even in Christendom up to the sixteenth century. Its
establishment in Sweden has apparently been satisfactory,
and it is now sought to extend it to other
countries.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>

<p>It is interesting to compare, or to contrast, the movement
of which Ellen Key has been a conspicuous champion
with the futile movement initiated nearly a century ago
by the school of Saint-Simon and Prosper Enfantin,
in favour of "la femme libre."<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> That earlier movement
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
had no doubt its bright and ideal side, but
it was not supported by a sound and scientific
view of life; it was rooted in sand and soon withered
up. The kind of freedom which Ellen Key advocates
is not a freedom to dispense with law and order, but
rather a freedom to recognize and follow true law;
it is the freedom which in morals as well as in politics
is essential for the development of real responsibility.</p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
People talk, Ellen Key remarks, as though reform in
sexual morality meant the breaking up of a beautiful
idyll, while the idyll is impossible as long as the only
alternative offered to so many young men and women
at the threshold of life is between becoming "the slave
of duty or the slave of lust." In these matters we already
possess licence, and the only sound reform lies in a kind
of "freedom" which will correct that licence by obedience
to the most fundamental natural instincts acting in
harmony with the claims of the race, which claims,
it must be added, cannot be out of harmony with the
best traditions of the race. Ellen Key would agree
with a great German, Wilhelm von Humboldt, who
wrote more than a century ago that "a solicitude for
the race conducts to the same results as the highest
solicitude for the most beautiful development of the
inner man." The modern revolt against fossilized
laws is inevitable; it is already in progress, and we
have to see to it that the laws written upon tables of
stone in their inevitable decay only give place to the
mightier laws written upon tables of flesh and blood.
Life is far too rich and manifold, Ellen Key says again,
to be confined in a single formula, even the best; if
our ideal has its worth for ourselves, if we are prepared
to live for it and to die for it, that is enough; we are
not entitled to impose it on others. The conception
of duty still remains, duty to love and duty to the race.
"I believe in a new ethics," Ellen Key declares at
the end of <i>The Women's Movement</i>, "which will be a
synthesis growing out of the nature of man and the nature
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
of woman, out of the demands of the individual and the
demands of society, out of the pagan and the Christian
points of view, out of the resolve to mould the future
and out of piety towards the past."</p>

<p>No reader of Ellen Key's books can fail to be impressed
by the remarkable harmony between her sexual ethics
and the conception that underlies Sir Francis Galton's
scientific eugenics. In setting forth the latest aspects
of his view of eugenics before the Sociological Society,
Galton asserted that the improvement of the race,
in harmony with scientific knowledge, would come about
by a new religious movement, and he gave reasons to
show why such an expectation is not unreasonable;
in the past men have obeyed the most difficult marriage
rules in response to what they believed to be supernatural
commands, and there is no ground for supposing that
the real demands of the welfare of the race, founded on
exact knowledge, will prove less effective in calling out
an inspiring religious emotion. Writing probably at
the same time, Ellen Key, in her essay entitled <i>Love
and Ethics</i>, set forth precisely the same conception,
though not from the scientific but from the emotional
standpoint. From the outset she places the sexual
question on a basis which brings it into line with Galton's
eugenics. The problem used to be concerned, she remarks,
with the insistence of society on a rigid marriage form,
in conflict with the demand of the individual to gratify
his desires in any manner that seemed good to him,
while now it becomes a question of harmonizing the
claims of the improvement of the race with the claims
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
of the individual to happiness in love. She points
out that on this aspect real harmony becomes more
possible. Regard for the ennoblement of the race serves
as a bridge from a chaos of conflicting tendencies to a
truer conception of love, and "love must become on
a higher plane what it was in primitive days&mdash;a religion."
She compares the growth of the conception of the vital
value of love to the modern growth of the conception
of the value of health as against the medieval indifference
to hygiene. It is inevitable that Ellen Key, approaching
the question from the emotional side, should lay less
stress than Galton on the importance of scientific investigation
in heredity, and insist mainly on the value
of sound instincts, unfettered by false and artificial
constraints, and taught to realize that the physical and
the psychic aspects of life are alike "divine."</p>

<p>It would obviously be premature to express either
approval or disapproval of the conceptions of sexual
morality which Ellen Key has developed with such
fervour and insight. It scarcely seems probable that
the methods of sexual union, put forward as an alternative
to celibacy by some of the adherents of the new movement,
are likely to become widely popular, even if
legalized in an increasing number of countries. I have
elsewhere given reasons to believe that the path of progress
lies mainly in the direction of a reform of the
present institution of marriage.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The need of such reform
is pressing, and there are many signs that it is being
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
recognized. We can scarcely doubt that the advocates
of these alternative methods of sexual union will do
good by stimulating the champions of marriage to increased
activity in the reform of that institution. In
such matters a certain amount of competition sometimes
has a remarkably vivifying effect.</p>


<p>We may be sure that women, whose interests are
so much at stake in this matter, and who tend to look
at it in a practical rather than in a legal and theological
spirit, will exert a powerful influence when they have
acquired the ability to enforce that influence by the
vote. This is significantly indicated by an inquiry
held in England during 1910 by the Women's Co-operative
Guild. A number of women who had held official positions
in the Guild were asked (among other questions) whether
or not they were in favour of divorce by mutual consent.
Of 94 representative women conversant with affairs
who were thus consulted, as many as 82 deliberately
recorded their opinion in favour of divorce by mutual
consent, and only 12 were against that highly important
marriage reform.</p>

<p>It is probably unnecessary to discuss the opinions
of other leaders in this movement, though there are
several, such as Frau Grete Meisel-Hess, whose views
deserve study. It will be sufficiently clear in what
way this Teutonic movement differs from that Anglo-Saxon
woman's rights' movement with which we have
long been familiar. These German women fully recognize
that women are entitled to the same human rights
as men, and that until such rights are attained
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
"feminism" still has a proper task to achieve. But
women must use their strength in the sphere for which
their own nature fits them. Even though millions of
women are enabled to do the work which men could do
better the gain for mankind is nil. To put women to
do men's work is (Ellen Key has declared) as foolish
as to set a Beethoven or a Wagner to do engine-driving.</p>

<p>It has probably excited surprise in the minds of some
who have been impressed by the magnitude and vitality
of this movement that it should have manifested itself
in Germany rather than in England, which is the original
home of movements for women's emancipation, or in
America, where they have reached their fullest developments.
This, however, ceases to be surprising when we
realize the special qualities of the Anglo-Saxon and
Teutonic temperaments and the special conditions
under which the two movements arose. The Anglo-Saxon
movement was a special application to women
of the general French movement for the logical assertion
of abstract human rights. That special application
was not ardently taken up in France itself, though first
proclaimed by French pioneers,<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> partly perhaps because
such one-sided applications make little appeal to the
French mind, and mainly, no doubt, because women
throughout the eighteenth century enjoyed such high
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
social consideration and exerted so much influence
that they were not impelled to rise in any rebellious
protest. But when the seed was brought over to England,
especially in the representative form of Mary Wollstonecraft's
<i>Vindication of the Rights of Women</i>, it fell in virgin
soil which proved highly favourable to its development.
This special application escaped the general condemnation
which the Revolution had brought upon French ideas.
Women in England were beginning to awaken to ideas,&mdash;as
women in Germany are now,&mdash;and the more energetic
and intelligent among them eagerly seized upon conceptions
which furnished food for their activities. In
large measure they have achieved their aims, and even
woman's suffrage has been secured here and there,
without producing any notable revolution in human
affairs. The Anglo-Saxon conception of feminine progress&mdash;beneficial
as it has undoubtedly been in many
respects&mdash;makes little impression in Germany, partly
because it fails to appeal to the emotional Teutonic
temperament, and partly because the established type
of German life and civilization offers very small scope
for its development. When Miss Susan Anthony, the
veteran pioneer of woman's movements in the United
States, was presented to the German Empress she expressed
a hope that the Emperor would soon confer
the suffrage on German women; it is recorded that the
Empress smiled, and probably most German women
smiled with her. At the present time, however, there is
an extraordinary amount of intellectual activity in
Germany, a widespread and massive activity. For the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
first time, moreover, it has reached women, who are
taking it up with characteristic Teutonic thoroughness.
But they are not imitating the methods of their Anglo-Saxon
sisters; they are going to work their own way.
They are spending very little energy in waving the red
flag before the fortresses of male monopoly. They are
following an emotional influence which, strangely enough,
it may seem to some, finds more support from the biological
and medical side than the Anglo-Saxon movement
has always been able to win. From the time of Aristophanes
downwards, whenever they have demonstrated
before the masculine citadels, women have always been
roughly bidden to go home. And now, here in Germany,
where of all countries that advice has been most freely
and persistently given, women are adopting new tactics:
they have gone home. "Yes, it is true," they say in
effect, "the home is our sphere. Love and marriage, the
bearing and the training of children&mdash;that is our world.
And we intend to lay down the laws of our world."</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a>
In 1787 Condorcet declared (<i>Lettres d'un Bourgeois de New Haven</i>,
Lettre II) that women ought to have absolutely the same rights as men,
and he repeated the same statement emphatically in 1790, in an article
"Sur l'Admission des Femmes au Droit de Cit&eacute;," published in the
<i>Journal de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; de 1789</i>. It must be added that Condorcet was
not a democrat, and neither to men nor to women would he grant the
vote unless they were proprietors.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a>
L&eacute;opold Lacour has given a full and reliable account of Olympe de
Gouges (who was born at Montauban in 1755) in his <i>Trois Femmes de la
R&eacute;volution</i>, 1900.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a>
It is noteworthy that the Empire had even a depressing effect
on the physical activities of women. The eighteenth-century woman
in France, although she was not athletic in the modern sense, enjoyed
a free life in the open air and was fond of physical exercises. During
the Directoire this tendency became very pronounced; women wore
the scantiest of garments, were out of doors in all weathers, cultivated
healthy appetites, and enjoyed the best of health. But with the establishment
of the Empire these wholesome fashions were discarded,
and women cultivated new ideals of fragile refinement indoors. (This
evolution has been traced by Dr. Lucien Nars, <i>L'Hygi&egrave;ne</i>, September,
1911.)</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a>
Concerning the rise and progress of this movement in England
much information is sympathetically and vivaciously set forth in
W. Lyon Blease's <i>Emancipation of English Women</i> (1910), a book,
however, which makes no claim to be judicial or impartial; the author
regards "unregulated male egoism" as the source of the difficulties
in the way of women's suffrage.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a>
Thus, in 1911 the National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage
took an impartial poll of the women voters on the municipal register in
several large constituencies, by sending a reply-paid postcard to ask
whether or not they favoured the extension to women of the Parliamentary
franchise. Only 5579 were in favour of it; 18,850 were
against; 12,621 did not take the trouble to answer, and it was claimed,
probably with reason, that a majority of these were not in favour of
the vote.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a>
It must not be too hastily assumed. Unless we go back to
ancient plots of the Guy Fawkes type (now only imitated by self-styled
anarchists), the leaders of movements of political reform have rarely,
if ever, organized outbursts of violence; such violence, when it
occurred, has been the spontaneous and unpremeditated act of a mob.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a>
<i>Revue de l'Ecole d'Anthropologie</i>, February, 1909, p. 50.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a>
O. Schrader, <i>Reallexicon</i>, Art. "Keuschheit." He considers that
Tacitus merely shows that German women were usually chaste after
marriage. A few centuries later, Lea points out, Salvianus, while
praising the barbarians generally for their chastity, makes an exception
in the case of the Alemanni. (See also Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies in the
Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society," pp. 382-4.)</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a>
Thus Kaan, anticipating Krafft-Ebing, published a <i>Psychopathia
Sexualis</i>, in 1844, and Casper, in 1852, was the first medical authority
to point out that sexual inversion is sometimes due to a congenital
psychic condition.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a>
Both Forel's and Bloch's books have become well known through
translations in England and America. Dr. Bloch is also the author of
an extremely erudite and thorough history of syphilis, which has gone
far to demonstrate that this disease was introduced into Europe from
America on the first discovery of the New World at the end of the
fifteenth century.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a>
This attitude is plainly reflected even in many books written by
men; I may mention, for instance, Frenssen's well-known novel
<i>Hilligenlei</i> (<i>Holyland</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a>
In most countries illegitimacy is decreasing; in Germany it is
steadily increasing, alike in rural and urban districts. Illegitimate births
are, however, more numerous in the cities than in the country. Of the
constituent states of the German Empire, the illegitimate birth-rate
is lowest in Prussia, highest in Saxony and Bavaria. In Munich 27 per
cent of the births are illegitimate. (The facts are clearly brought
out in an article by Dr. Arthur Gr&uuml;nspan in the <i>Berliner Tagblatt</i>
for January 6, 1911, reproduced in <i>Die Neue Generation</i>, July, 1911.)
Thus, in Prussia, while the total births between 1903 and 1908,
notwithstanding a great increase in the population, have only increased
2.6 per cent, the illegitimate births have increased as much
as 11.1 per cent. The increase is marked in nearly all the German
States. It is specially marked in Saxony; here the proportion of
illegitimate births to the total number of births was, in 1903, 12.51 per
cent, and in 1908 it had already risen to 14.40 per cent. In Berlin
it is most marked; here it began in 1891, when there were nearly
47,000 legitimate births; by 1909, however, the legitimate births had
fallen to 38,000, a decrease of 19.4 per cent. But illegitimate births rose
during the same period from nearly 7000 to over 9000, an increase of
35 per cent. The proportion of illegitimate births to the total births is
now over 20 per cent, so that to every four legitimate children there
is rather more than one illegitimate child. It may be said that this is
merely due to an increasing proportion of unmarried women. That,
however, is not the case. The marriage-rate is on the whole rising,
and the average age of women at marriage is becoming lower rather
than higher. Gr&uuml;nspan considers that this increase in illegitimacy
is likely to continue, and he is inclined to attribute it less to economic
than to social-psychological causes.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a>
I have discussed this point in <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>,
Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society," chap.
<span class="smcap">xii</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a>
It is remarkable that in early times in Spain the laws recognized
concubinage (<i>barragania</i>) as almost equal to marriage, and as conferring
equal rights on the child, even on the sons of the clergy, who could thus
inherit from their fathers by right of the privileges accorded to the
concubine or <i>barragana</i>. <i>Barragania</i>, however, was not real marriage,
and in many regions it could be contracted by married men (R. Altamira,
<i>Historia de Espa&ntilde;a y de la Civilazacion Espa&ntilde;ola</i>, Vol. I, pp. 644
et seq.).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a>
"La femme libre," in quest of whom the young Saint-Simonians
preached a crusade, must be a woman of reflection and intellect who,
having meditated on the fate of her "sisters," knowing the wants of
women, and having sounded those feminine capacities which man has
never completely penetrated, shall give forth the confession of her sex,
without restriction or reserve, in such a manner as to furnish the indispensable
elements for formulating the rights and duties of woman.
Saint Simon had asked Madame de Sta&euml;l to undertake this r&ocirc;le, but she
failed to respond. When George Sand published her first novels, one
Gu&eacute;roult was commissioned to ascertain if the author of <i>L&eacute;lia</i> would
undertake this important service. He found a badly dressed woman
who was using her talents to gain a living, but was by no means anxious
to become the high priestess of a new religion. Even after his disappointment
Enfantin looked eagerly forward to the publication of
George Sand's <i>Histoire de ma Vie</i>, hoping that at last the great revelation
was coming, and he was again disillusioned. But before this
Emile Barrault had arisen and declared that in the East, in the solitude
of the harem, "la femme libre" would be found in the person of some
odalisque. The "mission of the mother" was formed, and with
Barrault at the head it set out for Constantinople. All were dressed
in white as an indication of the vow of chastity they had taken before
leaving Paris, and on the road they begged in the name of the Mother.
They arrived at Constantinople and preached the faith of Saint-Simon
to the Turks in French. But "la femme libre" seemed as far off as
ever, and they resolved to go to Rotourma in Oceana, there to establish
the religion of Saint-Simon and a perfect Government which might serve
as a model to the States of Europe. First, however, they felt it a duty
to make certain that the Mother was not hiding somewhere in Russia,
and they went therefore to Odessa, but the Governor, who was wanting
in sympathy, speedily turned them out, and having realized that
Rotourma was some distance off, the mission broke up, most of the
members going to Egypt to rejoin Enfantin, whom the Arabs, struck
by his beauty, had called <i>Abu-l-dhunieh</i>, the Father of the World.
(This account of the movement is based on that given by Maxime du
Camp, in his <i>Souvenirs Litt&eacute;raires</i>)</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a>
<i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to
Society," chap. <span class="smcap">x</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a>
It is worth noting that a Frenchwoman has been called "the
mother of modern feminism." Marie de Gournay, who died in 1645 at
the age of eighty, is best known as the adopted daughter of Montaigne,
for whom she cherished an enthusiastic reverence, becoming the first
editor of his essays. Her short essay, <i>Egalit&eacute;
des Hommes et des Femmes</i>, was written in 1622. See e.g. M. Schiff,
<i>La Fille d'Alliance de Montaigne</i>.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
<a name="CHAPIV" id="CHAPIV"></a></p><h3>IV</h3>

<h3>THE EMANCIPATION OF WOMEN IN RELATION
TO ROMANTIC LOVE</h3>

<blockquote><p>The Absence of Romantic Love in Classic Civilization&mdash;Marriage as
a Duty&mdash;The Rise of Romantic Love in the Roman Empire&mdash;The
Influence of Christianity&mdash;The Attitude of Chivalry&mdash;The Troubadours&mdash;The
Courts of Love&mdash;The Influence of the Renaissance&mdash;Conventional
Chivalry and Modern Civilization&mdash;The Woman
Movement&mdash;The Modern Woman's Equality of Rights and Responsibilities
excludes Chivalry&mdash;New Forms of Romantic Love
still remain possible&mdash;Love as the Inspiration of Social Hygiene.</p></blockquote>


<p>What will be the ultimate effect of the woman's
movement, now slowly but surely taking
place among us, upon romantic love?
That is really a serious question, and it is much more
complex than many of those who are prepared to answer
it off-hand may be willing to admit.</p>

<p>It must be remembered that romantic love has not
been a constant accompaniment of human relationships,
even in civilization. It is true that various peoples
very low down in the scale possess romantic love-songs,
often, it appears, written by the women. But the classic
civilizations of Greece and Rome in their most robust
and brilliant periods knew little or nothing of romantic
love in connection with normal sexual relationships
culminating in marriage. Classic antiquity reveals
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
a high degree of conjugal devotion, and of domestic
affection, at all events in Rome, but the right of the
woman to follow the inspirations of her own heart,
and the idealization and worship of the woman by the
man, were not only scarcely known but, so far as they
were known, reprehended or condemned. Ovid, in
the opinion of some, represents a new movement in
Rome. We are apt to regard Ovid as, in erotic matters,
the representative of a set of immoral Roman voluptuaries.
That view probably requires considerable
modification. Ovid was not indeed a champion of
morality, but there is no good reason to suppose that,
before he appeared, the rather stern Roman mind had
yet conceived those refinements and courtesies which
he set forth in such charming detail. If we take a wide
survey of his work, we may perhaps regard Ovid as the
pioneer of a chivalrous attitude towards women and of
a romantic conception of love not only new in Rome
but of significance for Europe generally. Ovid was
a powerful factor in the Renaissance movement, and
not least in England, where his influence on Shakespeare
and some others of the Elizabethans cannot easily be
overrated.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p>

<p>For the ordinary classic mind, Greek or Roman,
marriage was intended for the end of building up the
family, and the family was consecrated to the State.
The fulfilment of so exalted a function involved a certain
austere dignity which excluded wayward inclination
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
or passionate emotion. These might indeed occur
between a man and a woman outside marriage, but
putting aside the very limited phenomena of Athenian
hetairism, they were too shameful to be idealized.
Some trace of this classic attitude may be said to persist
even to-day among the so-called Latin nations, notably
in the French tradition (now dying out) of treating
marriage as a relationship to be arranged, not by the
two parties themselves, but by their parents and
guardians; Montaigne, attached as he was to maxims
of Roman antiquity, was not very alien from the ordinary
French attitude of his time when he declared that,
since we do not marry so much for our own sakes as for
the sake of posterity and the race, marriage is too sacred
a process to be mixed with amorous extravagance.
<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
There is something to be said for that point of view
which is nowadays too often forgotten, but it certainly
fails to cover the whole of the ground.</p>

<p>It is not only in the West that a contemptuous attitude
towards the romantic and erotic side of life has prevailed
at some of the most vigorous moments of civilization.
It is also found in the East. In Japan, for instance,
even at the present day, romantic love, as a reputable
element of ordinary life, is unknown or disapproved;
its existence is not recognized in the schools, and the
European novels that celebrate it are scarcely understood.
<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>

<p>The development of modern romantic love in connection
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
with marriage seems to be found in the late
Greek world under the Roman Empire.<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> That is commonly
called a period of decadence. In a certain limited
sense it was. Greece had become subjugated to Rome.
Rome herself had lost her military spirit and was losing
her political power. But the fighting instinct, and even
the ruling spirit, are not synonymous with civilization.
The "decline and fall" of empires by no means necessarily
involves the decay of civilization. It is now generally
realized that the later Roman Empire was not,
as was once thought, an age of social and moral degeneration.
<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>
The State indeed was dissolving, but the
individual was evolving. The age which produced
a Plutarch&mdash;for fifteen hundred years one of the great
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
inspiring forces of the world&mdash;was the reverse of a corrupt
age. The life of the home and the life of the soul were
alike developing. The home was becoming more complex,
more intimate, more elevated. The soul was being turned
in on itself to discover new and joyous secrets: the secret
of the love of Nature, the secret of mystic religion, and,
not least, the secret of romantic love. When Christianity
finally conquered the Roman world its task very largely
lay in taking over and developing those three secrets
already discovered by Paganism.</p>

<p>It was inevitable, however, that in developing these
new forms of the emotional life, the ascetic bent of
Christianity should make itself felt. It was not possible
for Christianity to cast its halo around the natural
sexual life, but it was possible to refine and exalt that
life, to lift it into a spiritual sphere. Neither woman
the sweetheart nor woman the mother were in ordinary
life glorified by the Church; they were only tolerated.
But on a higher than natural plane they were surrounded
by a halo and raised to the highest pedestal of reverence
and even worship. The Virgin was exalted, Bride and
Bridegroom became terms of mystical import, and the
Holy Mother received the adoring love of all Christendom.
Even in the actual relations of men and women, quite
early in the history of Christianity, we sometimes find
men and women cultivating relationships which excluded
that earthly union the Church looked down on, but yet
involved the most tender and intimate physical affection.
Many charming stories of such relationships are found
in the lives of the saints, and sometimes they existed
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
even within the marriage bond.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> Christianity led to
the use of ideas and terms borrowed from earthly love
in a different and symbolic sense. But the undesigned
result was that a new force and beauty were added
to those ideas and terms, however applied, and also
that many emotions were thus cultivated which became
capable of re-inforcing earthly human love. In this way
it happened that, though Christianity rejected the ideal
of romantic love in its natural associations, it indirectly
prepared the way for a loftier and deeper realization of
that love.</p>


<p>There can be no doubt that the emotional training
and refining of the fleshly instincts by Christianity
was the chief cause of the rise of that conception of
romantic love which we associate with the institution
of chivalry. Exalted and sanctified by contact with
the central dogmas of religion, the emotion of love was
brought down from this spiritual atmosphere by the
knightly lover, with something of its ethereal halo
still clinging to it, and directed towards an earthly
mistress. The most extravagant phase of romantic
love which has ever been seen was then brought about,
and in many cases, certainly, it was a real erotomania
which passed beyond the bounds of sanity.
<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> In its
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
extreme forms, however, this romantic love was a rare,
localized, and short-lived manifestation. The dominant
attitude of the chivalrous age towards women, as L&eacute;on
Gautier has shown in his monumental work on chivalry,
was one of indifference, or even contempt. The knight's
thoughts were more of war than of women, and he
cherished his horse more than his mistress.
<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>

<p>But women, above all in France, reacted against
this attitude, and with splendid success. Their husbands
treated them with indifference or left them at home
while they sought adventure in the world. The neglected
wives proceeded to lay down the laws of society, and
took upon themselves the part of rulers in the domain of
morals. In the eleventh, the twelfth, the thirteenth
centuries, says M&eacute;ray in a charming book on life in the
days of the Courts of Love, we find women "with infinite
skill and an adorable refinement seizing the moral direction
of French society." They did so, he remarks, in a
spirit so Utopian, so ideally poetic, that historians have
hesitated to take them seriously. The laws of the Courts
of Love<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
may sometimes seem to us immoral and licentious,
but in reality they served to restrain the worst immoralities
and licences of the time. They banished violence, they
allowed no venality, and they inculcated moderation
in passion. The task of the Courts of Love was facilitated
by the relative degree of peace which then reigned,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
especially by the fact that the Normans, holding both
coasts of the Channel, formed a link between France
and England. When the murderous activities of French
kings and English kings destroyed that link, the Courts
of Love were swept away in the general disorder and
the progress of civilization indefinitely retarded.
<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Yet
in some degree the ideals which had been thus embodied
still persisted. As the Goncourts pointed out in their
invaluable book, <i>La Femme au Dix-huiti&egrave;me Si&egrave;cle</i> (Chap.
v), from the days of chivalry even on into the eighteenth
century, when on the surface at all events it apparently
disappeared, an exalted ideal of love continued to be
cherished in France. This conception remained associated,
throughout, with the great social influence and authority
which had been enjoyed by women in France even from
medieval times. That influence had become pronounced
during the seventeenth century, and at that time Sir
Thomas Smith in his <i>Commonwealth of England</i>, writing
of the high position of women in England, remarked that
they possessed "almost as much liberty as in France."</p>

<p>There were at least two forms of medieval romantic
love. The first arose in Provence and northern Italy
during the twelfth century, and spread to Germany
as <i>Minnedienst</i>. In this form the young knights directed
their respectful and adoring devotion to a high-born
married woman who chose one of them as her own cavalier,
to do her service and reverence, the two vowing devotion
to each other until death. It was a part of this amorous
code that there could not be love between husband and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
wife, and it was counted a mark of low breeding for a
husband to challenge his wife's right to her young knight's
services, though sometimes we are told the husband
risked this reproach, occasionally with tragic results.
This mode of love, after being eloquently sung and
practised by the troubadours&mdash;usually, it appears,
younger sons of noble houses&mdash;died out in the place of
its origin, but it had been introduced into Spain, and
the Spaniards reintroduced it into Italy when they
acquired the kingdom of Naples; in Italy it was conventionalized
into the firmly rooted institution of the
<i>cavaliere servente</i>. From the standpoint of a strict
morality, the institution was obviously open to question.
But we can scarcely fail to see that at its origin it possessed,
even if unconsciously, a quasi-religious warrant in the
worship of the Holy Mother, and we have to recognize
that, notwithstanding its questionable shape, it was
really an effort to attain a purer and more ideal relationship
than was possible in a rough and warlike age which
placed the wife in subordination to her husband. A
tender devotion that inspired poetry, an unalloyed
respect that approached reverence, vows that were
based on equal freedom and independence on both sides&mdash;these
were possibilities which the men and women of
that age felt to be incompatible with marriage as they
knew it.</p>

<p>The second form of medieval romantic love was
more ethereal than the first, and much more definitely
and consciously based on a religious attitude. It was
really the worship of the Virgin transferred to a young
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
earthly maiden, yet retaining the purity and ideality
of religious worship. To so high a degree is this the case
that it is sometimes difficult to be sure whether we are
concerned with a real maiden of flesh and blood or only
a poetic symbol of womanhood. This doubt has been
raised, notably by Bartoli, concerning Dante's Beatrice,
the supreme type of this ethereal love, which arose
in the thirteenth century, and was chiefly cultivated
in Florence. The poets of this movement were themselves
aware of the religious character of their devotion
to the <i>donna angelicata</i> to whom they even apply, as they
would to the Queen of Heaven, the appellation Stella
Maris. That there was an element of flesh and blood
in these figures is believed by Remy de Gourmont,
but when we gaze at them, he remarks, we see at first,
"in place of a body only two eyes with angel's wings
behind them, on the background of an azure sky sown
with golden stars"; the lover is on his knees and his
love has become a prayer.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> This phase of romantic
love was brief, and perhaps mostly the possession of the
poets, but it represented a really important moment
in the evolution of modern romantic love. It was a step
towards the realization of the genuinely human charm
of young womanhood in real human relationships, of
which we already have a foretaste in the delicious early
French story of Aucassin and Nicolette.</p>


<p>The re-discovery of classic literature, the movements
of Humanism and the Renaissance, swept away what
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
was left of the almost religious idealization of the young
virgin. The ethereal maiden, thin, pale, an&aelig;mic,
disappeared alike from literature and from art, and was
no longer an ideal in actual life. She gave place to a
new woman, conscious of her own fully developed womanhood
and all its needs, radiantly beautiful and finely
shaped in every limb. She lacked the spirituality of her
predecessors, but she had gained in intellect. She
appears first in the pages of Boccaccio. After a long
interval Titian immortalized her rich and mature beauty;
she is Flora, she is Ariadne, she is alike the Earthly
Love and the Heavenly Love. Every curve of her body
was adoringly and minutely described by Niphus and
Firenzuola.<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> She was, moreover, the courtesan whose
imperial charm and adroitness enabled her to trample
under foot the medieval conception of lust as sin,
even in the courts of popes. At the great academic
centre of Bologna, finally, she chastely taught learning
and science.<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> The people of the Italian Renaissance
placed women on the same level as men, and to call
a woman a <i>virago</i> implied unalloyed praise.
<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
The very mixed conditions of what we have been
accustomed to consider the modern world then began
for women. They were no longer cloistered&mdash;whether
in convents or the home&mdash;but neither were they
any longer worshipped. They began to be treated
as human beings, and when men idealized them in figures
of romantic charm or pathos&mdash;figures like Shakespeare's
Rosalind or Marivaux's Sylvia or Richardson's Clarissa&mdash;this
humanity was henceforth the common ground
out of which the vision arose. But, one notes, in nearly
all the great poets and novelists up to the middle of
the last century, it was usually in the weakness of
humanity that the artist sought the charm and pathos
of his feminine figures. From Shakespeare's Ophelia
to Thackeray's Amelia this is the rule, more emphatically
expressed in the literature of England than of any
other country. There had been no actual emancipation
of women; though now they had entered the world of
men, they were not yet, socially and legally, of that
world. Even the medieval traditions still lived on
in subtly conventionalized forms. The "chivalrous"
attitude towards women was, as the word itself suggests,
a medieval survival. It belonged to a period of barbarism
when brutal force ruled and when the man who magnanimously
placed his force at the disposition of a woman
was really doing her a service and granting her a privilege.
But civilization means the building up of an orderly
society in which individual rights are respected, and
force no longer dominates. So that as civilization
advances the occasions on which women require the aid
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
of masculine force become ever fewer and more unimportant.
The conventionalized chivalry of men then
tends to become an offer of services which it would be
better for women to do for themselves and a bestowal
of privileges to which they are nowise entitled.
<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> Moreover,
this same chivalry is, under these conditions,
apt to take on a character which is the reverse of its
face value. It becomes the assertion of a power over
women instead of a power on their behalf; and it carries
with it a tinge of contempt in place of respect. Theoretically,
a thousand chivalrous swords should leap
from their scabbards to succour the distressed woman.
In practice this may only mean that the thousand
owners of these metaphorical weapons are on the alert
to take advantage of the distressed woman.</p>

<p>Thus the romantic emotions based on medieval
ideals gradually lost their worth. They were not in
relation to the altered facts of life; they had become
an empty convention which could be turned to very
unromantic uses. The movement for the emancipation
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
of women was not consciously or directly a movement
of revolt against an antiquated chivalry. It was rather
a part of the development of civilization which rendered
chivalry antique. Medieval romantic love implied in
women a weakness in the soil of which only a spiritual
force could flourish. The betterment of social conditions,
the subordination of violence to order, the growing
respect for individual rights, took away the reasons for
consecrating weakness in women, and created an ever
larger field in which women could freely seek to rival
men, because it is a field in which knowledge and skill
are of far more importance than muscular strength.
The emancipation of women has simply been the later
and more conscious phase of the process by which women
have entered into this field and sought their share of its
rights and its responsibilities.</p>

<p>The woman movement of modern times, properly
understood, has thus been the effort of women to adapt
themselves to the conditions of an orderly and peaceful
civilization. Education, under the changed conditions,
can effect what before needed force of arms; responsibility
is now demanded where before only tutelage
was possible. A civilized society in which women are
ignorant and irresponsible is an anachronism, and,
however great the wrench with the past might be,
it was necessary that women should be adjusted to the
changing times. The ideal of the weak, ignorant, inexperienced
woman&mdash;the cross between an angel and
an idiot, as I have elsewhere described her
<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>&mdash;no longer
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
fulfilled any useful purpose. Civilized society furnishes
the conditions under which all adult persons are socially
equal and all are free to give to society the best they are
capable of.</p>


<p>It was inevitable, but unfortunate, that this movement
should have sometimes tended to take the form of an
attempt on the part of women to secure, not merely
equality with men, but actual imitation of men. These
women said that since men had attained mastery in life,
captured all the best things, and adopted the most
successful methods of living, it was necessary for women
to copy them at every point. That was a specious
plea which even had in it a certain element of truth.
But the fact remained that women and men are different,
that the difference is based in fundamental natural
functions, and that to place one sex in exactly the same
position as the other sex is to deform its outlines and to
hamper its activities.</p>

<p>From the present point of view we are only concerned
with the influence of the woman's movement on love.
On the traditional conception of romantic love inherited
from medieval days there can be no doubt that this
influence has been highly dissolvent. Medieval romantic
love, in its original form, had been part of a conception
of womanhood made up of opposites, and all the opposites
balanced each other. The medieval man laid his homage
at the feet of the great lady in the castle hall, but he
himself lorded it over the wife who drudged in his own
home. On his knees he gazed up in devotion at the
ethereal virgin, but when she ceased to be a virgin, he
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
asserted himself by cursing her as a demon sent from
hell to seduce and torment him. All this was possible
because the woman was outside the orbit of the man's
life, never on the same plane, necessarily higher or
lower. It became difficult if woman was man's equal,
absurdly impossible if she was of identical nature with
him.</p>

<p>The medieval romantic tradition has come down to
us so laden with beauty and mystery that we are apt to
think, as we see it melt away, that human achievements
are being permanently depreciated. That illusion occurs
in every age of transition. It was notably so in the
eighteenth century, which represented a highly important
stage in the emancipation of women. To some that
century seems to have been given up to empty gallantry
and facile pleasure. Yet it was not only the age in which
women for the first time succeeded in openly attaining
their supreme social influence,<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> it was an age of romantic
love, and the noble or poignant love-stories which have
reached us from the records of that period surpass those
of any other age.</p>

<p>If we believe with Goethe that the religion of the
future consists in a triple reverence&mdash;the reverence for
what is above us, the reverence for what is below us,
and the reverence for our equals<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>&mdash;we need not grieve
overmuch if one form of this reverence, the first, and
that which Goethe regarded as the earliest and crudest,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
has lost its exclusive claim. Reverence is essential
to all romantic love. To bring down the Madonna and
the Virgin from their pedestals to share with men the
common responsibilities and duties of life is not to divest
them of the claim to reverence. It is merely the sign of
a change in the form of that reverence, a change which
heralds a new romantic love.</p>

<p>It would be premature to attempt to define the exact
outline of the new forms of romantic love, or the precise
lineaments of the beings who will most ardently evoke
that love. In literature, indeed, the ideals of life cast
their shadow before, and we may surely trace a change
in the erotic ideals mirrored in literature. The woman
whom Dickens idealized in <i>David Copperfield</i> is unlike
indeed to the series of women of a new type introduced
by George Meredith, and the modern heroine generally
exhibits more of the robust, open-eyed and spontaneous
qualities of that later type than the blind and clinging
nature of the amiable simpletons of the older type.
That the changed conditions of civilization should produce
new types of womanhood and of love is not surprising,
if we realize that, even within the ancient chivalrous
forms it was possible to produce similar robust types
when the qualities of a race were favourable to them.
Spain furnishes a notable illustration. Spanish literature
from Cervantes and Tirso to Valera and Blasco Iba&ntilde;ez
reflects a type of woman who stands on the same ground
as man and is his equal and often his superior on that
ground, alike in vigour of body and of spirit, acquiring
all that she cares to of virility, while losing nothing feminine
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
that is of worth.<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> In more than one respect the
ideal woman of Spain is the ideal woman our civilization
now renders necessary. The women of the future, Grete
Meisel-Hess declares in her femininely clever and frank
discussion of present-day conditions, <i>Die Sexuelle Krise</i>,
will be full, strong, elementary natures, devoid alike
of the impulse to destroy or the aptitude to be destroyed.
She considers, moreover, that so far from romantic
love being a thing of the past, "love as a form of worship
is reserved for the future."<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> In the past it has only been
found among a few rare souls; in the future world,
fostered by the finer selection of a conscious eugenics,
and a new reverence and care for motherhood, we may
reasonably hope for a truly efficient humanity, the
bearers and conservers of the highest human emotions.
It is in this sense, indeed, that the voices of the greatest
and most typical leaders of the woman's movement
of emancipation to-day are heard. Ellen Key, in her
<i>Love and Marriage</i>, seeks to conciliate the cultivation
of a free and sacred sexual relationship with the worship
of the child, as the embodiment of the future race,
while Olive Schreiner proclaims in her <i>Woman and Labour</i>
that the woman of the future will walk side by side with
man in a higher and deeper relationship than has ever
been possible before because it will involve a new community
in activity and insight.</p>

<p>Nor is it alone from the feminine side that these
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
forecasts are made. Certainly for the most part love
has been cultivated more by women than by men.
Primacy in the genius of intellect belongs incontestably
to men, but in the genius of love it has doubtless oftener
been achieved by women. They have usually understood
better than men that in this matter, as Goethe insisted,
it is the lover and not the beloved who reaps the chief
fruits of love. "It is better to love, even violently,"
wrote the forsaken Portuguese nun, in her immortal
<i>Letters</i>, "than merely to be loved." He who loses his
life here saves it, for it is only in so far as he becomes
a crucified god that Love wins the sacrifice of human
hearts. Of late years, by an inevitable reaction, women
have sometimes forgotten this eternal verity. The women
of the twentieth century in their anxiety for self-possession
and their rightful eagerness to gain positions they feel
they have been too long excluded from, have perhaps
yet failed to realize that the women of the eighteenth
century, who exerted a sway over life that the women
of no age before or since have possessed, were, above
all women, great and heroic lovers, and that those two
fundamental facts cannot be cut asunder. But this
failure, temporary as it is doubtless destined to be,
will work for good if it is the point of departure for a
revival among men of the art of love.</p>

<p>Men indeed have here fallen behind women. The
old saying, so tediously often quoted, concerning love
as a "thing apart" in the lives of men would scarcely
have occurred to a medieval poet of Provence or Florence.
It is not enough for women to proclaim a new avatar
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
of love if men are not ready and eager to learn its art
and to practise its discipline. In a profoundly suggestive
fragment on love, left incomplete at his death by the
distinguished sociologist Tarde,<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> he suggests that when
masculine energy dies down in the fields of political
ambition and commercial gain, as it already has in the
field of warfare, the energy liberated by greater social
organization and cohesion may find scope once more in
love. For too long a period love, like war and politics
and commerce, has been chiefly monopolized by the
predatory type of man, in this field symbolized by the
figure of Don Juan. In the future, Tarde suggests,
the Don Juan type of lover may fall into disrepute,
giving place to the Virgilian type, for whom love is not
a thing apart but a form of life embodying its best
and highest activities.</p>

<p>When we come upon utterances of this kind we are
tempted to think that they represent merely the poetic
dreams of individuals, standing too far ahead of their
fellows to possess any significance for men and women
in general. But it is probable that Ovid, and certain
that Dante, set forth erotic conceptions that were unintelligible
to most of their contemporaries, yet they have
been immensely influential over the ideas and emotions
of men in later ages. The poets and prophets of one
generation are engaged in moulding ideals which will
be realized in the lives of a subsequent generation;
in expressing their own most intimate emotions, as it
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
has been truly said, they become the leaders in a long
file of men and women. Whatever may yet be uncertain
and undefined, we may assuredly believe that the emotion
of love is far too deeply rooted in the depth of man's
organism and woman's organism ever to be torn out or
ever to be thrust into a subordinate place. And we may
also believe that there is no measurable limit to its power
of putting forth ever new and miraculous flowers. It
is recorded that once, in James Hinton's presence, the
conversation turned on music, and it was suggested
that, owing to the limited number of musical combinations
and the unlimited number of musical compositions,
a time would come when all music would only be a
repetition of exhausted harmonies. Hinton remarked
that then would come a man so inspired by a new spirit
that his feeling would be, not that <i>all</i> music has been
written, but that no <i>music</i> has yet been written. It
was a memorable saying. In every field that is the
perpetual proclamation of genius: Behold! I create
all things new. And in this field of love we can conceive
of no age in which to the inspired seer it will not be
possible to feel: There has yet been no <i>love</i>!</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a>
See especially Sidney Lee, "Ovid and Shakespeare's Sonnets,"
<i>Quarterly Review</i>, April, 1909.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a>
Montaigne, <i>Essais</i>, Book III, chap. <span class="smcap">V</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a>
See e.g. Mrs. Fraser, <i>World's Work and Play</i>, December, 1906.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a>
A more modern feeling for love and marriage begins to emerge,
however, at a much earlier period, with Menander and the New Comedy.
E.F.M. Benecke, in his interesting little book on <i>Antimachus of
Colophon and the Position of Women in Greek Poetry</i>, believes that the
romantic idea (that is to say, the idea that a woman is a worthy object
for a man's love, and that such love may well be the chief, if not the
only, aim of a man's life) had originally been propounded by Antimachus
at the end of the fifth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Antimachus, said to have
been the friend of Plato, had been united to a woman of Lydia (where
women, we know, occupied a very high position) and her death inspired
him to write a long poem, <i>Lyde</i>, "the first love poem ever addressed
by a Greek to his wife after death." Only a few lines of this poem
survive. But Antimachus seems to have greatly influenced Philetas
(whom Croiset calls "the first of the Alexandrians") and Asclepiades
of Samos, tender and exquisite poets whom also we only know by a few
fragments. Benecke's arguments, therefore, however probable, cannot
be satisfactorily substantiated.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a>
As I have elsewhere pointed out (<i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>,
Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society," chap. <span class="smcap">ix</span>), most modern
authorities&mdash;Friedl&auml;nder, Dill, Donaldson, etc.&mdash;consider that there was
no real moral decline in the later Roman Empire; we must not accept
the pictures presented by satirists, pagan or Christian, as of general application.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a>
I have discussed this phase of early Christianity in the sixth volume
of <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, "Sex in Relation to Society,"
chap. <span class="smcap">V</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a>
Ulrich von Lichtenstein, in the thirteenth century, is the typical
example of this chivalrous erotomania. His account of his own adventures
has been questioned, but Reinhold Becker (<i>Wahrheit und Dichtung
in Ulrich von Lichtenstein's Frauendienst</i>, 1888) considers that, though
much exaggerated, it is in substance true.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a>
L&eacute;on Gautier, <i>La Chevalerie</i>, pp. 236-8, 348-50.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a>
The chief source of information on these Courts is Andr&eacute; le
Chapelain's <i>De Arte Amatoria</i>. Boccaccio made use of this work,
though without mentioning the author's name, in his own <i>Dialogo
d' Amore</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a>
A. M&eacute;ray, <i>La Vie au Temps des Cours d'Amour</i>, 1876.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a>
Remy de Gourmont, <i>Dante, B&eacute;atrice et la Po&eacute;sie Amoureuse</i>, 1907,
p. 32.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a>
 Niphus (born about 1473), a physician and philosopher of the Papal
Court, wrote in his <i>De Pulchro</i>, sometimes considered the first modern
treatise on &aelig;sthetics, a minute description of Joan of Aragon, whose
portrait, traditionally ascribed to Raphael, is in the Louvre. The
famous work of Firenzuola (born 1493) entitled <i>Dialogo delle Bellezze
delle Donne</i>, was published in 1548. It has been translated into English
by Clara Bell under the title <i>On the Beauty of Women</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a>
See, for example, Edith Coulson James, <i>Bologna: Its History,
Antiquities and Art</i>, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a>
See, for an interesting account of the position of women in the
Italian Renaissance, Burckhardt, <i>Die Kultur der Renaissance</i>, Part V,
ch. <span class="smcap">vi</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a>
I may quote the following remarks from a communication I have
received from a University man: "I am prepared to show women,
and to expect from them, precisely the same amount of consideration as
I show to or expect from other men, but I rather resent being expected
to make a preferential difference. For example, in a crowded tram I see
no more adequate reason for giving up my seat to a young and healthy
girl than for expecting her to give up hers to me; I would do so cheerfully
for an old person of either sex on the ground that I am probably
better fit to stand the fatigue of 'strap-hanging,' and because I recognize
that some respect is due to age; but if persons get into over-full
vehicles they should not expect first-comers to turn out of their seats
merely because they happen to be men." This writer acknowledges,
indeed, that he is not very sensitive to the erotic attraction of women,
but it is probable that the changing status of women will render the
attitude he expresses more and more common among men.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a>
<i>Ante</i>, p. 58.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a>
"Women then were queens," as Taine writes (<i>L'Ancien R&eacute;gime</i>,
Vol. I, p. 219), and he gives references to illustrate the point.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a>
Goethe, <i>Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre</i>, Book II, ch.
<span class="smcap">i</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a>
Havelock Ellis, <i>The Soul of Spain</i>, chap.
<span class="smcap">III</span>, "The Women of Spain."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a>
Grete Meisel-Hess, <i>Die Sexuelle Krise</i>, 1909, pp. 148, 168.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a>
"La Morale Sexuelle," <i>Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle</i>, January,
1907.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
<a name="CHAPV" id="CHAPV"></a></p><h3>V</h3>

<h3>THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A FALLING
BIRTH-RATE</h3>

<blockquote><p>The Fall of the Birth-rate in Europe generally&mdash;In England&mdash;In
Germany&mdash;In the United States&mdash;In Canada&mdash;In Australasia&mdash;"Crude"
Birth-rate and "Corrected" Birth-rate&mdash;The Connection
between High Birth-rate and High Death-rate&mdash;"Natural Increase"
measured by Excess of Births over Deaths&mdash;The Measure of
National Well-being&mdash;The Example of Russia&mdash;Japan&mdash;China&mdash;The
Necessity of viewing the Question from a wide Standpoint&mdash;The
Prevalence of Neo-Malthusian Methods&mdash;Influence of the Roman
Catholic Church&mdash;Other Influences lowering the Birth-rate&mdash;Influence
of Postponement of Marriage&mdash;Relation of the Birth-rate
to Commercial and Industrial Activity&mdash;Illustrated by Russia,
Hungary, and Australia&mdash;The Relation of Prosperity to Fertility&mdash;The
Social Capillarity Theory&mdash;Divergence of the Birth-rate and
the Marriage-rate&mdash;Marriage-rate and the Movement of Prices&mdash;Prosperity
and Civilization&mdash;Fertility among Savages&mdash;The lesser
Fertility of Urban Populations&mdash;Effect of Urbanization on Physical
Development&mdash;Why Prosperity fails permanently to increase
Fertility&mdash;Prosperity creates Restraints on Fertility&mdash;The Process
of Civilization involves Decreased Fertility&mdash;In this Respect it is
a Continuation of Zoological Evolution&mdash;Large Families as a Stigma
of Degeneration&mdash;The Decreased Fertility of Civilization a General
Historical Fact&mdash;The Ideals of Civilization to-day&mdash;The East and
the West.</p></blockquote>


<h4>I</h4>

<p>One of the most interesting phenomena of the
early part of the nineteenth century was the
immense expansion of the people of the so-called
"Anglo-Saxon" race.<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> This expansion coincided with
that development of industrial and commercial activity
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
which made the English people, who had previously impressed
foreigners as somewhat lazy and drunken, into
"a nation of shopkeepers." It also coincided with the
end of the supremacy of France in Europe; France had
succeeded to Spain as the leading power in Europe, and
had on the whole maintained a supremacy which Napoleon
brought to a climax, and, in doing so, crushed. The
growing prosperity of England represented an entirely
new wave of influence, mainly economic in character,
but not less forceful than that of Spain and of France
had been; and this prosperity was reflected in the
growth of the nation. The greater part of the Victorian
period was marked by this expansion of population,
which reached its highest point in the early years of the
second half of that period. While the population of
England was thus increasing with ever greater rapidity
at home, at the same time the English-speaking peoples
overspread the whole of North America, and colonized
the fertile fringe of Australia. It was, on a still larger
scale, a phenomenon similar to that which had occurred
three hundred years earlier, when Spain covered the
world and founded an empire upon which, as Spaniards
proudly boasted, the sun never set.</p>


<p>When now, a century later, we survey the situation,
not only has industrial and commercial activity ceased
to be a special attribute of the Anglo-Saxons&mdash;since the
Germans have here shown themselves to possess qualities
of the highest order, and other countries are rapidly
rivalling them&mdash;but within the limits of the English-speaking
world itself the English have found formidable
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
rivals in the Americans. Underlying, however, even these
great changes there is a still more fundamental fact to
be considered, a fact which affects all branches of the
race; and that is, that the Anglo-Saxons have passed
their great epoch of expansion and that their birth-rate
is rapidly falling to a normal level, that is to say, to the
average level of the world in general. Disregarding the
extremely important point of the death-rate in its bearing
on the birth-rate, England is seen to possess a medium
birth-rate among European countries, not among the
countries with a high birth-rate, like Russia, Roumania,
or Bulgaria, nor among those with a low birth-rate, like
Sweden, Belgium, and France. It was in this last country
that the movement of decline in the European birth-rate
began, and though the rate of decline has in France now
become very gradual the long period through which it
has extended has placed France in the lowest place, so
far as Europe is concerned. In 1908 out of a total of
over 11,000,000 French families, in nearly 2,000,000
there were no children, and in nearly 3,000,000 there was
only one child.<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>
The general decline in the European
birth-rate, during the years 1901-1905, was only slight
in Switzerland, Ireland and Spain, while it was large not
only in France, but in Italy, Servia, England and Wales,
and especially in Hungary (while, outside Europe, it was
largest of all in South Australia). Since 1905 there has
been a further general decline throughout Europe, only
excepting Ireland, Bulgaria, and Roumania. In Prussia
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
in 1881-1885 the birth-rate was 37.4; in 1909 it was
only 31.8; while in the German Empire as a whole it
is throughout lower than in Prussia, though somewhat
higher than in England. In Austria and Spain alone of
European countries during the twenty years between
1881 and 1901 was there any tendency for the fertility
of wives to increase. In all other countries there was a
decrease, greatest in Belgium, next greatest in France,
then in England.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p>

<p>If we consider the question, not on the basis of the
crude birth-rate, but of the "corrected" birth-rate, with
more exact reference to the child-producing elements in
the population, as is done by Newsholme and Stevenson,
<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>
we find that the greatest decline has taken place in New
South Wales, then in Victoria, Belgium, and Saxony,
followed by New Zealand. But France, the German
Empire generally, England, and Denmark all show a
considerable fall; while Sweden and Norway show a
fall, which, especially in Norway, is slight. Norway
illustrates the difference between the "crude" and the
"corrected" birth-rate; the crude birth-rate is lower
than that of Saxony, but the corrected birth-rate is
higher. Ireland, again, has a very low crude birth-rate,
but the population of child-bearing age has a high birth-rate,
considerably higher than that of England.</p>


<p>Thus while forty years ago it was usual for both the
English and the Germans to contemplate, perhaps with
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
some complacency, the spectacle of the falling birth-rate
in France as compared with the high birth-rate in England
and Germany, we are now seen to be all marching along
the same road. In 1876 the English birth-rate reached
its maximum of 36.3 per thousand; while in France the
birth-rate now appears almost to have reached its lowest
level. Germany, like England, now also has a falling
birth-rate, though it will take some time to sink to the
English level. The birth-rate for Germany generally is
still much higher than for England generally, but urbanization
in Germany seems to have a greater influence
than in England in lowering the birth-rate, and for many
years past the birth-rate of Berlin has been lower than
that of London. The birth-rate in Germany has long
been steadily falling, and the increase in the population
of Germany is due to a concomitant steady fall in the
death-rate, a fall to which there are inevitable natural
limits.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Moreover, as Flux has shown,
<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> urbanization is
going on at a greater speed in Germany than in England,
and practically the entire natural increase of the German
population for a quarter of a century has drifted into the
towns. But the death-rate of the young in German
towns is far higher than in English towns, and the first
five years of life in Germany produce as much mortality
as the first twenty-five years in England.
<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> So that a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
thousand children born in England add far more to the
population than a thousand children born in Germany.
The average number of children per family in German
towns is less than in English towns of the same size.
These results, reached by Flux, suggest that in a few
years' time the rate of increase in the German population
will be lower than it is at present in England. In England,
since 1876, the decline has been so rapid as to be equal
to 20 per cent within a generation, and in some of
the large towns to 40 per cent. Against this there has,
indeed, to be set the general tendency during recent years
for the death-rate to fall also. But this saving of life
has until lately been effected mainly at the higher ages;
there has been but little saving of the lives of infants,
upon whom the death-rate falls most heavily. Accompanying
this falling off in the number of children produced
there has often been, as we might expect, a fall
in the marriage-rate; but this has been less regular, and
of late the marriage-rate has sometimes been high when
the birth-rate was low.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> There has, however, been a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
steady postponement of the average age at which marriage
takes place. On the whole, the main fact that
emerges is, that nowadays in England we marry less and
have fewer children.</p>

<p>This is now a familiar fact, and perhaps it should not
excite very great surprise. England is an old and fairly
stable country, and it may be said that it would be unreasonable
to expect its population to retain indefinitely
a high degree of fertility. Whether this is so or not,
there is the further consideration to be borne in mind
that, during nearly the whole of the Victorian period,
emigration of the most vigorous stocks took place to a
very marked extent. It is not difficult to see the influence
of such emigration in connection with the greatly
diminished population of Ireland, as compared with
Scotland; and we may reasonably infer that it has had
its part in the decreased fertility of the United Kingdom
generally.</p>

<p>But we encounter the remarkable fact that this decreased
fertility of the Anglo-Saxon populations is not
confined to the United Kingdom. It is even more pronounced
in those very lands to which so many thousand
shiploads of our best people have been taken. In the
United States the question has attracted much attention,
and there is little disagreement among careful observers
as to the main facts of the situation. The question is,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
indeed, somewhat difficult for two reasons: the registration
of births is not generally compulsory in the
United States, and, even when general facts are ascertained,
it is still necessary to distinguish between the
different classes of the population. Our conclusions must
therefore be based, not on the course of a general birth-rate,
but on the most reliable calculations, based on the
census returns and on the average size of the family at
different periods, and among different classes of the
population. A bulletin of the Census Bureau of the
United States since 1860 was prepared a few years ago
by Walter F. Wilcox, of Cornell University. It determines
from the data in the census office the proportion
of children to the number of women of child-bearing age
in the country at different periods, and shows that there
has been, on the whole, a fall from the beginning to the
end of the last century. Children under ten years of age
constituted one-third of the population at the beginning
of the century, and at the end less than one-fourth of the
total population. Between 1850 and 1860 the proportion
of children to women between fifteen and forty-nine
years of age increased, but since 1860 it has constantly
decreased. In 1860 the number of children under five
years of age to one thousand women between fifteen and
forty-nine years of age was 634; in 1900 it was only 474.
The proportion of children to potential mothers in 1900
was only three-fourths as large as in 1860. In the north
and west of the United States the decline has been
regular, while in the south the change has been less
regular and the decline less marked. A comparison is
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
made between the proportion of children in the foreign-born
population and in the American. The former was
710 to the latter's 462. In the coloured population the
proportion of children is greater than in the corresponding
white population.</p>

<p>There can be no doubt whatever that, from the eighteenth
century to the twentieth, there has been a steady
decrease in the size of the American family. Franklin,
in the eighteenth century, estimated that the average
number of children to a married couple was eight; genealogical
records show that, while in the seventeenth century
it was nearly seven, it was over six at the end of the
eighteenth century. Since then, as Engelmann and others
have shown, there has been a steady decrease in the size
of the family; in the earlier years of the nineteenth
century there were between four and five children to
each marriage, while by the end of the century the
number of children had fallen to between four and but
little over one. Engelmann finds that there is but a very
trifling difference in this respect between the upper and
the lower social classes; the average for the labouring
classes at St. Louis he finds to be about two, and for the
higher classes a little less. It is among the foreign-born
population, and among those of foreign parents, that the
larger families are found; thus Kuczynski, by analysing
the census, finds that in Massachusetts the average
number of children to each married woman among the
American-born of all social classes is 2.7, while among
the foreign-born of all social classes it is 4.5. Moreover,
sterility is much more frequent among American women
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
than among foreign women in America. Among various
groups in Boston, St. Louis, and elsewhere it varies between
20 and 23 per cent, and in some smaller groups
is even considerably higher, while among the foreign-born
it is only 13 per cent. The net result is that the
general natality of the United States at the present day
is about equal to that of France, but that, when we
analyse the facts, the fertility of the old native-born
American population of mainly Anglo-Saxon origin is
found to be lower than that of France. This element,
therefore, is rapidly dwindling away in the United States.
The general level of the birth-rate is maintained by the
foreign immigrants, who in many States (as in New York,
Massachusetts, Michigan, and Minnesota) constitute the
majority of the population, and altogether number considerably
over ten millions. Among these immigrants
the Anglo-Saxon element is now very small. Indeed, the
whole North European contingent among the American
immigrants, which was formerly nearly 90 per cent of the
whole, has since 1890 steadily sunk, and the majority
of the immigrants now belong to the Central, Southern,
and Eastern European stocks. The racial, and, it is
probable, the psychological characteristics of the people
of the United States are thus beginning to undergo, not
merely modification, but, it may almost be said, a revolution.
If, as we may well believe, the influence of the
original North-European racial elements&mdash;Anglo-Saxon,
Dutch, and French&mdash;still continues to persist in the
United States, it can only be the influence of a small
aristocracy, maintained by intellect and character.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
When we turn to Canada, a land that is imposing, less
by the actual size of the population than by the vast
tracts it possesses for its development, the question has
not yet been fully investigated; but such facts and official
publications as I have been able to obtain all indicate
that, in this matter, the English Canadians approximate
to the native Americans. In the United States it is the
European immigrants who maintain the general population
at a productive level, and thus indirectly oust the
Anglo-Saxon element. In Canada the chief dividing line
is between the Anglo-Saxon element and the old French
element in the population; and here it is the French
Canadians who are gaining ground on the English elements
in the population. Engelmann ascertained that
an examination of one thousand families in the records
of Quebec Life Assurance companies shows 9.2 children
on the average to the French Canadian child-bearing
woman. It is found also from the records of the French
Canadian Society for Artisans that 500 families from
town districts, taken at random, show 9.06 children per
family, and 500 families from country districts show
9.33 children per family.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> It must be remembered that
this average, which is even higher than that found in
Russia, the most prolific of European countries, is not
quite the same as the number of children per marriage;
but it indicates very great fertility, while it may be
noted also that sterile marriages are comparatively rare
among French Canadians, although among English
Canadians the proportion of childless families is found
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
to be almost exactly the same (nearly 20 per cent) as
among the infertile Americans of Massachusetts. The
annual Reports of the Registrar-General of Ontario, a
province which is predominantly of Anglo-Saxon origin,
show that the average birth-rate during the decade 1899-1908
has been 22.3 per 1000; it must be noted, however,
that there has been a gradual rise from a rate of
19.4 in 1899 to one of 25.6 in 1908. The report of Mr.
Pr&eacute;vost, the recorder of vital statistics for the predominantly
French province of Quebec, shows much higher
rates. The general birth-rate for the province for the
year 1901 is high, being 35.2, much higher than that of
England, and nearly as high as that of Germany. If,
however, we consider the thirty-five counties of the
province in which the population is almost exclusively
French Canadian, we find that 35 represents almost the
lowest average; as many as twenty-two of these counties
show a rate of over forty, and one (Yamaska) reached
51.52. It is very evident that, in order to pull down these
high birth-rates to the general level of 35.2, we have to
assume a much lower birth-rate among the counties in
which the English element is considerable. It must be
remembered, however, that infant mortality is high
among the French Canadians. The French Canadian
Catholic, it has been said, would shrink in horror from
such an unnatural crime as limiting his family before
birth, but he sees nothing repugnant to God or man in
allowing the surplus excess of children to die after birth.
In this he is at one with the Chinese. Dr. E.P. La Chapelle,
the President of the Provincial Conseil d'Hygi&egrave;ne,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
wrote some years ago to Professor Davidson, in answer
to inquiries: "I do not believe it would be correct to
ascribe the phenomenon to any single cause, and I am
convinced it is the result of several factors. For one, the
first cause of the heavy infant mortality among the
French Canadians is their very heavy natality, each
family being composed of an average of twelve children,
and instances of families of fifteen, eighteen, and even
twenty-four children being not uncommon. The super-abundance
of children renders, I think, parents less
careful about them."<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p>

<p>The net result is a slight increase on the part of the
French Canadians, as compared with the English element
in the province, as becomes clear when we compare the
proportion of the population of English, Scotch, Irish,
and all other nationalities with the total population of the
province, now and thirty years ago. In 1871 it was
21 per cent; in 1901 it was only 19 per cent. The decrease
of the Anglo-Saxons may here appear to be small,
though it must be remembered that thirty years is but a
short period in the history of a nation; but it is significant
when we bear in mind that the English element has
here been constantly reinforced by immigrants (who, as
the experience of the United States shows, are by no
means an infertile class), and that such reinforcement
cannot be expected to continue in the future.</p>

<p>From Australia comes the same story of the decline of
Anglo-Saxon fertility. In nearly all the Australian colonies
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
the highest birth-rate was reached some twenty or
thirty years ago. Since then there has been a more or
less steady fall, accompanied by a marked decrease in
the number of marriages, and a tendency to postpone
the age of marriage. One colony, Western Australia, has
a birth-rate which sometimes fluctuates above that of
England; but it is the youngest of the colonies, and, at
present, that with the smallest population, largely composed
of recent immigrants. We may be quite sure that
its comparatively high birth-rate is merely a temporary
phenomenon. A very notable fact about the Australian
birth-rate is the extreme rapidity with which the fall has
taken place; thus Queensland, in 1890, had a birth-rate
of 37, but by 1899 the rate had steadily fallen to 27, and
the Victorian rate during the same period fell from 33 to
26 per thousand. In New South Wales, the state of things
has been carefully studied by Mr. Coghlan, formerly
Government statistician of New South Wales, who comes
to the conclusion that the proportion of fertile marriages
is declining, and that (as in the United States) it is
the recent European immigrants only who show a comparatively
high birth-rate. Until 1880, Coghlan states, the
Australasian birth-rate was about 38 per thousand, and
the average number of children to the family about 5.4.
In 1901 the birth-rate had already fallen to 27.6 and the
size of the family to 3.6 children.
<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> It should be added
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
that in all the Australasian colonies the birth-rate
reached its lowest point some years ago, and may now
be regarded as in a state of normal equipoise with a
slight tendency to rise. The case of New Zealand is
specially interesting. New Zealand once had the highest
birth-rate of all the Australasian colonies; it is without
doubt the most advanced of all in social and legislative
matters; a variety of social reforms, which other countries
are struggling for, are, in New Zealand, firmly
established. Its prosperity is shown by the fact that it
has the lowest death-rate of any country in the world,
only 10.2 per thousand, as against 24 in Austria and 22
in France; it cannot even be said that the marriage-rate
is very low, for it is scarcely lower than that of Austria,
where the birth-rate is high. Yet the birth-rate in New
Zealand fell as the social prosperity of the country rose,
reaching its lowest point in 1899.</p>

<p>We thus find that from the three great Anglo-Saxon
centres of the world&mdash;north, west, and south&mdash;the
same story comes. We need not consider the case of
South Africa, for it is well recognized that there the
English constitute a comparatively infertile fringe,
mostly confined to the towns, while the earlier Dutch
element is far more prolific and firmly rooted in the soil.
The position of the Dutch there is much the same as
that of the French in Canada.</p>

<p>Thus we find that among highly civilized races
generally, and not least among the English-speaking
peoples who were once regarded as peculiarly prolific,
a great diminution of reproductive activity has taken
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
place during the past forty years, and is in some countries
still taking place. But before we proceed to consider
its significance it may be well to look a little more closely
at our facts.</p>

<p>We have seen that the "crude" birth-rate is not
an altogether reliable index of the reproductive energy
of a nation. Various circumstances may cause an excess
or a defect of persons of reproductive age in a community,
and unless we allow for these variations, we cannot
estimate whether that community is exercising its
reproductive powers in a fairly normal manner. But
there is another and still more important consideration
always to be borne in mind before we can attach any
far-reaching significance even to the corrected birth-rate.
We have, that is, to bear in mind that a high or a
low birth-rate has no meaning, so far as the growth of
a nation is concerned, unless it is considered in relation
to the death-rate. The natural increase of a nation
is not the result of its birth-rate, but of its birth-rate
minus its death-rate. A low birth-rate with a low death-rate
(as in Australasia) produces a far greater natural
increase than a low birth-rate with a rather high death-rate
(as in France), and may even produce as great an
increase as a very high birth-rate with a very high death-rate
(as in Russia). Many worthy people might have
been spared the utterance of foolish and mischievous
jeremiads, if, instead of being content with a hasty
glance at the crude birth-rate, they had paused to consider
this fairly obvious fact.</p>

<p>There is an intimate connection between a high birth-rate
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
and a high death-rate, between a low birth-rate
and a low death-rate. It may not, indeed, be an absolutely
necessary connection, and is not the outcome of
any mysterious "law." But it usually exists, and the
reasons are fairly obvious. We have already encountered
the statement from an official Canadian source that
the large infantile mortality of French Canadian families
is due to parental carelessness, consequent, no doubt,
not only on the dimly felt consciousness that children
are cheap, but much more on inability to cope with the
manifold cares involved by a large family. Among
the English working class every doctor knows the
thinly veiled indifference or even repulsion with which
women view the seemingly endless stream of babies
they give birth to. Among the Berlin working class,
also, Hamburger's important investigation has indicated
how serious a cause of infantile mortality this may be.
By taking 374 working-class women, who had been
married twenty years and conceived 3183 times, he
found that the net result in surviving children was
relatively more than twice as great among the women
who had only had one child when compared to the women
who had had fifteen children. The women with only
one child brought 76.47 per cent of these children to
maturity; the women who had produced fifteen children
could only bring 30.66 of them to maturity; the intermediate
groups showed a gradual fall to this low level,
the only exception being that the mothers of three
children were somewhat more successful than the mothers
of two children. Among well-to-do mothers Hamburger
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
found no such marked contrast between the
net product of large families as compared to small
families.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p>

<p>It we look at the matter from a wider standpoint
we can have no difficulty in realizing that a community
which is reproducing itself rapidly must always be in
an unstable state of disorganization highly unfavourable
to the welfare of its members, and especially of the new-comers;
a community which is reproducing itself slowly
is in a stable and organized condition which permits
it to undertake adequately the guardianship of its new
members. The high infantile mortality of the community
with a high birth-rate merely means that that community
is unconsciously making a violent and murderous effort
to attain to the more stable and organized level of the
country with a low birth-rate.</p>

<p>The English Registrar-General in 1907 estimated
the natural increase by excess of births over deaths as
exceptionally high (higher than that of England) in
several Australian Colonies, in the Balkan States, in
Russia, the Netherlands, the German Empire, Denmark,
and Norway, though in the majority of these
lands the birth-rate is very low. On the other hand,
the natural increase by excess of births over deaths
is below the English rate in Austria, in Hungary,
in Japan, in Italy, in Sweden, Switzerland, Spain,
Belgium, and Ontario, though in the majority of
these lands the birth-rate is high, and in some very
high.<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
In most cases it is the high death-rate in infancy and
childhood which exercises the counterbalancing influence
against a high birth-rate; the death-rate in adult life may
be quite moderate. And with few exceptions we find
that a high infantile mortality accompanies a high
birth-rate, while a low infantile mortality accompanies a
low birth-rate. It is evident, however, that even an
extremely high infantile mortality is no impediment
to a large natural increase provided the birth-rate is
extremely high to a more than corresponding extent.
But a natural increase thus achieved seems to be accompanied
by far more disastrous social conditions
than when an equally large increase is achieved by
a low infantile death-rate working in association with
a low birth-rate. Thus in Norway on one side of the
world and in Australasia on the opposite side we see
a large natural increase effected not by a profuse expenditure
of mostly wasted births but by an economy
in deaths, and the increase thus effected is accompanied
by highly favourable social conditions, and great national
vigour. Norway appears to have the lowest infantile
death-rate in Europe.<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
Rubin has suggested that the fairest measure of
a country's well-being, as regards its actual vitality&mdash;without
direct regard, of course, to the country's economic
prosperity&mdash;is the square of the death-rate divided by
the birth-rate.<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Sir J.A. Baines, who accepts this test,
states that Argentina with its high birth-rate and low
death-rate stands even above Norway, and Australia
still higher, while the climax for the world is attained
by New Zealand, which has attained "the nearest
approach to immortality yet on record."
<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> The order
of descending well-being in Europe is thus represented
(at the year 1900) by Norway, Sweden, Denmark,
Holland, England, Scotland, Finland, Belgium, Switzerland,
Germany, Ireland, Portugal, Italy, Austria, France,
and Spain.</p>

<p>On the other hand, in all the countries, probably
without exception, in which a large natural increase
is effected by the efforts of an immense birth-rate to
overcome an enormous death-rate the end is only effected
with much friction and misery, and the process is accompanied
by a general retardation of civilization.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
"The greater the number of children," as Hamburger
puts it, "the greater the cost of each survivor to the
family and to the State."</p>

<p>Russia presents not only the most typical but the
most stupendous and appalling example of this process.
Thirty years ago the mortality of infants under one
year was three times that of Norway, nearly double
that of England. More recently (1896-1900) the infantile
mortality in Russia has fallen from 313 to 261,
but as that of the other countries has also fallen it still
preserves nearly the same relative position, remaining
the highest in Europe, while if we compare it with
countries outside Europe we find it is considerably
more than four times greater than that of South Australia.
In one town in the government of Perm, some years
ago if not still, the mortality of infants under one year
regularly reached 45 per cent, and the deaths of children
under five years constituted half the total mortality.
This is abnormally high even for Russia, but for all
Russia it was found that of the boys born in a single
year during the second half of the last century only
50 per cent reached their twenty-first year, and even of
these only 37.6 per cent were fit for military service.
It is estimated that there die in Russia 15 per thousand
more individuals than among the same number
in England; this excess mortality represents a loss of
1,650,000 lives to the State every year.
<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p>

<p>Thus Russia has the highest birth-rate and at the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
same time the highest death-rate. The large countries
which, after Russia, have the highest infantile mortality
are Austria, Hungary, Prussia, Spain, Italy, and Japan;
all these, as we should expect, have a somewhat high
birth-rate.</p>

<p>The case of Japan is interesting as that of a vigorous
young Eastern nation, which has assimilated Western
ways and is encountering the evils which come of those
ways. Japan is certainly worthy of all our admiration
for the skill and vigour with which it has affirmed its
young nationality along Western lines. But when
the vital statistics of Japan are vaguely referred to
either as a model for our imitation or as a threatening
peril to us, we may do well to look into the matter a
little more closely. The infantile mortality of Japan
(1908) is 157, a very high figure, 50 per cent higher
than that of England, much more than double that
of New Zealand, or South Australia. Moreover, it has
rapidly risen during the last ten years. The birth-rate
of Japan in 1901-2 was high (36), though it has
since fallen to the level of ten years ago. But the death-rate
has risen concomitantly (to over 24 per 1000), and
has continued to rise notwithstanding the slight decline
in the birth-rate. We see here a tendency to the sinister
combination of a falling birth-rate with a rising death-rate.
<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>
It is obvious that such a tendency, if continued,
will furnish a serious problem to Japanese social reformers,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
and at the same time make it impossible for Western
alarmists to regard the rise of Japan as a menace to the
world.</p>

<p>It is behind China that these alarmists, when driven
from every other position, finally entrench themselves.
"The ultimate future of these islands may be to the
Chinese," incautiously exclaims Mr. Sidney Webb,
who on many subjects, unconnected with China, speaks
with authority. The knowledge of the vital statistics
of China possessed by our alarmists is vague to the
most extreme degree, but as the knowledge of all of
us is scarcely less vague, they assume that their position
is fairly safe. That, however, is an altogether questionable
assumption. It seems to be quite true&mdash;though
in the absence of exact statistics it may not be certain&mdash;that
the birth-rate in China is very high. But it is
quite certain that the infantile death-rate is extremely
high. "Out of ten children born among us, three,
normally the weakest three, will fail to grow up: out
of ten children born in China these weakest three will
die, and probably five more besides," writes Professor
Ross, who is intimately acquainted with Chinese conditions,
and has closely questioned thirty-three physicians
practising in various parts of China.
<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> Matignon, a French
physician familiar with China, states that it is the custom
for a woman to suckle her child for at least three years;
should pregnancy occur during this period, it is usual,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
and quite legal, to procure abortion. Infants brought
up by hand are fed on rice-flour and water, and consequently
they nearly all die.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>

<p>Putting aside altogether the question of infanticide,
such a state of things is far from incredible when we
remember the extremely insanitary state of China,
the superstitions that flourish unchecked, and the famines,
floods, and pestilences that devastate the country.
It would appear probable that when vital statistics are
introduced into China they will reveal a condition of
things very similar to that we find in Russia, but in
a more marked degree. No doubt it is a state of things
which will be remedied. It is a not unreasonable assumption,
supported by many indications, that China
will follow Japan in the adoption of Western methods
of civilization.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> These methods, as we know, involve
in the end a low birth-rate with a general tendency to
a lower death-rate. Neither in the near nor in the remote
future, under present conditions or under probable
future conditions, is there any reason for imagining
that the Chinese are likely to replace the Europeans
in Europe.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
This preliminary survey of the ground may enable
us to realize that not only must we be cautious in attaching
importance to the crude birth-rate until it is corrected,
but that even as usually corrected the birth-rate
can give us no clue at all to natural increase because
there is a marked tendency for the birth-rate and the
infantile death-rate to rise or sink together. Moreover,
it is evident that we have also to realize that from the
point of view of society and civilization there is a vast
difference between the natural increase which is achieved
by the effort of an enormously high birth-rate to overcome
an almost correspondingly high death-rate and
the natural increase which is attained by the dominance
of a low birth-rate over a still lower death-rate.</p>

<p>Having thus cleared the ground, we may proceed to
attempt the interpretation of the declining birth-rate
which marks civilization, and to discuss its significance.</p>


<h4>II</h4>

<p>It must be admitted that it is not usual to consider
the question of the declining birth-rate from a broad
or scientific standpoint. As we have seen, no attempt
is usually made to correct the crude birth-rate; still
more rarely is it pointed out that we cannot consider
the significance of a falling birth-rate apart from the
question of the death-rate, and that the net increase
or decrease in a nation can only be judged by taking
both these factors into account. It is scarcely necessary
to add, in view of so superficial a way of looking at
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
the problem, that we hardly ever find any attempt to
deal with the more fundamental question of the meaning
of a low birth-rate, and the problematical character
of the advantages of rapid multiplication. The whole
question is usually left to the ignorant preachers of the
gospel of brute force, would-be patriots who desire
their own country to increase at the cost of all other
countries, not merely in ignorance of the fact that the
crude birth-rate is not the index of increase, but reckless
of the effect their desire, if fulfilled, would have upon
all the higher and finer ends of living.</p>

<p>When the question is thus narrowly and ignorantly
considered, it is usual to account for the decreased
birth-rate, the smaller average families, and the tendency
to postpone the age of marriage, as due mainly
to a love of luxury and vice, combined with a newly
acquired acquaintance with Neo-Malthusian methods,
<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>
which must be combated, and may successfully be
combated, by inculcating, as a moral and patriotic
duty, the necessity of marrying early and procreating
large families.<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>
In France, the campaign against the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
religious Orders in their educational capacity, while
doubtless largely directed against educational inefficiency,
was also supported by the feeling that such education
is not on the side of family life; and Ars&egrave;ne Dumont,
one of the most vigorous champions of a strenuously
active policy for increasing the birth-rate, openly protested
against allowing any place as teachers to priests,
monks, and nuns, whose direct and indirect influence
must degrade the conception of sex and its
duties while exalting the place of celibacy. In the
United States, also, Engelmann, who, as a gyn&aelig;cologist,
was able to see this process from behind the scenes,
urged his fellow-countrymen "to stay the dangerous
and criminal practices which are the main determining
factors of decreasing fecundity, and which deprive
women of health, the family of its highest blessings,
and the nation of its staunchest support."
<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
We must, however, look at these phenomena a little
more broadly, and bring them into relation with other
series of phenomena. It is almost beyond dispute that
a voluntary restriction of the number of offspring by
Neo-Malthusian practices is at least one of the chief
methods by which the birth-rate has been lowered.
It may not indeed be&mdash;and probably, as we shall see,
is not&mdash;the only method. It has even been denied
that the prevalence of Neo-Malthusian practices counts
at all.<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>
Thus while Coghlan, the Government Statistician
of New South Wales, concludes that the decline in the
birth-rate in the Australian Commonwealth was due
to "the art of applying artificial checks to conception,"
McLean, the Government Statistician of Victoria, concludes
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
that it was "due mainly to natural causes."
<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
He points out that when the birth-rate in Australia,
half a century ago, was nearly 43 per 1000, the population
consisted chiefly of men and women at the reproductive
period of life, and that since then the proportion
of persons at these ages has declined, leading
necessarily to a decline in the crude birth-rate. If we
compare the birth-rate of communities among women
of the same age-periods, McLean argues, we may obtain
results quite different from the crude birth-rate. Thus
the crude birth-rate of Buda-Pesth is much higher
than that of New South Wales, but if we ascertain the
birth-rate of married women at different age-periods
(15 to 20, 20 to 25, etc.) the New South Wales birth-rate
is higher for every age-period than that of Buda-Pesth.
McLean considers that in young communities with many
vigorous immigrants the population is normally more
prolific than in older and more settled communities,
and that hardships and financial depression still more
depress the birth-rate. He further emphasizes the
important relationship, which we must never lose sight
of in this connection, between a high birth-rate and a
high death-rate, especially a high infantile death-rate,
and he believes, indeed, that "the solution of the problem
of the general decline in the birth-rate throughout
all civilized communities lies in the preservation of
human life." The mechanism of the connection would
be, he maintains, that prolonged suckling in the case
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
of living children increases the intervals between childbearing.
As we have seen, there is a tendency, though
not a rigid and invariable necessity,
<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> for a high birth-rate
to be associated with a high infantile death-rate, and
a low birth-rate with a low infantile death-rate. Thus
in Victoria, we have the striking fact that while the birth-rate
has declined 24 per cent the infantile death-rate
has declined approximately to the still greater extent
of 27 per cent.</p>

<p>No doubt the chief cause of the reduction of the
birth-rate has been its voluntary restriction by preventive
methods due to the growth of intelligence,
knowledge, and foresight. In all the countries where
a marked decline in the birth-rate has occurred there
is good reason to believe that Neo-Malthusian methods
are generally known and practised. So far as England
is concerned this is certainly the case. A few years
ago Mr. Sidney Webb made inquiries among middle-class
people in all parts of the country, and found that
in 316 marriages 242 were thus limited and only 74
unlimited, while for the ten years 1890-9 out of 120
marriages 107 were limited and only 13 unlimited,
but as five of these 13 were childless there were only
8 unlimited fertile marriages out of 120. As to the
causes assigned for limiting the number of children, in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
73 out of 128 cases in which particulars were given
under this head the poverty of the parents in relation
to their standard of comfort was a factor; sexual ill-health&mdash;that
is, generally, the disturbing effect of child-bearing&mdash;in
24; and other forms of ill-health of the parents
in 38 cases; in 24 cases the disinclination of the wife
was a factor, and the death of a parent had in 8 cases
terminated the marriage.<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> In the skilled artisan class
there is also good reason to believe that the voluntary
limitation of families is constantly becoming more
usual, and the statistics of benefit societies show a marked
decline in the fertility of superior working-class people
during recent years; thus it is stated by Sidney Webb
that the Hearts of Oak Friendly Society paid benefits
on child-birth to 2472 per 10,000 members in 1880;
by 1904 the proportion had fallen to 1165 per 10,000,
a much greater fall than occurred in England generally.</p>

<p>The voluntary adoption of preventive precautions
may not be, however, the only method by which the
birth-rate has declined; we may have also to recognize
a concomitant physiological sterility, induced by delayed
marriage and its various consequences; we have
also to recognize pathological sterility due to the impaired
vitality and greater liability to venereal disease of
an increasingly urban life; and we may have to recognize
that stocks differ from one another in fertility.</p>

<p>The delay in marriage, as studied in England, is so
far apparently slight; the mean age of marriage for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
all husbands in England has increased from 28.43 in
1896 to 28.88 in 1909, and the mean age of all wives
from 26.21 in 1896 to 26.69 in 1909. This seems a very
trifling rate of progression. If, however, we look at
the matter in another way we find that there has been
an extremely serious reduction in the number of marriages
between 15 to 20, normally the most fecund of all age-periods.
Between 1876 and 1880 (according to the
Registrar-General's Report for 1909) the proportion
of minors in 1000 marriages in England and Wales
was 77.8 husbands and 217.0 wives. In 1909 it had fallen
to only 39.8 husbands and 137.7 wives. It has been
held that this has not greatly affected the decline in
the birth-rate. Its tendency, however, must be in
that direction. It is true that Engelmann argued that
delayed marriages had no effect at all on the birth-rate.
But it has been clearly shown that as the age of marriage
increases fecundity distinctly diminishes.
<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> This is
illustrated by the specially elaborate statistics of Scotland
for 1855;<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>
the number of women having children,
that is, the fecundity, was higher in the years 15 to 19,
than at any subsequent age-period, except 20 to 24,
and the fact that the earliest age-group is not absolutely
highest is due to the presence of a number of immature
women. In New South Wales, Coghlan has shown that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
if the average number of children is 3.6, then a woman
marrying at 20 may expect to have five children, a woman
marrying at 28 three children, at 32 two children, and at
37 one child. Newsholme and Stevenson, again, conclude
that the general law of decline of fertility with
advancing age of the mother is shown in various countries,
and that in nearly all countries the mothers aged
15 to 20 have the largest number of children; the chief
exception is in the case of some northern countries like
Norway and Finland, where women develop late, and
there it is the mothers of 20 to 25 who have the largest
number of children.<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>
The postponement in the age of
marriage during recent years is, however, so slight that
it can only account for a small part of the decline in the
birth-rate; Coghlan calculates that of unborn possible
children in New South Wales the loss of only about one-sixth
is to be attributed to this cause. In London, however,
Heron considers that the recognized connection between
a low birth-rate and a high social standing might
have been entirely accounted for sixty years ago by
postponement of marriage, and that such postponement
may still account for 50 per cent of it.
<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p>


<p>It is not enough, however, to consider the mechanism
by which the birth-rate declines; to realize the significance
of the decline we must consider the causes which
set the mechanism in action.</p>

<p>We begin to obtain a truer insight into the meaning
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
of the curve of a country's birth-rate when we realize
that it is in relation with the industrial and commercial
activity of the country.<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>
It is sometimes stated that a
high birth-rate goes with a high degree of national prosperity.
That, however, is scarcely the case; we have to
look into the matter a little more closely. And, when
we do so, we find that, not only is the statement of a
supposed connection between a high birth-rate and a
high degree of prosperity an imperfect statement; it is
altogether misleading.</p>

<p>If, in the first place, we attempt to consider the state
of things among savages, we find, indeed, great variations,
and the birth-rate is not infrequently low. But, on the
whole, it would appear, the marriage-rate, the birth-rate,
and, it may be added, the death-rate are all alike high.
Karl Ranke has investigated the question with considerable
care among the Trumai and Nahuqua Indians of
Central Brazil.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
These tribes are yet totally uncontaminated
by contact with European influences; consumption
and syphilis are alike unknown. In the two villages
he investigated in detail, Ranke found that every man
over twenty-five years of age was married, and that the
only unmarried woman he discovered was feeble-minded.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
The average size of the families of those women who were
over forty years of age was between five and six children,
while, on the other hand, the mortality among children
was great, and a relatively small proportion of the population
reached old age. We see therefore that, among
these fairly typical savages, living under simple natural
conditions, the fertility of the women is as high as it is
among all but the most prolific of European peoples;
while, in striking contrast with European peoples, among
whom a large percentage of the population never marry,
and of those who do, many have no children, practically
every man and woman both marries and produces
children.</p>

<p>If we leave savages out of the question and return to
Europe, it is still instructive to find that among those
peoples who live under the most primitive conditions
much the same state of things may be found as among
savages. This is notably the case as regards Russia. In
no other great European country do the bulk of the
women marry at so early an age, and in no other is the
average size of the family so large. And, concomitantly
with a very high marriage-rate and a very high birth-rate,
we find in Russia, in an equally high degree, the prevalence
among the masses of infantile and general mortality,
disease (epidemical and other), starvation, misery.
<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
So far we scarcely see any marked connection between
high fertility and prosperity. It is more nearly indicated
in the high birth-rate of Hungary&mdash;only second
to that of Russia, and also accompanied by a high
mortality&mdash;which is associated with the rapid and
notable development of a young nationality. The case
of Hungary is, indeed, typical. In so far as high fertility
is associated with prosperity, it is with the prosperity of
a young and unstable community, which has experienced
a sudden increase of wealth and a sudden expansion.
The case of Western Australia illustrates the same point.
Thirty years ago the marriage-rate and the birth-rate of
this colony were on the same level as those of the other
Australian colonies; but a sudden industrial expansion
occurred, both rates rose, and in 1899 the fertility of
Western Australia was higher than that of any other
English-speaking community.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p>

<p>If now we put together the facts observed in savage
life and the facts observed in civilized life, we shall begin
to see the real nature of the factors that operate to raise
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
or lower the fertility of a community. It is far, indeed,
from being prosperity which produces a high fertility,
for the most wretched communities are the most prolific,
but, on the other hand, it is by no means the mere absence
of prosperity which produces fertility, for we constantly
observe that the on-coming of a wave of prosperity
elevates the birth-rate. In both cases alike it is the
absence of social-economic restraints which conduces to
high fertility. In the simple, primitive community of
savages, serfs, or slaves, there is no restraint on either
nutritive or reproductive enjoyments; there is no
adequate motive for restraint; there are no claims of
future wants to inhibit the gratification of present wants;
there are no high standards, no ideals. Supposing,
again, that such restraints have been established by a
certain amount of forethought as regards the future, or
a certain calculation as to social advantages to be gained
by limiting the number of children, a check on natural
fertility is established. But a sudden accession of prosperity&mdash;a
sudden excess of work and wages and food&mdash;sweeps
away this check by apparently rendering it unnecessary;
the natural reproductive impulse is liberated
by this rising wave, and we here see whatever truth
there is in the statement that prosperity means a high
birth-rate. In reality, however, prosperity in such a
case merely increases fertility because its sudden affluence
reduces a community to the same careless indifference
in regard to the future, the same hasty snatching at the
pleasures of the moment, as we find among the most
hopeless and least prosperous communities. It is a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
significant fact, as shown by Beveridge, that the years
when the people of Great Britain marry most are the
years when they drink most. It is in the absence of
social-economic restraints&mdash;the absence of the perception
of such restraints, or the absence of the ability to act in accordance
with such perception&mdash;that the birth-rate is high.</p>

<p>Ars&egrave;ne Dumont seems to have been one of the first
who observed this significance of the oscillation of the
birth-rate, though he expressed it in a somewhat peculiar
way, as the social capillarity theory. It is the natural
and universal tendency of mankind to ascend, he declared;
a high birth-rate and a strong ascensional impulse are
mutually contradictory. Large families are only possible
when there is no progress, and no expectation of it can
be cherished; small families become possible when the
way has been opened to progress. "One might say,"
Dumont puts it, "that invisible valves, like those which
direct the circulation of the blood, have been placed by
Nature to direct the current of human aspiration in the
upward path it has prescribed." As the proletariat is
enabled to enjoy the prospect of rising it comes under
the action of this law of social capillarity, and the birth-rate
falls. It is the effort towards an indefinite perfection,
Dumont declares, which justifies Nature and
Man, consoles us for our griefs, and constitutes our
sovereign safeguard against the philosophy of despair.
<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p>


<p>When we thus interpret the crude facts of the falling
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
birth-rate, viewing them widely and calmly in connection
with the other social facts with which they are
intimately related, we are able to see how foolish has
been the outcry against a falling birth-rate, and how
false the supposition that it is due to a new selfishness
replacing an ancient altruism.<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> On the contrary, the
excessive birth-rate of the early industrial period was
directly stimulated by selfishness. There were no laws
against child-labour; children were produced that they
might be sent out, when little more than babies, to the
factories and the mines to increase their parents' income.
The fundamental instincts of men and women do not
change, but their direction can be changed. In this field
the change is towards a higher transformation, introducing
a finer economy into life, diminishing death, disease, and
misery, making possible the finer ends of living, and at the
same time indirectly and even directly improving the
quality of the future race.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> This is now becoming recognized
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
by nearly all calm and sagacious inquirers.
<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> The wild
outcry of many unbalanced persons to-day, that a falling
birth-rate means degeneration and disaster, is so altogether
removed from the sphere of reason that we
ought perhaps to regard it as comparable to those manias
which, in former centuries, have assumed other forms
more attractive to the neurotic temperament of those
days; fortunately, it is a mania which, in the nature of
things, is powerless to realize itself, and we need not
anticipate that the outcry against small families will
have the same results as the ancient outcry against
witches.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p>

<p>It may be proper at this stage to point out that while,
in the foregoing statement, a high birth-rate and a high
marriage-rate have been regarded as practically the
same thing, we need to make a distinction. The true
relation of the two rates may be realized when it is
stated that, the more primitive a community is, the
more closely the two rates vary together. As a community
becomes more civilized and more complex, the
two rates tend to diverge; the restraints on child-production
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
are deeper and more complex than those on
marriage, so that the removal of the restraint on marriage
by no means removes the restraint on fertility. They
tend to diverge in opposite directions. Farr considered
the marriage-rate among civilized peoples as a barometer
of national prosperity. In former years, when corn was
a great national product, the marriage-rate in England
rose regularly as the price of wheat fell. Of recent years
it has become very difficult to estimate exactly what
economic factors affect the marriage-rate. It is believed
by some that the marriage-rate rises or falls with the
value of exports.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> Udny Yule, however, in an expertly
statistical study of the matter,<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> finds (in agreement
with Hooker) that neither exports nor imports tally
with the marriage-rate. He concludes that the movement
of prices is a predominant&mdash;though by no means
the sole&mdash;factor in the change of marriage-rates, a fall
in prices producing a fall in the marriage-rates and also
in the birth-rates, though he also thinks that pressure
on the labour market has forced both rates lower than
the course of prices would lead one to expect. In so far
as these causes are concerned, Udny Yule states, the fall
is quite normal and pessimistic views are misplaced.
Udny Yule, however, appears to be by no means confident
that his explanation covers a large part of the
causation, and he admits that he cannot understand
the rationale of the connection between marriage-rates
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
and prices. The curves of the marriage-rates in many
countries indicate a maximum about or shortly before,
1875, when the birth-rate also tended to reach a
maximum, and another rise towards 1900, thus making
the intermediate curve concave. There was, however,
a large rise in money wages between 1860 and 1875, and
the rise in the consuming power of the population has
been continuous since 1850. Thus the factors favourable
to a high marriage-rate must have risen from 1850
to a maximum about 1870-1875, and since then have
fallen continuously. This statement, which Mr. Udny
Yule emphasizes, certainly seems highly significant from
our present point of view. It falls into line with the
view here accepted, that the first result of a sudden
access of prosperity is to produce a general orgy, a reckless
and improvident haste to take advantage of the new
prosperity, but that, as the effects of the orgy wear off,
it necessarily gives place to new ideals, and to higher
standards of life which lead to caution and prudence.
Mr. N.A. Hooker seems to have perceived this, and in
the discussion which followed the reading of Udny Yule's
paper he set forth what (though it was not accepted by
Udny Yule) may perhaps fairly be regarded as the sound
view of the matter. "During the great expansion of
trade prior to 1870," he remarked, "the means of satisfying
the desired standard of comfort were increasing much
more rapidly than the rise in the standard; hence a
decreasing age of marriage and a marriage-rate above
the normal. After about 1873, however, the means of
satisfying the standard of comfort no longer increased
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
with the same rapidity, and then a new factor, he thought,
became important, viz. the increased intelligence of the
people."<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
This seems to be precisely the same view of
the matter as I have here sought to set forth; prosperity
is not civilization, its first tendency is to produce
a reckless abandonment to the satisfaction of the crudest
impulses. But as prosperity develops it begins to engender
more complex ideals and higher standards; the
inevitable result is a greater forethought and restraint.
<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p>

<p>If we consider, not the marriage-rate, but the average
age at marriage, and especially the age of the woman,
which varies less than that of the man, the results,
though harmonious, would not be quite the same. The
general tendency as regards the age of girls at marriage
is summed up by Ploss and Bartels, in their monumental
work on Woman, in the statement: "It may be said
in general that the age of girls at marriage is lower,
the lower the stage of civilization is in the community to
which they belong."<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> We thus see one reason why it is
that, in an advanced stage of civilization, a high marriage-rate
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
is not necessarily associated with a high birth-rate.
A large number of women who marry late may have
fewer children than a smaller number who marry early.</p>


<p>We may see the real character of the restraints on
fertility very well illustrated by the varying birth-rate
of the upper and lower social classes belonging to the same
community. If a high birth-rate were a mark of prosperity
or of advanced civilization, we should expect to
find it among the better social class of a community.
But the reverse is the case; it is everywhere the least
prosperous and the least cultured classes of a community
which show the highest birth-rate. As we go from the
very poor to the very rich quarters of a great city&mdash;whether
Paris, Berlin, or Vienna&mdash;the average number
of children to the family diminishes regularly. The
difference is found in the country as well as in the towns.
In Holland, for instance, whether in town or country,
there are 5.19 children per marriage among the poor,
and only 4.50 among the rich. In London it is notorious
that the same difference appears; thus Charles Booth,
the greatest authority on the social conditions of London,
in the concluding volume of his vast survey, sums up
the condition of things in the statement that "the lower
the class the earlier the period of marriage and the
greater the number of children born to each marriage."
The same phenomenon is everywhere found, and it is
one of great significance.</p>

<p>The significance becomes clearer when we realize
that an urban population must always be regarded as
more "civilized" than a rural population, and that, in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
accordance with that fact, an urban population tends to
be less prolific than a rural population. The town birth-rate
is nearly always lower than the country birth-rate.
In Germany this is very marked, and the rapidly growing
urbanization of Germany is accompanied by a great
fall of the birth-rate in the large cities, but not in the
rural districts. In England the fall is more widespread,
and though the birth-rate is much higher in the country
than in the towns the decline in the rural birth-rate is
now proceeding more rapidly than that in the urban
birth-rate. England, which once contained a largely
rural population, now possesses a mainly urban population.
Every year it becomes more urban; while the
town population grows, the rural population remains
stationary; so that, at the present time, for every
inhabitant of the country in England, there are more
than three town-dwellers. As the country-dweller is
more prolific than the town-dweller, this means that
the rural population is constantly being poured into
the towns. The larger our great cities grow, the more
irresistible becomes the attraction which they exert on
the children of the country, who are fascinated by them,
as the birds are fascinated by the lighthouse or the moths
by the candle. And the results are not altogether unlike
those which this analogy suggests. At the present time,
one-third of the population of London is made up of
immigrants from the country. Yet, notwithstanding
this immense and constant stream of new and vigorous
blood, it never suffices to raise the urban population to
the same level of physical and nervous stability which
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
the rural population possesses. More alert, more vivacious,
more intelligent, even more urbane in the finer sense,
as the urban population becomes,&mdash;not perhaps at first,
but in the end,&mdash;it inevitably loses its stamina, its reserves
of vital energy. Dr. Cantlie very properly defines a
Londoner as a person whose grandparents all belonged
to London&mdash;and he could not find any. Dr. Harry
Campbell has found a few who could claim London
grandparents; they were poor specimens of humanity.
<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>
Even on the intellectual side there are no great Londoners.
It is well known that a number of eminent men have
been born in London; but, in the course of a somewhat
elaborate study of the origins of British men of genius, I
have not been able to find that any were genuinely
Londoners by descent.<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> An urban life saps that calm
and stolid strength which is necessary for all great effort
and stress, physical or intellectual. The finest body of
men in London, as a class, are the London police, and
Charles Booth states that only 17 per cent of the London
police are born in London, a smaller proportion than any
other class of the London population except the army
and navy. As Mr. N.C. Macnamara has pointed out,
it is found that London men do not possess the necessary
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
nervous stability and self-possession for police work;
they are too excitable and nervous, lacking the equanimity,
courage, and self-reliance of the rural men. Just
in the same way, in Spain, the bull-fighters, a body of
men admirable for their graceful strength, their modesty,
courage, and skill, nearly always come from country
districts, although it is in the towns that the enthusiasm
for bull-fighting is centred. Therefore, it would appear
that until urban conditions of life are greatly improved,
the more largely urban a population becomes, the more
is its standard of vital and physical efficiency likely to
be lowered. This became clearly visible during the
South African War; it was found at Manchester (as
stated by Dr. T.P. Smith and confirmed by Dr. Clayton)
that among 11,000 young men who volunteered for
enlistment, scarcely more than 10 per cent could pass
the surgeon's examination, although the standard of
physique demanded was extremely low, while Major-General
Sir F. Maurice has stated<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> that, even when all
these rejections have been made, of those who actually
are enlisted, at the end of two years only two effective
soldiers are found for every five who enlist. It is not
difficult to see a bearing of these facts on the birth-rate.
The civilized world is becoming a world of towns, and,
while the diminished birth-rate of towns is certainly
not mainly the result of impaired vitality, these phenomena
are correlative facts of the first importance for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
every country which is using up its rural population and
becoming a land of cities.</p>

<p>From our present point of view it is thus a very significant
fact that the equipoise between country-dwellers
and town-dwellers has been lost, that the towns are
gaining at the expense of the country whose surplus
population they absorb and destroy. The town population
is not only disinclined to propagate; it is probably
in some measure unfit to propagate.</p>

<p>At the same time, we must not too strongly emphasize
this aspect of the matter; such over-emphasis of a
single aspect of highly complex phenomena constantly
distorts our vision of great social processes. We have
already seen that it is inaccurate to assert any connection
between a high birth-rate and a high degree of
national prosperity, except in so far as at special periods
in the history of a country a sudden wave of prosperity
may temporarily remove the restraints on natural
fertility. Prosperity is only one of the causes that tend
to remove the restraint on the birth-rate; and it is a
cause that is never permanently effective.</p>


<h3>III</h3>

<p>To get to the bottom of the matter, we thus find
it is necessary to look into it more closely than is
usually attempted. When we ask ourselves why
prosperity fails permanently to remove the restraints
on fertility the answer is, that it speedily creates
new restraints. Prosperity and civilization are far
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
from being synonymous terms. The savage who is
able to glut himself with the whale that has just been
stranded on his coast, is more prosperous than he was
the day before, but he is not more civilized, perhaps a
trifle less so. The working community that is suddenly
glutted by an afflux of work and wages is in exactly the
same position as the savage who is suddenly enabled to
fill himself with a rich mass of decaying blubber. It is
prosperity; it is not civilization.
<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> But, while prosperity
leads at first to the reckless and unrestrained gratification
of the simplest animal instincts of nutrition and reproduction,
it tends, when it is prolonged, to evolve more
complex instincts. Aspirations become less crude, the
needs and appetites engendered by prosperity take on a
more social character, and are sharpened by social
rivalries. In place of the earlier easy and reckless gratification
of animal impulses, a peaceful and organized
struggle is established for securing in ever fuller degree
the gratification of increasingly insistent and increasingly
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
complex desires. Such a struggle involves a deliberate
calculation and forethought, which, sooner or later,
cannot fail to be applied to the question of offspring.
Thus it is that affluence, in the long run, itself imposes a
check on reproduction. Prosperity, under the stress of
the urban conditions with which it tends to be associated,
has been transformed into that calculated forethought,
that deliberate self-restraint for the attainment of ever
more manifold ends, which in its outcome we term
"civilization."</p>

<p>It is frequently assumed, as we have seen, that the
process by which civilization is thus evolved is a selfish
and immoral process. To procreate large families, it is
said, is unselfish and moral, as well as a patriotic, even
a religious duty. This assumption, we now find,
is a little too hasty and is even the reverse of the
truth; it is necessary to take into consideration the
totality of the social phenomena accompanying a
high birth-rate, more especially under the conditions
of town life. A community in which children are born
rapidly is necessarily in an unstable position; it is
growing so quickly that there is insufficient time for
the conditions of life to be equalized. The state of ill-adjustment
is chronic; the pressure is lifted from off the
natural impulse of procreation, but is increased on all
the conditions under which the impulse is exerted.
There is increased overcrowding, increased filth, increased
disease, increased death. It can never happen, in modern
times, that the readjustment of the conditions of life
can be made to keep pace with a high birth-rate. It is
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
sufficient if we consider the case of English towns, of
London in particular, during the period when British
prosperity was most rapidly increasing, and the birth-rate
nearing its maximum, in the middle of the great
Victorian epoch, of which Englishmen are, for many
reasons, so proud. It was certainly not an age lacking in
either energy or philanthropy; yet, when we read the
memorable report which Chadwick wrote in 1842, on the
<i>Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great
Britain</i>, or the minute study of Bethnal Green which
Gavin published in 1848 as a type of the conditions
prevailing in English towns, we realize that the magnificence
of this epoch was built up over circles of Hell to
which the imagination of Dante never attained.</p>

<p>As reproductive activity dies down, social conditions
become more stable, a comparatively balanced state of
adjustment tends to be established, insanitary surroundings
can be bettered, disease diminished, and the death-rate
lowered. How much may thus be accomplished we
realize when we compare the admirably precise and
balanced pages in which Charles Booth, in the concluding
volumes of his great work, has summarized his survey
of London, with the picture presented by Chadwick and
Gavin half a century earlier. Ugly and painful as are many
of the features of this modern London, the vision which
is, on the whole, evoked is that of a community which
has attained self-consciousness, which is growing into
some faint degree of harmony with its environment, and
is seeking to gain the full amount of the satisfaction
which an organized urban life can yield. Booth, who
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
appears to have realized the significance of a decreased
fertility in the attainment of this progress, hopes for a
still greater fall in the birth-rate; and those who seek
to restore the birth-rate of half a century ago are engaged
on a task which would be criminal if it were not based on
ignorance, and which is, in any case, fatuous.</p>

<p>The whole course of zoological evolution reveals a
constantly diminishing reproductive activity and a
constantly increasing expenditure of care on the offspring
thus diminished in number.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> Fish spawn their
ova by the million, and it is a happy chance if they
become fertilized, a highly unlikely chance that more
than a very small proportion will ever attain maturity.
Among the mammals, however, the female may produce
but half a dozen or fewer offspring at a time, but she
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
lavishes so much care upon them that they have a very
fair chance of all reaching maturity. In man, in so far
as he refrains from returning to the beast and is true to
the impulse which in him becomes a conscious process
of civilization, the same movement is carried forward.
He even seeks to decrease still further the number of
his offspring by voluntary effort, and at the same time
to increase their quality and magnify their importance.
<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p>

<p>When in human families, especially under civilized
conditions, we see large families we are in the presence
of a reversion to the tendencies that prevail among lower
organisms. Such large families may probably be regarded,
as N&auml;cke suggests, as constituting a symptom of degeneration.
It is noteworthy that they usually occur in
the pathological and abnormal classes, among the
insane, the feeble-minded, the criminal, the consumptive,
the alcoholic, etc.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>


<p>This tendency of the birth-rate to fall with the growth
of social stability is thus a tendency which is of the
very essence of civilization. It represents an impulse
which, however deliberate it may be in the individual,
may, in the community, be looked upon as an instinctive
effort to gain more complete control of the conditions of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
life, and to grapple more efficiently with the problems
of misery and disease and death. It is not only, as is
sometimes supposed, during the past century that the
phenomena may be studied. We have a remarkable
example some centuries earlier, an example which very
clearly illustrates the real nature of the phenomena.
The city of Geneva, perhaps first of European cities,
began to register its births, deaths, and marriages from
the middle of the sixteenth century. This alone indicates
a high degree of civilization; and at that time, and for
some succeeding centuries, Geneva was undoubtedly a
very highly civilized city. Its inhabitants really were
the "elect," morally and intellectually, of French
Protestantism. In many respects it was a model city,
as Gray noted when he reached it in the course of his
travels in the middle of the eighteenth century. These
registers of Geneva show, in a most illuminating manner,
how extreme fertility at the outset, gradually gave
place, as civilization progressed, to a very low fertility,
with fewer and later marriages, a very low death-rate,
and a state of general well-being in which the births
barely replaced the deaths.</p>

<p>After Protestant Geneva had lost her pioneering place
in civilization, it was in France, the land which above
all others may in modern times claim to represent the
social aspects of civilization, that the same tendency
most conspicuously appeared. But all Europe, as well
as all the English-speaking lands outside Europe, is now
following the lead of France. In a paper read before
the Paris Society of Anthropology a few years ago,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
Emile Macquart showed clearly, by a series of ingenious
diagrams, that whereas, fifty years ago, the condition
of the birth-rate in France diverged widely from that
prevailing in the other chief countries of Europe, the
other countries are now rapidly following in the same
road along which France has for a century been proceeding
slowly, and are constantly coming closer to her,
England closest of all. In the past, proposals have from
time to time been made in France to interfere with the
progress of this downward movement of the birth-rate&mdash;proposals
that were sufficiently foolish, for neither in
France nor elsewhere will the individual allow the statistician
to interfere officiously in a matter which he regards
as purely intimate and private. But the real character
of this tendency of the birth-rate, as an essential phenomenon
of civilization, with which neither moralist nor
politician can successfully hope to interfere, is beginning
to be realized in France. Azoulay, in summing up the
discussion after Macquart's paper<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> had been read at
the Society of Anthropology, pointed out that "nations
must inevitably follow the same course as social classes,
and the more the mass of these social classes becomes
civilized, the more the nation's birth-rate falls; therefore
there is nothing to be done legally and administratively."
And another member added: "Except to applaud."</p>

<p>It is probably too much to hope that so sagacious a
view will at once be universally adopted. The United
States and the great English colonies, for instance, find
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>
it difficult to realize that they are not really new countries,
but branches of old countries, and already nearing
maturity when they began their separate lives. They
are not at the beginning of two thousand years of slow
development, such as we have passed through, but at
the end of it, with us, and sometimes even a little ahead
of us. It is therefore natural and inevitable that, in a
matter in which we are moving rapidly, Massachusetts
and Ontario and New South Wales and New Zealand
should have moved still more rapidly, so rapidly indeed,
that they have themselves failed to perceive that their
real natural increase and the manner in which it is
attained place them in this matter at the van of civilization.
These things are, however, only learnt slowly. We
may be sure that the fundamental and complex character
of the phenomena will never be obvious to our fussy
little politicians, so apt to advocate panaceas which
have effects quite opposite to those they desire. But,
whatever politicians may wish to do or to leave undone,
it is well to remember that, of the various ideals the
world holds, there are some that lie on the path of our
social progress, and others that do not there lie. We may
properly exercise such wisdom as we possess by utilizing
the ideals which are before us, serenely neglecting many
others which however precious they may once have
seemed, no longer form part of the stage of civilization
we are now moving towards.</p>

<h4>IV</h4>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
What are the ideals of the stage of civilization we of
the Western world are now moving towards? We have
here pushed as far as need be the analysis of that declining
birth-rate which has caused so much anxiety to
those amongst us who can only see narrowly and see
superficially. We have found that, properly understood,
there is nothing in it to evoke our pessimism. On the
contrary, we have seen that, in the opinion of the most
distinguished authorities, the energy with which we
move in our present direction, through the exercise of an
ever finer economy in life, may be regarded as a "measure
of civilization" in the important sphere of vital statistics.
As we now leave the question, some may ask themselves
whether this concomitant decline in birth-rates and
death-rates may not possibly have a still wider and more
fundamental meaning as a measure of civilization.</p>

<p>We have long been accustomed to regard the East as a
spiritual world in which the finer ends of living were
counted supreme, and the merely materialistic aspects
of life, dissociated from the aims of religion and of art,
were trodden under foot. Our own Western world we
have humbly regarded as mainly absorbed in a feverish
race for the attainment, by industry and war, of the
satisfaction of the impulses of reproduction and nutrition,
and the crudely material aggrandizement of which those
impulses are the symbol. A certain outward idleness,
a semi-idleness, as Nietzsche said, is the necessary condition
for a real religious life, for a real &aelig;sthetic life, for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
any life on the spiritual plane. The noisy, laborious,
pushing, "progressive" life we traditionally associate
with the West is essentially alien to the higher ends of
living, as has been intuitively recognized and acted on
by all those among us who have sought to pursue the
higher ends of living. It was so that the nineteenth-century
philosophers of Europe, of whom Schopenhauer
was in this matter the extreme type, viewed the matter.
But when we seek to measure the tendency of the chief
countries of the West, led by France, England, and
Germany, and the countries of the East led by Japan,
in the light of this strictly measurable test of vital
statistics, may we not, perhaps, trace the approach of a
revolutionary transposition? Japan, entering on the
road we have nearly passed through, in which the perpetual
clash of a high birth-rate and a high death-rate
involves social disorder and misery, has flung to the
winds the loftier ideals it once pursued so successfully
and has lost its fine &aelig;sthetic perceptions, its insight into
the most delicate secrets of the soul.
<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> And while Japan,
certainly to-day voicing the aspirations of the East, is
concerned to become a great military and industrial
power, we in the West are growing weary of war, and
are coming to look upon commerce as a necessary routine
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
no longer adequate to satisfy the best energies of human
beings. We are here moving towards the fine quiescence
involved by a delicate equipoise of life and of death;
and this economy sets free an energy we are seeking to
expend in a juster social organization, and in the realization
of ideals which until now have seemed but the
imagination of idle dreamers. Asia, as an anonymous
writer has recently put it, is growing crude, vulgar, and
materialistic; Europe, on the other hand, is growing to
loathe its own past grossness. "London may yet be
the spiritual capital of the world, while Asia&mdash;rich in all
that gold can buy and guns can give, lord of lands and
bodies, builder of railways and promulgator of police
regulations, glorious in all material glories&mdash;postures,
complacent and obtuse, before a Europe content in the
possession of all that matters,"<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Certainly, we are not
there yet, but the old Earth has seen many stranger and
more revolutionary changes than this. England, as
this writer reminds us, was once a tropical forest.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a>
It must be understood that, from the present point of view, the
term "Anglo-Saxon" covers the peoples of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland,
as well as of England.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a>
The decline of the French birth-rate has been investigated in a
Lyons thesis by Salvat, <i>La D&eacute;population de la France</i>, 1903.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a>
The latest figures are given in the Annual Reports of the Registrar-General
for England and Wales.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a>
Newsholme and Stevenson, "Decline of Human Fertility as shown
by corrected Birth-rates," <i>Journal of the Royal Statistical Society</i>,
1906.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a>
Werner Sombart, <i>International Magazine</i>, December, 1907.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a>
A.W. Flux, "Urban Vital Statistics in England and Germany,"
<i>Journ. Statist. Soc.</i>, March, 1910.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a>
German infantile mortality, B&ouml;hmert states ("Die S&auml;uglingssterblichkeit
in Deutschland und ihre Ursachen," <i>Die Neue Generation</i>,
March, 1908), is greater than in any European country, except Russia and
Hungary, about 50 per cent greater than in England, France, Belgium,
or Holland. The infantile mortality has increased in Germany, as
usually happens, with the increased employment of women, and, largely
from this cause, has nearly doubled in Berlin in the course of four years,
states Lily Braun (<i>Mutterschutz</i>, 1906, Heft I, p. 21); but even on
this basis it is only 22 per cent in the English textile industries, as against
38 per cent in the German textile industries.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a>
In England the marriage-rate fell rather sharply in 1875, and
showed a slight tendency to rise about 1900 (G. Udny Yule, "On the
Changes in the Marriage-and Birth-rates in England and Wales,"
<i>Journal of the Statistical Society</i>, March, 1906). On the whole there has
been a real though slight decline. The decline has been widespread,
and is most marked in Australia, especially South Australia. There
has, however, been a rise in the marriage-rate in Ireland, France,
Austria, Switzerland, Germany, and especially Belgium. The movement
for decreased child-production would naturally in the first place
involve decreased marriage, but it is easy to understand that when it
is realized the marriage is not necessarily followed by conception
this motive for avoiding marriage loses its force, and the marriage-rate
rises.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a>
<i>Medicine</i>, February, 1904.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a>
Davidson, "The Growth of the French-Canadian Race," <i>Annals
of the American Academy</i>, September, 1896.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a>
T.A. Coghlan, <i>The Decline of the Birth-rate of New South Wales</i>,
1903. The New South Wales statistics are specially valuable as the
records contain many particulars (such as age of parents, period since
marriage, and number of children) not given in English or most other
records.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a>
C. Hamburger, "Kinderzahl und Kindersterblichkeit," <i>Die Neue
Generation</i>, August, 1909.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a>
Looked at in another way, it may be said that if a natural increase,
as ascertained by subtracting the death-rate from the birth-rate, of
10 to 15 per cent be regarded as normal, then, taking so far as possible
the figures for 1909, the natural increase of England and Scotland, of
Germany, of Italy, of Austria and Hungary, of Belgium, is normal;
the natural increase of New South Wales, of Victoria, of South Australia,
of New Zealand, is abnormally high (though in new countries such
increase may not be undesirable) while the natural increase of France,
of Spain, and of Ireland is abnormally low. Such a method of estimation,
of course, entirely leaves out of account the question of the social
desirability of the process by which the normal increase is secured.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103]</span></a>
Johannsen, <i>Janus</i>, 1905.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a>
Rubin, "A Measure of Civilization," <i>Journal of the Royal Statistical
Society</i>, March, 1897. "The lowest stage of civilization," he points out,
"is to go forward blindly, which in this connection means to bring into
the world a great number of children which must, in great proportion,
sink into the grave. The next stage of civilization is to see the danger
and to keep clear of it. The highest stage of civilization is to see the
danger and overcome it." Europe in the past and various countries
in the present illustrate the first stage; France illustrates the second
stage; the third stage is that towards which we are striving to move
to-day.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a>
Baines, "The Recent Growth of Population in Western Europe,"
<i>Journal of the Royal Statistical Society</i>, December, 1909.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a>
Various facts and references are given by Havelock Ellis, <i>The
Nationalization of Health</i>, chap. <span class="smcap">XIV</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a>
These are the figures given by the chief Japanese authority,
Professor Takano, <i>Journal of the Royal Statistical Society</i>, July, 1910,
p. 738.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a>
E.A. Ross, "The Race Fibre of the Chinese," <i>Popular Science
Monthly</i>, October, 1911. According to another competent and fairly
concordant estimate, the infantile death-rate of China is 90 per cent.
Of the female infants, probably about 1 in 10 is intentionally destroyed.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a>
J.J. Matignon, "La M&egrave;re et l'Enfant en Chine," <i>Archives
d'Anthropologie Criminelle</i>, October to November, 1909.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a>
Ars&egrave;ne Dumont, for instance, points out
(<i>D&eacute;population et Civilization</i>,
p. 116) that the very early marriages and the reckless fertility of
the Chinese cannot fail to cease as soon as the people adopt European
ways.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a>
The confident estimates of the future population of the world
which are from time to time put forward on the basis of the present
birth-rate are quite worthless. A brilliantly insubstantial fabric of
this kind, by B.L. Putnam Weale (<i>The Conflict of Colour</i>, 1911), has
been justly criticized by Professor Weatherley (<i>Popular Science
Monthly</i>, November, 1911).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a>
It is sometimes convenient to use the term "Neo-Malthusianism"
to indicate the voluntary limitation of the family, but it must always be
remembered that Malthus would not have approved of Neo-Malthusianism,
and that Neo-Malthusian practices have nothing to do with the
theory of Malthus. They would not be affected could that theory
be conclusively proved or conclusively disproved.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a>
We even find the demand that bachelors and spinsters shall be
taxed. This proposal has been actually accepted (1911) by the Landtag
of the little Principality of Reuss, which proposes to tax bachelors
and spinsters over thirty years of age. Putting aside the arguable
questions as to whether a State is entitled to place such pressure on its
citizens, it must be pointed out that it is not marriage but the child
which concerns the State. It is possible to have children without
marriage, and marriage does not ensure the procreation of children.
Therefore it would be more to the point to tax the childless. In that
case, it would be necessary to remit the tax in the case of unmarried
people with children, and to levy it in the case of married people without
children. But it has further to be remembered that not all persons
are fitted to have sound children, and as unsound children are a burden
and not a benefit to the State, the State ought to reward rather than
to fine those conscientious persons who refrain from procreation when
they are too poor, or with too defective a heredity, to be likely to produce,
or to bring up, sound children. Moreover, some persons are sterile,
and thorough medical investigation would be required before they
could fairly be taxed. As soon as we begin to analyse such a proposal
we cannot fail to see that, even granting that the aim of such legislation
is legitimate and desirable, the method of attaining it is thoroughly
mischievous and unjustifiable.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a>
J.G. Engelmann, "Decreasing Fecundity," <i>Philadelphia Medical
Journal</i>, January 18, 1902.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a>
It has, further, been frequently denied that Neo-Malthusian practices
can affect Roman Catholic countries, since the Church is precluded
from approving of them. That is true. But it is also true that, as
Lagneau long since pointed out, the Protestants of Europe have increased
at more than double the annual rate of the Catholics, though this relationship
has now ceased to be exact. Dumont states (<i>D&eacute;population et
Civilisation</i>, chap. <span class="smcap">XVIII</span>)
that there is not the slightest reason to
suppose that (apart from the question of poverty) the faithful have
more children than the irreligious; moreover, in dealing with its more
educated members, it is not the policy of the Church to make indiscreet
inquiries (see Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI,
"Sex in Relation to Society," p. 590). A Catholic bishop is reported
to have warned his clergy against referring in their Lent sermons
to the voluntary restriction of conception, remarking that an excess
of rigour in this matter would cause the Church to lose half her flock.
The fall in the birth-rate is as marked in Catholic as in Protestant
countries; the Catholic communities in which this is not the case
are few, and placed in exceptional circumstances. It must be remembered,
moreover, that the Church enjoins celibacy on its clergy, and
that celibacy is practically a Malthusian method. It is not easy while
preaching practical Malthusianism to the clergy to spend much fervour
in preaching against practical Neo-Malthusianism to the laity.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a>
McLean, "The Declining Birth-rate in Australia," <i>International
Medical Journal of Australasia</i>, 1904.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a>
Thus in France the low birth-rate is associated with a high infantile
death-rate, which has not yet been appreciably influenced by the
movement of puericulture in France. In England also, at the end of
the last century, the declining birth-rate was accompanied by a rising
infantile death-rate, which is now, however, declining under the
influence of greater care of child-life.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a>
Sidney Webb, <i>Times</i>, October 11 and 16, 1906; also <i>Popular
Science Monthly</i>, 1906, p. 526.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a>
It is important to remember the distinction between "fecundity"
and "fertility." A woman who has one child has proved that she is
fecund, but has not proved that she is fertile. A woman with six
children has proved that she is not only fecund but fertile.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a>
They have been worked out by C.J. Lewis and J. Norman Lewis,
<i>Natality and Fecundity</i>, 1905.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a>
Newsholme and Stevenson, <i>op. cit.</i>; Rubin and Westergaard,
<i>Statistik der Ehen</i>, 1890, p. 95.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a>
D. Heron, "On the Relation of Fertility in Man to Social Status,"
<i>Drapers' Company Research Memoirs</i>, No. 1, 1906.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a>
The recognition of this relationship must not be regarded as an
attempt unduly to narrow down the causation of changes in the birth-rate.
The great complexity of the causes influencing the birth-rate
is now fairly well recognized, and has, for instance, been pointed out by
Goldscheid, <i>H&ouml;herentwicklung und Menschen&ouml;konomie</i>,
Vol. I, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a>
In a paper read at the Brunswick Meeting of the German Anthropological
Society (<i>Correspondenzblatt</i> of the Society, November, 1898);
a great many facts concerning the fecundity of women among savages
in various parts of the world are brought together by Ploss and Bartels,
<i>Das Weib</i>, Vol I, chap. <span class="smcap">XXIV</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a>
The proportion of doctors to the population is very small, and the
people still have great confidence in their quacks and witch-doctors.
The elementary rules of sanitation are generally neglected, water
supplies are polluted, filth is piled up in the streets and the courtyards,
as it was in England and Western Europe generally until a century ago,
and the framing of regulations or the incursions of the police have
little effect on the habits of the people. Neglect of the ordinary
precautions of cleanliness is responsible for the wide extension of
syphilis by the use of drinking vessels, towels, etc., in common. Not
only is typhoid prevalent in nearly every province of Russia, but
typhus, which is peculiarly the disease of filth, overcrowding, and
starvation, and has long been practically extinct in England, still
flourishes and causes an immense mortality. The workers often have
no homes and sleep in the factories amidst the machinery, men and
women together; their food is insufficient, and the hours of labour
may vary from twelve to fourteen. When famine occurs these conditions
are exaggerated, and various epidemics ravage the population.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a>
It must, however, be remembered that in small and unstable
communities a considerable margin for error must be allowed, as the
crude birth-rate is unduly raised by an afflux of immigrants at the
reproductive age.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a>
Ars&egrave;ne Dumont, <i>D&eacute;population et Civilisation</i>, 1890, chap.
<span class="smcap">VI</span>. The
nature of the restraint on fertility has been well set forth by Dr. Bushee
("The Declining Birth-rate and its Causes," <i>Popular Science Monthly</i>,
August, 1903), mainly in the terms of Dumont's "social capillarity"
theory.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a>
Even Dr. Newsholme, usually so cautious and reliable an investigator
in this field, has been betrayed into a reference in this connection
(<i>The Declining Birth-rate</i>, 1911, p. 41) to the "increasing rarity of
altruism," though in almost the next paragraph he points out that the
large families of the past were connected with the fact that the child
was a profitable asset, and could be sent to work when little more than
an infant. The "altruism" which results in crushing the minds and
bodies of others in order to increase one's own earnings is not an
"altruism" which we need desire to perpetuate. The beneficial effect
of legislation against child-labour in reducing an unduly high birth-rate
has often been pointed out.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a>
It may suffice to take a single point. Large families involve the
birth of children at very short intervals. It has been clearly shown
by Dr. R.J. Ewart ("The Influence of Parental Age on Offspring,"
<i>Eugenics Review</i>, October, 1911) that children born at an interval of
less than two years after the birth of the previous child, remain, even
when they have reached their sixth year, three inches shorter and three
pounds lighter than first-born children.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a>
For instance, Goldscheid, in <i>H&ouml;herentwicklung und Menschen&ouml;konomie</i>;
it is also, on the whole, the conclusion of Newsholme, though
expressed in an exceedingly temperate manner, in his
<i>Declining Birth-rate</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a>
If, however, our birth-rate fanatics should hear of the results
obtained at the experimental farm at Roseville, California, by Professor
Silas Wentworth, who has found that by placing ewes in a field under
the power wires of an electric wire company, the average production
of lambs is more than doubled, we may anticipate trouble in many
hitherto small families. Their predecessors insisted, in the cause of
religion and morals, on burning witches; we must not be surprised if
our modern fanatics, in the same holy cause, clamour for a law compelling
all childless women to live under electric wires.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a>
J. Holt Schooling, "The English Marriage Rate," <i>Fortnightly
Review</i>, June, 1901.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a>
G. Udny Yule, "Changes in the Marriage-and Birth-rate in
England," <i>Journal of the Royal Statistical Society</i>, March, 1906.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a>
At an earlier period Hooker had investigated the same subject
without coming to any very decisive conclusions ("Correlation of the
Marriage-rate with Trade," <i>Journ. Statistical Soc.</i>, September, 1901).
Minor fluctuations in marriage and in trade per head, he found, tend
to be in close correspondence, but on the whole trade has risen and the
marriage-rate has fallen, probably, Hooker believed, as the result
of the gradual deferment of marriage.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a>
The higher standard need not be, among the mass of the population,
of a very exalted character, although it marks a real progress. Newsholme
and Stevenson (<i>op. cit.</i>) term it a higher "standard of comfort."
The decline of the birth-rate, they say, "is associated with a general
raising of the standard of comfort, and is an expression of the determination
of the people to secure this greater comfort."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a>
Ploss, <i>Das Weib</i>, Vol. I, chap. <span class="smcap">XX</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a>
It must not, however, be assumed that the rural immigrants
are in the mass better suited to urban life than the urban natives.
It is probable that, notwithstanding their energy and robustness,
the immigrants are less suited to urban conditions than the natives.
Consequently a process of selection takes place among the immigrants,
and the survivors become, as it were, immunized to the poisons of
urban life. But this immunization is by no means necessarily associated
with any high degree of nervous vigour or general physical development.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a>
Havelock Ellis, <i>A Study of British Genius</i>, pp. 22, 43.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a>
"National Health: a Soldier's Study," <i>Contemporary Review</i>,
January, 1903. The Reports of the Inspector-General of Recruiting
are said to show that the recruits are every year smaller, lighter, and
narrower-chested.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a>
This has been well illustrated during the past forty years in the
flourishing county of Glamorgan in Wales, as is shown by Dr. R.S.
Stewart ("The Relationship of Wages, Lunacy, and Crime in South
Wales," <i>Journal of Mental Science</i>, January, 1904). The staple industry
here is coal, 17 per cent of the population being directly employed in
coal-mining, and wages are determined by the sliding scale as it is
called, according to which the selling price of coal regulates the wages.
This leads to many fluctuations and sudden accesses of prosperity.
It is found that whenever wages rise there is a concomitant increase
of insanity and at the same time a diminished output of coal due to
slacking of work when earnings are greater; there is also an increase
of drunkenness and of crime. Stewart concludes that it is doubtful
whether increased material prosperity is conducive to improvement
in physical and mental status. It must, however, be pointed out
that it is a sudden and unstable prosperity, not necessarily a gradual
and stable prosperity, which is hereby shown to be pernicious.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a>
The relationship is sometimes expressed by saying that the
more highly differentiated the organism the fewer the offspring.
According to Plate we ought to say that, the greater the capacity
for parental care the fewer the offspring. This, however, comes
to the same thing, since it is the higher organisms which possess
the increased capacity for parental care. Putting it in the most
generalized zoological way, diminished offspring is the response
to improved environment. Thus in Man the decline of the birth-rate,
as Professor Benjamin Moore remarks (<i>British Medical Journal</i>,
August 20, 1910, p. 454), is "the simple biological reply to good
economic conditions. It is a well-known biological law that even a
micro-organism, when placed in unfavourable conditions as to food and
environment, passes into a reproductive phase, and by sporulation
or some special type produces new individuals very rapidly. The same
condition of affairs in the human race was shown even by the fact that
one-half of the births come from the least favourably situated one-quarter
of the population. Hence, over-rapid birth-rate indicates
unfavourable conditions of life, so that (so long as the population was
on the increase) a lower birth-rate was a valuable indication of a better
social condition of affairs, and a matter on which we should congratulate
the country rather than proceed to condolences."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a>
"The accumulations of racial experience tend to show," remarks
Woods Hutchinson ("Animal Marriage," <i>Contemporary Review</i>,
October, 1904), "that by the production of a smaller and smaller
number of offspring, and the expenditure upon those of a greater
amount of parental care, better results can be obtained in efficiency
and capacity for survival."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a>
Toulouse, <i>Causes de la Folie</i>, p. 91; Magri, <i>Archivio di Psichiatria</i>,
1896, fasc. vi-vii; Havelock Ellis, <i>A Study of British Genius</i>, pp. 106
et seq.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a>
Emile Macquart, "Mortalit&eacute;, Natalit&eacute;, D&eacute;population," <i>Bulletin
de la Soci&eacute;t&eacute; d'Anthropologie</i>, 1902.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a>
It is interesting to observe how Lafcadio Hearn, during the last
years of his life, was compelled, however unwillingly, to recognize
this change. See e.g. his <i>Japan: An Attempt at Interpretation</i>, 1904,
ch. <span class="smcap">XXI</span>, on "Industrial Dangers." The Japanese themselves have
recognized it, and it is the feeling of the decay of their ancient ideals
which has given so great an impetus to new ethical movements, such as
that, described as a kind of elevated materialism, established by
Yukichi Fukuzawa (see <i>Open Court</i>, June, 1907).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a>
<i>Athen&aelig;um</i>, October 7, 1911.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
<a name="CHAPVI" id="CHAPVI"></a></p><h3>VI</h3>

<h3>EUGENICS AND LOVE</h3>

<blockquote><p>Eugenics and the Decline of the Birth-rate&mdash;Quantity and Quality
in the Production of Children&mdash;Eugenic Sexual Selection&mdash;The
Value of Pedigrees&mdash;Their Scientific Significance&mdash;The Systematic
Record of Personal Data&mdash;The Proposal for Eugenic Certificates&mdash;St.
Valentine's Day and Sexual Selection&mdash;Love and Reason&mdash;Love
Ruled by Natural Law&mdash;Eugenic Selection not opposed to Love&mdash;No
Need for Legal Compulsion&mdash;Medicine in Relation to Marriage</p></blockquote>


<h4>I</h4>

<p>During recent years the question of the future
of the human race has been brought before us
in a way it has never been brought before. The
great expansive movement in civilized countries is over.
Whereas, fifty years ago, France seemed to present a
striking contrast to other countries in her low and
gradually falling birth-rate, to-day, though she has
herself now almost reached a stationary position, France
is seen merely to have been the leader in a movement
which is common to all the more highly civilized nations.
They are all now moving rapidly in the direction in
which she moved slowly. It was inevitable that this
movement, world-wide as it is, should call forth energetic
protests, for there is no condition of things so bad but it
finds some to advocate its perpetuation. There has,
therefore, been much vigorous preaching against "race
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
suicide" by people who were deaf to the small voice of
reason, who failed to understand that this matter could
not be settled by mere consideration of the crude birth-rates,
and that, even if it could, we should have still to
realize that, as an economist remarks, it is to the decline of
the birth-rate only that we probably owe it that the modern
civilized world has been saved from economic disaster.
<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p>

<p>But whatever the causes of the declining birth-rate it
is certain that even when they are within our control
they are of far too intimate a character for the public
moralist to be permitted to touch them, even though we
consider them to be in a disastrous state. It has to be
recognized that we are here in the presence, not of a
merely local or temporary tendency which might be
shaken off with an effort, but of a great fundamental
law of civilization; and the fact that we encounter it in
our own race merely means that we are reaching a fairly
high stage of civilization. It is far from the first time,
in the history of the world, that the same phenomenon
has been witnessed. It was seen in Imperial Rome; it
was seen, again, in the "Protestant Rome," Geneva.
Wherever are gathered together an exceedingly fine race
of people, the flower of the race, individuals of the highest
mental and moral distinction, there the birth-rate falls
steadily. Vice or virtue alike avails nothing in this field;
with high civilization fertility inevitably diminishes.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span></p>

<h4>II</h4>

<p>Under these circumstances it was to be expected that
a new ideal should begin to flash before men's eyes. If
the ideal of <i>quantity</i> is lost to us, why not seek the ideal
of <i>quality</i>? We know that the old rule: "Increase and
multiply" meant a vast amount of infant mortality,
of starvation, of chronic disease, of widespread misery.
In abandoning that rule, as we have been forced to do,
are we not left free to seek that our children, though few,
should be at all events fit, the finest, alike in physical and
psychical constitution, that the world has seen?</p>

<p>Thus has come about the recent expansion of that
conception of <i>Eugenics</i>, or the science and art of Good
Breeding in the human race, which a group of workers,
pioneered by Francis Galton<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>&mdash;at first in England and
later in America, Germany and elsewhere&mdash;have been
developing for some years past. Eugenics is beginning
to be felt to possess a living actuality which it failed to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
possess before. Instead of being a benevolent scientific
fad it begins to present itself as the goal to which we are
inevitably moving.</p>

<p>The cause of Eugenics has sometimes been prejudiced
in the public mind by a comparison with the artificial
breeding of domestic animals. In reality the two things
are altogether different. In breeding animals a higher
race of beings manipulates a lower race with the object
of securing definite points that are of no use whatever
to the animals themselves, but of considerable value to
the breeders. In our own race, on the other hand, the
problem of breeding is presented in an entirely different
shape. There is as yet no race of super-men who are
prepared to breed man for their own special ends. As
things are, even if we had the ability and the power, we
should surely hesitate before we bred men and women
as we breed dogs or fowls. We may, therefore, quite put
aside all discussion of eugenics as a sort of higher cattle-breeding.
It would be undesirable, even if it were not
impracticable.</p>

<p>But there is another aspect of Eugenics. Human
eugenics need not be, and is not likely to be, a cold-blooded
selection of partners by some outside scientific
authority. But it may be, and is very likely to be, a
slowly growing conviction&mdash;first among the more intelligent
members of the community and then by imitation
and fashion among the less intelligent members&mdash;that
our children, the future race, the torch-bearers of
civilization for succeeding ages, are not the mere result
of chance or Providence, but that, in a very real sense,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>
it is within our power to mould them, that the salvation
or damnation of many future generations lies in our
hands since it depends on our wise and sane choice of a
mate. The results of the breeding of those persons who
ought never to be parents is well known; the notorious
case of the Jukes family is but one among many instances.
We could scarcely expect in any community that individuals
like the Jukes would take the initiative in
movements for the eugenic development of the race,
but it makes much difference whether such families
exist in an environment like our own which is indifferent
to the future of the race, or whether they are surrounded
by influences of a more wholesome character which can
scarcely fail to some extent to affect, and even to control,
the reckless and anti-social elements in the community.</p>

<p>In considering this question, therefore, we are justified
in putting aside not only any kind of human breeding
resembling the artificial breeding of animals, but also,
at all events for the present, every compulsory prohibition
on marriage or procreation. We must be
content to concern ourselves with ideals, and with the
endeavour to exert our personal influence in the realization
of these ideals.</p>


<h4>III</h4>

<p>Such ideals cannot, however, be left in the air; if
they depend on individual caprice nothing but fruitless
confusion can come of them. They must be firmly
grounded on a scientific basis of ascertained fact. This
was always emphasized by Galton. He not only initiated
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
schemes for obtaining, but actually to some extent
obtained, a large amount of scientific knowledge concerning
the special characteristics and aptitudes of
families, and his efforts in this direction have since been
largely extended and elaborated.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> The feverish activities
of modern life, and the constant vicissitudes and
accidents that overtake families to-day, have led to an
extraordinary indifference to family history and tradition.
Our forefathers, from generation to generation, carefully
entered births, baptisms, marriages, and deaths in
the fly-leaf of the Family Bible. It is largely owing to
these precious entries that many are able to carry their
family history several centuries further back than they
otherwise could. But nowadays the Family Bible has
for the most part ceased to exist, and nothing else has
taken its place. If a man wishes to know what sort of
stocks he has come from, unless he is himself an antiquarian,
or in a position to employ an antiquarian to
assist him, he can learn little, and in the most favourable
position he is helpless without clues; though with such
clues he might often learn much that would be of the
greatest interest to him. The entries in the Family
Bible, however, whatever their value as clues and even
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
as actual data, do not furnish adequate information to
serve as a guide to the different qualities of stocks; we
need far more detailed and varied information in order
to realize the respective values of families from the point
of view of eugenics. Here, again, Galton had already
realized the need for supplying a great defect in our
knowledge, and his Life-history Albums showed how the
necessary information may be conveniently registered.</p>

<p>The accumulated histories of individual families, it is
evident, will in time furnish a foundation on which to
base scientific generalizations, and eventually, perhaps,
to justify practical action. Moreover, a vast amount of
valuable information on which it is possible to build up
a knowledge of the correlated characteristics of families,
already lies at present unused in the great insurance
offices and elsewhere. When it is possible to obtain a
large collection of accurate pedigrees for scientific purposes,
and to throw them into a properly tabulated
form, we shall certainly be in a position to know more of
the qualities of stocks, of their good and bad characteristics,
and of the degree in which they are correlated.
<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p>

<p>In this way we shall, in time, be able to obtain a clear
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
picture of the probable results on the offspring of unions
between any kind of people. From personal and ancestral
data we shall be able to reckon the probable
quality of the offspring of a married couple. Given a
man and woman of known personal qualities and of
known ancestors, what are likely to be the personal
qualities, physical, mental and moral, of the children?
That is a question of immense importance both for the
beings themselves whom we bring into the world, for the
community generally, and for the future race.</p>

<p>Eventually, it seems evident, a general system, whether
private or public, whereby all personal facts, biological
and mental, normal and morbid, are duly and systematically
registered, must become inevitable if we are to have
a real guide as to those persons who are most fit, or most
unfit, to carry on the race.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> Unless they are full and
frank such records are useless. But it is obvious that
for a long time to come such a system of registration
must be private. According to the belief which is still
deeply rooted in most of us, we regard as most private
those facts of our lives which are most intimately connected
with the life of the race, and most fateful for the
future of humanity. The feeling is no doubt inevitable;
it has a certain rightness and justification. As, however,
our knowledge increases we shall learn that we are,
on the one hand, a little more responsible for future
generations than we are accustomed to think, and, on
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
the other hand, a little less responsible for our own good
or bad qualities. Our fiat makes the future man, but,
in the same way, we are ourselves made by a choice and
a will not our own. A man may indeed, within limits,
mould himself, but the materials he can alone use were
handed on to him by his parents, and whether he becomes
a man of genius, a criminal, a drunkard, an
epileptic, or an ordinarily healthy, well-conducted, and
intelligent citizen, must depend at least as much on his
parents as on his own effort or lack of effort, since even
the aptitude for effective effort is largely inborn. As we
learn to look on the facts from the only sound standpoint
of heredity, our anger or contempt for a failing and
erring individual has to give way to the kindly but firm
control of a weakling. If the children's teeth have been
set on edge it is because the parents have eaten sour
grapes.</p>

<p>If, however, we certainly cannot bring legal or even
moral force to compel everyone to maintain such detailed
registers of himself, his ancestral stocks, and his offspring&mdash;to
say nothing of inducing him to make them
public&mdash;there is something that we can do. We can
make it to his interest to keep such a record.
<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>If it
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
became an advantage in life to a man to possess good
ancestors, and to be himself a good specimen of humanity
in mind, character, and physique, we may be sure that
those who are above the average in these matters will be
glad to make use of that superiority. Insurance offices
already make an inquisition into these matters, to which
no one objects, because a man only submits to it for his
own advantage; while for military and some other
services similar inquiries are compulsory. Eugenic
certificates, according to Galton's proposal, would be
issued by a suitably constituted authority to those
candidates who chose to apply for them and were able
to pass the necessary tests. Such certificates would
imply an inquiry and examination into the ancestry of
the candidate as well as into his own constitution,
health, intelligence and character; and the possession
of such a certificate would involve a superiority to the
average in all these respects. No one would be compelled
to offer himself for such examination, just as no
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
one is compelled to seek a university degree. But its
possession would often be an advantage. There is
nothing to prevent the establishment of a board of
examiners of this kind to-morrow, and we may be sure
that, once established, many candidates would hasten
to present themselves.<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> There are obviously many
positions in life wherein a certificate of this kind of
superiority would be helpful. But its chief distinction
would be that its possession would be a kind of patent of
natural nobility; the man or woman who held it would
be one of Nature's aristocrats, to whom the future of the
race might be safely left without further question.</p>

<h4>IV</h4>

<p>By happy inspiration, or by chance, Galton made
public his programme of eugenic research, in a paper
read before the Sociological Society, on February 14,
the festival of St. Valentine. Although the ancient
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
observances of that day have now died out, St. Valentine
was for many centuries the patron saint of sexual
selection, more especially in England. It can scarcely
be said that any credit in this matter belongs to the
venerable saint himself; it was by an accident that he
achieved his conspicuous position in the world. He was
simply a pious Christian who was beheaded for his faith
in Rome under Claudius. But it so happened that his
festival fell at that period in early spring when birds
were believed to pair, and when youths and maidens
were accustomed to select partners for themselves or
for others. This custom&mdash;which has been studied together
with many allied primitive practices by Mannhard
<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>&mdash;was
not always carried out on February 14,
sometimes it took place a little later. In England,
where it was strictly associated with St. Valentine's
Day, the custom was referred to by Lydgate, and by
Charles of Orleans in the rondeaus and ballades he wrote
during his long imprisonment in England. The name
Valentins or Valentines was also introduced into France
(where the custom had long existed) to designate the
young couples thus constituted. This method of sexual
selection, half playful, half serious, flourished especially
in the region between England, the Moselle, and the
Tyrol. The essential part of the custom lay in the public
choice of a fitting mate for marriageable girls. Sometimes
the question of fitness resolved itself into one of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
good looks; occasionally the matter was settled by lot.
There was no compulsion about these unions; they
were often little more than a game, though at times they
involved a degree of immorality which caused the
authorities to oppose them. But very frequently the
sexual selection thus exerted led to weddings, and these
playful Valentine unions were held to be a specially
favourable prelude to a happy marriage.</p>

<p>It is scarcely necessary to show how the ancient
customs associated with St. Valentine's Day are taken
up again and placed on a higher plane by the great
movement which is now beginning to shape itself among
us. The old Valentine unions were made by a process of
caprice tempered more or less by sound instincts and
good sense. In the sexual selection of the future the
same results will be attained by more or less deliberate
and conscious recognition of the great laws and tendencies
which investigation is slowly bringing to light. The new St.
Valentine will be a saint of science rather than of folk-lore.</p>

<p>Whenever such statements as these are made it is
always retorted that love laughs at science, and that the
winds of passion blow where they list.
<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> That, however,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
is by no means altogether true, and in any case it is far
from covering the whole of the ground. It is hard to
fight against human nature, but human nature itself is
opposed to indiscriminate choice of mates. It is not
true that any one tends to love anybody, and that
mutual attraction is entirely a matter of chance. The
investigations which have lately been carried out show
that there are certain definite tendencies in this matter,
that certain kinds of people tend to be attracted to
certain kinds, especially that like are attracted to like
rather than unlike to unlike, and that, again, while some
kinds of people tend to be married with special frequency
other kinds tend to be left unmarried.
<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Sexual selection,
even when left to random influences, is still not left to
chance; it follows definite and ascertainable laws. In
that way the play of love, however free it may appear,
is really limited in a number of directions. People do
not tend to fall in love with those who are in racial
respects a contrast to themselves; they do not tend to
fall in love with foreigners; they do not tend to be
attracted to the ugly, the diseased, the deformed. All
these things may happen, but they are the exception
and not the rule. These limitations to the roving impulses
of love, while very real, to some extent vary at
different periods in accordance with the ideals which
happen to be fashionable. In more remote ages they
have been still more profoundly modified by religious
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
and social ideas; polygamy and polyandry, the custom
of marrying only inside one's own caste, or only outside
it, all these various and contradictory plans have been
easily accepted at some place and some time, and have
offered no more conscious obstacle to the free play of
love than among ourselves is offered by the prohibition
against marriage between near relations.</p>

<p>Those simple-minded people who talk about the blind
and irresistible force of passion are themselves blind to
very ordinary psychological facts. Passion&mdash;when it
occurs&mdash;requires in normal persons cumulative and prolonged
forces to impart to it full momentum.
<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> In its
early stages it is under the control of many influences,
including influences of reason. If it were not so there
could be no sexual selection, nor any social organization.
<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p>


<p>The eugenic ideal which is now developing is thus not
an artificial product, but the reasoned manifestation of a
natural instinct, which has often been far more severely
strained by the arbitrary prohibitions of the past than
it is ever likely to be by any eugenic ideals of the future.
The new ideal will be absorbed into the conscience of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
community, whether or not like a kind of new religion,
<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>
and will instinctively and unconsciously influence the
impulses of men and women. It will do all this the more
surely since, unlike the taboos of savage societies, the
eugenic ideal will lead men and women to reject as
partners only the men and women who are naturally
unfit&mdash;the diseased, the abnormal, the weaklings&mdash;and
conscience will thus be on the side of impulse.</p>

<p>It may indeed be pointed out that those who advocate
a higher and more scientific conscience in matters of
mating are by no means plotting against love, which is
for the most part on their side, but rather against the
influences that do violence to love: on the one hand,
the reckless and thoughtless yielding to mere momentary
desire, and, on the other hand, the still more fatal influences
of wealth and position and worldly convenience
which give a factitious value to persons who would never
appear attractive partners in life were love and eugenic
ideals left to go hand in hand. It is such unions, and
not those inspired by the wholesome instincts of wholesome
lovers, which lead, if not to the abstract "deterioration
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
of the race," at all events in numberless cases to the
abiding unhappiness of persons who choose a mate without
realizing how that mate is likely to develop, nor
what sort of children may probably be expected from
the union. The eugenic ideal will have to struggle with
the criminal and still more resolutely with the rich; it
will have few serious quarrels with normal and well
constituted lovers.</p>

<p>It will now perhaps be clear how it is that the eugenic
conception of the improvement of the race embodies a
new ideal. We are familiar with legislative projects for
compulsory certificates as a condition of marriage. But
even apart from all the other considerations which
make such schemes both illusory and undesirable, these
externally imposed regulations fail to go to the root of
the matter. If they are voluntary, if they spring out of
a fine eugenic aspiration, it is another matter. Under
these conditions the method may be carried out at once.
Professor Grasset has pointed out one way in which
this may be effected. We cannot, he remarks, follow
the procedure of a military <i>conseil de revision</i> and compulsorily
reject the candidate for a definite defect. But
it would be possible for the two families concerned to
call a conference of their two family doctors, after
examination of the would-be bride and bridegroom,
permitting the doctors to discuss freely the medical
aspects of the proposed union, and undertaking to
accept their decision, without asking for the revelation of
any secrets, the families thus remaining ignorant of the
defect which prevented this union but might not prevent
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
another union, for the chief danger in many cases comes
from the conjunction of convergent morbid tendencies.
<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>
In France, where much power remains with the respective
families, this method might be operative, provided
complete confidence was felt in the doctors concerned.
In some countries, such as England, the
prospective couple might prefer to take the matter into
their own hands, to discuss it frankly, and to seek
medical advice on their own account; this is now much
more frequently done than was formerly the case. But
all compulsory projects of this kind, and indeed any mere
legislation, cannot go to the root of the matter. For in
the first place, what we need is a great body of facts, and
a careful attention to the record and registration and
statistical tabulation of personal and family histories.
In the second place, we need that sound ideals and a
high sense of responsibility should permeate the whole
community, first its finer and more distinguished members
and then, by the usual contagion that rules in such
matters, the whole body of its members.
<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> In time, no
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
doubt, this would lead to concerted social action. We
may reasonably expect that a time will come when if,
for instance, an epileptic woman conceals her condition
from the man she is marrying it would generally be felt
that an offence has been committed serious enough to
invalidate the marriage. We must not suppose that
lovers would be either willing or competent to investigate
each other's family and medical histories. But it
would be at least as easy and as simple to choose a
partner from those persons who had successfully passed
the eugenic test&mdash;more especially since such persons
would certainly be the most attractive group in the
community&mdash;as it is for an Australian aborigine to
select a conjugal partner from one social group rather
than from any other.<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> It is a matter of accepting an
ideal and of exerting our personal and social influence in
the direction of that ideal. If we really seek to raise the
level of humanity we may in this way begin to do so
to-day.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span></p>
<h4>NOTE ON THE LIFE-HISTORY RECORD</h4>

<p>The extreme interest of a Life-History Record is obvious,
even apart from its eventual scientific value. Most of us
would have reason to congratulate ourselves had such records
been customary when we were ourselves children. It is
probable that this is becoming more generally realized,
though until recently only the pioneers have here been active.
"I started a Life-History Album for each of my children,"
writes Mr. F.H. Perrycoste in a private letter, "as soon as
they were born; and by the time they arrive at man's and
woman's estate they will have valuable records of their own
physical, mental, and moral development, which should be
of great service to them when they come to have children of
their own, whilst the physical&mdash;in which are included, of
course, medical&mdash;records may at any time be of great value
to their own medical advisers in later life. I have reason
to regret that some such Albums were not kept for my wife
and myself, for they would have afforded the necessary
data by which to 'size up' the abilities and conduct of our
children. I know, for instance, pretty well what was my own
Galtonian rank as a schoolboy, and I am constantly asking
myself whether my boy will do as well, better, or worse.
Now fortunately I do happen to remember roughly what
stages I had reached at one or two transition periods of
school-life; but if only such an Album had been kept for
me, I could turn it up and check my boy against myself
in each subject at each yearly stage. You will gather from
this that I consider it of great importance that ample details
of school-work and intellectual development should be entered
in the Album. I find the space at my disposal for these
entries insufficient, and consequently I summarize in the
Album and insert a reference to sheets of fuller details which
I keep; but it might be well, when another edition of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
Album comes to be published, to agitate for the insertion of
extra blank pages after the age of eight or nine, in order to
allow of the transcription of full school-reports. However,
the great thing is to induce people to keep an Album
that will form the nucleus round which any number of fuller
records can cluster."</p>

<p>It is not necessary that the Galtonian type of Album
should be rigidly preserved, and I am indebted to "Henry
Hamill," the author of <i>The Truth We Owe to Youth</i>, for the
following suggestions as to the way in which such a record
may be carried out:</p>

<blockquote><p>"The book should not be a mere dry rigmarole, but include
a certain appeal to sentiment. The subject should begin
to make the entries himself when old enough to do so properly,
i.e. so that the book will not be disfigured&mdash;though indeed
the naivity of juvenile phrasing, etc., may be of a particular
interest. From a graphological point of view, the evolution
of the handwriting will be of interest; and if for no other
reason, specimens of handwriting ought to appear in it from
year to year, while the parent is still writing the other entries.
There may now be a certain sacramental character in the life-history.
The subject should be led to regard the book as
a witness, and to perceive in it an additional reason for avoiding
every act the mention of which would be a disfigurement of
the history. At the same time, the nature of the witness
may be made to correct the wrong notions prevailing as to
the worthiness of acts, and to sanctify certain of them that
have been foolishly degraded. Thus there may be left several
leaves blank before the pages of forms for filling in anthropometric
and physiological data, and the headings may be
made to suggest a worthier way of viewing these things.
For instance, there may be the indication 'Place and time of
conception,' and a specimen entry may be of service to lead
commonplace minds into a more reverent and poetical view
than is now usual&mdash;such as the one I culled from the life-history
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
of an American child: 'Our second child M&mdash;&mdash;
was conceived on Midsummer Day, under the shade of a
friendly sycamore, beneath the cloudless blue of Southern
California.' Or, instead of restricting the reference to the
particular episode, it may refer to the whole chapter of
Love which that episode adorned, more especially in the case
of a first child, when a poetical history of the mating of the
parents may precede. The presence of the idea that the
book would some day be read by others than the intimate
circle, would restrain the tendency of some persons to inordinate
self-revelation and 'gush.' Such books as these would
form the dearest heirlooms of a family, helping to knit its
bonds firmer, and giving an insight into individual character
which would supplement the more tangible data for the
pedigree in a most valuable way. The photographs taken
every three months or so ought to be as largely as possible
nude. The gradual transition from childhood would help
to prevent an abrupt feeling arising, and the practice would
be a valuable aid to the rehabilitation of the nude, and of
genuineness in our daily life, no matter in what respect.
This leads to the difficult question of how far moral aspects
should be entertained. 'To-day Johnnie told his first fib;
we pretended to disbelieve everything else he said, and he
began to see that lying was bad policy.' 'Chastised Johnnie
for the first time for pulling the wings off a fly; he wanted
to know why we might kill flies outright, but not mutilate
them,' and so on. For in this way parents would train themselves
in the psychology of education and character-building,
though books by specially gifted parents would soon appear
for their guidance.</p>

<p>"Of course, whatever relevant circumstances were available
about the ante-natal period or the mother's condition would
be noted (but who would expect a mother to note that she
laced tight up to such and such a month? Perhaps the
keeping of a log like this might act as a deterrent). Similarly,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
under diet and regimen, year by year, the assumption of
breast-feeding&mdash;provision of columns for the various incidents
of it&mdash;weight before and after feeding, etc., would have a
great suggestive value.</p>

<p>"The provision under diet and regimen of columns for
'drug habits, if any'&mdash;tea, coffee, alcohol, nicotine, morphia,
etc.&mdash;would have a suggestive value and operate in the
direction of the simple life and a reverence for the body.
Some good aphorisms might be strewed in, such as:</p>

<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="i-4">"'If anything is sacred, the human body is sacred' (Whitman).<br /></span>
</div></div>

<p>"As young people circulate their 'Books of Likes and
Dislikes,' etc., and thus in an entertaining way provide each
other with insight into mutual character, so the Life-History
need not be an <i>arcanum</i>&mdash;at least where people have nothing
to be ashamed of. It would be a very trying ordeal, no doubt,
to admit even intimate friends to this confidence. <i>But as
eugenics spread, concealment of taint will become almost impracticable</i>,
and the facts may as well be confessed. But
even then there will be limitations. There might be an
esoteric book for the individual's own account of himself.
Such important items as the incidence of puberty (though
notorious in some communities) could not well be included in
a book open even to the family circle, for generations to come.
The quiescence of the genital sense, the sedatives naturally
occurring, important as these are, and occupying the consciousness
in so large a degree, would find no place; nevertheless,
a private journal of the facts would help to steady
the individual, and prove a check against disrespect to his
body.</p>

<p>"As the facts of individual evolution would be noted, so
likewise would those of dissolution. The first signs of decay&mdash;the
teeth, the elasticity of body and mind&mdash;would provide
a valuable sphere for all who are disposed to the diary-habit.
The journals of individuals with a gift for introspection would
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
furnish valuable material for psychologists in the future.
Life would be cleansed in many ways. Journals would not
have to be bowdlerized, like Marie Bashkirtseff's, for the
morbidity that gloats on the forbidden would have a lesser
scope, much that is now regarded as disgraceful being then
accepted as natural and right.</p>

<p>"The book might have several volumes, and that for the
periods of infancy and childhood might need to be less private
than the one for puberty. More, in his <i>Utopia</i>, demands that
lovers shall learn to know each other as they really are,
i.e. naked. That is now the most Utopian thing in More's
<i>Utopia</i>. But the lovers might communicate their life-histories
to each other as a preliminary.</p>

<p>"The whole plan would, of course, finally have to be over-hauled
by the so-called 'man of the world.'"</p></blockquote>

<p>Not everyone may agree with this conception of the Life-History
Album and its uses. Some will prefer a severely dry
and bald record of measurements. At the present time,
however, there is room for very various types of such documents.
The important point is to realize that, in some form
or another, a record of this kind from birth or earlier is practicable,
and constitutes a record which is highly desirable
alike on personal, social, and scientific grounds.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a>
Dr. Scott Nearing, "Race Suicide <i>versus</i> Over-Population,"
<i>Popular Science Monthly</i>, January, 1911. And from the biological side
Professor Bateson concludes (<i>Biological Fact and the Structure of Society</i>,
p. 23) that "it is in a decline in the birth-rate that the most promising
omen exists for the happiness of future generations."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a>
Galton himself, the grandson of Erasmus Darwin, and the half-cousin
of Charles Darwin, may be said to furnish a noble illustration
of an unconscious process of eugenics. (He has set forth his ancestry
in <i>Memories of My Life</i>.) On his death, the editor of the <i>Popular
Science Monthly</i> wrote, referring to the fact that Galton was nominated
to succeed William James in the honorary membership of an Academy
of Science: "These two men are the greatest whom he has known.
James possessed the more complicated personality; but they had
certain common traits&mdash;a combination of perfect aristocracy with
complete democracy, directness, kindliness, generosity, and nobility
beyond all measure. It has been said that eugenics is futile because it
cannot define its end. The answer is simple&mdash;we want men like William
James and Francis Galton" (<i>Popular Science Monthly, March</i>, 1911.)
Probably most of those who were brought, however slightly, in contact
with these two fine personalities will subscribe to this conclusion.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a>
Galton chiefly studied the families to which men of intellectual
ability belong, especially in his <i>Hereditary Genius</i> and <i>English Men of
Science</i>; various kinds of pathological families have since been investigated
by Karl Pearson and his co-workers (see the series of
<i>Biometrika</i>); the pedigrees of the defective classes (especially the
feeble-minded and epileptic) are now being accurately worked out,
as by Godden, at Vineland, New Jersey, and Davenport, in New York
(see e.g. <i>Eugenics Review</i>, April, 1911, and <i>Journal of Nervous and
Mental Disease</i>, November, 1911).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a>
"When once more the importance of good birth comes to be
recognized in a new sense," wrote W.C.D. Whetham and Mrs. Whetham
(in <i>The Family and the Nation</i>, p. 222), "when the innate physical and
mental qualities of different families are recorded in the central
sociological department or scientifically reformed College of Arms,
the pedigrees of all will be known to be of supreme interest. It would
be understood to be more important to marry into a family with a
good hereditary record of physical and mental and moral qualities
than it ever has been considered to be allied to one with sixteen
quarterings."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a>
The importance of such biographical records of aptitude and
character are so great that some, like Schallmayer (<i>Vererbung und
Auslese</i>, 2nd ed., 1910, p. 389) believe that they must be made universally
obligatory. This proposal, however, seems premature.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a>
In many undesigned and unforeseen ways these registers may be
of immense value. They may even prove the means of overthrowing
our pernicious and destructive system of so-called "education." A step
in this direction has been suggested by Mr. R.T. Bodey, Inspector
of Elementary Schools, at a meeting of the Liverpool branch of the
Eugenics Education Society: "Education facilities should be carefully
distributed with regard to the scientific likelihood of their utilization to
the maximum of national advantage, and this not for economic reasons
only, but because it was cruel to drag children from their own to a
different sphere of life, and cruel to the class they deserted. Since the
activities of the nation and the powers of the children were alike
varied in kind and degree, the most natural plan would be to sort
them both out, and then design a school system expressly in order to
fit one to the other. At present there was no fixed purpose, but a perpetual
riot of changes, resulting in distraction of mind, discontinuity
of purpose, and increase of cost, while happiness decayed because
desires grew faster than possessions or the sense of achievement. The
only really scientific basis for a national system of education would be
a full knowledge of the family history of each child. With more perfect
classification of family talent the need of scholarships of transplantation
would become less, for each of them was the confession of an initial error
in placing the child. Then there would be more money to be spared
for industrial research, travelling and art studentships, and other aids
to those who had the rare gift of original thought" (<i>British Medical
Journal</i>, November 18, 1911).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a>
I should add that there is one obstacle, viz. expense. When the present
chapter was first published in its preliminary form as an article in
the <i>Nineteenth Century and After</i> (May, 1906), Galton, always alive to
everything bearing on the study of Eugenics, wrote to me that he had
been impressed by the generally sympathetic reception my paper had
received, and that he felt encouraged to consider whether it was
possible to begin giving such certificates at once. He asked for my
views, among others, as to the ground which should be covered by such
certificates. The programme I set forth was somewhat extensive,
as I considered that the applicant must not only bring evidence
of a sound ancestry, but also submit to anthropological, psychological,
and medical examination. Galton eventually came to the conclusion
that the expenses involved by the scheme rendered it for the present
impracticable. My opinion was, and is, that though the charge for
such a certificate might in the first place be prohibitive for most people,
a few persons might find it desirable to seek, and advantageous to
possess, such certificates, and that it is worth while at all events to
make a beginning.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a>
Mannhardt, <i>Wald-und Feldkulte</i>, 1875, Vol. I, pp. 422 <i>et seq.</i>
I have discussed seasonal erotic festivals in a study of "The Phenomena
of Sexual Periodicity," <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. I.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a>
Thus we read in a small popular periodical: "I am prepared to
back human nature against all the cranks in Christendom. Human
nature will endure a faddist so long as he does not interfere with things
it prizes. One of these things is the right to select its partner for life.
If a man loves a girl he is not going to give her up because she happens
to have an aunt in a lunatic asylum or an uncle who has epileptic
fits," etc. In the same way it may be said that a man will allow nothing
to interfere with his right to eat such food as he chooses, and is not
going to give up a dish he likes because it happens to be peppered with
arsenic. It may be so, let us grant, among savages. The growth of
civilization lies in ever-extended self-control guided by foresight.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a>
I have summarized some of the evidence on these points, especially
that showing that sexual attraction tends to be towards like persons
and not, as was formerly supposed, towards the unlike, in <i>Studies in the
Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. IV, "Sexual Selection in Man."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a>
In other words, the process of tumescence is gradual and complex.
See Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. III, "The
Analysis of the Sexual Impulse."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a>
As Roswell Johnson remarks ("The Evolution of Man and its
Control," <i>Popular Science Monthly</i>, January, 1910): "While it is
undeniable that love when once established defies rational considerations,
yet we must remark that sexual selection proceeds usually through
two stages, the first being one of mere mutual attraction and interest.
It is in this stage that the will and reason are operative, and here alone
that any considerable elevation of standard may be effective."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a>
Galton looked upon eugenics as fitted to become a factor in religion
(<i>Essays in Eugenics</i>, p. 68). It may, however, be questioned whether
this consummation is either probable or desirable. The same religious
claim has been made for socialism. But, as Dr. Eden Paul remarks
in a recent pamphlet on <i>Socialism and Eugenics</i>, "Whereas both
Socialism and Eugenics are concerned solely with the application of
the knowledge gained by experience to the amelioration of the human
lot, it seems preferable to dispense with religious terminology, and to
regard the two doctrines as complementary parts of the great modern
movement known by the name of Humanism." Personally, I do not
consider that either Socialism or Eugenics can be regarded as coming
within the legitimate sphere of religion, which I have elsewhere attempted
to define (Conclusion to <i>The New Spirit</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a>
J. Grasset, in Dr. A. Marie's <i>Trait&eacute; International de Psychologie
Pathologique</i>, 1910, Vol. I, p. 25. Grasset proceeds to discuss the
principles which must guide the physician in such consultations.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a>
This has been clearly realized by the German Society of Eugenics
or "Racial Hygiene," as it is usually termed in Germany (Internationale
Gesellschaft f&uuml;r Rassen-Hygiene), founded by Dr. Alfred
Ploetz, with the co-operation of many distinguished physicians and
men of science, "to further the theory and practice of racial hygiene."
It is a chief aim of this Society to encourage the registration by the
members of the biological and other physical and psychic characteristics
of themselves and their families, in order to obtain a body of data on
which conclusions may eventually be based; the members undertake
not to enter on a marriage except they are assured by medical
investigation of both parties that the union is not likely to cause
disaster to either partner or to the offspring. The Society also admits
associates who only occupy themselves with the scientific aspects of
its work and with propaganda. In England the Eugenics Education
Society (with its organ the <i>Eugenics Review</i>) has done much to stimulate
an intelligent interest in eugenics.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a>
How influential public opinion may be in the selection of mates
is indicated by the influence it already exerts&mdash;in less than a century&mdash;in
the limitation of offspring. This is well marked in some parts of
France. Thus, concerning a rural district near the Garonne, Dr.
Belb&egrave;ze, who knows it thoroughly, writes (<i>La Neurasth&eacute;nie Rurale</i>,
1911): "Public opinion does not at present approve of multiple
procreation. Large families, there can be no doubt, are treated with
contempt. Couples who produce a numerous progeny are looked on,
with a wink, as 'maladroits,' which in this region is perhaps the supreme
term of abuse.... Public opinion is all-powerful, and alone suffices
to produce restraint, when foresight is not adequate for this purpose."</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>

<a name="CHAPVII" id="CHAPVII"></a></p><h3>VII</h3>

<h3>RELIGION AND THE CHILD</h3>

<blockquote><p>Religious Education in Relation to Social Hygiene and to Psychology&mdash;The
Psychology of the Child&mdash;The Contents of Children's Minds&mdash;The
Imagination of Children&mdash;How far may Religion be assimilated
by Children?&mdash;Unfortunate Results of Early Religious Instruction&mdash;Puberty
the Age for Religious Education&mdash;Religion as
an Initiation into a Mystery&mdash;Initiation among Savages&mdash;The Christian
Sacraments&mdash;The Modern Tendency as regards Religious
Instruction&mdash;Its Advantages&mdash;Children and Fairy Tales&mdash;The
Bible of Childhood&mdash;Moral Training.</p></blockquote>


<p>It is a fact as strange as it is unfortunate that the
much-debated question of the religious education
of children is almost exclusively considered from
the points of view of the sectarian and the secularist. In
a discussion of this question we are almost certain to be
invited to take part in an unedifying wrangle between
Church and Chapel, between religion and secularism.
That is the strange part of it, that it should seem impossible
to get away from this sectarian dispute as to the
abstract claims of varying religious bodies. The unfortunate
part of it is that in this quarrel the interests
of the community, the interests of the child, even the
interests of religion are alike disregarded.</p>

<p>If we really desire to reach a sound conclusion on a
matter which is unquestionably of great moment, both
for the child and for the community of which he will one
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
day become a citizen, we must resolutely put into the
background, as of secondary importance, the cries of
contending sects, religious or irreligious. The first place
here belongs to the psychologist, who is building up the
already extensive edifice of knowledge concerning the
real nature of the child and the contents and growth of
the youthful mind, and to the practical teacher who is
in touch with that knowledge and can bring it to the
test of actual experience. Before considering what
drugs are to be administered we must consider the
nature of the organism they are to be thrust into.</p>

<p>The mind of the child is at once logical and extravagant,
matter-of-fact and poetic or rather mytho-p[oe]ic. This
combination of apparent opposites, though it often
seems almost incomprehensible to the adult, is the
inevitable outcome of the fact that the child's dawning
intelligence is working, as it were, in a vacuum. In
other words, the child has not acquired the two endowments
which chiefly give character to the whole body of
the adult's beliefs and feelings. He is without the
pubertal expansion which fills out the mind with new
personal and altruistic impulses and transforms it with
emotion that is often dazzling and sometimes distorting;
and he has not yet absorbed, or even gained the power
of absorbing, all those beliefs, opinions, and mental
attitudes which the race has slowly acquired and transmitted
as the traditional outcome of its experiences.</p>

<p>The intellectual processes of children, the attitude and
contents of the child's mind, have been explored during
recent years with a care and detail that have never been
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
brought to that study before. This is not a matter of
which the adult can be said to possess any instinctive
or matter-of-course knowledge. Adults usually have a
strange aptitude to forget entirely the facts of their
lives as children, and children are usually, like peoples
of primitive race, very cautious in the deliberate communication
of their mental operations, their emotions,
and their ideas. That is to say that the child is equally
without the internally acquired complex emotional
nature which has its kernel in the sexual impulse, and
without the externally acquired mental equipment which
may be summed up in the word tradition. But he
possesses the vivid activities founded on the exercise of
his senses and appetites, and he is able to reason with a
relentless severity from which the traditionalized and
complexly emotional adult shrinks back with horror.
The child creates the world for himself, and he creates
it in his own image and the images of the persons he is
familiar with. Nothing is sacred to him, and he pushes
to the most daring extremities&mdash;as it seems to the adult&mdash;the
arguments derived from his own personal experiences.
He is unable to see any distinction between the
natural and the supernatural, and he is justified in this
conviction because, as a matter of fact, he himself lives
in what for most adults would be a supernatural atmosphere;
most children see visions with closed and sometimes
with open eyes;<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> they are not infrequently subject
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
to colour-hearing and other syn&aelig;sthetic sensations;
and they occasionally hear hallucinatory voices. It is
possible, indeed, that this is the case with all children in
some slight degree, although the faculty dies out early
and is easily forgotten because its extraordinary character
was never recognized.</p>

<p>Of 48 Boston children, says Stanley Hall,
<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> 20 believed
the sun, moon, and stars to live, 16 thought flowers
could feel, and 15 that dolls would feel pain if burnt.
The sky was found the chief field in which the children
exercise their philosophic minds. About three-quarters
of them thought the world a plain with the sky like a
bowl turned over it, sometimes believing that it was of
such thin texture that one could easily break through,
though so large that much floor-sweeping was necessary
in Heaven. The sun may enter the ground when it
sets, but half the children thought that at night it rolls
or flies away, or is blown or walks, or God pulls it higher
up out of sight, taking it up into Heaven, according to
some putting it to bed, and even taking off its clothes and
putting them on again in the morning, or again, it is
believed to lie under the trees at night and the angels
mind it. God, of whom the children always hear so
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
much, plays a very large part in these conceptions, and
is made directly responsible for all cosmic phenomena.
Thus thunder to these American children was God
groaning or kicking or rolling barrels about, or turning
a big handle, or grinding snow, or breaking something,
or rattling a big hammer; while the lightning is due to
God putting his finger out, or turning the gas on quick,
or striking matches, or setting paper on fire. According
to Boston children, God is a big, perhaps a blue, man,
to be seen in the sky, on the clouds, in church, or even
in the streets. They declare that God comes to see them
sometimes, and they have seen him enter the gate. He
makes lamps, babies, dogs, trees, money, etc., and the
angels work for him. He looks like a priest, or a teacher,
or papa, and the children like to look at him; a few
would themselves like to be God. His house in the sky
may be made of stone or brick; birds, children, and
Santa Claus live with God.</p>

<p>Birds and beasts, their food and their furniture, as
Burnham points out, all talk to children; when the dew
is on the grass "the grass is crying," the stars are candles
or lamps, perhaps cinders from God's stove, butterflies
are flying pansies, icicles are Christmas candy. Children
have imaginary play-brothers and sisters and friends,
with whom they talk. Sometimes God talks with them.
Even the prosiest things are vivified; the tracks of
dirty feet on the floor are flowers; a creaking chair
talks; the shoemaker's nails are children whom he is
driving to school; a pedlar is Santa Claus.</p>


<p>Miss Miriam Levy once investigated the opinions of 560
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
children, boys and girls, between the ages of 4 and 14, as
to how the man in the moon got there. Only 5 were unable
to offer a serious explanation; 48 thought there
was no man there at all; 50 offered a scientific explanation
of the phenomena; but all the rest, the great majority,
presented imaginative solutions which could be grouped
into seventeen different classes.</p>

<p>Such facts as these&mdash;which can easily be multiplied
and are indeed familiar to all, though their significance
is not usually realized&mdash;indicate the special tendencies
of the child in the religious sphere. He is unable to
follow the distinctions which the adult is pleased to make
between "real," "spiritual" and "imaginary" beings.
To him such distinctions do not exist. He may, if he so
pleases, adopt the names or such characteristics as he
chooses, of the beings he is told about, but he puts them
into his own world, on a footing of more or less equality,
and he decides himself what their fate is to be. The
adult's supreme beings by no means always survive in
the struggle for existence which takes place in the child's
imaginative world. It was found among many thousand
children entering the city schools of Berlin that Red
Riding Hood was better known than God, and Cinderella
than Christ. That is the result of the child's freedom
from the burden of tradition.</p>

<p>Yet at the same time the opposite though allied
peculiarity of childhood&mdash;the absence of the emotional
developments of puberty which deepen and often cloud
the mind a few years later&mdash;is also making itself felt.
Extravagant as his beliefs may appear, the child is an
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
uncompromising rationalist and realist. His supposed
imaginativeness is indeed merely the result of his logical
insistence that all the new phenomena presented to him
shall be thought of in terms of himself and his own
environment. His wildest notions are based on precise,
concrete, and personal facts of his own experience. That
is why he is so keen a questioner of grown-up people's
ideas, and a critic who may sometimes be as dangerous
and destructive as Bishop Colenso's Zulus. Most children
before the age of thirteen, as Earl Barnes states, are
inquirers, if not sceptics.</p>

<p>If we clearly realize these characteristics of the childish
mind, we cannot fail to understand the impression made
on it by religious instruction. The statements and stories
that are repeated to him are easily accepted by the
child in so far, and in so far only, as they answer to his
needs; and when accepted they are assimilated, which
means that they are compelled to obey the laws of his
own mental world. In so far as the statements and
stories presented to him are not acceptable or cannot be
assimilated, it happens either that they pass by him
unnoticed, or else that he subjects them to a cold and
matter-of-fact logic which exerts a dissolving influence
upon them.</p>

<p>Now a few of the ideas of religion are assimilable by
the child, and notably the idea of a God as the direct
agent in cosmic phenomena; some of the childish notions
I have quoted illustrate the facility with which the child
adopts this idea. He adopts, that is, what may be called
the hard precise skeleton of the idea, and imagines a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
colossal magician, of anthropomorphic (if not paidomorphic)
nature, whose operations are curious, though
they altogether fail to arouse any mysterious reverence
or awe for the agent. Even this is not very satisfactory,
and Stanley Hall, in the spirit of Froebel, considers that
the best result is attained when the child knows no God
but his own mother.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> But for the most part the ideas
of religion cannot be accepted or assimilated by children
at all; they were not made by children or for children,
but represent the feelings, thoughts, and experiences of
men, and sometimes even of very exceptional and abnormal
men. "The child," it has been said, "no doubt
has the psychical elements out of which the religious
experience is evolved, just as the seed has the promise
of the fruit which will come in the fullness of time. But
to say, therefore, that the average child is religious, or
capable of receiving the usual advanced religious instruction,
is equivalent to saying that the seed is the
fruit or capable of being converted into fruit before the
fullness of time."<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> The child who grows devout and
becomes anxious about the state of his soul is a morbid
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
and unwholesome child; if he prefers praying for the
conversion of his play-fellows to joining them in their
games he is not so much an example of piety as a pathological
case whose future must be viewed with anxiety;
and to preach religious duties to children is exactly the
same, it has been well said, as to exhort them to imagine
themselves married people and to inculcate on them the
duties of that relation. Fortunately the normal child
is usually able to resist these influences. It is the healthy
child's impulse either to let them fall with indifference
or to apply to them the instrument of his unmerciful
logic.</p>


<p>Naturally, the adult, in self-defence, is compelled to
react against this indifferent or aggressive attitude of
the child. He may be no match for the child in logic, and
even unspeakably shocked by his daring inquiries, like
an amiable old clergyman I knew when a Public School
teacher in Australia; he went to a school to give
Bible lessons, and was one day explaining how King
David was a man after God's own heart, when a small
voice was heard making inquiries about Uriah's wife;
the small boy was hushed down by the shocked clergyman,
and the cause of religion was not furthered in that
school. But the adult knows that he has on his side
tradition which has not yet been acquired by the child,
and the inner emotional expansion which still remains
unliberated in the child. The adult, therefore, fortified
by this superiority, feels justified in falling back on the
weapon of authority: "You may not <i>want</i> to believe
this and to learn it, but you've <i>got</i> to."</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
It is in this way that the adult wins the battle of
religious education. In the deeper and more far-seeing
sense he has lost it. Religion has become, not a charming
privilege, but a lesson, a lesson about unbelievable
things, a meaningless task to be learnt by heart, a
drudgery. It may be said that even if that is so, religious
lessons merely share the inevitable fate of all subjects
which become school tasks. But that is not the case.
Every other subject which is likely to become a school
task is apt to become intelligible and attractive to some
considerable section of the scholars because it is within
the range of childish intelligence. But, for the two very
definite reasons I have pointed out, this is only to an
extremely limited degree true as regards the subject of
religion, because the young organism is an instrument
not as yet fitted with the notes which religion is most
apt to strike.</p>

<p>Of all the school subjects religion thus tends to be the
least attractive. Lobsien, at Kiel, found a few years
since, in the course of a psychological investigation, that
when five hundred children (boys and girls in equal
numbers), between the ages of nine and fourteen, were
asked which was their favourite lesson hour, only twelve
(ten girls and two boys) named the religious lesson.
<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>
In other words, nearly 98 per cent children (and nearly
all the boys) find that religion is either an indifferent or
a repugnant subject. I have no reports at hand as
regards English children, but there is little reason
to suppose that the result would be widely
different.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
Here and there a specially skilful teacher might
bring about a result more favourable to religious
teaching, but that could only be done by depriving the
subject of its most characteristic elements.</p>

<p>This is, however, not by any means the whole of the
mischief which, from the religious point of view, is thus
perpetrated. It might, on <i>a priori</i> grounds, be plausibly
argued that even if there is among healthy young children
a certain amount of indifference or even repugnance to
religious instruction, that is of very little consequence:
they cannot be too early grounded in the principles of
the faith they will later be called on to profess; and
however incapable they may now be of understanding
the teaching that is being inculcated in the school, they
will realize its importance when their knowledge and
experience increase. But however plausible this may
seem, practically it is not what usually happens. The
usual effect of constantly imparting to children an
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
instruction they are not yet ready to receive is to deaden
their sensibilities to the whole subject of religion.
<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The
premature familiarity with religious influences&mdash;putting
aside the rare cases where it leads to a morbid pre-occupation
with religion&mdash;induces a reaction of routine
which becomes so habitual that it successfully withstands
the later influences which on more virgin soil would have
evoked vigorous and living response. So far from preparing
the way for a more genuine development of
religious impulse later on, this precocious scriptural instruction
is just adequate to act as an inoculation against
deeper and more serious religious interests. The commonplace
child in later life accepts the religion it has been
inured to so early as part of the conventional routine of
life. The more vigorous and original child for the same
reason shakes it off, perhaps for ever.</p>

<p>Luther, feeling the need to gain converts to Protestantism
as early as possible, was a strong advocate for the
religious training of children, and has doubtless had
much influence in this matter on the Protestant churches.
"The study of religion, of the Bible and the Catechism,"
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
says Fiedler, "of course comes first and foremost in his
scheme of instruction." He was also quite prepared to
adapt it to the childish mind. "Let children be taught,"
he writes, "that our dear Lord sits in Heaven on a
golden throne, that He has a long grey beard and a
crown of gold." But Luther quite failed to realize the
inevitable psychological reaction in later life against such
fairy-tales.</p>

<p>At a later date, Rousseau, who, like Luther, was on
the side of religion, realized, as Luther failed to realize,
the disastrous results of attempting to teach it to children.
In <i>La Nouvelle H&eacute;lo&iuml;se</i>, Saint-Preux writes that Julie
had explained to him how she sought to surround her
children with good influences without forcing any religious
instruction on them: "As to the Catechism,
they don't so much as know what it is." "What! Julie,
your children don't learn their Catechism?" "No,
my friend, my children don't learn their Catechism."
"So pious a mother!" I exclaimed; "I can't understand.
And why don't your children learn their Catechism?"
"In order that they may one day believe it.
I wish to make Christians of them."
<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p>

<p>Since Rousseau's day this may be said to be the general
attitude of nearly all thinkers who have given attention
to the question, even though they may not have viewed
it psychologically. It is an attitude by no means confined
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>
to those who are anxious that children should
grow up to be genuine Christians, but is common to all
who consider that the main point is that children should
grow up to be, at all events, genuine men and women. "I
do not think," writes John Stuart Mill, in 1868, "there
should be any <i>authoritative</i> teaching at all on such subjects.
I think parents ought to point out to their children,
when the children begin to question them or to make
observations of their own, the various opinions on such
subjects, and what the parents themselves think the
most powerful reasons for and against. Then, if the
parents show a strong feeling of the importance of truth,
and also of the difficulty of attaining it, it seems to me
that young people's minds will be sufficiently prepared
to regard popular opinion or the opinion of those about
them with respectful tolerance, and may be safely left
to form definite conclusions in the course of mature
life."<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p>

<p>There are few among us who have not suffered from
too early familiarity with the Bible and the conceptions
of religion. Even for a man of really strong and independent
intellect it may be many years before the precociously
dulled feelings become fresh again, before the
fetters of routine fall off, and he is enabled at last to
approach the Bible with fresh receptivity and to realize,
for the first time in his life, the treasures of art and
beauty and divine wisdom it contains. But for most that
moment never comes round. For the majority the
religious education of the school as effectually seals the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
Bible for life as the classical education of the college
seals the great authors of Greece and Rome for life;
no man opens his school books again when he has once
left school. Those who read Greek and Latin for love
have not usually come out of universities, and there is
surely a certain significance in the fact that the children
of one's secularist friends are so often found to become
devout church-goers, while, according to the frequent
observation, devout parents often have most irreligious
offspring, just as the bad boys at school and college are
frequently sons of the clergy.</p>

<p>At puberty and during adolescence everything begins
to be changed. The change, it is important to remember,
is a natural change, and tends to come about spontaneously;
"where no set forms have been urged, the
religious emotion," as Lancaster puts it, "comes forth
as naturally as the sun rises."<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> That period, really and
psychologically, marks a "new birth." Emotions
which are of fundamental importance, not only for the
individual's personal life but for his social and even
cosmic relationships, are for the first time born. Not
only is the child's body remoulded in the form of a man
or a woman, but the child-soul becomes a man-soul or a
woman-soul, and nothing can possibly be as it has been
before. The daringly sceptical logician has gone, and so
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
has the imaginative dreamer for whom the world was
the automatic magnifying mirror of his own childish
form and environment. It has been revealed to him that
there are independent personal and impersonal forces
outside himself, forces with which he may come into
a conscious and fascinatingly exciting relationship. It
is a revelation of supreme importance, and with it comes
not only the complexly emotional and intellectual realization
of personality, but the aptitude to enter into and
assimilate the traditions of the race.</p>

<p>It cannot be too strongly emphasized that this is the
moment, and the earliest moment, when it becomes
desirable to initiate the boy or girl into the mysteries of
religion. That it is the best moment is indicated by the
well-recognized fact that the immediately post-pubertal
period of adolescence is the period during which, even
spontaneously, the most marked religious phenomena
tend to occur.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>
 Stanley Hall seems to think that twelve
is the age at which the cultivation of the religious consciousness
may begin; "the age, signalized by the
ancient Greeks as that at which the study of what was
comprehensively called music should begin, the age at
which Roman guardianship ended, at which boys are
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
confirmed in the modern Greek, Catholic, Lutheran and
Episcopal Churches, and at which the Child Jesus entered
the Temple, is as early as any child ought consciously to
go about his Heavenly Father's business."
<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174]</a> But I
doubt whether we can fix the age definitely by years,
nor is it indeed quite accurate to assert that so early an
age as twelve is generally accepted as the age of initiation;
the Anglican Church, for example, usually confirms
at the age of fifteen. It is not age with which we
ought to be concerned, but a biological epoch of psychic
evolution. It is unwise to insist on any particular age,
because development takes place within a considerably
wide limit of years.</p>

<p>I have spoken of the introduction to religion at puberty
as the initiation into a mystery. The phrase was deliberately
chosen, for it seems to me to be not a metaphor,
but the expression of a truth which has always been
understood whenever religion has been a reality and not
a mere convention. Among savages in nearly all parts
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
of the world the boy or girl at puberty is initiated into
the mystery of manhood or of womanhood, into the
duties and the privileges of the adult members of the
tribe. The youth is taken into a solitary place, for a
month or more, he is made to suffer pain and hardship,
to learn self-restraint, he is taught the lore of the tribe
as well as the elementary rules of morality and justice;
he is shown the secret things of the tribe and their meaning
and significance, which no stranger may know. He is,
in short, enabled to find his soul, and he emerges from
this discipline a trained and responsible member of his
tribe. The girl receives a corresponding training, suited
to her sex, also in solitude, at the hands of the older
women. A clear and full description of a typical savage
initiation into manhood at puberty is presented by Dr.
Haddon in the fifth volume of the <i>Reports of the Cambridge
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits</i>, and Dr.
Haddon makes the comment: "It is not easy to conceive
of more effectual means for a rapid training."</p>

<p>The ideas of remote savages concerning the proper
manner of initiating youth in the religious and other
mysteries of life may seem of little personal assistance
to superiorly civilized people like ourselves. But let us
turn, therefore, to the Greeks. They also had preserved
the idea and the practice of initiation into sacred mysteries,
though in a somewhat modified form because
religion had ceased to be so intimately blended with all
the activities of life. The Eleusinian and other mysteries
were initiations into sacred knowledge and insight
which, as is now recognized, involved no revelation of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
obscure secrets, but were mysteries in the sense that all
intimate experiences of the soul, the experiences of love
quite as much as those of religion, are mysteries, not to
be lightly or publicly spoken of. In that feeling the
Greek was at one with the Papuan, and it is interesting
to observe that the procedure of initiation into the Greek
mysteries, as described by Theon of Smyrna and other
writers, followed the same course as the pubertal initiations
of savages; there was the same preliminary purification
by water, the same element of doctrinal teaching,
the same ceremonial and symbolic rubbing with sand or
charcoal or clay, the same conclusion in a joyous feast,
even the same custom of wearing wreaths.</p>

<p>In how far the Christian sacraments were consciously
moulded after the model of the Greek mysteries is still
a disputed point;<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>
but the first Christians were seeking
the same spiritual initiation, and they necessarily adopted,
consciously or unconsciously, methods of procedure
which, in essentials, were fundamentally the same as
those they were already familiar with. The early Christian
Church adopted the rite of Baptism not merely as a
symbol of initiation, but as an actual component part
of a process of initiation; the purifying ceremony was
preceded by long preparation, and when at last completed
the baptized were sometimes crowned with
garlands. When at a later period in the history of the
Church the physical part of the initiation was divorced
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
from the spiritual part, and baptism was performed in
infancy and confirmation at puberty, a fatal mistake
was made, and each part of the rite largely lost its real
significance.</p>

<p>But it still remains true that Christianity embodied in
its practical system the ancient custom of initiating the
young at puberty, and that the custom exists in an
attenuated form in all the more ancient Christian
Churches. The rite of Confirmation has, however, been
devitalized, and its immense significance has been
almost wholly lost. Instead of being regarded as a real
initiation into the privileges and the responsibilities of a
religious communion, of an active fellowship for the
realization of a divine life on earth, it has become a
mere mechanical corollary of the precedent rite of
baptism, a formal condition of participation in the
Sacrament of Holy Communion. The splendid and
many-sided discipline by which the child of the savage
was initiated into the secrets of his own emotional
nature and the sacred tradition of his people has been
degraded into the learning of a catechism and a few
hours' perfunctory instruction in the schoolroom or in
the parlour of the curate's lodgings. The vital kernel of
the rite is decayed and only the dead shell is left, while
some of the Christian Churches have lost even the
shell.</p>

<p>It is extremely probable that in no remote future the
State in England will reject as insoluble the problem of
imparting religious instruction to the young in its schools,
in accordance with a movement of opinion which is
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
taking place in all civilized countries.
<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> The support
which the Secular Education League has found in the
most various quarters is without doubt a fact of impressive
significance.<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> It is well known also that the
working classes&mdash;the people chiefly concerned in the
matter&mdash;are distinctly opposed to religious teaching in
State schools. There can be little doubt that before
many years have passed, in England as elsewhere, the
Churches will have to face the question of the best
methods of themselves undertaking that task of religious
training which they have sought to foist upon the State.
If they are to fulfil this duty in a wise and effectual
manner they must follow the guidance of biological
psychology at the point where it is at one with the
teaching of their own most ancient traditions, and
develop the merely formal rite of confirmation into a
true initiation of the new-born soul at puberty into the
deepest secrets of life and the highest mysteries of
religion.</p>

<p>It must, of course, be remembered that, so far as
England is concerned, we live in an empire in which
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
there are 337 millions of people who are not even
nominally Christians,<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> and that even among the comparatively
small proportion (about 14 per cent) who call
themselves "Christians," a very large proportion are
practically Secularists, and a considerable number
avowedly so. If, however, we assume the Secularist's
position, the considerations here brought forward still
retain their validity. In the first place, the undoubtedly
frequent hostility of the Freethinker to Christianity is
not so much directed against vital religion as against a
dead Church. The Freethinker is prepared to respect
the Christian who by free choice and the exercise of
thought has attained the position of a Christian, but he
resents the so-called Christian who is merely in the
Church because he finds himself there, without any effort
of his will or his intelligence. The convinced secularist
feels respect for the sincere Christian, even though it
may only be in the sense that the real saint feels tenderness
for the hopeless sinner. And in the second place, as I
have sought to point out, the facts we are here concerned
with are far too fundamental to concern the Christian
alone. They equally concern the secularist, who also is
called upon to satisfy the spiritual hunger of the adolescent
youth, to furnish him with a discipline for his entry into
life, and a satisfying vision of the universe. And if
secularists have not always grasped this necessity, we may
perhaps find therein one main reason why secularism
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
has not met with so enormous and enthusiastic a reception
as the languor and formalism of the churches seemed
to render possible.</p>

<p>If the view here set forth is sound,&mdash;a view more and
more widely held by educationists and by psychologists
trained in biology,&mdash;the first twelve years must be left
untouched by all conceptions of life and the world which
transcend immediate experience, for the child whose
spiritual virginity has been prematurely tainted will never
be able to awake afresh to the full significance of those
conceptions when the age of religion at last arrives. But
are we, it may be asked, to leave the child's restless,
inquisitive, imaginative brain without any food during
all those early years? By no means. Even admitting
that, as it has been said, at the early stage religious
training is the supreme art of standing out of Nature's way,
it is still not hard to find what, in this matter, the way of
Nature is. The life of the individual recapitulates
the life of the race, and there can be no better imaginative
food for the child than that which was found good in the
childhood of the race. The child who is deprived of fairy
tales invents them for himself,&mdash;for he must have them
for the needs of his psychic growth just as there is reason
to believe he must have sugar for his metabolic growth,&mdash;but
he usually invents them badly.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> The savage sees the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
world almost exactly as the civilized child sees it, as the
magnified image of himself and his own environment;
but he sees it with an added poetic charm, a delightful
and accomplished inventiveness which the child is incapable
of. The myths and legends of primitive peoples&mdash;for
instance, those of the British Columbian Indians,
so carefully reproduced by Boas in German and Hill Tout
in English&mdash;are one in their precision and their extravagance
with the stories of children, but with a finer inventiveness.
It was, I believe, many years ago pointed
out by Ziller that fairy-tales ought to play a very important
part in the education of young children, and since
then B. Hartmann, Stanley Hall and many others of the
most conspicuous educational authorities have emphasized
the same point. Fairy tales are but the final and transformed
versions of primitive myths, creative legends,
stories of old gods. In purer and less transformed
versions the myths and legends of primitive peoples
are often scarcely less adapted to the child's mind.
Julia Gayley argues that the legends of early Greek
civilization, the most perfect of all dreams, should above
all be revealed to children; the early traditions of the
East and of America yield material that is scarcely less
fitted for the child's imaginative uses. Portions of the
Bible, especially of Genesis, are in the strict sense fairy
tales, that is legends of early gods and their deeds which
have become stories. In the opinion of many these
portions of the Bible may suitably be given to children
(though it is curious to observe that a Welsh Education
Committee a few years ago prohibited the reading in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
schools of precisely the most legendary part of Genesis);
but it must always be remembered, from the Christian
point of view, that nothing should be given at this
early age which is to be regarded as essential at a later
age, for the youth turns against the tales of his childhood
as he turns against its milk-foods. Some day, perhaps,
it may be thought worth while to compile a Bible for
childhood, not a mere miscellaneous assortment of
stories, but a collection of books as various in origin and
nature as are the books of the Hebraic-Christian Bible,
so that every kind of child in all his moods and stages of
growth might here find fit pasture. Children would not
then be left wholly to the mercy of the thin and frothy
literature which the contemporary press pours upon them
so copiously; they would possess at least one great and
essential book which, however fantastic and extravagant
it might often be, would yet have sprung from the deepest
instincts of the primitive soul, and furnish answers to the
most insistent demands of primitive hearts. Such a
book, even when finally dropped from the youth's or
girl's hands, would still leave its vague perfume behind.</p>

<p>It may be pointed out, finally, that the fact that it is
impossible to teach children even the elements of adult
religion and philosophy, as well as unwise to attempt it,
by no means proves that all serious teaching is impossible
in childhood. On the imaginative and spiritual side, it is
true, the child is re-born and transformed during adolescence,
but on the practical and concrete side his life
and thought are for the most part but the regular and
orderly development of the habits he has already acquired.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
The elements of ethics on the one hand, as well as of
natural science on the other, may alike be taught to
children, and indeed they become a necessary part of
early education, if the imaginative side of training is to
be duly balanced and complemented. The child as much
as the adult can be taught, and is indeed apt to learn,
the meaning and value of truth and honesty, of justice
and pity, of kindness and courtesy; we have wrangled
and worried for so long concerning the teaching of
religion in schools that we have failed altogether to
realize that these fundamental notions of morality
are a far more essential part of school training. It must,
however, always be remembered that they cannot be
adequately treated merely as an isolated subject of
instruction, and possibly ought not to be so treated at
all. As Harriet Finlay-Johnson wisely says in her
<i>Dramatic Method of Instruction</i>: "It is impossible to
shut away moral teaching into a compartment of the
mind. It should be firmly and openly diffused throughout
the thoughts, to 'leaven the whole of the lump.'" She
adds the fruitful suggestion: "There is real need for
some lessons in which the emotions shall not be ignored.
Nature study, properly treated, can touch both senses
and emotions."<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
The child is indeed quite apt to acquire a precise
knowledge of the natural objects around him, of flowers
and plants and to some extent of animals, objects which
to the savage also are of absorbing interest. In this way,
under wise guidance, the caprices of his imagination
may be indirectly restrained and the lessons of life taught,
while at the same time he is thus being directly prepared
for the serious studies which must occupy so much of his
later youth.</p>

<p>The child, we thus have to realize, is, from the educational
point of view of social hygiene, a being of dual
nature, who needs ministering to on both sides. On
the one hand he demands the key to an imaginative
paradise which one day he must leave, bearing away
with him, at the best, only a dim and haunting memory
of its beauty. On the other hand he possesses eager
aptitudes on which may be built up concrete knowledge
and the sense of human relationships, to serve as a firm
foundation when the period of adolescent development
and discipline at length arrives.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a>
 De Quincey in his <i>Confessions of an Opium Eater</i> referred to
the power that many, perhaps most, children possess of seeing visions
in the dark. The phenomenon has been carefully studied by G.L.
Partridge (<i>Pedagogical Seminary</i>, April, 1898) in over 800 children.
He found that 58.5 of them aged between thirteen and sixteen could
see visions or images at night with closed eyes before falling asleep;
of those aged six the proportion was higher. There seemed to be a
maximum at the age of ten, and probably another maximum at a
much earlier age. Among adults this tendency is rudimentary, and
only found in a marked form in neurasthenic subjects or at moments
of nervous exhaustion. See also Havelock Ellis, <i>The World of Dreams</i>,
chap. <span class="smcap">II</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a>
G. Stanley Hall, "The Contents of Children's Minds on Entering
School," <i>Pedagogical Seminary</i>, June, 1891.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a>
"The mother's face and voice are the first conscious objects as
the infant soul unfolds, and she soon comes to stand in the very place
of God to her child. All the religion of which the child is capable
during this by no means brief stage of its development consists of
these sentiments&mdash;gratitude, trust, dependence, love, etc.&mdash;now felt
only for her, which are later directed towards God. The less these are
now cultivated towards the mother, who is now their only fitting if
not their only possible object, the more feebly they will later be felt
towards God. This, too, adds greatly to the sacredness of the responsibilities
of motherhood." (G. Stanley Hall, <i>Pedagogical Seminary</i>, June,
1891, p. 199).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a>
J. Morse, <i>American Journal of Religious Psychology</i>, 1911, p. 247.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a>
Lobsien, "Kinderideale," <i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r P&auml;d. Psychologie</i>, 1903.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a>
Mr. Edmond Holmes, formerly Chief Inspector of Elementary
Education in England, has an instructive remark bearing on this point
in his suggestive book, <i>What Is and What Might be</i> (1911, p. 88):
"The first forty minutes of the morning session are given in almost
every elementary school to what is called <i>Religious Instruction</i>. This
goes on, morning after morning, and week after week. The fact
that the English parent, who must himself have attended from 1500
to 2000 Scripture lessons in his schooldays, is not under any circumstance
to be trusted to give religious instruction to his own children,
shows that those who control the religious education of the youthful
'masses' have but little confidence in the effects of their system on
the religious life and faith of the English people." Miss Harriet
Finlay-Johnson, a highly original and successful elementary school
teacher, speaks (<i>The Dramatic Method of Teaching</i>, 1911, p. 170) with
equal disapproval of the notion that any moral value attaches to the
ordinary school examinations in "Scripture."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a>
If it were not so, England, after sixty years of National Schools,
ought to be a devout nation of good Church people. Most of the
criminals and outcasts have been taught in Church Schools. A clergyman,
who points this out to me, adds: "I am heartily thankful that
religion was never forced on me as a child. I do not think I had any
religion, in the ethical sense, until puberty, or any conscious realization
of religion, indeed, until nineteen." "The boy," remarks Holmes
(<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 100), "who, having attended two thousand Scripture lessons,
says to himself when he leaves school: 'If this is religion I will have
no more of it,' is acting in obedience to a healthy instinct. He is to
be honoured rather than blamed for having realized at last that the
chaff on which he has so long been fed is not the life-giving grain
which, unknown to himself, his inmost soul demands."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>
La Nouvelle H&eacute;lo&iuml;se</i>, Part V, Letter 3. In more recent times
Ellen Key remarks in a suggestive chapter on "Religions Education"
in her <i>Century of the Child</i>: "Nothing better shows how deeply
rooted religion is in human nature than the fact that 'religious education'
has not been able to tear it out."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a>
J.S. Mill, <i>Letters</i>, Vol. II, p. 135.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a>
Lancaster found ("The Psychology and Pedagogy of Adolescence,"
<i>Pedagogical Seminary</i>, July, 1897) that among 598 individuals
of both sexes in the United States, as many as 518 experienced new
religious emotions between the ages of 12 and 20, only 80 having no
such emotions at this period, so that more than 5 out of 6 have this
experience; it is really even more frequent, for it has no necessary
tendency to fall into conventional religious moulds.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a>
Professor Starbuck, in his <i>Psychology of Religion</i>, has well brought
together and clearly presented much of the evidence showing this
intimate association between adolescence and religious manifestations.
He finds (Chap. III) that in females there are two tidal waves of religious
awakening, one at about 13, the other at 16, with a less significant
period at 18; for males, after a wavelet at 12, the great tidal wave is
at 16, followed by another at 18 or 19. Ruediger's results are fairly
concordant ("The Period of Mental Reconstruction," <i>American
Journal of Psychology</i>, July, 1907); he finds that in women the average
age of conversion is 14, in men it is at 13 or 14, and again at 18.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a>
G. Stanley Hall, "The Moral and Religious Training of Children
and Adolescents," <i>Pedagogical Seminary</i>, June, 1891, p. 207. From
the more narrowly religious side the undesirability of attempting to
teach religion to children is well set forth by Florence Hayllar (<i>Independent
Review</i>, Oct., 1906). She considers that thirteen is quite early
enough to begin teaching children the lessons of the Gospels, for a
child who acted in accordance with the Gospels would be "aggravating,"
and would generally be regarded as "an insufferable prig."
Moreover, she points out, it is dangerous to teach young children the
Christian virtues of charity, humility, and self-denial. It is far better
that they should first be taught the virtues of justice and courage and
self-mastery, and the more Christian virtues later. She also believes
that in the case of the clergy who are brought in contact with children
a preliminary course of child-study, with the necessary physiology
and psychology, should be compulsory.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a>
The varying opinions on this point have been fairly and clearly
presented by Cheetham in his Hulsean lectures on the <i>Mysteries
Pagan and Christian</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a>
 Thus at the first Congress of Italian Women held at Rome in 1908&mdash;a
very representative Congress, by no means made up of "feminists"
or anti-clericals, and marked by great moderation and good sense&mdash;a
resolution was passed against religious teaching in primary schools,
though a subsequent resolution declared by a very large majority in
favour of teaching the history of religions in secondary schools. These
resolutions caused much surprise at the time to those persons who
still cherish the superstition that in matters of religion women are
blindly prejudiced and unable to think for themselves.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a>
See e.g. an article by Halley Stewart, President of the Secular
Education League, on "The Policy of Secular Education," <i>Nineteenth
Century</i>, April, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a>
So far as numbers go, the dominant religion of the British Empire,
the religion of the majority, is Hinduism; Mohammedanism comes
next.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a>
"Not long ago," says Dr. L. Guthrie (<i>Clinical Journal</i>, 7th June,
1899), "I heard of a lady who, in her desire that her children should
learn nothing but what was true, banished fairy tales from her nursery.
But the children evolved from their own imagination fictions which
were so appalling that she was glad to divert them with Jack-the-Giant-Killer."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a>
In his interesting study of comparative education (<i>The Making
of Citizens</i>, 1902, p. 194), Mr. R.E. Hughes, a school inspector, after
discussing the methods of settling the difficulties of religious education
in England, America, Germany, and France, reasonably concludes:
"The solution of the religious problem of the schools of these four
peoples lies in the future, but we believe it will be found not to be
beyond human ingenuity to devise a scheme of moral and ethical
training for little children which will be suitable. It is the moral
principles underlying all conduct which the school should teach.
Indeed, the school, to justify its existence, dare not neglect them.
It will teach them, not dogmatically or by precept, but by example,
and by the creation of a noble atmosphere around the child." Holmes
also (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 276) insists that the teaching of patriotism and citizenship
must be informal and indirect.</p></div>


<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="CHAPVIII" id="CHAPVIII"></a>VIII</h3>

<h3>THE PROBLEM OF SEXUAL HYGIENE</h3>

<blockquote><p>The New Movement for giving Sexual Instruction to Children&mdash;The
Need of such a Movement&mdash;Contradictions involved by the Ancient
Policy of Silence&mdash;Errors of the New Policy&mdash;The Need of Teaching
the Teacher&mdash;The Need of Training the Parents&mdash;And of Scientifically
equipping the Physician&mdash;Sexual Hygiene and Society&mdash;The
far-reaching Effects of Sexual Hygiene.</p></blockquote>


<p>It is impossible to doubt the vitality and the vigour
of the new movement of sexual hygiene, especially
that branch of it concerned with the instruction
of children in the essential facts of life.
<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> In the eighteenth
century the great educationist, Basedow, was almost
alone when, by practice and by precept, he sought to
establish this branch of instruction in schools.
<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> A few
years ago, when the German D&uuml;rer Bund offered prizes
for the best essays on the training of the young in matters
of sex, as many as five hundred papers were sent in.
<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>
We may say that during the past ten years more has been
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
done to influence popular feeling on this question than
during the whole of the preceding century.</p>

<p>Whenever we witness a sudden impulse of zeal and
enthusiasm to rush into a new channel, however admirable
the impulse may be, we must be prepared for many risks
and perhaps even a certain amount of damage. This is,
indeed, especially the case when we are concerned with a
new activity in the sphere of sex. The sexual relationships
of life are so ancient and so wide, their roots ramify
so complexly and run so deep, that any sudden disturbance
in this soil, however well-intentioned, is certain
to have many results which were not anticipated by
those responsible for it. Any movement here runs the
risk of defeating its own ends, or else, in gaining them, to
render impossible other ends which are of not less value.</p>

<p>In this matter of sexual hygiene we are faced at the
outset by the fact that the very recognition of any
such branch of knowledge as "sexual hygiene" involves
not merely a new departure, but the reversal of a policy
which has been accepted, almost without question, for
centuries. Among many primitive peoples, indeed, we
know that the boy and girl at puberty are initiated with
solemnity, and even a not unwholesome hardship, into
the responsibilities of adult life, including those which
have reference to the duties and privileges of sex.
<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> But
in our own traditions scarcely even a relic of any such
custom is preserved. On the contrary, we tacitly maintain
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
a custom, and even a policy, of silent obscurantism.
Parents and teachers have considered it a duty to say
nothing and have felt justified in telling lies, or "fairy
tales," in order to maintain their attitude. The oncoming
of puberty, with its alarming manifestations, especially
in the girl, has often left them unmoved and still silent.
They have taken care that our elementary textbooks
of anatomy and physiology, even when written by so
independent and fearless a pioneer as Huxley, should
describe the human body absolutely as though the
organs and functions of reproduction had no existence.
The instinct was not thus suppressed; all the inevitable
stimulations which life furnishes to the youthful
sexual impulse have continued in operation.
<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> Sexual
activities were just as liable to break out. They were
all the more liable to break out, indeed, because fostered
by ignorance, often unconscious of themselves, and not
held in check by the restraints which knowledge and teaching
might have furnished. This, however, has seemed a
matter of no concern to the guardians of youth. They
have congratulated themselves if they could pilot the
youths, and especially the maidens, under their guardianship
into the haven of matrimony not only in apparent
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
chastity, but in ignorance of nearly everything that
marriage signifies and involves, alike for the individual
and the coming race.</p>

<p>This policy has been so firmly established that the
theory of it has never been clearly argued out. So
far as it exists at all, it is a theory that walks on two
feet pointing opposite ways: sex things must not be
talked about because they are "dirty"; sex things
must not be talked about because they are "sacred."
We must leave sex things alone, they say, because God will
see to it that they manifest themselves aright and work
for good; we must leave sex things alone, they also say,
because there is no department in life in which the
activity of the Devil is so specially exhibited. The very
same person may be guilty of this contradiction, when
varying circumstances render it convenient. Such a
confusion is, indeed, a fate liable to befall all ancient
and deeply rooted <i>tabus</i>; we see it in the <i>tabus</i> against
certain animals as foods (as the Mosaic prohibition of
pork); at first the animal was too sacred to eat, but in
time people came to think that it is too disgusting to eat.
They begin the practice for one reason, they continue it
for a totally opposed reason. Reasons are such a superficial
part of our lives!</p>

<p>Thus every movement of sexual hygiene necessarily
clashes against an established convention which is itself
an inharmonious clash of contradictory notions. This is
especially the case if sexual hygiene is introduced by
way of the school. It is very widely held by many who
accept the arguments so ably set forth by Frau Maria
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
Lischnewska, that the school is not only the best way of
introducing sexual hygiene, but the only possible way,
since through this channel alone is it possible to employ
an antidote to the evil influences of the home and the
world.<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>
Yet to teach children what some of their parents
consider as too sacred to be taught, and others as too
disgusting, and to begin this teaching at an age when
the children, having already imbibed these parental
notions, are old enough to be morbidly curious and
prurient, is to open the way to a complicated series of
social reactions which demand great skill to adjust.</p>

<p>Largely, no doubt, from anxiety to counterbalance
these dangers, there has been a tendency to emphasize,
or rather to over-emphasize, the moral aspects of sexual
hygiene. Rightly considered, indeed, it is not easy to
over-value its moral significance. But in the actual
teaching of such hygiene it is quite easy, and the error is
often found, to make statements and to affirm doctrines&mdash;all
in the interests of good morals and with the object
of exhibiting to the utmost the beneficial tendencies of
this teaching&mdash;which are dubious at the best and often at
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
variance with actual experience. In such cases we seem
to see that the sexual hygienist has indeed broken with
the conventional conspiracy of silence in these matters,
but he has not broken with the conventional morality
which grew out of that ignorant silence. With the best
intention in the world he sets forth, dogmatically and
without qualification, ancient half-truths which to become
truly moral need to be squarely faced with their complementary
half-truths. The inevitable danger is that the
pupil sooner or later grasps the one-sided exaggeration
of this teaching, and the credit of the sexual hygienist is
gone. Life is an art, and love, which lies at the heart of
life, is an art; they are not science; they cannot be
converted into clear-cut formul&aelig; and taught as the
multiplication table is taught. Example here counts
for more than precept, and practice teaches more than
either, provided it is carried on in the light of precept and
example. The rash and unqualified statements concerning
the immense benefits of continence, or the awful
results of self-abuse, etc., frequently found in books for
young people will occur to every one. Stated with
wise moderation they would have been helpful. Pushed
to harsh extravagance they are not only useless to aid
the young in their practical difficulties, but become mischievous
by the injury they inflict on over-sensitive
consciences, fearful of falling short of high-strung ideals.
This consideration brings us, indeed, to what is perhaps
the chief danger in the introduction of any teaching of
sexual hygiene: the fact that our teachers are themselves
untaught. Sexual hygiene in the full sense&mdash;in so far as
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
it concerns individual action and not the regulative
or legislative action of communities&mdash;is the art of imparting
such knowledge as is needed at successive stages
by the child, the youth and maiden, the young man and
woman, in order to enable them to deal rightly, and so
far as possible without injury either to themselves or to
others, with all those sexual events to which every one
is naturally liable. To fulfil his functions adequately
the master in the art of teaching sexual hygiene must
answer to three requirements: (1) he must have a sufficing
knowledge of the facts of sexual psychology, sexual
physiology, and sexual pathology, knowledge which, in
many important respects, hardly existed at all until
recently, and is only now beginning to become generally
accessible; (2) he must have a wise and broad moral
outlook, with a sane idealism which refrains from demanding
impossibilities, and resolutely thrusts aside
not only the vulgar platitudes of worldliness, but the
equally mischievous platitudes of an outworn and insincere
asceticism, for the wise sexual hygienist knows, with
Pascal, that "he who tries to be an angel becomes a
beast," and is less anxious to make his pupils ineffective
angels than effective men and women, content to say with
Browning, "I may put forth angels' pinions, once
unmanned, but not before"; (3) in addition to sound
knowledge and a wise moral outlook, the sexual hygienist
must possess, finally, a genuine sympathy with the young,
an insight into their sensitive shyness, a comprehension
of their personal difficulties, and the skill to speak to
them simply, frankly, and humanly. If we ask ourselves
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
how many of the apostles of sexual hygiene combine
these three essential qualities, we shall probably not be
able to name many, while we may suspect that some do
not even possess one of the three qualifications. If we
further consider that the work of sexual hygiene, to be
carried out on a really national scale, demands the more
or less active co-operation of parents, teachers, and
doctors, and that parents, teachers, and doctors are
in these matters at present all alike untrained, and usually
prejudiced, we shall realize some of the dangers through
which sexual hygiene must at first pass.</p>

<p>It is, I hope, unnecessary for me to say that, in thus
pointing out some of the difficulties and the risks which
must assail every attempt to introduce an element of
effective sexual hygiene into life, I am far from wishing
to argue that it is better to leave things as they are.
That is impossible, not only because we are realizing
that our system of incomplete silence is mischievous, but
because it is based on a confusion which contains within
itself the elements of disruption. We have to remember,
however, that the creation of a new tradition cannot be
effected in a day. Before we begin to teach sexual hygiene
the teachers must themselves be taught.</p>

<p>There are many who have insisted, and not without
reason, on the right of the parent to control the education
of the child. Sexual hygiene introduces us to another
right, the right of the child to control the education of
the parents. For few parents to-day are fitted to exercise
the duty of training and guiding the child in the difficult
field of sex without preliminary education, and such
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
education, to be real and effective, must begin at an
early age in the parents' life.
<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p>

<p>The school teacher, again, on whom so many rely
for the initial stage in sexual hygiene, is at present often
in almost exactly the same stage of ignorance or prejudice
in these matters as his or her pupils. The teacher has
seldom been trained to impart even the most elementary
scientific knowledge of the facts of sex, of reproduction,
and of sexual hygiene, and is more often than not without
that personal experience of life in its various aspects
which is required in order to teach wisely in such a difficult
field as that of sex, even if the principle is admitted
that the teacher in class, equally whether addressing one
sex or both sexes, is not called upon to go beyond the
scientific, abstract, and objective aspects of sex.</p>

<p>This difficulty of the lack of suitable teachers is not,
indeed, insuperable. It would be largely settled, no doubt,
if a wise and thorough course of sexual hygiene and puericulture
formed part of the training of all school teachers, as,
in France, Pinard has proposed for the Normal schools for
young women. Dr. W.O. Henry, in a paper read before
the Nebraska State Medical Association in May, 1911, put
forward the proposal: "Let each State have one or more
competent physicians whose duty it shall be to teach
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
these things to the children in all the public schools
of the State from the time they are eight years of age.
The boys and girls should be given the instruction
separately by means of charts, pictures, and stereopticon
views, beginning with the lower forms of life, flowers,
plants, and then closing with the organs in man. These
lectures and illustrations should be given every year to
all the boys and girls separately, having those from eight
to ten together at one time, and those from ten to twelve,
and those from over twelve to sixteen." Dr. Henry was
evidently not aware that the principle of a special teacher
appointed by Government to give special instruction in
matters of sex in all State schools had already been adopted
in Canada, in the province of Ontario; the teacher thus
appointed goes from school to school and teaches the
elements of sexual physiology and anatomy, and the
duty of treating sexual matters with reverence, to
classes of boys and of girls from the age of ten. The
course is not compulsory, but any School Board may
call upon the special teacher to deliver the lectures.
This appointment has met with so much approval that
it is proposed to appoint further teachers on the same
lines, women as well as men.</p>

<p>It is not necessary that the school teacher of sex
should be a physician. For personal and particular advice
on the concrete difficulties of sex, however, as well as for
the more special and detailed hygiene of the sexual
relationship and the precautions demanded by eugenics,
we must call in the physician. Yet none of these things
so far enter the curriculum through which the physician
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
passes to reach his profession; he is often only a layman
in relation to them. Even if we are assured that these
subjects form part of his scientific equipment, that fact
by no means guarantees his tact, sympathy, and insight
in addressing the young, whether by general lectures or
individual interviews, both these being forms of imparting
sexual hygiene for which we may properly call upon
the physician, especially towards the end of the school
or college course, and at the outset of any career in the
world.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p>

<p>Undoubtedly we have amongst us many mothers,
teachers, and physicians who are admirably equipped
to fulfil their respective parts&mdash;elementary, secondary,
and advanced&mdash;in the work of sexual hygiene. But so
long as they are few and far apart their influence is
negatived, if it is not even rendered harmful.</p>

<p>It must often be useless for a mother to instil into her
little boy respect for his own body, reverence for the
channel of motherhood through which he entered the
world, any sense of the purity of natural functions
or the beauty of natural organs, if outside his home
the little boy finds that all other little boys and girls
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
regard these things as only an occasion for sniggering.
It is idle for the teacher to describe plainly the scientific
facts of sex as a marvellous culmination in the natural
unfolding of the world if, outside the schoolroom, the
pupil finds that, in the newspapers and in the general
conversation of adults, this sacred temple is treated as a
common sewer, too filthy to be spoken of, and that the
books which contain even the most necessary descriptions
of it are liable to be condemned as "obscene" in the law
courts.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>
It is vain for the physician to explain to young
men and women the subtle and terrible nature of venereal
poisons, to declare the right and the duty of both partners
in marriage to know, authoritatively and beforehand, the
state of each other's health, or to warn them that a
proper sense of responsibility towards the race must
prevent some ill-born persons from marrying, or at all
events from procreating, if the young man and woman
find, on leaving the physician, that their acquaintances
are prepared to accept all these risks, light-heartedly, in
the dark, in a heedless dream from which they somehow
hope there will be no awful awakening.</p>

<p>The moral to which these observations point is fairly
clear. Sex penetrates the whole of life. It is not a
branch of mathematics, or a period of ancient history,
which we can elect to teach, or not to teach, as may seem
best to us, which if we teach we may teach as we choose,
and if we neglect to teach it will never trouble us. Love
and Hunger are the foundations of life, and the impulse
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
of sex is just as fundamental as the impulse of nutrition.
It will not remain absent because we refuse to call for its
presence, it will not depart because we find its presence
inconvenient. At the most it will only change its shape,
and mock at us from beneath masks so degraded, and
sometimes so exalted, that we are no longer able to
recognize it.</p>

<p>"People are always writing about education," said
Chamfort more than a century ago, "and their writings
have led to some valuable methods. But what is the
use, unless side by side with the introduction of such
methods, corresponding reforms are not introduced in
legislation, in religion, in public opinion? The only
object of education is to conform the child's reason
to that of the community. But if there is no corresponding
reform in the community, by training the child to
reason you are merely training him to see the absurdity
of opinions and customs consecrated by the seal of
sacred authority, public or legislative, and you are
inspiring him with contempt of them."
<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> We cannot too
often meditate on these wise words.</p>

<p>It is useless to attempt to introduce sexual hygiene as a
subject apart, and in some respects it may be dangerous.
When we touch sex we are touching sensitive fibres which
thrill through the whole of our social organism, just as the
touch of love thrills through the whole of the bodily
organism. Any vital reform here, any true introduction
of sexual hygiene to replace our traditional policy
of confused silence, affects the whole of life or it affects
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
nothing. It will modify our social conventions, enter our
family life, transform our moral outlook, perhaps re-inspire
our religion and our philosophy.</p>

<p>That conclusion need by no means render us pessimistic
concerning the future of sexual hygiene, nor unduly
anxious to cling to the policy of the past. But it may
induce us to be content to move slowly, to prepare
our movements widely and firmly, and not to expect
too much at the outset. By introducing sexual hygiene
we are breaking with the tradition of the past which
professed to leave the process by which the race is carried
on to Nature, to God, especially to the devil. We are
claiming that it is a matter for individual personal
responsibility, deliberately exercised in the light of
precise knowledge which every young man and woman
has a right, or rather a duty, to possess. That conception
of personal responsibility thus extended to the sphere of
sex in the reproduction of the race may well transform
life and alter the course of civilization. It is not merely
a reform in the class-room, it is a reform in the home,
in the church, in the law courts, in the legislature. If
sexual hygiene means that, it means something great,
though something which can only come slowly, with
difficulty, with much searching of hearts. If, on the
other hand, sexual hygiene means nothing but the introduction
of a new formal catechism, and an occasional
goody-goody perfunctory exhortation, it may be introduced
at once, quite easily, without hurting anyone's
feelings. But, really, it will not be worth worrying about,
one way or the other.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a>
For a full discussion of the movement, see Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies
in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society," chaps.
<span class="smcap">II</span> and <span class="smcap">III</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a>
Basedow (born at Hamburg 1723, died 1790) set forth his views
on sexual education&mdash;which will seem to many somewhat radical and
advanced even to-day&mdash;in his great treatise Elementarwerk (1774).
His practical educational work is dealt with by Pinloche, <i>La R&eacute;forme
de l'Education en Allemagne au Dix-huiti&egrave;me Si&egrave;cle</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a>
The best of these papers have been printed in a volume entitled
<i>Am Lebensquell</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">[841]</span></a>
The elaborate and admirable initiation of boys among the natives
of Torres Straits furnishes a good example of this education, and has
been fully described by Dr. A.C. Haddon, <i>Reports of the Anthropological
Expedition to Torres Straits</i>, Vol. V, chaps. <span class="smcap">VII</span>
and <span class="smcap">XII</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a>
Moll in his wise and comprehensive work, <i>The Sexual Life of the
Child</i> (German ed., p. 225), lays it down emphatically that "<i>we must
clearly realize at the outset that the complete exclusion of sexual stimuli
in the education of children is impossible</i>." He adds that the demands
made by some "fanatics of hygiene" would be dangerous even if they
were practicable. Games and physical exercises induce in many
cases a considerable degree of sexual stimulation. But this need not
cause us undue alarm, nor must we thereby be persuaded to change
our policy of recommending such games and exercises.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a>
See Frau Maria Lischnewska's excellent pamphlet, <i>Geschlechtliche
Belehrung der Kinder</i>, first published in <i>Mutterschutz</i>, 1905, Heft 4
and 5. This is perhaps the ablest statement of the argument in favour
of giving the chief place in sexual hygiene to the teacher. Frau Lischnewska
recognizes three factors in the movement for freeing the
sexual activities from degradation: (1) medical, (2) economic, and
(3) rational. But it is the last&mdash;in the broadest sense as a comprehensive
process of enlightenment&mdash;which she regards as the chief.
"The views and sentiments of people must be changed," she says.
"The civilized man must learn to gaze at this piece of Nature with
pure eyes; reverence towards it must early sink into his soul. In the
absence of this fundamental renovation, medical and social measures
will merely produce refined animals."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a>
"We parents of to-day," as Henriette F&uuml;rth truly says ("Erotik
und Elternpflicht," <i>Am Lebensquell</i>, p. 11), "have not yet attained
that beautiful naturalness out of which in these matters simplicity
and freedom grow. And however willing we may be to learn afresh,
most of us have so far lost our inward freedom from prejudice&mdash;the
standpoint of the pure to whom all things are pure&mdash;that we cannot
acquire it again. We parents of to-day have been altogether wrongly
brought up. The inoculated feeling of shame still remains even after
we have recognized that shame in this connection is false."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a>
The method of imparting a knowledge of sexual hygiene (especially
in relation to venereal diseases) at the outset of adult life has
most actively been carried out in Germany and the United States.
In Germany lectures by doctors to students and others on these matters
are frequently given. In the United States information and advice
are spread abroad chiefly by the aid of societies. The American
Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, with which the name of
Dr. Morrow is specially connected, was organized in 1905. The Chicago
Society of Social Hygiene was established in 1906. Since then many
other similar societies have sprung up under medical auspices in various
American cities and states.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a>
Many flagrant cases in point are set forth from the legal point of
view by Theodore Schroeder, <i>"Obscene" Literature and Constitutional
Law</i>, New York, 1911, chap. <span class="smcap">IV</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a>
Chamfort, <i>[OE]uvres Choisies</i>, ed. by Lescure, Vol. I, p. 33.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span></p>
<h3><a name="CHAPIX" id="CHAPIX"></a>IX</h3>

<h3>IMMORALITY AND THE LAW</h3>

<blockquote><p>Social Hygiene and Legal Compulsion&mdash;The Binding Force of Custom
among Savages&mdash;The Dissolving Influence of Civilization&mdash;The
Distinction between Immorality and Criminality&mdash;Adultery as a
Crime&mdash;The Tests of Criminality&mdash;National Differences in laying
down the Boundary between Criminal and Immoral Acts&mdash;France&mdash;Germany&mdash;England&mdash;The
United States&mdash;Police Administration&mdash;Police
Methods in the United States&mdash;National Differences in
the Regulation of the Trade in Alcohol&mdash;Prohibition in the United
States&mdash;Origin of the American Method of Dealing with Immorality&mdash;Russia&mdash;Historical
Fluctuations in Methods of dealing with
Immorality and Prostitution&mdash;Homosexuality&mdash;Holland&mdash;The Age
of Consent&mdash;Moral Legislation in England&mdash;In the United States&mdash;The
Raines Law&mdash;American Attempts to Suppress Prostitution&mdash;Their
Futility&mdash;German Methods of Regulating Prostitution&mdash;The
Sound Method of Approaching Immorality&mdash;Training in
Sexual Hygiene&mdash;Education in Personal and Social Responsibility.</p></blockquote>


<p>The modern development of Social Hygiene in
matters of Eugenics has already sufficed to
show that there are certain people in the
community, anxious to take quick cuts to the millennium,
who think that Eugenics can be promoted by hasty
legislation. That method of attempting to further
social progress is not new. It has been practised with
signal lack of success for several thousand years. Therefore,
if Social Hygiene is really to progress among us on
sane and fundamental lines, it is necessary for us to
realize clearly the mistakes of the past. Again and again
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
the blind haste of over-zealous reformers has led not to
progress, but to retrogression. The excellent intentions
of such social reformers have been defeated, not so
much by the evils they have sought to overcome, as
by their own excesses of ignorant zeal. As our knowledge
of history and of psychology increases, we learn
that, in dealing with human nature, what seems the
longest way round is sometimes the shortest way home.</p>

<p>Among savages, and no doubt in primitive societies
generally, the social reaction against injurious or even
unusual acts on the part of individuals is regulated by
the binding force of custom. The ruling opinion is the
opinion of all, the ruling custom is the duty for all.
The dictates of custom, even of ritual and etiquette,
are stringent dictates of morality binding upon all, and
the breach of any is equivalent to what we should consider
a crime. The savage man is held in the path of
duty by a much more united force of public opinion
than is the civilized man. But, as Westermarck points
out, in a suggestive chapter on customs and laws as
the expression of moral ideas, "custom never covers the
whole field of morality, and the uncovered space grows
larger in proportion as the moral consciousness develops....
The rule of custom is the rule of duty at early
stages of development. Only progress in culture lessens
its sway."<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>
As a community increases in size and in
cultivation, growing more heterogeneous, it adheres
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
rigidly to fundamental conceptions of right and wrong,
but in less fundamental matters its moral ideas become
both more subjective and more various. If a man
kills another man out of love to that man's wife, all
civilized society is of opinion that the homicide is a
"crime" to be severely punished; but if the man should
make love to the wife without killing the husband, then,
although in some savage societies the act would still
have been a "crime," in a civilized society it would
usually be regarded as more properly a case for civil
action, not for criminal action; while should it come to be
known that the wife had from the first been in love with
the man, and was married by compulsion to a husband
who had brutally ill-used her, then a very considerable
section of the civilized community would actually transfer
their sympathies to the offending couple and look upon
the husband as the real offender.</p>

<p>This is why the vestigial relics of the ancient ecclesiastical
view of adultery as a "crime" are no longer
supported by public opinion;<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> they are no longer enforced,
or else the penalty is reduced to ridiculous dimensions
(as in France, where a fine of a few francs may be
imposed), and there is a general inclination to abolish
them altogether. Penalties for adultery are not nowadays
enacted afresh, except in the United States, where
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
medieval regulations are enabled to survive through the
strength of the Puritan tradition. Thus in the State
of New York a law was passed in 1907 rendering any
person guilty of adultery punishable by six months'
imprisonment, or a heavy fine, or both. The law was
largely due to agitation by the National Christian League
for the Promotion of Purity; it was supposed the law
would act to prevent adultery. Less than three months
after the Act became law, lawyers reached the conclusion
that it was a dead letter. During the two years after
its enactment, notwithstanding the large number of
divorces, only three persons were sent to prison, for a
few days, under this Act, and only four fined a small sum.
The Committee of Fourteen state that it is "of practically
no effect," and add: "The preventive values of this
statute cannot be determined, but, judging from the
prosecutions, it has proved an ineffective weapon against
immorality, and has practically no effect upon commercialized
vice."<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> When such laws remain on the
Statute Book as relics of practically medieval days they
deserve a certain respect, even if it is impossible to enforce
them; to re-enact them in modern times is a
gratuitous method of bringing law into contempt.</p>

<p>It is clear that all such cases affecting morals are not
only altered by circumstances, and by consideration of
the psychic state of the individual, but that in regard to
them different sections of the community hold widely
different views. The sanctions of the criminal law to be
firm and unshakeable must be capable of literal interpretation
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
and of unfailing execution, and in that interpretation
and execution be accepted as just by the
whole community. But as soon as law enters the sphere
of morals this becomes impossible; law loses all its
certainty and all the reverence that rightly belongs to it.
It no longer voices the conscience of the whole community;
it tends to be merely an expression of the feelings
of a small upper-class social circle; the feelings and the
habits and the necessities of the mass of the population
are altogether ignored.<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Nor are such legislative incursions
into the sphere of morals any more satisfactory
from the point of view of the class which is responsible
for them. It very soon begins to be felt that, as Hagen
puts it, "the formulas of penal law are stiff and clumsy
instruments which can only in the rarest instance serve
to disentangle the delicate and manifoldly interwoven
threads of the human soul, and decide what is just and
what unjust. Formulas are adopted for simple, uncomplicated,
rough everyday cases. Only in such cases
do they achieve the conquest of justice over injustice."</p>

<p>It is true that no sharp line divides criminal acts
from merely immoral acts, and the latter tend to
be indirectly, even when not directly, anti-social. It
would be highly convenient if we could draw a sharp
distinction between major anti-social acts, which may
properly be described as "crime," and justly be pursued
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span>
with the full rigour of the law, and minor anti-social
acts, which may be left to the varying reaction of the
social environments since they cannot properly be
visited by the criminal law.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> Such a distinction exists,
but it cannot be made sharply because there are a large
number of intermediate anti-social acts which some
sections of the community regard as major, while others
regard them as minor, or even, in some cases, as not anti-social
at all. The only convenient test we can apply is
the strength of the social reaction&mdash;provided we are
dealing with an act which is definitely anti-social, injuring
recognized rights, and not merely an unusual or disgusting
act.<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>
When an anti-social act meets with a reaction
of social indignation which is fairly universal and
permanent, it may be regarded as a crime coming under
the jurisdiction of the law. If opinion varies, if a considerable
section of the community revolt against the
punishment of the alleged anti-social act, then we are not
entitled to dignify it with the appellation of "crime."
This is not an altogether sure or satisfactory criterion
because there are frequently times and places, especially
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
under the stimulation of some particular occurrence
evoking an outburst of increased public emotion, when
a section of the community succeeds by its noisy vigour in
creating the impression that it voices the universal will.
But, on the whole, it works out justly. Ethical standards
differ in different places at different times. They are,
indeed, always changing. Therefore, in regard to all
matters which belong to the sphere of what we commonly
call morals, there are in every community some who
approve of a given act, others who disapprove of it, yet
others who regard it with indifference. In such a shifting
sphere we cannot legislate with the certainty of carrying
the whole community with us, nor can we properly
introduce the word "crime," which ought to indicate
only an action of so gravely anti-social nature that
there can be no possibility of doubt about it.</p>

<p>It is, however, important to understand the marked
national differences in the reaction to these slightly or
dubiously anti-social acts, for such differences rest
on ancient tradition, and are to some extent the expression
of the genius of a people, though they are not
the absolutely immutable product of racial constitution,
and, within limits, they undergo transformation. It
thus happens that acts which in some countries are
pursued by the law and punished as crime, are in other
countries untouched by the law, and left to the social
reaction of the community. It becomes, therefore, of
some importance to compare national differences in the
attitude towards immorality, to find out whether the
attempt to repress it directly, by law, is more effective,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
or less effective, than the method of leaving it to social
reaction.</p>

<p>In many respects France and Germany present a
remarkable contrast in their respective methods of
dealing with immorality. The contrast has only existed
since the sweeping legal reforms which followed the
Revolution in France. In old France the laws against
sexual and religious offences were extremely severe,
involving in some cases death at the stake, and even
during the eighteenth century this extreme penalty of
the law was sometimes carried out. The police were
active, their methods of investigation elaborate and
thorough, yet the rigour of the law and the energy of the
police signally failed to suppress irreligion and immorality
in eighteenth-century France. The Revolution, by
popularizing the opinions of the more enlightened men
of the time, and by giving to the popular voice an
authority it had never possessed before, remoulded the
antiquated ecclesiastical laws in accordance with the
ideas of the average modern man. In 1791 nearly all
the ancient laws against immorality, which had proved
so ineffectual, were flung away, and when in 1810 Napoleon
established the great penal code which bears his
name, he was careful to limit to a minimum the moral
offences of which the law was empowered to take cognisances,
and&mdash;acting certainly in accordance with
deeply rooted instincts of the French people&mdash;he avoided
any useless or dangerous interference with private life
and the freedom of the individual. The penal code in
France remains substantially the same to-day, while
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
the other countries which have constructed their codes
on the French model have shown similar tendencies.</p>

<p>In Germany, and more especially in Prussia, which
now dominates German opinion, a very different tendency
prevails. The German feels nothing of that sensitive
jealousy with which the French seek to guard private
life and the rights of the individual. He tolerates a
police system which, as Fuld has pointed out, is the
most military police system in the world, and he makes
little complaint of the indiscriminating thoroughness,
even harshness, with which it exercises its functions.
"The North German," as a German lawyer puts it,
"gazes with sacred respect on every State authority,
and on every official, especially on executive and police
functionaries; he complacently accepts police inquisition
into his private life, and the regulation of his behaviour
by law and police affects his impulse of freedom in a
relatively slight manner. Hence the law-maker's interference
with his private life seems to him a customary
and not too injurious encroachment on his individuality."
<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>
It thus comes about that a great many acts, of for the
most part unquestioned immoral character&mdash;such as
incest, the procuring of women for immoral purposes,
and acts of a homosexual character&mdash;which, when adults
are alone concerned, the French leave to be dealt with
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
by the social reaction, are in Germany directly dealt
with by the law. These things and the like are viewed
in France with fully as much detestation as in Germany,
but while the German considers that that detestation is
itself a reason for inflicting a legal penalty on the detested
act, the Frenchman considers that to inflict a punishment
upon such acts by law is an inadmissible interference
of the State in private affairs, and an unnecessary interference
since the social reaction is quite adequate. In
Germany, Dr. Wilhelm points out, a man who allows
his daughter's <i>fianc&eacute;</i> to stay overnight in his house
with her is liable to be dragged before the police court
and sent to prison for procuring immorality;
<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> to a
Frenchman this is a shocking and inconceivable insult to
private rights.<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> So also with the German legal attitude
towards sexual inversion. The German method of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
dragging private scandals into the glare of day and
investigating them at interminable length in the law
courts is a perpetual source of astonishment to Frenchmen.
They point out that not only does this method defeat its
own end by concentrating attention on the abnormal
practices it attacks, but it adds dignity to them; a
certain small section of the community justifies and
upholds these practices, but while in France this section
has no reason to come prominently before the public since
it has no grievances demanding redress, in Germany the
existence of a cause to advocate in the name of justice
has produced a serious and imposing body of literature
which has no parallel in France.<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> Thus, as Wilhelm points
out, we find exactly opposite methods adopted in Germany
and France to obtain the same ends: "In Germany,
punishment on account of alleged injury to general
interests; in France absence of punishment in order to
avoid injury to general interests; in Germany the police
baton is called for in order to ward off threatened injury,
while in France it is feared that the use of the police
baton will itself cause the injury."</p>


<p>The question naturally arises: Which method is the
more effective? Wilhelm finds that these differences in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
national attitude towards immorality have not by any
means rendered immorality more prevalent in France
than in Germany; on the contrary, though extra-conjugal
intercourse is in Germany almost a crime, sexual
offences against children are far more prevalent than in
France, while family life is at least as stable in France as
in Germany, and more intimate. "The freer way of
regarding sexual matters and its results in legislation
have, as compared to Germany, in no respect led to more
immoral conditions, while, on the other hand, it has
been the reason why the vigorous agitation which we
find in Germany for certain legal reforms in respect to
sexuality are quite unknown."</p>

<p>It is forgotten, in Germany and in some other countries,
sometimes even in France, that to bring immorality
within reach of the arm of the law is not necessarily by
any means to make the actual penalty, in the largest
sense of the term, more severe. So long as he retains the
good opinion of his fellows, imprisonment is no injury to a
man; it has happened to some of our most distinguished
and respected public men. The bad opinion of his
fellows, even when the law is powerless to touch him, is
often an irretrievable injury to a man. We do not
fortify the social reaction, in most matters, when we
attempt to give it a legal sanction; we do not even need
to fortify it, for it is sometimes harsher and more severe
than the law, overlooking or not knowing all the extenuating
circumstances. In France, as in England, the force
of social opinion, independently of the law, is exceedingly
and perhaps excessively strong.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
In England, however, we see an attitude towards
immorality which differs alike from the French attitude
and the German attitude, though it has points of contact
with both. The distinctive feature of the Englishman's
attitude is his spirit of extreme individualism (which
distinguishes him from the German) combined with the
religious nature of his moral fervour (which distinguishes
him from the Frenchman), both being veiled by a shy
prudery (which distinguishes him alike from the Frenchman
and the German). The Englishman's reverence for
the individual's rights goes beyond the Frenchman's, for
in France there is a tendency to subordinate the individual
to the family, and in England the interests of the individual
predominate. But while in France the laws have
been re-moulded to the national temperament, this has
not been the case to anything like the same extent in
England, where in modern times no great revolution has
occurred to shake off laws which still by their antiquity,
rather than by their reasonableness, retain the reverence
of the people. Thus it comes about that, on the legal side
the English attitude towards immorality in many respects
resembles the German attitude. Yet undoubtedly the
most fundamental element in the English attitude is the
instinct for personal freedom, and even the religious
fervour of the moral impulse has strengthened the
individualistic element.<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> We see this clearly in the fact
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
that England has even gone beyond France in rejecting
the control of prostitutes. The French are striving to
abolish such control, but in England where it was never
extensively established it has long been abolished, leaving
only a few faint traces behind. It is abhorrent to the
English mind that even the most degraded specimens of
humanity should be compulsorily deprived of rights over
their own persons, even when it is claimed that the
deprivation of such rights might be for the benefit of the
community. In no country, perhaps, is the prostitute so
free to parade the streets in the exercise of her profession
as in England, and in no country is public opinion so
intolerant of even the suspicion of a mistake by the
police in the exercise of that very limited control over
prostitutes which they possess. The freedom of the
prostitute in England is further guaranteed by the very
fervour of English religious feeling; for active interference
with prostitutes involves regulation of prostitution,
and that implies a national recognition of prostitution
which to a very large section of the English people would
be altogether repellant. Thus English love of freedom
and English love of God combine to protect the prostitute.
It has to be added that this result is by no means, as some
have imagined, hostile to morality. It is the opinion of
many foreign observers that in this matter London, for
all its freedom, compares favourably with many other
large cities where prostitution is severely regulated by
the police and so far as possible concealed. For the
police can never become the agents of any morality of
the heart, and all the repression in the world can only
touch the surface of life.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
The English attitude, again, is characteristically seen
in the method of dealing with homosexual practices and
other similar sexual aberrations. Here, legally, England
is closer to Germany than to modern France. No country
in the world, it is often said, has preserved by tradition and
even maintained by recent accretion such severe penalties
against homosexual offences as England. Yet, unlike the
Germans, the English do not actively prosecute in these
cases and are usually content to leave the law in abeyance,
so long as public order and decency are reasonably
maintained. English people, like the French people,
are by no means impressed by the advantages of the
German system by which purely private scandals are
made public scandals, to be set forth day after day
in all their details before the court, and discussed
excitedly by the whole population. Yet the English law
in this matter is still very widely upheld. There are very
many English people who think that the fact that homosexuality
is disgusting to most people is a reason for
punishing it with extreme severity. Yet disgust is a
matter of taste, we cannot properly impart it into our
laws; a disgusting person is not necessarily a criminal
person, or we shall have to enact that many inmates of
our hospitals and lunatic asylums be hanged. There is
thus a fundamental inconsistency in the English method of
dealing with immorality; it is made up of opposite views,
some of them extreme in contrary directions. But by
virtue of the national tendency to compromise, these
conflicting tendencies work in a fairly harmonious manner.
The result is that the general state of English morality&mdash;notwithstanding,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
and perhaps partly by reason of, its
prudish anxiety to leave unpleasant matters alone&mdash;is at
least as satisfactory as that of countries where much more
logical and thorough methods are in favour.</p>

<p>In the United States we see yet another attitude
towards immorality. It is, indeed, related to the English
attitude, necessarily so, since the most ancient and
fundamental element of it was carried over to America
by the English Puritans, who cherished in the extreme
form alike the English passion for individualism and the
English fervour of religious idealism. These germs have
been too potent for destruction even under all the new
influences of American life. But they are not altogether
in harmony with those influences, and the result has
been that the American attitude towards immorality has
sometimes looked rather like a caricature of the English
method. The influx of a vast and racially confused
population with the over-rapid development of urbanization
which has necessarily followed, opens an immense
field for idealistic individualism to attempt reforms.
But this individualism has not been held in check by
the English spirit of compromise, which is not a part of
Puritanism, and it has thus tended alike to excess and to
impotence. This result is brought about partly by
facilities for individualistic legislation not voicing the
tendencies of the whole population, and therefore fatally
condemned to sterility, and partly by the fact that in a
new and rapidly developed civilization it is impossible
to secure an army of functionaries who may be trusted to
deal with the regulation of delicate and complex moral
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
questions in regard to which the community is not really
agreed. The American police are generally admitted
to be open with special frequency to the charge of ineffectiveness
and venality. It is not so often realized that
these defects are fostered by the impossible nature of the
tasks which are imposed on the American police.</p>

<p>This aspect of the matter has been very clearly set
forth by Dr. Fuld, of Columbia University, in his able and
thorough book on police administration.
<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> He shows
that, though the American police system as a system
has defects which need to be remedied, it is not true that
the individual members of the American police forces are
inferior to those of other countries; on the contrary,
they are, in some respects, superior; it is not a large
proportion which sells the right to break the law.
<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> Their
most serious defects are due to the impracticable laws and
regulations made by inexperienced legislators. These
laws and ordinances in many cases cannot possibly be
enforced, and the weak police officers accept money from
the citizen for not enforcing rules which in any case they
could not enforce. "The American police forces," says
Fuld, "have been corrupted almost solely by the statutes....
The real blame attaches not to the policeman who
accepts a bribe temptingly offered him, nor to the bribe-giver
who seeks by giving a bribe to make the best
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
possible business arrangement, but rather to the law,
which by giving the police a large and uncontrolled
discretion in the enforcement of the law places a premium
upon bribe-giving and bribe-taking." This state of things
is rendered possible by the fact that the duties of the
police are not confined to matters affecting crime and
public order&mdash;matters which the whole community
consider essential, and in regard to which any police
negligence is counted a serious charge&mdash;but are extended
to unessential matters which a considerable section of the
community, including many of the police themselves,
view with complete indifference. It is impossible to
regard seriously a conspiracy to defeat laws which a large
proportion of citizens regard as unnecessary or even
foolish. It thus unfortunately comes about that the
charge brought against the American police that "it
sells the right to break the law" has not the same grave
significance which it would have in most countries, for the
rights purchased in America may in most countries be
obtained without purchase. "An act ought to be made
criminal," as Fuld rightly lays down, "only when it is
socially expedient to punish its criminality.... The American
people, or at least the American legislators, do not
make this clear distinction between vice and crime. There
seems to be a feeling in America that unless a vice is made
a crime, the State countenances the vice and becomes a
party to its commission. There are unfortunately a
large number of men in the community who believe that
they have satisfied the demands made upon them to lead
a virtuous life by incorporating into some statute the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
condemnation of a particular vicious act as a crime."
<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>
This special characteristic of American laws, with its
failure to distinguish between vice and crime, is clearly a
legacy of the early Puritans. The Puritans carried over
to New England independent autonomous laws of
morality, and were contemptuous of external law. The
sturdy pioneers of the first generation were faithful to
that attitude, and were not even guilty of punishing
witches. But, when the opportunity came, their descendants
could not resist the temptation to erect an external
law of morals, and, like the Calvinists of Geneva, they
set up an inquisition backed by the secular arm. It was
not until the days of Emerson that American Puritanism
regained autonomous freedom and moved in the same air
as Milton. But in the meantime the mischief had been
done. Even to-day an inquisition of the mails has been
established in the United States. It is said to be unconstitutional,
and one can well believe that that is so,
but none the less it flourishes under the protection of
what a famous American has called "the never-ending
audacity of elected persons." But to allow subordinate
officials to masquerade in the Postal Department as
familiars of the inquisition, in the supposed interests of
public morals, is a dangerous policy.
<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> Its deadening
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
influence on national life cannot fail sooner or later to be
realized by Americans. To moralize by statute is idle
and unsatisfactory enough; but it is worse to attempt to
moralize by the arbitrary dicta of minor government
officials.</p>


<p>It is interesting to observe the methods which find
favour in some parts of the United States for dealing with
the trade in alcoholic liquors. Alcohol is, on the one hand,
a poison; on the other hand, it is the basis of the national
drinks of every civilized country. Every state has felt
called upon to regulate its sale to more or less extent, in
such a way that (1) in the interests of public health
alcohol may not be too easily or too cheaply obtainable,
that (2) the restraints on its sale may be a source of
revenue to the State, and that (3) at the same time this
regulation of the sale may not be a vexatious and useless
attempt to interfere unduly with national customs.
States have sought to attain these ends in various ways.
The sale of alcohol may be made a State monopoly, as in
Russia, or, again, it may be carried on under disinterested
municipal or other control, as by the Gothenburg system
of Sweden or the Samlag system of Norway.
<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> In England
the easier and more usual plan is adopted of heavily
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
taxing the sale, with, in addition, various minor methods
for restraining the sale of alcoholic drinks and attempting
to improve the conditions under which they are sold.</p>


<p>In France an ingenious method of influencing the sale
of alcohol has lately been adopted, in the interests of
public health, which has proved completely successful.
The French national drink is light wine, which may be
procured in abundance, of excellent and wholesome
quality and very cheaply, provided it is not heavily taxed.
But of recent years there has been a tendency in France
to consume in large quantity the heavy alcoholic spirits,
often of a specially deleterious kind. The plan has been
adopted of placing a very high duty on distilled beverages
and reducing the duty on the light wines, as well as beer,
so that a wholesome and genuine wine can be supplied to
the consumer at as low a price as beer. As a result the
French consumer has shown a preference for the cheap
and wholesome wine which is really his national drink, and
there is an enormous fall in the consumption of spirits.
Whereas formerly the consumption of brandy in French
towns amounted to seven or eight litres of absolute
alcohol per head, it has now fallen in the large towns to
4.23 litres.<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p>

<p>In America, however, there is a tendency to deal with
the sale of alcohol totally opposed to that which nearly
everywhere prevails in Europe. When in Europe a man
abandons the use of alcohol he makes no demand on his
fellow men to follow his example, or, if he does, he is
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
usually content to employ moral suasion to gain this end.
But in the United States, where there is no single national
drink, a large number of people have abandoned the use
of alcohol, and have persuaded themselves that its use by
other people is a vice, for it is not universally recognized
that&mdash;"Selfishness is not living as one wishes to live, it
is asking others to live as one wishes to live." Moreover,
as in the United States the medieval confusion between
vice and crime still subsists among a section of the
population, being a part of the national tradition, it
became easy to regard the drinking of alcohol as a crime
and to make it punishable. Hence we have "Prohibition,"
which has prevailed in various States of the Union
and is especially associated with Maine, where it was
established in a crude form so long ago as 1846 and
(except for a brief interval between 1856 and 1858)
has prevailed until to-day. The law has never been
effective. It has been made more and more stringent;
the wildest excuses of arbitrary administration have been
committed; scandals have constantly occurred; officials
of iron will and determination have perished in the faith
that if only they put enough energy into the task the law
might, after all, be at last enforced. It was all in vain.
It has always been easy in the cities of Maine for those to
obtain alcohol who wished to obtain it. Finally, in 1911,
by a direct Referendum, the majority by which the people
of Maine are maintaining Prohibition has been brought
down to 700 in a total poll of 120,000, while all the large
towns have voted for the repeal of Prohibition by enormous
majorities. The people of Maine are evidently
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
becoming dimly conscious that it is worse than useless to
make laws which no human power can enforce. "The
result of the vote," writes Mr. Arthur Sherwell, an
English social Reformer, not himself opposed to temperance
legislation, "from every point of view, and not
least from the point of view of temperance, is eminently
unsatisfactory, and it unquestionably creates a position
of great difficulty and embarrassment for the authorities.
A majority of 700 in a total poll of 120,000 is clearly
not a sufficient mandate for a drastic law which previous
experience has conclusively shown cannot be enforced
successfully in the urban districts of the State." Successful
enforcement of prohibition on a State basis would
appear to be hopeless. The history of Prohibition in
Maine will for ever form an eloquent proof of the mischief
which comes when the ancient ecclesiastical failure
to distinguish between the sphere of morals and the
sphere of law is perpetuated under the conditions of
modern life. The attempt to force men to render unto
C&aelig;sar the things which are God's must always end thus.</p>

<p>In these matters we witness in America the survival of
an ancient tradition. The early Puritans were individualists,
it is true, but their individualism took a
theocratic form, and, in the name of God, they looked
upon crimes and vices equally and indistinguishably as
sins. We see exactly the same point of view in the
Penitentials of the ninth century, which were ecclesiastical
codes dealing, exactly in the same spirit and in the same
way, with crime and with vice, recognizing nothing but a
certain difference in degree between murder and masturbation.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
In the ninth century, and even much later, in
Calvin's Geneva and Cotton Mather's New England, it was
possible to carry into practice this theocratic conception
of the unity of vices and crimes and the punishment as
sins of both alike, for the community generally accepted
that point of view. But that is very far from being the
case in the United States of to-day. The result is that in
America in this respect we find a condition of things
analogous to that which existed in France, before the
Revolution remoulded the laws in accordance with the
temperament of the nation. Laws and regulations of the
medieval kind, for the moral ordering of the smallest
details of life, are still enacted in America, but they are
regarded with growing contempt by the community and
even by the administrators of the laws. It is realized
that such minute inquisition into the citizen's private life
can only be effectively carried out where the citizen
himself recognizes the divine right of the inquisitor. But
the theocratic conception of life no longer corresponds to
American ideas or American customs; this minute moral
legislation rests on a basis which in the course of centuries
has become rotten. Thus it has come about that nowhere
in the world is there so great an anxiety to place the
moral regulation of social affairs in the hands of the police;
nowhere are the police more incapable of carrying out
such regulation.</p>

<p>When we thus bear in mind the historical aspect of the
matter we can understand how it has come about that
the individualistic idealist in America has been much more
resolute than in England to effect reforms, much more
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
determined that they shall be very thorough and extreme
reforms, and, especially, much more eager to embody his
moral aspirations in legal statutes. But his tasks are
bigger than in England, because of the vast, unstable,
heterogeneous and crude population he has to deal with,
and because, at the same time, he has no firmly established
centralized and reliable police instrument whereby to
effect his reforms. The fiery American moral idealist is
determined to set out for the Kingdom of Heaven at once,
but every steed he mounts proves broken-winded, and
speedily drops down by the wayside. Don Quixote sets
the lance at rest and digs his spurs into Rosinante's
flanks, but he fails to realize that, in our modern world,
he will never bear him anywhere near the foe.</p>

<p>If we wish to see a totally different national method of
regarding immorality we may turn to Russia. Here also
we find idealism at work, but it is not the same kind of
idealism, since, far from desiring to express itself by force,
its essential basis is an absolute disbelief in force. Russia,
like France, has inherited from an ancient ecclesiastical
domination an extremely severe code of regulations
against immorality and all sexual aberrations, but, unlike
France, it has not cast them off in order to mould the
laws in accordance with national temperament. The
essence of the Russian attitude in these matters is a
sympathy with the individual which is stronger than any
antipathy aroused by his immoral acts; his act is a
misfortune rather than a sin or a crime. We may observe
this attitude in the kindly and helpful fashion in which the
Russian assists along the streets his fellow-man who has
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
drunk too much vodka, and, on a higher plane, we see the
same spirit of forgiving human tenderness in the Russian
novelists, most clearly in the greatest and most typically
national, in Dostoieffsky and in Tolstoy. The harsh rigidity
of the old Russian laws had not the slightest influence,
either in changing this national attitude or in diminishing
the prevalence, at the very least as great as elsewhere,
of sexual laxity or sexual aberration. Nowadays, as
Russia attains national self-consciousness, these laws
against immorality are being slowly remoulded in accordance
with the national temperament, and in some
respects&mdash;as in its attitude towards homosexuality and
the introduction in 1907 of what is practically divorce by
mutual consent&mdash;they allow a freedom and latitude
scarcely equalled in any other country.
<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p>

<p>Undoubtedly there is, within certain limits, mutual
action and reaction in these matters among nations.
Thus the influence of France has led to the abolition of
the penalty against homosexual practices in many
countries, notably Holland, Spain, Portugal, and, more
recently, Italy, while even in Germany there is a strong
and influential party, among legal as well as medical
authorities, in favour of taking the same step. On the
other hand, France has in some matters of detail departed
from her general principle in these matters, and has, for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
instance&mdash;without doubt in an altogether justifiable
manner&mdash;taken part in the international movement
against what is called the white slave trade. This mutual
reaction of nations is well recognized by the more alert and
progressive minds in every country, jealous of any undue
interference with liberty. When, for instance, a Bill is
introduced in the English Parliament for promoting
inquisitorial and vexatious interference with matters
that are not within the sphere of legislation it is eagerly
discussed in Germany before even its existence is known
to most people in England, not so much out of interest in
English Affairs as from a sensitive dread that English
example may affect German legislation.
<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p>

<p>Not only, indeed, have we to recognize the existence of
these clearly marked and profound differences in legislative
reaction to immorality. We have also to realize that
at different periods there are general movements, to some
extent overpassing national bounds, of rise and of fall in
this reaction.</p>

<p>A sudden impulse seizes on a community, and spreads
to other communities, to attempt to suppress some form
of immorality by law. Such attempts, as we know, have
always ended in failure or worse than failure, for laws
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
against immorality are either not carried out, or, if they
are carried out, it is at once realized that new evils are
created worse than the original evils, and the laws
speedily fall into abeyance or are repealed. That has
been repeatedly seen, and is well illustrated by the history
of prostitution, a sexual manifestation which for two
thousand years all sorts of persons in authority have
sought to suppress off-hand by law or by administrative
fiat. From the time when Christianity gained full
political power, prostitution has again and again been
prohibited, under the severest penalties, but always in
vain. The mightiest emperors&mdash;Theodosius, Valentinian,
Justinian, Karl the Great, St. Louis, Frederick Barbarossa&mdash;all
had occasion to discover that might was here
in vain, and worse than in vain, that they could not always
obey their own moral ordinances, still less coerce their
subjects into doing so, and that even so far as, on the
surface, they were successful they produced results more
pernicious than the evils they sought to suppress. The
best known and one of the most vigorous of these attempts
was that of the Empress Maria Theresa in Vienna; but
all the cruelty and injustice of that energetic effort, and
all the stringent, ridiculous, and brutal regulations it
involved&mdash;its prohibition of short dresses, its inspection of
billiard-rooms, its handcuffing of waitresses, its whippings
and its tortures&mdash;proved useless and worse than useless,
and were soon quietly dropped.<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> No more fortunate
were more recent municipal attempts in England and
America (Portsmouth, Pittsburgh, New York, etc.) to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
suppress prostitution off-hand; for the most part they
collapsed even in a few days.</p>

<p>The history of the legal attempts to suppress homosexuality
shows the same results. It may even be said to
show more, for when the laws against homosexuality are
relaxed or abolished, homosexuality becomes, not perhaps
less prevalent (in so far as it is a congenital anomaly
we cannot expect its prevalence to be influenced by law),
but certainly less conspicuous and ostentatious. In
France, under the Bourbons, the sexual invert was a
sacrilegious criminal who could legally be burnt at the
stake, but homosexuality flourished openly in the highest
circles, and some of the kings were themselves notoriously
inverted. Since the Code Napol&eacute;on was introduced homosexual
acts, <i>per se</i>, have never been an offence, yet instead
of flourishing more vigorously, homosexuality has so far
receded into the background that some observers regard
it as very rare in France. In Germany and England, on
the other hand, where the antiquated laws against this
perversion still prevail, homosexuality is extremely
prominent, and its right to exist is vigorously championed.
The law cannot suppress these impulses and passions;
it can only sting them into active rebellion.
<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></p>

<p>But although it has invariably been seen that all
attempts to make men moral by law are doomed to disappointment,
spasmodic attempts to do so are continually
being made afresh. No doubt those who make these
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
attempts are but a small minority, people whose good
intentions are not accompanied by knowledge either of
history or of the world. But though a minority they
can often gain a free field for their activities. The reason
is plain. No public man likes to take up a position which
his enemies may interpret as favourable to vice and
probably due to an anxiety to secure legal opportunities
for his own enjoyment of vice. This consideration especially
applies to professional politicians. A Member of
Parliament, who must cultivate an immaculately pure
reputation, feels that he is also bound to record by his vote
how anxious he is to suppress other people's immorality.
Thus the philistine and the hypocrite join hands
with the simple-minded idealist. Very few are left to
point out that, however desirable it is to prevent immorality,
that end can never be attained by law.</p>

<p>During the past ten years one of these waves of
enthusiasm for the moralization of the public by law
has been sweeping across Europe and America. Its
energy is scarcely yet exhausted, and it may therefore be
worthwhile to call attention to it. The movement has
shown special activity in Germany, in Holland, in England,
in the United States, and is traceable in a minor
degree in many other countries. In Germany the Lex
Heintze in 1900 was an indication of the appearance of
this movement, while various scandals have had the
result of attracting an exaggerated amount of attention
to questions of immorality and of tightening the rigour
of the law, though as Germany already holds moral
matters in a very complex web of regulations it can scarcely
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
be said that the new movement has here found any large
field of activity. In Holland it is different. Holland is
one of the traditional lands of freedom; it was the home
of independent intellect, of free religion, of autonomous
morals, when every other country in Europe was closed
to these manifestations of the spirit, and something of the
same tradition has always inspired its habits of thought,
even when they have been largely Puritanic. So that
there was here a clear field for the movement to work in,
and it has found expression, of a very thorough character
indeed, in the new so-called "Morals Law" which was
passed in 1911 after several weeks' discussion. Undoubtedly
this law contains excellent features; thus the
agents of the "white slave trade," who have hitherto been
especially active in Holland, are now threatened with five
years' imprisonment. Here we are concerned with what
may fairly be regarded as crime and rightly punishable as
such. But excellent provisions like these are lost to sight
in a great number of other paragraphs which are at best
useless and ridiculous, and at worst vexatious and mischievous
in their attempts to limit the free play of civilization.
Thus we find that a year's imprisonment, or a heavy
fine, threatens any one who exposes any object or writing
which "offends decency," a provision which enabled a
policeman to enter an art-pottery shop in Amsterdam and
remove a piece of porcelain on which he detected an insufficiently
clothed human figure. Yet this paragraph of
the law had been passed with scarcely any opposition.
Another provision of this law deals extensively with the
difficult and complicated question of the "age of consent"
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>
for girls, which it raises to the age of twenty-one,
making intercourse with a girl under twenty-one an
offence punishable by four years' imprisonment. It is
generally regarded as desirable that chastity should be
preserved until adult age is well established. But as soon
as sexual maturity is attained&mdash;which is long before what
we conventionally regard as the adult age, and earlier in
girls than in boys&mdash;it is impossible to dismiss the question
of personal responsibility. A girl over sixteen, and still
more when she is over twenty, is a developed human being
on the sexual side; she is capable of seducing as well as of
being seduced; she is often more mature than the youth
of corresponding age; to instruct her in sexual hygiene,
to train her to responsibility, is the proper task of morals.
But to treat her as an irresponsible child, and to regard
the act of interfering with her chastity when her consent
has been given, as on a level with an assault on an
innocent child merely introduces confusion. It must often
be unjust to the male partner in the act; it is always
demoralizing and degrading to the girl whom it aims at
"protecting"; above all, it reduces what ought to be an
extremely serious crime to the level of a merely nominal
offence when it punishes one of two practically mature persons
for engaging with full knowledge and deliberation in
an act which, however undesirable, is altogether according
to Nature. There is here a fatal confusion between
a crime and an action which is at the worst morally reprehensible
and only properly combated by moral methods.</p>

<p>These objections are not of a purely abstract or theoretical
character. They are based on the practical outcome
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
of such enactments. Thus in the State of New York
the "age of consent" was in former days thirteen years.
It was advanced to fourteen and afterwards to sixteen.
This is the extreme limit to which it may prudently be
raised, and the New York Society for the Prevention of
Cruelty to Children, which had taken the chief part in
obtaining these changes in the law, was content to stop at
this point. But without seeking the approval of this
Society, another body, the White Cross and Social Purity
League, took the matter in hand, and succeeded in
passing an amendment to the law which raised the age of
consent to eighteen. What has been the result? The
Committee of Fourteen, who are not witnesses hostile to
moral legislation, state that "since the amendment went
into effect making the age of consent eighteen years there
have been few successful prosecutions. The laws are
practically inoperative so far as the age clause is concerned."
Juries naturally require clear evidence that a
rape has been committed when the case concerns a grown-up
girl in the full possession of her faculties, possibly even
a clandestine prostitute. Moreover, as rape in the first
degree involves the punishment of imprisonment for
twenty years, there is a disinclination to convict a man
unless the case is a very bad one. One judge, indeed, has
asserted that he will not give any man the full penalty
under the present law, so long as he is on the bench. The
natural result of stretching the law to undue limits is to
weaken it. Instead of being, as it should be, an extremely
serious crime, rape loses in a large proportion of cases the
opprobrium which rightly belongs to it. It is, therefore,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
a matter for regret that in some English dominions there
is a tendency to raise the "age of consent" to an unduly
high limit. In New South Wales the Girls' Protection Act
has placed the age of consent at sixteen, and in the case
of offences by guardians, schoolmasters, or employers at
seventeen years, notwithstanding the vigorous opposition
of a distinguished medical member of the Legislative
Council (the Hon. J.M. Creed), who presented the arguments
against so high an age. Not a single prosecution
has so far occurred under this Act.</p>

<p>In England the force of the moral legislation wave has
been felt, but it has been largely broken against the conservative
traditions of the country, which make all legislation,
good or bad, very difficult. A lengthy, elaborate
and high-strung Prevention of Immorality Bill was
introduced in the House of Commons by a group of
Nonconformists mainly on the Liberal side. This Bill
was very largely on the lines of the Dutch law already
mentioned; it proposed to raise the age of consent to
nineteen; making intercourse with a girl under that age
felony, punishable by five years' penal servitude, and
any attempt at such intercourse by two years' imprisonment.
Such a measure would be, it may be noted,
peculiarly illogical and inconsistent in England and Scotland,
in both of which countries (though their laws in
these matters are independent) even a girl of twelve is
legally regarded as sufficiently mature and responsible to
take to herself a husband. At one moment the Bill seemed
to have a chance of becoming law, but a group of enlightened
and independent Liberals, realizing that such
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
a measure would introduce intolerable social conditions,
organized resistance and prevented the acceptance of the
Bill.</p>

<p>The chief organization in England at the present time
for the promotion of public morality is the National
Council of Public Morals, which is a very influential body,
with many able and distinguished supporters. Law-enforced
morality, however, constitutes but a very small
part of the reforms advocated by this organization, which
is far more concerned with the home, the school, the
Church, and the influences which operate in those spheres.
It has lately to a considerable extent joined hands with
the workers in the eugenic movement, advocating sexual
hygiene and racial betterment, thus allying itself with
one of the most hopeful movements of our day. Certainly
there may be some amount of zeal not according to knowledge
in the activities of the National Council of Public
Morals, but there is also very much that is genuinely
enlightened, and the very fact that the Council includes
representatives from so many fields of action and so many
schools of thought largely saves it from running into
practical excesses. Its influence on the whole is beneficial,
because, although it may not be altogether averse
to moral legislation, it recognizes that the policeman is a
very feeble guide in these matters, and that the fundamental
and essential way of bettering the public morality
is by enlightening the private conscience.</p>

<p>In the United States conditions have been very favourable,
as we have seen, for the attempt to achieve social
reform by moral legislation, and nowhere else in the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
world has it been so clearly demonstrated that such
attempts not only fail to cure the evils they are aimed at,
but tend to further evils far worse than those aimed at.
A famous example is furnished by the so-called "Raines
Law" of New York. This Act was passed in 1896, and
was intended to regulate the sale of alcoholic liquor in all
its phases throughout the State. The grounds for bringing
it forward were that the number of drinking saloons was
excessive, that there was no fixed licensing fee, that too
much discretionary power was allowed to the local commissioner;
while, above all, the would-be Puritanic legislators
wished so far as possible to suppress the drinking
of alcoholic liquors on Sunday. To achieve these objects
the licensing fee was raised to four times its usual amount
previously to this enactment; heavy penalties, including
the forfeiture of a large surety-bond, were established,
and more surely to prevent Sunday drinking only hotels,
not ordinary drinking bars, were allowed, with many
stringent restrictions, to sell drink on that day. In order
that there should be no mistake, it was set forth in the
Act that the hotel must be a real hotel with at least ten
properly furnished bedrooms. The legislators clearly
thought that they had done a fine piece of work. "Seldom,"
wrote the Committee of Fourteen, who are by no
means out of sympathy with the aims of this legislation,
"has a law intended to regulate one evil resulted in so
aggravated a phase of another evil directly traceable to
its provisions."<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
In the first place, the passing of this law alarmed the
saloon keepers; they realized that it had them in a very
tight grip, and they suspected that it might be strictly
enforced. They came to the conclusion, therefore, that
their best policy would be to accept the law and to conform
themselves to its provisions by converting their
drinking bars into real hotels, with ten properly furnished
bedrooms, kitchen, and dining-room. The immediate
result was the preparation of ten thousand bedrooms, for
which there was of course no real demand, and by 1905
there were 1407 certificated hotels in Manhattan and the
Bronx alone, about 1150 of these hotels having probably
been created by the Raines Law.</p>

<p>But something had to be done with all these bedrooms,
properly furnished according to law, for it was necessary
to meet the heavy expenses incurred under the new
conditions created by the law. The remedy was fairly
obvious. These bedrooms were excellently adapted to
serve as places of assignation and houses of prostitution.
Many hotel proprietors became practically brothel
keepers, the women in some cases becoming boarders in
the hotels; and saloons and hotels have entered into a
kind of alliance for their mutual benefit, and are sometimes
indeed under the same management. When a hotel
is thus run in the interests of prostitution it has what may
be regarded as a staff of women in the neighbouring
streets. In some districts of New York it is found that
practically all the prostitutes on the street are connected
with some Raines Law hotel. These wise moral legislators
of New York thought they were placing a penalty on
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
Sunday drinking; what they have really done is to place
a premium on prostitution<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>.</p>

<p>An attempt of a different kind to strike a blow at once
at alcohol and at prostitution has been made in Chicago,
with equally unsatisfactory results. Drink and prostitution
are connected, so intimately connected, indeed, that
no attempt to separate them can ever be more than
superficially successful even with the most minute inquisition
by the police, least of all by police officers, who, in
Chicago, we are officially told, are themselves sometimes
found, when in uniform and on duty, drinking among
prostitutes in "saloons." On May 1, 1910, the Chicago
General Superintendent of Police made a rule prohibiting
the sale of liquor in houses of prostitution. On the surface
this rule has in most cases been observed (though only on
the surface, as the field-workers of the Chicago Vice
Commission easily discovered), and a blow was thus
dealt to those houses which derive a large profit from the
sale of drinks on account of the high price at which they
retail them. Yet even so far as the rule has been obeyed,
and not evaded, has it effected any good? On this point
we may trust the evidence of the Vice Commissioners of
Chicago, a municipal body appointed by the Mayor and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
City Council, and not anxious to discredit the actions of
their Police Superintendent. "As to the benefits derived
from this order, either to the inmates or the public,
opinions differ," they write. "It is undoubtedly true
that the result of the order has been to scatter the prostitutes
over a wide territory and to transfer the sale of
liquor carried on heretofore in houses to the near-by
saloon-keepers, and to flats and residential sections, but
it is an open question whether it has resulted in the
lessening of either of the two evils of prostitution and
drink."<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>
That is a mild statement of the results. It may
be noted that there are over seven thousand drinking
saloons in Chicago, so that the transfer is not difficult,
while the migration to flats&mdash;of which an enormous
number have been taken for purposes of prostitution
(five hundred in one district alone) since this rule came
into force&mdash;may indeed enable the prostitute to live a
freer and more humanizing life, but in no faintest degree
diminishes the prevalence of prostitution. From the
narrow police standpoint, indeed, the change is a disadvantage,
for it shelters the prostitute from observation,
and involves an entirely new readjustment to new conditions.</p>

<p>It cannot be said that either the State of New York or
the city of Chicago has been in any degree more fortunate
in its attempts at moral legislation against prostitution
than against drinking. As we should expect, the laws of
New York regard prostitution and the prostitute with an
eye of extreme severity. Every prostitute in New York,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
by virtue of the mere fact that she is a prostitute, is
technically termed a "vagrant." As such she is liable
to be committed to the workhouse for a term not exceeding
six months; the owner of houses where she lives
may be heavily fined, as she herself may be for living in
them, and the keeper of a disorderly house may be
imprisoned and the disorderly house suppressed. It is
not clear that the large number of prostitutes in New
York have been diminished by so much as a single unit,
but from time to time attempts are made in some district
or another by an unusually energetic official to put the
laws into execution, and it is then possible to study the
results. When disorderly houses are suppressed on a
large scale, there are naturally a great number of prostitutes
who have to find homes elsewhere in order to carry
on their business. On one occasion, under the auspices
of District-Attorney Jerome, it is stated by the Committee
of Fourteen that eight hundred women were reported to be
turned out into the street in a single night. For many
there are the Raines Law hotels. A great many others
take refuge in tenement houses. Such houses in congested
districts are crowded with families, and with these the
prostitute is necessarily brought into close contact.
Consequently the seeds of physical and mental disorder
which she may bear about her are disseminated in a much
more fruitful soil than they were before. Moreover, she
is compelled by the laws to exert very great energy in the
pursuit of her profession. As it is an offence to harbour
her she has to pay twice as high a rent as other people
would have to pay for the same rooms. She may have
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
to pay the police to refrain from molesting her, as well as
others to protect her from molestation. She is surrounded
by people whom the law encourages to prey upon her.
She is compelled to exert her energies at highest tension
to earn the very large sums which are necessary, not to
gain profits for herself, but to feed all the sharks who are
eager to grab what is given to her. The blind or perverse
zeal of the moral legislators not only intensifies the evils
it aims at curing, but it introduces a whole crop of new
evils.</p>

<p>How large these sums are we may estimate by the
investigation made by the Vice Commissioners of Chicago.
They conclude after careful inquiry that the annual
profits of prostitution in the city of Chicago alone amount
to between fifteen to sixteen million dollars, and they
regard this as "an ultra-conservative estimate." It is
true that not all this actually passes through the women's
hands and it includes the sales of drinks. If we confine
ourselves strictly to the earnings of the girls themselves
it is found to work out at an average for each girl of
thirteen hundred dollars per annum. This is more than
four times as much as the ordinary shop-girl can earn in
Chicago by her brains, virtue, and other good qualities.
But it is not too much for the prostitute's needs; she is
compelled to earn so large an income because the active
hostility of society, the law, and the police facilitates the
task of all those persons&mdash;and they are many&mdash;who
desire to prey upon her. Thus society, the law, and the
police gain nothing for morals by their hostility to the
prostitute. On the contrary, they give strength and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
stability to the very vice they nominally profess to fight
against. This is shown in the vital matter of the high
rents which it is possible to obtain where prostitution is
concerned. These high rents are the direct result of legal
and police enactments against the prostitute. Remove
these enactments and the rents would automatically fall.
The enactments maintain the high rents and so ensure
that the mighty protection of capital is on the side of
prostitution; the property brings in an exorbitant rate
of interest on the capital invested, and all the forces of
sound business are concerned in maintaining rents. So
gross is the ignorance of the would-be moral legislators&mdash;or,
some may think, so skilful their duplicity&mdash;that the
methods by which they profess to fight against immorality
are the surest methods for enabling immorality not
merely to exist&mdash;which it would in any case&mdash;but to
flourish. A vigorous campaign is initiated against immorality.
On the surface it is successful. Morality
triumphs. But, it may be, in the end we are reminded
of the saying of M. Desmaisons in one of Remy de
Gourmont's witty and profound <i>Dialogues des Amateurs</i>:
"Quand la morale triomphe il se passe des choses tr&egrave;s
vilaines."</p>

<p>The reason why the "triumphs" of legislative and
administrative morality are really such ignominious
failures must now be clear, but may again be repeated.
It is because on matters of morals there is no unanimity
of opinion as there is in regard to crime. There is always
a large section of the community which feels tolerant
towards, and even practises, acts which another section,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
it may be quite reasonably, stigmatizes as "immoral."
Such conditions are highly favourable for the exercise
of moral influence; they are quite unsuitable for legislative
action, which cannot possibly be brought to bear
against a large minority, perhaps even majority, of otherwise
law-abiding citizens. In the matter of prostitution,
for instance, the Vice Commissioners of Chicago state
emphatically the need for "constant and persistent
repression" leading on to "absolute annihilation of
prostitution." They recommend the appointment of a
"Morals Commission" to suppress disorderly houses, and
to prosecute their keepers, their inmates, and their
patrons; they further recommend the establishment of a
"Morals Court" of vaguely large scope. Among the
other recommendations of the Commissioners&mdash;and there
are ninety-seven such recommendations&mdash;we find the
establishment of a municipal farm, to which prostitutes
can be "committed on an indeterminate sentence"; a
"special morals police squad"; instructions to the
police to send home all unattended boys and girls under
sixteen at 9 p.m.; no seats in the parks to be in shade;
searchlights to be set up at night to enable the police to
see what the public are doing, and so on. The scheme,
it will be seen, combines the methods of Calvin in Geneva
with those of Maria Theresa in Vienna.
<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
The reason why any such high-handed repression of
immorality by force is as impracticable in Chicago as
elsewhere is revealed in the excellent picture of the
conditions furnished by the Vice Commissioners themselves.
They estimate that the prostitutes in disorderly
houses known to the police&mdash;leaving out of account all
prostitutes in flats, rooms, hotels and houses of assignation,
and also taking no note of clandestine prostitutes&mdash;receive
15,180 visits from men daily, or 5,540,700 per
annum. They consider further that the men in question
may be one-fourth of the adult male population (800,000
in the city itself, leaving the surrounding district out of
the reckoning), and they rightly insist that this estimate
cannot possibly cover all the facts. Yet it never occurs
to the Vice Commissioners that in thus proposing to brand
one-third or even only one quarter of the adult male
population as criminals, and as such to prosecute them
actively, is to propose an absurd impossibility.</p>

<p>It is not by any means only in the United States that
an object lesson in the foolishness of attempting to make
people moral by force is set up before the world. It has
often been set up before, and at the present day it is
illustrated in exactly the same way in Germany. Unlike
as are the police systems and the national temperaments
of Germany and the United States, in this matter social
reformers tell exactly the same story. They report that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
the German laws and ordinances against immorality
increase and support the very evil they profess to attack.
Thus by making it criminal to shelter, even though not
for purposes of gain, unmarried lovers, even when they
intend to marry, the respectable girl is forced into the
position of the prostitute, and as such she becomes subject
to an endless amount of police regulation and police
control. Landlords are encouraged to live on her activities,
charging very high rates to indemnify themselves for
the risks they run by harbouring her. She, in her turn,
to meet the exorbitant demands which the law and the
police encourage the whole environment to make upon
her, is forced to exercise her profession with the greatest
activity, and to acquire the maximum of profit. Law and
the police have forged the same vicious circle.
<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>

<p>The illustrations thus furnished by Germany, Holland,
England, and the United States, will probably suffice to
show that there really is at the present time a wave of
feeling in favour of the notion that it is possible to promote
public morals by force of law. It only remains to observe
that the recognition of the futility of such attempts by no
means necessarily involves a pessimistic conservatism.
To point out that prostitution never has been, and never
can be, abolished by law, is by no means to affirm that it
is an evil which must endure for ever and that no influence
can affect it. But we have to realize, in the first place,
that prostitution belongs to that sphere of human impulses
in which mere external police ordinances count for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
comparatively little, and that, in the second place, even
in the more potent field of true morals, which has nothing
to do with moral legislation, prostitution is so subtly and
deeply rooted that it can only be affected by influences
which bear on all our methods of thought and feeling
and all our social custom. It is far from being an isolated
manifestation; it is, for instance, closely related to
marriage; any reforms in prostitution, therefore, can
only follow a reform in our marriage system. But prostitution
is also related to economics, and when it is realized
how much has to be altogether changed in our whole
social system to secure even an approximate abolition of
prostitution it becomes doubtful whether many people
are willing to pay the price of removing the "social
evil" they find it so easy to deplore. They are prepared
to appoint Commissions; they have no objection to
offer up a prayer; they are willing to pass laws and issue
police regulations which are known to be useless. At
that point their ardour ends.</p>

<p>If it is impossible to guard the community by statute
against the central evil of prostitution, still more hopeless
is it to attempt the legal suppression of all the multitudinous
minor provocations of the sexual impulse offered
by civilization. Let it be assumed that only by such
suppression, and not by frankly meeting and fighting
temptations, can character be formed, yet it would be
absolutely impossible to suppress more than a fraction
of the things that would need to be suppressed. "There
is almost no feature, article of dress, attitude, act," Dr.
Stanley Hall has truly remarked, "or even animal, or
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
perhaps object in nature, that may not have to some
morbid soul specialized erogenic and erethic power."
If, therefore, we wish to suppress the sexually suggestive
and the possibly obscene we are bound to suppress the
whole world, beginning with the human race, for if we
once enter on that path there is no definite point at which
we can logically stop. The truth is, as Mr. Theodore
Schroeder has so repeatedly insisted,
<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> that "obscenity"
is subjective; it cannot reside in an object, but only in
the impure mind which is influenced by the object. In
this matter Mr. Schroeder is simply the follower, at an
interval, of St. Paul. We must work not on the object,
but on the impure mind affected by the object. If the
impure heart is not suppressed it is useless to suppress the
impure object, while if the heart is renewed the whole
task is achieved. Certainly there are books, pictures, and
other things in life so unclean that they can never be
pure even to the purest, but these things by their loathsomeness
are harmless to all healthy minds; they can
only corrupt minds which are corrupt already. Unfortunately,
when ignorant police officials and custom-house
officers are entrusted with the task of searching for the
obscene, it is not to these things that their attention is
exclusively directed. Such persons, it seems, cannot
distinguish between these things and the noblest productions
of human art and intellect, and the law has
proved powerless to set them right; in all civilized
countries the list is indeed formidable of the splendid and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
inspiring productions, from the Bible downwards, which
officials or the law courts have been pleased to declare
"obscene." So that while the task of moralizing the
community by force must absolutely fail of its object, it
may at the same time suffice to effect much mischief.</p>

<p>It is one of the ironies of history that the passion for
extinguishing immorality by law and administration
should have arisen in what used to be called Christendom.
For Christianity is precisely the most brilliant proof
the world has ever seen of the truth that immorality
cannot so be suppressed. From the standpoint of classic
Rome Christianity was an aggressive attack on Roman
morality from every side. It was not so only in appearance,
but in reality, as modern historians fully recognize.
<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>
Merely as a new religion Christianity would have been
received with calm indifference, even with a certain
welcome, as other new religions were received. But
Christianity denied the supremacy of the State, carried on
an anti-military propaganda in the army, openly flouted
established social conventions, loosened family life,
preached and practised asceticism to an age that was
already painfully aware that, above all things, it needed
men. The fatal though doubtless inevitable step was
taken of attempting to suppress the potent poison of this
manifold immorality by force. The triumph of Christianity
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
was largely due to the fine qualities which were
brought out by that annealing process, and the splendid
prestige which the process itself assured. Yet the method
of warfare which it had so brilliantly proved to be worthless
was speedily adopted by Christianity itself, and is
even yet, at intervals, spasmodically applied.</p>

<p>That these attempts should have such results as we see
is not surprising when we remember that even movements,
at the outset, mainly inspired by moral energy,
rather than by faith in moral legislation, when that energy
becomes reckless, violent and intolerant, lead in the end
to results altogether opposed to the aims of those who
initiated them. It was thus that Luther has permanently
fortified the position of the Popes whom he assailed, and
that the Reformation produced the Counter-Reformation,
a movement as formidable and as enduring as that which
it countered. When Luther appeared all that was rigid
and inhuman in the Church was slowly dissolving, certainly
not without an inevitable sediment of immorality,
yet the solution was in the highest degree favourable to
the development of the freer and larger conceptions of life,
the expansion of science and art and philosophy, which
at that moment was pre-eminently necessary for the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
progress of civilisation, and, indirectly, therefore, for the
progress of morals.<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> The violence of the Reformation
not only resulted in a new tyranny for its own adherents&mdash;calling
in turn for fresh reformations by Puritans,
Quakers, Deists, and Freethinkers&mdash;but it re-established,
and even to-day continues to support, that very tyranny
of the old Church against which it was a protest.</p>

<p>When we try to regulate the morals of men on the same
uniform pattern we have to remember that we are
touching the most subtle, intimate, and incalculable
springs of action. It is useless to apply the crude methods
of "suppression" and "annihilation" to these complex
and indestructible forces. When Charles V retired in
weariness from the greatest throne in the world to the
solitude of the monastery at Yuste, he occupied his leisure
for some weeks in trying to regulate two clocks. It proved
very difficult. One day, it is recorded, he turned to his
assistant and said: "To think that I attempted to force
the reason and conscience of thousands of men into one
mould, and I cannot make two clocks agree!" Wisdom
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
comes to the rulers of men, sometimes, usually when they
have ceased to be rulers. It comes to the moral legislators
not otherwise than it comes to the immoral persons they
legislate against. "I act first," the French thief said;
"then I think."</p>

<p>It seems to some people almost a paradox to assert
that immorality should not be encountered by physical
force. The same people would willingly admit that
it is hopeless to rout a modern army with bows and
arrows, even with the support of a fanfare of trumpets.
Yet that metaphor, as we have seen, altogether fails to
represent the inadequacy of law in the face of immorality.
We are concerned with a method of fighting which is not
merely inadequate, but, as has been demonstrated many
times during the last two thousand years, actually fortifies
and even dignifies the foe it professes to attack. But the
failure of physical force to suppress the spiritual evil of
immorality by no means indicates that a like failure
would attend the more rational tactics of opposing a
spiritual force by spiritual force. The virility of our
morals is not proved by any weak attempt to call in the
aid of the secular arm of law or the ecclesiastical arm of
theology. If a morality cannot by its own proper virtue
hold its opposing immorality in check then there is
something wrong with that morality. It runs the risk of
encountering a fresh and more vigorous movement of
morality. Men begin to think that, if not the whole
truth, there is yet a real element of truth in the assertion
of Nietzsche: "We believe that severity, violence,
slavery, danger in the street and in the heart, secrecy,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
stoicism, tempter's art and devilry of every kind, everything
wicked, tyrannical, predatory and serpentine in
man, serves as well for the elevation of the human species
as its opposite."<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>
To ignore altogether the affirmation of
that opposing morality, it may be, would be to breed a
race of weaklings, fatally doomed to succumb helplessly
to the first breath of temptation.</p>

<p>Although we are passing through a wave of moral
legislation, there are yet indications that a sounder
movement is coming into action. The demand for the
teaching of sexual hygiene which parents, teachers, and
physicians in Germany, the United States and elsewhere,
are now striving to formulate and to supply will, if it is
wisely carried out, effect far more for public morals than
all the legislation in the world. Inconsistently enough,
some of those who clamour for moral legislation also
advocate the teaching of sexual hygiene. But there is
no room for compromise or combination here. A training
in sexual hygiene has no meaning if it is not a training,
for men and women alike, in personal and social responsibility,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
in the right to know and to discriminate, and in so
doing to attain self-conquest. A generation thus trained
to self-respect and to respect for others has no use for a
web of official regulations to protect its feeble and cloistered
virtues from possible visions of evil, and an army of
police to conduct it homewards at 9 p.m. Nor, on the
other hand, can any reliable sense of social responsibility
ever be developed in such an unwholesome atmosphere
of petty moral officialdom. The two methods of moralization
are radically antagonistic. There can be no doubt
which of them we ought to pursue if we really desire to
breed a firmly-fibred, clean-minded, and self-reliant race
of manly men and womanly women.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a>
Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas</i>, Vol. I,
p. 160; see also chapter on sexual morality in Havelock Ellis, <i>Studies
in the Psychology of Sex</i>, Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society," chap.
<span class="smcap">IX</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a>
It must be remembered that in medieval days not only adultery
but the smallest infraction of what the Church regarded as morality
could be punished in the Archdeacon's court; this continued to be the
case in England even after the Reformation. See Archdeacon W.W.
Hales' interesting work, <i>Precedents and Proceedings in Criminal
Causes</i> (1847), which is, as the author states, "a History of the Moral
Police of the Church."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a>
<i>The Social Evil in New York City</i>, p. 100.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a>
 This has been emphasized in an able and lucid discussion of this
question by Dr. Hans Hagen, "Sittliche Werturteile," <i>Mutterschutz</i>,
Heft I and II, 1906. Such recognition of popular morals, he justly
remarks, is needed not only for the sake of the people, but for the sake
of law itself.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a>
Grabowsky, in criticizing Hiller's book, <i>Das Recht &uuml;ber sich Selbst
(Archiv f&uuml;r Kriminalanthropologie und Kriminalistik</i>, Bd. 36, 1809),
argues that in some cases immorality injures rights which need legal
protection, but he admits it is difficult to decide when this is the case.
He does not think that the law should interfere with homosexuality
in adults, but he does consider it should interfere with incest, on the
ground that in-breeding is not good for the race. But it is the view of
most authorities nowadays that in-breeding is only injurious to the
race in the case of an unsound stock, when the defect being in both
partners of the same kind would probably be intensified by heredity.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a>
The occurrence of, for instance, incestuous, bestial, and homosexual
acts&mdash;which are generally abhorrent, but not necessarily anti-social&mdash;makes
it necessary to exercise some caution here.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a>
I quote from a valuable and interesting study by Dr. Eugen
Wilhelm, "Die Volkspsychologischen Unterschiede in der franz&ouml;sischen
und deustchen Sittlichkeits-Gesetzgebung und Rechtsprechung,"
<i>Sexual-Probleme</i>, October, 1911. It may be added that in
Switzerland, also, the tyranny of the police is carried to an extreme.
Edith Sellers gives some extraordinary examples, <i>Cornhill</i>, August,
1910.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a>
The absurdities and injustice of the German law, and its interference
with purely private interests in these matters, have often been
pointed out, as by Dr. Kurt Hiller ("Ist Kuppelei Strafw&uuml;rdig?"
<i>Die Neue Generation</i>, November, 1910). As to what is possible under
German law by judicial decision since 1882, Hagen takes the case of a
widow who has living with her a daughter, aged twenty-five or thirty,
engaged to marry an artisan now living at a distance for the sake of
his work; he comes to see her when he can; she is already pregnant;
they will marry soon; one evening, with the consent of the widow,
who looks on the couple as practically married, he stays over-night,
sharing his betrothed's room, the only room available. Result:
the old woman becomes liable to four years' penal servitude, a fine
of six thousand marks, loss of civil rights, and police supervision.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a>
In another respect the French code carries private rights to an
excess by forbidding the unmarried mother to make any claim on the
father of her child. In most countries such a prohibition is regarded as
unreasonable and unjust. There is even a tendency (as by a recent
Dutch law) to compel the father to provide for his illegitimate child not
on the scale of the mother's social position but on the scale of his own
social position. This is, possibly, an undue assertion of the superiority
of man.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a>
The same point has lately been illustrated in Holland, where a
recent modification in the law is held to press harshly on homosexual
persons. At once a vigorous propaganda on behalf of the homosexual
has sprung into existence. We see here the difference between moral
enactments and criminal enactments. Supposing that a change in
the law had placed, for instance, increased difficulties in the way of
burglary. We should not witness any outburst of literary activity on
behalf of burglars, because the community, as a whole, is thoroughly
convinced that burglary ought to be penalized.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a>
Apart from the attitude towards immorality, we have an illustration
of the peculiarly English tendency to unite religious fervour with
individualism in Quakerism. In no other European country has any
similar movement&mdash;that is, a popular movement of individualistic
mysticism&mdash;ever appeared on the same scale.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a>
E.F. Fuld, Ph.D., <i>Police Administration</i>, 1909.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a>
Ex-Police Commissioner Bingham, of New York, estimated
(<i>Hampton's Magazine</i>, September, 1909) that "fifteen per cent. or
from 1500 to 2000 members of the police force are unscrupulous
'grafters' whose hands are always out for easy money." See also
Report of the Committee of Fourteen on <i>The Social Evil in New
York City</i>, p. 34.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a>
Fuld, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 373 <i>et seq.</i> This last opinion by no means stands
alone. Thus it is asserted by the Committee of Fourteen in their
Report on The <i>Social Evil in New York City</i> (1910, p. xxxiv) that
"some laws exist to-day because an unintelligent, cowardly public
puts unenforceable statutes on the book, being content with registering
their hypocrisy."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a>
It is also a blundering policy. Its blind anathema is as likely as
not to fall on its own allies. Thus the Report of the municipally appointed
and municipally financed Vice Commission of Chicago is
not only an official but a highly moral document, advocating increased
suppression of immoral literature, and erring, if it errs, on the side of
over-severity. It has been suppressed by the United States Post Office!</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a>
This system applies only to spirits, not to beer and wine, but
it has proved very effective in diminishing drunkenness, as is admitted
by those who are opposed to the system. A somewhat similar system
exists in England under the name of the Trust system, but its extension
appears unfortunately to be much impeded by English laws and customs.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a>
Jacques Bertillon, in a paper read to the Acad&eacute;mie des Sciences
Morales et Politiques, 30th September, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a>
During the present century a great wave of immorality and sexual
crime has been passing over Russia. This is not attributable to the
laws, old or new, but is due in part to the Russo-Japanese War, and
in part to the relaxed tension consequent on the collapse of the movement
for political reform. (See an article by Professor Asnurof, "La
Crise Sexuelle en Russie," <i>Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle</i>, April,
1911.)</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a>
It was by this indirect influence that I was induced to write the
present chapter. The editor of a prominent German review wrote to
me for my opinion regarding a Bill dealing with the prevention of
immorality which had been introduced into the English Parliament
and had aroused much interest and anxiety in Germany, where it had
been discussed in all its details. But I had never so much as heard of
the Bill, nor could I find any one else who had heard of it, until I
consulted a Member of Parliament who happened to have been instrumental
in causing its rejection.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a>
J. Schrank, <i>Die Prostitution in Wien</i>, Bd. I, pp. 152-206.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a>
The history of this movement in Germany may be followed in the
<i>Vierteljahrsberichte des Wissenschaftlich-humanit&auml;ren Komitees</i>, edited
by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld, a great authority on the matter.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a>
Report on <i>The Social Evil in New York City</i>, p. 38; see also Rev
Dr. J.P. Peters, "Suppression of the 'Raines Law Hotels,'" <i>American
Academy of Political and Social Science</i>, November, 1908.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a>
It is probably needless to add that the specific object of the Act&mdash;the
Puritanic observance of Sunday&mdash;was by no means attained. On
Sunday, the 8th December, 1907, the police made a desperate attempt
to enforce the law; every place of amusement was shut up; lectures,
religious concerts, even the social meetings of the Young Men's Christian
Association, were rigorously put a stop to. There was, of course, great
popular indignation and uproar, and the impromptu performances got
up in the streets, while the police looked on sympathetically, are said
to have been far more outrageous than any entertainment indoors
could possibly have been.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a>
<i>The Social Evil in Chicago</i>, p. 112.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a>
The methods of Maria Theresa never had any success; the methods
of Calvin at Geneva had, however, a certain superficial success, because
the right conditions existed for their exercise. That is to say, that a
theocratic basis of society was generally accepted, and that the suppression
of immorality was regarded by the great mass of the population,
including in most cases, no doubt, even the offenders themselves,
as a religious duty. It is, however, interesting to note that, even at
Geneva, these "triumphs of morality" have met the usual fate. At
the present day, it appears (Edith Sellers, <i>Cornhill</i>, August, 1910), there
are more disorderly houses in Geneva, in proportion to the population,
than in any other town in Europe.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a>
See e.g. P. Hausmeister, "Zur Analyse der Prostitution," <i>Geschlect
und Gesellschaft</i>, 1907, p. 294.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a>
Theodore Schroeder, <i>"Obscene" Literature and Constitutional Law</i>,
New York, 1911.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a>
Thus Sir Samuel Dill (<i>Roman Society</i>, p. 11) calls attention to the
letter of St. Paulinus who, when the Empire was threatened by barbarians,
wrote to a Roman soldier that Christianity is incompatible
with family life, with citizenship, with patriotism, and that soldiers
are doomed to eternal torment. Christians frequently showed no
respect for law or its representatives. "Many Christian confessors,"
says Sir W.M. Ramsay (<i>The Church in the Roman Empire</i>, chap.
xv), "went to extremes in showing their contempt and hatred for
their judges. Their answers to plain questions were evasive and
indirect; they lectured Roman dignitaries as if the latter were the
criminals and they themselves the judges; and they even used violent
reproaches and coarse, insulting gestures." Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq (<i>L'Intol&eacute;rance
Religieuse et le Politique</i>, 1911, especially chap. X) shows how the
early Christians insisted on being persecuted. We see much the same
attitude to-day among anarchists of the lower class (and also, it may
be added, sometimes among suffragettes), who may be regarded as the
modern analogues of the early Christians.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a>
It may well be, indeed, that in all ages the actual sum of immorality,
broadly considered&mdash;in public and in private, in thought and in act&mdash;undergoes
but slight oscillations. But in the nature of its manifestations
and in the nature of the manifestations that accompany it,
there may be immense fluctuations. Tarde, the distinguished thinker,
referring to the "delicious Catholicism" of the days before Luther,
asks: "If that amiable Christian evolution had peacefully continued
to our days, should we be still more immoral than we are? It is doubtful,
but in all probability we should be enjoying the most &aelig;sthetic
and the least vexatious religion in the world, in which all our science,
all our civilization, would have been free to progress" (Tarde, <i>La
Logique Sociale</i>, p. 198). As has often been pointed out, it was along
the lines indicated by Erasmus, rather than along the lines pursued by
Luther, that the progress of civilization lay.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a>
Nietzsche, <i>Beyond Good and Evil</i>, chap. II. A century earlier
Godwin had written in his <i>Political Justice</i> (Book VII, chap. VIII):
"Men are weak at present because they have always been told they are
weak and must not be trusted with themselves. Take them out of their
shackles, bid them enquire, reason, and judge, and you will soon find
them very different beings. Tell them that they have passions, are
occasionally hasty, intemperate, and injurious, but that they must
be trusted with themselves. Tell them that the mountains of parchment
in which they have been hitherto entrenched, are fit only to
impose upon ages of superstition and ignorance, that henceforth we
will have no dependence but upon their spontaneous justice; that, if
their passions be gigantic, they must rise with gigantic energy to subdue
them; that if their decrees be iniquitous, the iniquity shall be all their
own."</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span></p>


<h3><a name="CHAPX" id="CHAPX"></a>X</h3>

<h3>THE WAR AGAINST WAR</h3>

<blockquote><p>Why the Problem of War is specially urgent To-day&mdash;The Beneficial
Effects of War in Barbarous Ages&mdash;Civilization renders the Ultimate
Disappearance of War Inevitable&mdash;The Introduction of Law
in disputes between Individuals involves the Introduction of Law
in disputes between Nations&mdash;But there must be Force behind
Law&mdash;Henry IV's Attempt to Confederate Europe&mdash;Every International
Tribunal of Arbitration must be able to enforce its Decisions&mdash;The
Influences making for the Abolition of Warfare&mdash;(1)
Growth of International Opinion&mdash;(2) International Financial
Development&mdash;(3) The Decreasing Pressure of Population&mdash;(4)
The Natural Exhaustion of the Warlike Spirit&mdash;(5) The Spread
of Anti-military Doctrines&mdash;(6) The overgrowth of Armaments&mdash;(7)
The Dominance of Social Reform&mdash;War Incompatible with an
Advanced Civilization&mdash;Nations as Trustees for Humanity&mdash;The
Impossibility of Disarmament&mdash;The Necessity of Force to ensure
Peace&mdash;The Federated State of the Future&mdash;The Decay of War
still leaves the Possibilities of Daring and Heroism.</p></blockquote>


<p>There are, no doubt, special reasons why at
the present time war and the armaments of
war should appear an intolerable burden which
must be thrown off as soon as possible if the task of social
hygiene is not to be seriously impeded. But the abolition
of the ancient method of settling international disputes
by warfare is not a problem which depends for its solution
on the conditions of the moment. It is implicit in the
natural development of the process of civilization. At
one stage, no doubt, warfare plays an important part in
constituting states and so, indirectly, in promoting
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>
civilization. But civilization tends slowly but surely to
substitute for war in the later stages of this process the
methods of law, or, in any case, methods which, while
not always unobjectionable, avoid the necessity for any
breach of the peace.<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> As soon, indeed, as in primitive
society two individuals engage in a dispute which they
are compelled to settle not by physical force but by a
resort to an impartial tribunal, the thin end of the wedge
is introduced, and the ultimate destruction of war becomes
merely a matter of time. If it is unreasonable for
two individuals to fight it is unreasonable for two groups
of individuals to fight.<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p>


<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
The difficulty has been that while it is quite easy for
an ordered society to compel two individuals to settle
their differences before a tribunal, in accordance with
abstractly determined principles of law and reason, it is a
vastly more difficult matter to compel two groups of
individuals so to settle their differences. A large part of
the history of all the great European countries has consisted
in the progressive conquest and pacification of
small but often bellicose states outside, and even inside,
their own borders.<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> This is the case even within a
community. Hobbes, writing in the midst of a civil war,
went so far as to lay down that the "final cause" of a
commonwealth is nothing else but the abolition of "that
miserable condition of war which is necessarily consequent
to the natural passions of men when there is no visible
power to keep them in awe." Yet we see to-day that even
within our highly civilized communities there is not always
any adequately awful power to prevent employers and
employed from engaging in what is little better than a
civil war, nor even to bind them to accept the decision of
an impartial tribunal they may have been persuaded
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
to appeal to. The smallest state can compel its individual
citizens to keep the peace; a large state can compel a
small state to do so; but hitherto there has been no
guarantee possible that large states, or even large compact
groups within the state, should themselves keep the
peace. They commit what injustice they please, for there
is no visible power to keep them in awe. We have attained
a condition in which a state is able to enforce a legal and
peaceful attitude in its own individual citizens towards
each other. The state is the guardian of its citizens'
peace, but the old problem recurs: <i>Quis custodiet ipsos
custodes?</i></p>

<p>It is obvious that this difficulty increases as the size of
states increases. To compel a small state to keep the
peace by absorbing it if it fails to do so is always an easy
and even tempting process to a neighbouring larger state.
This process was once carried out on a complete scale,
when practically the whole known world was brought under
the sway of Rome. "War has ceased," Plutarch was able
to declare in the days of the Roman Empire, and, though
himself an enthusiastic Greek, he was unbounded in his
admiration of the beneficence of the majestic <i>Pax Romana</i>,
and never tempted by any narrow spirit of patriotism to
desire the restoration of his own country's glories. But
the Roman organization broke up, and no single state
will ever be strong enough to restore it.</p>

<p>Any attempt to establish orderly legal relationships
between states must, therefore, be carried out by the
harmonious co-operation of those states. At the end of
the sixteenth century a great French statesman, Sully,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
inspired Henry IV with a scheme of a Council of Confederated
European Christian States; each of these
states, fifteen in number, was to send four representatives
to the Council, which was to sit at Metz or Cologne and
regulate the differences between the constituent states of
the Confederation. The army of the Confederation was to
be maintained in common, and used chiefly to keep the
peace, to prevent one sovereign from interfering with any
other, and also, if necessary, to repel invasion of barbarians
from without. The scheme was arranged in
concert with Queen Elizabeth, and twelve of the fifteen
Powers had already promised their active co-operation
when the assassination of Henry destroyed the whole
plan. Such a Confederation was easier to arrange then
than it is now, but probably it was more difficult to maintain,
and it can scarcely be said that at that date the
times were ripe for so advanced a scheme.
<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p>

<p>To-day the interests of small states are so closely
identified with peace that it is seldom difficult to exert
pressure on them to maintain it. It is quite another
matter with the large states. The fact that during the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
past half century so much has been done by the larger
states to aid the cause of international arbitration, and
to submit disputes to international tribunals, shows how
powerful the motives for avoiding war are nowadays
becoming. But the fact, also, that no country hitherto
has abandoned its liberty of withdrawing from peaceful
arbitration any question involving "national honour"
shows that there is no constituted power strong enough
to control large states. For the reservation of questions
of national honour from the sphere of law is as absurd
as would be any corresponding limitation by individuals
of their liability for their acts before the law; it is as
though a man were to say: "If I commit a theft I am
willing to appear before the court, and will probably pay
the penalty demanded; but if it is a question of murder,
then my vital interests are at stake, and I deny altogether
the right of the court to intervene." It is a reservation
fatal to peace, and could not be accepted if pleaded at
the bar of any international tribunal with the power to
enforce its decisions. "Imagine," says Edward Jenks,
in his <i>History of Politics</i>, "a modern judge 'persuading'
Mr. William Sikes to 'make it up' with the relatives of
his victim, and, on his remaining obdurate, leaving the
two families to fight the matter out." Yet that is what
was in some degree done in England until medieval times
as regards individual crimes, and it is what is still done
as regards national crimes, in so far as the appeal to
arbitration is limited and voluntary. The proposals,
therefore&mdash;though not yet accepted by any Government&mdash;lately
mooted in the United States, in England, and in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
France, to submit international disputes, without reservation,
to an impartial tribunal represent an advance
of peculiar significance.</p>

<p>The abolition of collective fighting is so desirable an
extension of the abolition of individual fighting, and its
introduction has waited so long the establishment of
some high compelling power&mdash;for the influence of the
Religion of Peace has in this matter been less than nil&mdash;that
it is evident that only the coincidence of very
powerful and peculiar factors could have brought the
question into the region of practical politics in our own
time. There are several such factors, most of which have
been developing during a long period, but none have been
clearly recognized until recent years. It may be worth
while to indicate the great forces now warring against war.</p>

<p>(1) <i>Growth of International Opinion.</i> There can be no
doubt whatever that during recent years, and especially
in the more democratic countries, an international consensus
of public opinion has gradually grown up, making
itself the voice, like a Greek chorus, of an abstract justice.
It is quite true that of this justice, as of justice generally,
it may be said that it has wide limits. Renan declared
once, in a famous allocution, that "what is called indulgence
is, most often, only justice," and, at the other
extreme, Remy de Gourmont has said that "injustice is
sometimes a part of justice;" in other words, there are
varying circumstances in which justice may properly
be tempered either with mercy or with severity. In any
case, and however it may be qualified; a popular international
voice generously pronouncing itself in favour of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
justice, and resonantly condemning any Government
which clashes against justice, is now a factor of the international
situation. It is, moreover, tending to become a
factor having a certain influence on affairs. This was the
case during the South African War, when England, by
offending this international sense of justice, fell into a
discredit which had many actual unpleasant results and
narrowly escaped, there is some reason to believe, proving
still more serious. The same voice was heard with
dramatically sudden and startling effect when Ferrer
was shot at Barcelona. Ferrer was a person absolutely
unknown to the man in the street; he was indeed little
more than a name even to those who knew Spain; few
could be sure, except by a kind of intuition, that he was
the innocent victim of a judicial murder, for it is only now
that the fact is being slowly placed beyond dispute. Yet
immediately after Ferrer was shot within the walls of
Monjuich a great shout of indignation was raised, with
almost magical suddenness and harmony, throughout the
civilized world, from Italy to Belgium, from England to
Argentina. Moreover, this voice was so decisive and so
loud that it acted like those legendary trumpet-blasts
which shattered the walls of Jericho; in a few days the
Spanish Government, with a powerful minister at its
head, had fallen. The significance of this event we cannot
easily overestimate. For the first time in history, the
voice of international public opinion, unsupported by
pressure, political, social, or diplomatic, proved potent
enough to avenge an act of injustice by destroying a
Government. A new force has appeared in the world,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
and it tends to operate against those countries which are
guilty of injustice, whether that injustice is exerted
against a State or even only against a single obscure
individual. The modern developments of telegraphy
and the Press&mdash;unfavourable as the Press is in many
respects to the cause of international harmony&mdash;have
placed in the hands of peace this new weapon against war.</p>

<p>(2) <i>International Financial Development.</i> There is
another international force which expresses itself in the
same sense. The voice of abstract justice raised against
war is fortified by the voice of concrete self-interest. The
interests of the propertied classes, and therefore of the
masses dependent upon them, are to-day so widely distributed
throughout the world that whenever any
country is plunged into a disastrous war there arises in
every other country, especially in rich and prosperous
lands with most at stake, a voice of self-interest in
harmony with the voice of justice. It is sometimes said
that wars are in the interest of capital, and of capital
alone, and that they are engineered by capitalists masquerading
under imposing humanitarian disguises. That
is doubtless true to the extent that every war cannot fail
to benefit some section of the capitalistic world, which
will therefore favour it, but it is true to that extent only.
The old notion that war and the acquisition of territories
encouraged trade by opening up new markets has proved
fallacious. The extension of trade is a matter of tariffs
rather than of war, and in any case the trade of a country
with its own acquisitions by conquest is a comparatively
insignificant portion of its total trade. But even if the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
financial advantages of war were much greater than they
are, they would be more than compensated by the disadvantages
which nowadays attend war. International
financial relationships have come to constitute a network
of interests so vast, so complicated, so sensitive, that the
whole thrills responsively to any disturbing touch, and
no one can say beforehand what widespread damage may
not be done by shock even at a single point. When a
country is at war its commerce is at once disorganized,
that is to say that its shipping, and the shipping of all
the countries that carry its freights, is thrown out of gear
to a degree that often cannot fail to be internationally
disastrous. Foreign countries cannot send in the imports
that lie on their wharves for the belligerent country, nor
can they get out of it the exports they need for their own
maintenance or luxury. Moreover, all the foreign money
invested in the belligerent country is depreciated and
imperilled. The international voice of trade and finance
is, therefore, to-day mainly on the side of peace.</p>

<p>It must be added that this voice is not, as it might
seem, a selfish voice only. It is justifiable not only in
immediate international interests, but even in the ultimate
interests of the belligerent country, and not less so
if that country should prove victorious. So far as business
and money are concerned, a country gains nothing by a
successful war, even though that war involves the acquisition
of immense new provinces; after a great war
a conquered country may possess more financial stability
than its conqueror, and both may stand lower in this
respect than some other country which is internationally
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
guaranteed against war. Such points as these have of
late been ably argued by Norman Angell in his remarkable
book, <i>The Great Illusion</i>, and for the most part convincingly
illustrated.<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>
As was long since said, the ancients
cried, <i>V&aelig; victis</i>! We have learnt to cry, <i>V&aelig;
 victoribus</i>!</p>

<p>It may, indeed, be added that the general tendency of
war&mdash;putting aside peoples altogether lacking in stamina&mdash;is
to moralize the conquered and to demoralise the
conquerors. This effect is seen alike on the material and
the spiritual sides. Conquest brings self-conceit and
intolerance, the reckless inflation and dissipation of
energies. Defeat brings prudence and concentration;
it ennobles and fortifies. All the glorious victories of the
first Napoleon achieved less for France than the crushing
defeat of the third Napoleon. The triumphs left enfeeblement;
the defeat acted as a strong tonic which is
still working beneficently to-day. The corresponding
reverse process has been at work in Germany: the
German soil that Napoleon ploughed yielded a Moltke
and a Bismarck,<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> while to-day,
however mistakenly, the German Press is crying out that only another
war&mdash;it ought in honesty to say an unsuccessful war&mdash;can restore
the nation's flaccid muscle. It is yet too early to see the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
results of the Russo-Japanese War, but already there are
signs that by industrial overstrain and the repression of
individual thought Japan is threatening to enfeeble the
physique and to destroy the high spirit of the indomitable
men to whom she owed her triumph.</p>

<p>(3) <i>The Decreasing Pressure of Population.</i> It was at
one time commonly said, and is still sometimes repeated,
that the pressure of over-population is the chief cause of
wars. That is a statement which requires a very great deal
of qualification. It is, indeed, possible that the great
hordes of warlike barbarians from the North and the East
which invaded Europe in early times, sometimes more
or less overwhelming the civilized world, were the result
of a rise in the birth-rate and an excess of population
beyond the means of subsistence. But this is far from
certain, for we know absolutely nothing concerning the
birth-rate of these invading peoples either before or
during the period of their incursions. Again, it is certain
that, in modern times, a high and rising birth-rate presents
a favourable condition for war. A war distracts
attention from the domestic disturbances and economic
wretchedness which a too rapid growth of population
necessarily produces, while at the same time tending to
draw away and destroy the surplus population which
causes this disturbance and wretchedness. Yet there are
other ways of meeting this over-population beside the
crude method of war. Social reform and emigration
furnish equally effective and much more humane methods
of counteracting such pressure. No doubt the over-population
resulting from an excessively high birth-rate,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
when not met, as it tends to be, by a correspondingly high
death-rate from disease, may be regarded as a predisposing
cause of war, but to assert that it is the pre-eminent
cause is to go far beyond the evidence at present
available.</p>

<p>To whatever degree, however, it may have been potent
in causing war in the past, it is certain that the pressure
of population as a cause of war will be eliminated in the
future. The only nations nowadays that can afford to
make war on the grand scale are the wealthy and civilized
nations. But civilization excludes a high birth-rate:
there has never been any exception to that law, nor can we
conceive any exceptions, for it is more than a social law;
it is a biological law. Russia, a still imperfectly civilized
country, stands apart in having a very high birth-rate,
but it also has a very high death-rate, and even should it
happen that in Russia improved social conditions lower
the death-rate before affecting the birth-rate, there is
still ample room within Russian territory for the consequent
increase of population. Among all the other nations
which are considered to threaten the world's peace, the
birth-rate is rapidly falling. This is so, for instance,
as regards England and Germany. Germany, especially,
it was once thought&mdash;though in actual fact Germany has
not fought for over forty years&mdash;had an interest in going to
war in order to find an outlet for her surplus population,
compelled, in the absence of suitable German colonies,
to sacrifice its patriotism and lose its nationality by
emigrating to foreign countries. But the German birth-rate
is falling, German emigration is decreasing, and the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
immense growth of German industry is easily able to
absorb the new generation. Thus the declining birth-rate
of civilized lands will alone largely serve in the end to
eliminate warfare, partly by removing one of its causes,
partly because the increased value of human life will make
war too costly.</p>

<p>(4) <i>The Natural Exhaustion of the Warlike Spirit.</i>
It is a remarkable tendency of the warlike spirit&mdash;frequently
emphasized in recent years by the distinguished
zoologist, President D.S. Jordan, who here follows
Novikov<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>&mdash;that
it tends to exterminate itself. Fighting
stocks, and peoples largely made up of fighting stocks, are
naturally killed out, and the field is left to the unwarlike.
It is only the prudent, those who fight and run away,
who live to fight another day; and they transmit their
prudence to their offspring. Great Britain is a conspicuous
example of a land which, being an island, was necessarily
peopled by predatory and piratical invaders. A
long series of warlike and adventurous peoples&mdash;Celts,
Romans, Anglo-Saxons, Danes, Normans&mdash;built up England
and imparted to it their spirit. The English were, it
was said, "a people for whom pain and death are nothing,
and who only fear hunger and boredom." But for over
eight hundred years they have never been reinforced by
new invaders, and the inevitable consequences have
followed. There has been a gradual killing out of the
warlike stocks, a process immensely accelerated during the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
nineteenth century by a vast emigration of the more
adventurous elements in the population, pressed out of
the overcrowded country by the reckless and unchecked
increase of the population which occurred during the first
three-quarters of that century. The result is that the
English (except sometimes when they happen to be
journalists) cannot now be described as a warlike people.
Old legends tell of British heroes who, when their legs
were hacked away, still fought upon the stumps. Modern
poets feel that to picture a British warrior of to-day in
this attitude would be somewhat far-fetched. The
historian of the South African War points out, again and
again, that the British leaders showed a singular lack of
the fighting spirit. During that war English generals
seldom cared to engage the enemy's forces except when
their own forces greatly outnumbered them, and on many
occasions they surrendered immediately they realized
that they were themselves outnumbered. Those reckless
Englishmen who boldly sailed out from their little island
to face the Spanish Armada were long ago exterminated;
an admirably prudent and cautious race has been left
alive.</p>

<p>It is the same story elsewhere. The French long
cherished the tradition of military glory, and no country
has fought so much. We see the result to-day. In no
country is the attitude of the intellectual classes so calm
and so reasonable on the subject of war, and nowhere is
the popular hostility to war so strongly marked.
<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> Spain
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
furnishes another instance which is even still more decisive.
The Spanish were of old a pre-eminently warlike
people, capable of enduring all hardships, never fearing
to face death. Their aggressively warlike and adventurous
spirit sent them to death all over the world. It cannot
be said, even to-day, that the Spaniards have lost their
old tenacity and hardness of fibre, but their passion for
war and adventure was killed out three centuries ago.</p>

<p>In all these and the like cases there has been a
process of selective breeding, eliminating the soldierly
stocks and leaving the others to breed the race. The
men who so loved fighting that they fought till they died
had few chances of propagating their own warlike impulses.
The men who fought and ran away, the men who
never fought at all, were the men who created the new
generation and transmitted to it their own traditions.</p>

<p>This selective process, moreover, has not merely acted
automatically; it has been furthered by social opinion
and social pressure, sometimes very drastically expressed.
Thus in the England of the Plantagenets there grew up a
class called "gentlemen"&mdash;not, as has sometimes been
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
supposed, a definitely defined class, though they were
originally of good birth&mdash;whose chief characteristic
was that they were good fighting men, and sought
fortune by fighting. The "premier gentleman" of
England, according to Sir George Sitwell, and an entirely
typical representative of his class, was a certain
glorious hero who fought with Talbot at Agincourt, and
also, as the unearthing of obscure documents shows, at
other times indulged in housebreaking, and in wounding
with intent to kill, and in "procuring the murder of one
Thomas Page, who was cut to pieces while on his knees
begging for his life." There, evidently, was a state of
society highly favourable to the warlike man, highly
unfavourable to the unwarlike man whom he slew in his
wrath. Nowadays, however, there has been a revaluation
of these old values. The cowardly and no doubt plebeian
Thomas Page, multiplied by the million, has succeeded
in hoisting himself into the saddle, and he revenges himself
by discrediting, hunting into the slums, and finally
hanging, every descendant he can find of the premier
gentleman of Agincourt.</p>

<p>It must be added that the advocates of the advantages
of war are not entitled to claim this process of selective
breeding as one of the advantages of war. It is quite true
that war is incompatible with a high civilization, and must
in the end be superseded. But this method of suppressing
it is too thorough. It involves not merely the extermination
of the fighting spirit, but of many excellent
qualities, physical and moral, which are associated with
the fighting spirit. Benjamin Franklin seems to have
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
been the first to point out that "a standing army diminishes
the size and breed of the human species." Almost
in Franklin's lifetime that was demonstrated on a
wholesale scale, for there seems little reason to doubt
that the size and stature of the French nation have been
permanently diminished by the constant levies of young
recruits, the flower of the population, whom Napoleon
sent out to death in their first manhood and still childless.
Fine physical breed involves also fine qualities of virility
and daring which are needed for other purposes than
fighting. In so far as the selective breeding of war kills
these out, its results are imperfect, and could be better
attained by less radical methods.</p>

<p>(5) <i>The Growth of the Anti-Military Spirit.</i> The decay
of the warlike spirit by the breeding out of fighting
stocks has in recent years been reinforced by a more acute
influence of which in the near future we shall certainly
hear more. This is the spirit of anti-militarism. This
spirit is an inevitable result of the decay of the fighting
spirit. In a certain sense it is also complementary to it.
The survival of non-fighting stocks by the destruction
of the fighting stocks works most effectually in countries
having a professional army. The anti-military spirit, on
the contrary, works effectually in countries having a
national army in which it is compulsory for all young
citizens to serve, for it is only in such countries that the
anti-militarist can, by refusing to serve, take an influential
position as a martyr in the cause of peace.</p>

<p>Among the leading nations, it is in France that the
spirit of anti-militarism has taken the deepest hold of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
the people, though in some smaller lands, notably among
the obstinately peaceable inhabitants of Holland, the same
spirit also flourishes. Herv&eacute;, who is a leader of the
insurrectional socialists, as they are commonly called
in opposition to the purely parliamentary socialists led
by Jaur&egrave;s,&mdash;though the insurrectional socialists also use
parliamentary methods,&mdash;may be regarded as the most
conspicuous champion of anti-militarism, and many of
his followers have suffered imprisonment as the penalty
of their convictions. In France the peasant proprietors
in the country and the organized workers in the town are
alike sympathetic to anti-militarism. The syndicalists,
or labour unionists with the Conf&eacute;d&eacute;ration G&eacute;n&eacute;rale du
Travail as their central organization, are not usually
anxious to imitate what they consider the unduly timid
methods of English trade unionists;
<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> they tend to be
revolutionary and anti-military. The Congress of delegates
of French Trade Unions, held at Toulouse in 1910, passed
the significant resolution that "a declaration of war
should be followed by the declaration of a general revolutionary
strike." The same tendency, though in a less
radical form, is becoming international, and the great
International Socialist Congress at Copenhagen has passed
a resolution instructing the International Bureau to "take
the opinion of the organized workers of the world on the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
utility of a general strike in preventing war."
<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> Even the
English working classes are slowly coming into line. At
a Conference of Labour Delegates, held at Leicester in
1911, to consider the Copenhagen resolution, the policy
of the anti-military general strike was defeated by only
a narrow majority, on the ground that it required further
consideration, and might be detrimental to political
action; but as most of the leaders are in favour of the
strike policy there can be no doubt that this method of
combating war will shortly be the accepted policy of the
English Labour movement. In carrying out such a
policy the Labour Party expects much help from the
growing social and political power of women. The most
influential literary advocate of the Peace movement, and
one of the earliest, has been a woman, the Baroness
Bertha von Suttner, and it is held to be incredible that
the wives and mothers of the people will use their power
to support an institution which represents the most
brutal method of destroying their husbands and sons.
"The cause of woman," says Novikov, "is the cause of
peace." "We pay the first cost on all human life," says
Olive Schreiner.<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
The anti-militarist, as things are at present, exposes
himself not only to the penalty of imprisonment, but also
to obloquy. He has virtually refused to take up arms in
defence of his country; he has sinned against patriotism.
This accusation has led to a counter-accusation directed
against the very idea of patriotism. Here the writings of
Tolstoy, with their poignant and searching appeals for
the cause of humanity as against the cause of patriotism,
have undoubtedly served the anti-militarists well, and
wherever the war against war is being urged, even so far
as Japan, Tolstoy has furnished some of its keenest
weapons. Moreover, in so far as anti-militarism is advocated
by the workers, they claim that international
interests have already effaced and superseded the narrower
interests of patriotism. In refusing to fight, the workers
of a country are simply declaring their loyalty to fellow-workers
on the other side of the frontier, a loyalty which
has stronger claims on them, they hold, than any patriotism
which simply means loyalty to capitalists;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
geographical frontiers are giving place to economic
frontiers, which now alone serve to separate enemies.
And if, as seems probable, when the next attempt is made
at a great European war, the order for mobilization is
immediately followed in both countries by the declaration
of a general strike, there will be nothing to say against
such a declaration even from the standpoint of the
narrowest patriotism, although there may be much to say
on other grounds against the policy of the general strike.
<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>

<p>If we realize what is going on around us, it is easy to
see that the anti-militarist movement is rapidly reaching
a stage when it will be easily able, even unaided, to
paralyse any war immediately and automatically. The
pioneers in the movement have played the same part as
was played in the seventeenth century by the Quakers.
In the name of the Bible and their own consciences, the
Quakers refused to recognize the right of any secular
authority to compel them to worship or to fight; they
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
gained what they struggled for, and now all men honour
their memories. In the name of justice and human
fraternity, the anti-militarists are to-day taking the like
course and suffering the like penalties. To-morrow, they
also will be revered as heroes and martyrs.</p>

<p>(6) <i>The Over-growth of Armaments.</i> The hostile forces
so far enumerated have converged slowly on to war from
such various directions that they may be said to have
surrounded and isolated it; its ultimate surrender can only
be a matter of time. Of late, however, a new factor has
appeared, of so urgent a character that it is fast rendering
the question of the abolition of war acute: the over-growth
of armaments. This is, practically, a modern factor in
the situation, and while it is, on the surface, a luxury due
to the large surplus of wealth in great modern states, it
is also, if we look a little deeper, intimately connected
with that decay of the warlike spirit due to selective
breeding. It is the weak and timid woman who looks
nervously under the bed for the burglar who is the last
person she really desires to meet, and it is old, rich, and
unwarlike nations which take the lead in laboriously
protecting themselves against enemies of whom there is no
sign in any quarter. Within the last half-century only
have the nations of the world begun to compete with each
other in this timorous and costly rivalry. In the warlike
days of old, armaments in time of peace consisted in little
more than solid walls for defence, a supply of weapons
stored away here and there, sometimes in a room attached
to the parish church, and occasional martial exercises
with the sword or the bow, which were little more than
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
an amusement. The true fighting man trusted to his own
strong right arm rather than to armaments, and considered
that he was himself a match for any half-dozen
of the enemy. Even in actual time of war it was often
difficult to find either zeal or money to supply the munitions
of war. The <i>Diary</i> of the industrious Pepys, who
achieved so much for the English navy, shows that the
care of the country's ships mainly depended on a few
unimportant officials who had the greatest trouble in the
world to secure attention to the most urgent and immediate
needs.</p>

<p>A very difficult state of things prevails to-day. The
existence of a party having for its watchword the cry for
retrenchment and economy is scarcely possible in a
modern state. All the leading political parties in every
great state&mdash;if we leave aside the party of Labour&mdash;are
equally eager to pile up the expenditure on armaments.
It is the boast of each party, not that it spends less, but
more, than its rivals on this source of expenditure, now
the chief in every large state. Moreover, every new step
in expenditure involves a still further step; each new
improvement in attack or defence must immediately be
answered by corresponding or better improvements on
the part of rival powers, if they are not to be outclassed.
Every year these moves and counter-moves necessarily
become more extensive, more complex, more costly;
while each counter-move involves the obsolescence of the
improvements achieved by the previous move, so that the
waste of energy and money keeps pace with the expenditure.
It is well recognized that there is absolutely no
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
possible limit to this process and its constantly increasing
acceleration.</p>

<p>There is no need to illustrate this point, for it is familiar
to all. Any newspaper will furnish facts and figures
vividly exemplifying some aspect of the matter. For
while only a handful of persons in any country are sincerely
anxious under present conditions to reduce the
colossal sums every year wasted on the unproductive
work of armament; an increasing interest in the matter
testifies to a vague alarm and anxiety concerning the
ultimate issue. For it is felt that an inevitable crisis lies
at the end of the path down which the nations are now
moving.</p>

<p>Thus, from this point of view, the end of war is being
attained by a process radically opposite to that by which
in the social as well as in the physical organism ancient
structures and functions are outgrown. The usual
process is a gradual recession to a merely vestigial state.
But here what may perhaps be the same ultimate result
is being reached by the more alarming method of over-inflation
and threatening collapse. It is an alarming
process because those huge and heavily armed monsters
of primeval days who furnish the zoological types corresponding
to our modern over-armed states, themselves died
out from the world when their unwieldy armament had
reached its final point of expansion. Will our own modern
states, one wonders, more fortunately succeed in escaping
from the tough hides that ever more closely constrict
them, and finally save their souls alive?</p>

<p>(7) <i>The Dominance of Social Reform.</i> The final factor
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
in the situation is the growing dominance of the process
of social reform. On the one hand, the increasing complexity
of social organisation renders necessary a correspondingly
increasing expenditure of money in diminishing
its friction and aiding its elaboration; on the other
hand, the still more rapidly increasing demands of armament
render it ever more difficult to devote money to such
social purposes. Everywhere even the most elementary
provision for the finer breeding and higher well-being of
a country's citizens is postponed to the clamour for ever
new armaments. The situation thus created is rapidly
becoming intolerable.</p>

<p>It is not alone the future of civilization which is for
ever menaced by the possibility of war; the past of
civilization, with all the precious embodiments of its
traditions, is even more fatally imperilled. As the world
grows older and the ages recede, the richer, the more
precious, the more fragile, become the ancient heirlooms
of humanity. They constitute the final symbols of human
glory; they cannot be too carefully guarded, too highly
valued. But all the other dangers that threaten their
integrity and safety, if put together, do not equal war.
No land that has ever been a cradle of civilization but
bears witness to this sad truth. All the sacred citadels,
the glories of humanity,&mdash;Jerusalem and Athens, Rome
and Constantinople,&mdash;have been ravaged by war, and, in
every case, their ruin has been a disaster that can never
be repaired. If we turn to the minor glories of more
modern ages, the special treasure of England has been
its parish churches, a treasure of unique charm in the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
world and the embodiment of the people's spirit: to-day
in their battered and irreparable condition they are the
monuments of a Civil War waged all over the country
with ruthless religious ferocity. Spain, again, was a land
which had stored up, during long centuries, nearly the
whole of its accumulated possessions in every art, sacred
and secular, of fabulous value, within the walls of its
great fortress-like cathedrals; Napoleon's soldiers over-ran
the land, and brought with them rapine and destruction;
so that in many a shrine, as at Montserrat, we still
can see how in a few days they turned a Paradise into a
desert. It is not only the West that has suffered. In
China the rarest and loveliest wares and fabrics that the
hand of man has wrought were stored in the Imperial
Palace of Pekin; the savage military hordes of the West
broke in less than a century ago and recklessly trampled
down and fired all that they could not loot. In every such
case the loss is final; the exquisite incarnation of some
stage in the soul of man that is for ever gone is permanently
diminished, deformed, or annihilated.</p>

<p>At the present time all civilized countries are becoming
keenly aware of the value of their embodied artistic
possessions. This is shown, in the most decisive manner
possible, by the enormous prices placed upon them. Their
pecuniary value enables even the stupidest and most
unimaginative to realize the crime that is committed
when they are ruthlessly and wantonly destroyed. Nor
is it only the products of ancient art which have to-day
become so peculiarly valuable. The products of modern
science are only less valuable. So highly complex and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
elaborate is the mechanism now required to ensure
progress in some of the sciences that enormous sums of
money, the most delicate skill, long periods of time, are
necessary to produce it. Galileo could replace his telescope
with but little trouble; the destruction of a single
modern observatory would be almost a calamity to the
human race.</p>

<p>Such considerations as these are, indeed, at last recognized
in all civilized countries. The engines of destruction
now placed at the service of war are vastly more potent
than any used in the wars of the past. On the other hand,
the value of the products they can destroy is raised in a
correspondingly high degree. But a third factor is now
intervening. And if the museums of Paris or the
laboratories of Berlin were threatened by a hostile army
it would certainly be felt that an international power,
if it existed, should be empowered to intervene, at
whatever cost to national susceptibilities, in order to
keep the peace. Civilization, we now realize, is wrought
out of inspirations and discoveries which are for ever
passed and repassed from land to land; it cannot be
claimed by any individual land. A nation's art-products
and its scientific activities are not mere national property;
they are international possessions, for the joy and service
of the whole world. The nations hold them in trust for
humanity. The international force which will inspire
respect for that truth it is our business to create.</p>

<p>The only question that remains&mdash;and it is a question
the future alone will solve&mdash;is the particular point at
which this ancient and overgrown stronghold of war, now
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
being invested so vigorously from so many sides, will
finally be overthrown, whether from within or from
without, whether by its own inherent weakness, by the
persuasive reasonableness of developing civilization, by
the self-interest of the commercial and financial classes,
or by the ruthless indignation of the proletariat. That is a
problem still insoluble, but it is not impossible that some
already living may witness its solution.</p>

<p>Two centuries ago the Abb&eacute; de Saint-Pierre set forth
his scheme for a federation of the States of Europe,
which meant, at that time, a federation of all the civilised
states of the world. It was the age of great ideas, scattered
abroad to germinate in more practical ages to come.
The amiable Abb&eacute; enjoyed all the credit of his large and
philanthropic conceptions. But no one dreamed of
realizing them, and the forces which alone could realize
them had not yet appeared above the horizon.
<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> In this
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
matter, at all events, the world has progressed, and a
federation of the States of the world is no longer the mere
conception of a philosophic dreamer. The first step will
be taken when two of the leading countries of the world&mdash;and
it would be most reasonable for the states having
the closest community of origin and language to take the
initiative&mdash;resolve to submit all their differences without
reserve to arbitration. As soon as a third power of
magnitude joined this federation the nucleus would be
constituted of a world state. Such a state would be able
to impose peace on even the most recalcitrant outside
states, for it would furnish that "visible power to keep
them in awe," which Hobbes rightly declared to be
indispensable; it could even, in the last resort, if necessary,
enforce peace by war. Thus there might still be
war in the world. But there would be no wars that were
not Holy Wars. There are other methods than war of enforcing
peace, and these such a federation of great states
would be easily able to bring to bear on even the most
warlike of states, but the necessity of a mighty armed
international force would remain for a long time to come.
To suppose, as some seem to suppose, that the establishment
of arbitration in place of war means immediate
disarmament is an idle dream. At Conferences of the
English Labour Party on this question, the most active
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
opposition to the proposed strike method for rendering
war impossible comes from the delegates representing the
workers in arsenals and dockyards. But there is no
likelihood of arsenals and dockyards closing in the lifetime
of the present workers, and though the establishment
of peaceful methods of settling international disputes
cannot fail to diminish the number of the workers who
live by armament, it will be long before they can be
dispensed with altogether.</p>

<p>It is, indeed, so common to regard the person who points
out the inevitable bankruptcy of war under highly
civilized conditions as a mere Utopian dreamer, that it
becomes necessary to repeat, with all the emphasis
necessary, that the settlement of international disputes
by law cannot be achieved by disarmament, or by any
method not involving force. All law, even the law that
settles the disputes of individuals, has force behind it,
and the law that is to settle the disputes between nations
cannot possibly be effective unless it has behind it a
mighty force. I have assumed this from the outset in
quoting the dictum of Hobbes, but the point seems to be
so easily overlooked by the loose thinker that it is
necessary to reiterate it. The necessity of force behind
the law ordering international relations has, indeed, never
been disputed by any sagacious person who has occupied
himself with the matter. Even William Penn, who,
though a Quaker, was a practical man of affairs, when in
1693 he put forward his <i>Essay Towards the Present and
Future Peace of Europe by the Establishment of a European
Diet, Parliament or Estate</i>, proposed that if any imperial
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
state refused to submit its pretensions to the sovereign
assembly and to abide by its decisions, or took up arms
on its own behalf, "all the other sovereignties, united as
one strength, shall compel the submission and performance
of the sentence, with damages to the suffering
party, and charges to the sovereignties that obliged their
submission." In repudiating some injudicious and
hazardous pacificist considerations put forth by Novikov,
the distinguished French philosopher, Jules de Gaultier,
points out that law has no rights against war save in
force, on which war itself bases its rights. "Force <i>in
abstracto</i> creates right. It is quite unimaginable that a
right should exist which has not been affirmed at some
moment as a reality, that is to say a force.... What we
glorify under the name of right is only a more intense and
habitual state of force which we oppose to a less frequent
form of force."<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>
The old Quaker and the modern philosopher
are thus at one with the practical man in rejecting
any form of pacification which rests on a mere appeal to
reason and justice.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
It cannot be said that the progress of civilization has
so far had any tendency to render unnecessary the point of
view adopted by Penn and Jules de Gaultier. The acts
of states to-day are apt to be just as wantonly aggressive
as they ever were, as reckless of reason and of justice.
There is no country, however high it may stand in the
comity of nations, which is not sometimes carried away
by the blind fever of war. France, the land of reason,
echoed, only forty years ago, with the mad cry, "&Agrave;
Berlin!" England, the friend of the small nationalities,
jubilantly, with even an air of heroism, crushed under foot
the little South African Republics, and hounded down
every Englishman who withstood the madness of the
crowd. The great, free intelligent people of the United
States went to war against Spain with a childlike faith in
the preposterous legend of the blowing up of the <i>Maine</i>.
There is no country which has not some such shameful
page in its history, the record of some moment when its
moral and intellectual prestige was besmirched in the
eyes of the whole world. It pays for its momentary madness,
it may valiantly strive to atone for its injustice, but
the damaging record remains. The supersession of war
is needed not merely in the interests of the victims of
aggression; it is needed fully as much in the interests of
the aggressors, driven by their own momentary passions,
or by the ambitious follies of their rulers, towards crimes
for which a terrible penalty is exacted. There has never
been any country at every moment so virtuous and so wise
that it has not sometimes needed to be saved from itself.
For every country has sometimes gone mad, while every
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
other country has looked on its madness with the mocking
calm of clear-sighted intelligence, and perhaps with a
pharisaical air of virtuous indignation.</p>

<p>During the single year of 1911 the process was unrolled
in its most complete form. The first bad move&mdash;though
it was a relatively small and inoffensive move&mdash;was made
by France. The Powers, after much deliberation, had
come to certain conclusions concerning Morocco, and
while giving France a predominant influence in that
country, had carefully limited her power of action. But
France, anxious to increase her hold on the land, sent out,
with the usual pretexts, an unnecessary expedition to Fez.
Had an international tribunal with an adequate force
behind it been in existence, France would have been
called upon to justify her action, and whether she succeeded
or failed in such justification, no further evils
would have occurred. But there was no force able or
willing to call France to account, and the other Powers
found it a simpler plan to follow her example than to
check it. In pursuance of this policy, Germany sent a
warship to the Moroccan port of Agadir, using the same
pretext as the French, with even less justification. When
the supreme military power of the world wags even a
finger the whole world is thrown into a state of consternation.
That happened on the present occasion, though,
as a matter of fact, giants are not given to reckless violence,
and Germany, far from intending to break the
world's peace, merely used her power to take advantage
of France's bad move. She agreed to condone France's
mistake, and to resign to her the Moroccan rights to which
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
neither country had the slightest legitimate claim, in
return for an enormous tract of land in another part of
Africa. Now, so far, the game had been played in accordance
with rules which, though by no means those of
abstract justice, were fairly in accordance with the
recognized practices of nations. But now another Power
was moved to far more openly unscrupulous action. It
has long been recognized that if there must be a partition
of North Africa, Italy's share is certainly Tripoli. The
action of France and of Germany stirred up in Italy the
feeling that now or never was the moment for action, and
with brutal recklessness, and the usual pretexts, now
flimsier than ever, Italy made war on Turkey, without
offer of mediation, in flagrant violation of her own undertakings
at the Hague Peace Convention of 1899. There
was now only one Mohammedan country left to attack,
and it was Russia's turn to make the attack.
Northern Persia&mdash;the most civilized and fruitful half
of Persia&mdash;had been placed under the protection of
Russia, and Russia, after cynically doing her best to
make good government in Persia impossible, seized on
the pretext of the bad government to invade the country.
If the Powers of Europe had wished to demonstrate the
necessity for a great international tribunal, with a
mighty force behind it to ensure the observance of its
decisions, they could not have devised a more effective
demonstration.</p>

<p>Thus it is that there can be no question of disarmament
at present, and that there can be no effective international
tribunal unless it has behind it an effective army. A
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
great army must continue to exist apart altogether from
the question as to whether the army in itself is a school
of virtue or of vice. Both these views of its influence have
been held in extreme forms, and both seem to be without
any great justification. On this point we may perhaps
accept the conclusion of Professor Gu&eacute;rard, who can view
the matter from a fairly impartial standpoint, having
served in the French army, closely studied the life of the
people in London, and occupied a professorial chair in
California. He denies that an army is a school of all the
vices, but he is also unable to see that it exercises an
elevating influence on any but the lowest: "A regiment
is not much worse than a big factory. Factory life in
Europe is bad enough; military service extends its evils
to agricultural labourers, and also to men who would
otherwise have escaped these lowering influences. As for
traces of moral uplift in the army, I have totally failed
to notice any. War may be a stern school of virtue;
barrack life is not. Honour, duty, patriotism, are feelings
instilled at school; they do not develop, but often deteriorate,
during the term of compulsory service."
<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></p>

<p>But, as we have seen, and as Gu&eacute;rard admits, it is
probable that wars will be abolished generations before
armies are suppressed. The question arises what we are
to do with our armies. There seem to be at least two
ways in which armies may be utilized, as we may already
see in France, and perhaps to some slight extent in
England. In the first place, the army may be made a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
great educational agency, an academy of arts and sciences,
a school of citizenship. In the second place, armies are
tending to become, as William James pointed out, the
reserve force of peace, great organized unemployed bodies
of men which can be brought into use during sudden
emergencies and national disasters. Thus the French
army performed admirable service during the great Seine
floods a few years ago, and both in France and in England
the army has been called upon to help to carry on public
duties indispensable to the welfare of the nation during
great strikes, though here it would be unfortunate if the
army came to be regarded as a mere strike-breaking
corps. Along these main lines, however, there are, as
Gu&eacute;rard has pointed out, signs of a transformation which,
while preserving armies for international use, yet point to
a compromise between the army and modern democracy.</p>

<p>It is feared by some that the reign of universal peace
will deprive them of the opportunity of exhibiting daring
and heroism. Without inquiring too carefully what use
has been made of their present opportunities by those
who express this fear, it must be said that such a fear is
altogether groundless. There are an infinite number of
positions in life in which courage is needed, as much as on
a battlefield, though, for the most part, with less risk of
that total annihilation which in the past has done so
much to breed out the courageous stocks. Moreover,
the certain establishment of peace will immensely enlarge
the scope for daring and adventure in the social sphere.
There are departments in the higher breeding and social
evolution of the race&mdash;some perhaps even involving
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
questions of life and death&mdash;where the highest courage is
needed. It would be premature to discuss them, for they
can scarcely enter the field of practical politics until war
has been abolished. But those persons who are burning
to display heroism may rest assured that the course of
social evolution will offer them every opportunity.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a>
The respective parts of war and law in the constitution of states
are clearly and concisely set forth by Edward Jenks in his little primer,
<i>A History of Politics</i>. Steinmetz, who argues in favour of the preservation
of the method of war, in his book <i>Die Philosophie des Krieges</i>
(p. 303) states that "not a single element of the warlike spirit, not one of
the psychic conditions of war, is lacking to the civilized European
peoples of to-day." That may well be, although there is much reason to
believe that they have all very considerably diminished. Such warlike
spirit as exists to-day must be considerably discounted by the fact
that those who manifest it are not usually the people who would
actually have to do the fighting. It is more important to point out
(as is done in a historical sketch of warfare by A. Sutherland, <i>Nineteenth
Century</i>, April, 1899) that, as a matter of fact, war is becoming
both less frequent and less ferocious. In England, for instance, where
at one period the population spent a great part of their time in fighting,
there has practically been no war for two and a half centuries. When
the ancient Germans swept through Spain (as Procopius, who was an eye-witness,
tells) they slew every human being they met, including women
and children, until millions had perished. The laws of war, though not
always observed, are constantly growing more humane, and Sutherland
estimates that warfare is now less than one-hundredth part as destructive
as it was in the early Middle Ages.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a>
 This inevitable extension of the sphere of law from the settlement
of disputes between individuals to disputes between individual states has
been pointed out before, and is fairly obvious. Thus Mougins-Roquefort,
a French lawyer, in his book <i>De la Solution Juridique des Conflits</i>
<i>Internationaux</i> (1889), observes that in the days of the Roman Empire,
when there was only one civilized state, any system of international
relationships was impossible, but that as soon as we have a number of
states forming units of international society there at once arises the
necessity for a system of international relationships, just as some
system of social order is necessary to regulate the relations of any
community of individuals.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a>
In England, a small and compact country, this process was
completed at a comparatively early date. In France it was not until
the days of Louis XV (in 1756) that the "last feudal brigand," as
Taine calls the Marquis de Pleumartin in Poitou, was captured and
beheaded.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a>
France, notwithstanding her military aptitude, has always
taken the pioneering part in the pacific movement of civilization.
Even at the beginning of the fourteenth century France produced an
advocate of international arbitration, Pierre Dubois (Petrus de Bosco),
the Norman lawyer, a pupil of Thomas Aquinas. In the seventeenth
century Emeric Cruc&eacute; proposed, for the first time, to admit all peoples,
without distinction of colour or religion, to be represented at some
central city where every state would have its perpetual ambassador,
these representatives forming an assembly to adjudicate on international
differences (Dubois and Cruc&eacute; have lately been studied by
Prof. Vesnitch, <i>Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique</i>, January, 1911). The
history of the various peace projects generally has been summarily
related by Lagorgette in <i>Le R&ocirc;le de la Guerre</i>, 1906, Part IV, chap.
<span class="smcap">VI</span>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a>
The same points had previously been brought forward by others,
although not so vigorously enforced. Thus the well-known Belgian
economist and publicist, Emile de Laveleye, pointed out (<i>Pall Mall
Gazette</i>, 4th August, 1888) that "the happiest countries are incontestably
the smallest: Switzerland, Norway, Luxembourg, and still
more the Republics of San Marino and Val d'Andorre"; and that "countries
in general, even when victorious, do not profit by their conquests."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a>
Bismarck himself declared that without the deep shame of the
German defeat at Jena in 1806 the revival of German national feeling
would have been impossible.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a>
D. Starr Jordan, <i>The Human Harvest</i>, 1907; J. Novikov, <i>La
Guerre et ses Pr&eacute;tendus Bienfaits</i>, 1894, chap. IV; Novikov here argued
that the selection of war eliminates not the feeble but the strong, and
tends to produce, therefore, a survival of the unfittest.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a>
"The most demoralizing features in French military life," says
Professor Gu&eacute;rard, a highly intelligent observer, "are due to an
incontestable progress in the French mind&mdash;its gradual loss of faith
and interest in military glory. Henceforth the army is considered as
useless, dangerous, a burden without a compensation. Authors of
school books may be censured for daring to print such opinions, but
the great majority of the French hold them in their hearts. Nay,
there is a prevailing suspicion among working men that the military
establishment is kept up for the sole benefit of the capitalists, and the
reckless use of troops in case of labour conflicts gives colour to the
contention." It has often happened that what the French think to-day
the world generally thinks to-morrow. There is probably a world-wide
significance in the fact that French experience is held to show
that progress in intelligence means the demoralization of the army.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a>
The influence of Syndicalism has, however, already reached the
English Labour Movement, and an ill-advised prosecution by the
English Government must have immensely aided in extending and
fortifying that influence.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a>
Some small beginnings have already been made. "The greatest
gain ever yet won for the cause of peace," writes Mr. H.W. Nevinson,
the well-known war correspondent (<i>Peace and War in the Balance</i>,
p. 47), "was the refusal of the Catalonian reservists to serve in the war
against the Riff mountaineers of Morocco in July, 1909.... So
Barcelona flared to heaven, and for nearly a week the people held the
vast city. I have seen many noble, as well as many terrible, events,
but none more noble or of finer promise than the sudden uprising of
the Catalan working people against a dastardly and inglorious war,
waged for the benefit of a few speculators in Paris and Madrid."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a>
J. Novikov, <i>Le F&eacute;d&eacute;ration de l'Europe</i>, chap. iv. Olive Schreiner,
<i>Woman and Labour</i>, chap. <span class="smcap">IV</span>.
While this is the fundamental fact,
we must remember that we cannot generalize about the ideas or
the feelings of a whole sex, and that the biological traditions of
women have been associated with a primitive period when they were
the delighted spectators of combats. "Woman," thought Nietzsche,
"is essentially unpeaceable, like the cat, however well she may
have assumed the peaceable demeanour." Steinmetz (<i>Philosophie
des Krieges</i>, p. 314), remarking that women are opposed to war in
the abstract, adds: "In practice, however, it happens that women
regard a particular war&mdash;and all wars are particular wars&mdash;with special
favour"; he remarks that the majority of Englishwomen fully shared
the war fever against the Boers, and that, on the other side, he knew
Dutch ladies in Holland, very opposed to war, who would yet have
danced with joy at that time on the news of a declaration of war
against England.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a>
The general strike, which has been especially developed by the
syndicalist Labour movement, and is now tending to spread to various
countries, is a highly powerful weapon, so powerful that its results are
not less serious than those of war. To use it against war seems to be to
cast out Beelzebub by Beelzebub. Even in Labour disputes the modern
strike threatens to become as serious and, indeed, almost as sanguinary
as the civil wars of ancient times. The tendency is, therefore, in
progressive countries, as we see in Australia, to supersede strikes by
conciliation and arbitration, just as war is tending to be superseded
by international tribunals. These two aims are, however, absolutely
distinct, and the introduction of law into the disputes between nations
can have no direct effect on the disputes between social classes. It is
quite possible, however, that it may have an indirect effect, and that
when disputes between nations are settled in an orderly manner,
social feeling will forbid disputes between classes to be settled in a
disorderly manner.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a>
The Abb&eacute; de Saint-Pierre (1658-1743), a churchman without
vocation, was a Norman of noble family, and first published his <i>M&eacute;moires
pour rendre la Paix Perpetuelle &agrave; l'Europe</i> in 1722. As Si&eacute;gler-Pascal
well shows (<i>Les Projets de l'Abb&eacute; d&eacute; Saint-Pierre</i>, 1900) he was
not a mere visionary Utopian, but an acute and far-seeing thinker, practical
in his methods, a close observer, an experimentalist, and one of
the first to attempt the employment of statistics. He was secretary to
the French plenipotentiaries who negotiated the Treaty of Utrecht, and
was thus probably put on the track of his scheme. He proposed that
the various European states should name plenipotentiaries to form a
permanent tribunal of compulsory arbitration for the settlement of
all differences. If any state took up arms against one of the allies,
the whole confederation would conjointly enter the field, at their
conjoint expense, against the offending state. He was opposed to
absolute disarmament, an army being necessary to ensure peace,
but it must be a joint army composed of contingents from each Power
in the confederation. Saint-Pierre, it will be seen, had clearly grasped
the essential facts of the situation as we see them to-day. "The author
of <i>The Project of Perpetual Peace</i>" concludes Prof. Pierre Robert in a
sympathetic summary of his career (Petit de Julleville, <i>Histoire de la
Langue et de la Litt&eacute;rature Fran&ccedil;aise</i>, Vol. VI), "is the precursor of
the twentieth century." His statue, we cannot doubt, will be a conspicuous
object, beside Sully's, on the future Palace of any international
tribunal.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a>
Jules de Gaultier, "Comment Naissent les Dogmes," <i>Mercure
de France</i>, 1st Sept., 1911. Jules de Gaultier also observes that "conflict
is the law and condition of all existence." That may be admitted,
but it ceases to be true if we assume, as the same thinker assumes,
that "conflict" necessarily involves "war." The establishment of
law to regulate the disputes between individuals by no means suppresses
conflict, but it suppresses fighting, and it ensures that if any
fighting occur the aggressor shall not profit by his aggression. In the
same way the existence of a tribunal to regulate the disputes between
national communities of individuals can by no means suppress conflict;
but unless it suppresses fighting, and unless it ensures that if
fighting occurs the aggressor shall not profit by his aggression, it will
have effected nothing.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a>
A.L. Gu&eacute;rard, "Impressions of Military Life in France," <i>Popular
Science Monthly</i>, April, 1911.</p></div>



<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="CHAPXI" id="CHAPXI"></a>XI</h3>

<h3>THE PROBLEM OF AN INTERNATIONAL
LANGUAGE</h3>

<blockquote><p>Early Attempts to Construct an International Language&mdash;The Urgent
Need of an Auxiliary Language To-day&mdash;Volap&uuml;k&mdash;The Claims of
Spanish&mdash;Latin&mdash;The Claims of English&mdash;Its Disadvantages&mdash;The
Claims of French&mdash;Its Disadvantages&mdash;The Modern Growth of
National Feeling opposed to Selection of a Natural Language&mdash;Advantages
of an Artificial Language&mdash;Demands it must fulfil&mdash;Esperanto&mdash;Its
Threatened Disruption&mdash;The International Association
for the adoption of an Auxiliary International Language&mdash;The
First Step to Take.</p></blockquote>

<p>Ever since the decay of Latin as the universal
language of educated people, there have been
attempts to replace it by some other medium
of international communication. That decay was inevitable;
it was the outward manifestation of a movement
of individualism which developed national languages
and national literatures, and burst through the restraining
envelope of an authoritarian system expounded in an
official language. This individualism has had the freest
play, and we are not likely to lose all that it has given us.
Yet as soon as it was achieved the more distinguished
spirits in every country began to feel the need of counterbalancing
it. The history of the movement may be said
to begin with Descartes, who in 1629 wrote to his friend
Mersenne that it would be possible to construct an artificial
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
language which could be used as an international
medium of communication. Leibnitz, though he had
solved the question for himself, writing some of his works
in Latin and others in French, was yet all his life more or
less occupied with the question of a universal language.
Other men of the highest distinction&mdash;Pascal, Condillac,
Voltaire, Diderot, Amp&egrave;re, Jacob Grimm&mdash;have sought
or desired a solution to this problem.<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> None of these
great men, however, succeeded even in beginning an
attempt to solve the problem they were concerned
with.</p>

<p>Some forty years ago, however, the difficulty began
again to be felt, this time much more keenly and more
widely than before. The spread of commerce, the
facility of travel, the ramifications of the postal service,
the development of new nationalities and new literatures,
have laid upon civilized peoples a sense of burden and
restriction which could never have been felt by their
forefathers in the previous century. Added to this, a
new sense of solidarity had been growing up in the world;
the financial and commercial solidarity, by which any
disaster or disturbance in one country causes a wave of
disaster or disturbance to pass over the whole civilized
globe, was being supplemented by a sense of spiritual
solidarity. Men began to realize that the tasks of civilization
cannot be carried out except by mutual understanding
and mutual sympathy among the more civilized
nations, that every nation has something to learn from
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
other nations, and that the bonds of international intercourse
must thus be drawn closer. This feeling of the
need of an international language led in America to
several serious attempts to obtain a consensus of opinion
among scientific men regarding an international language.
Thus in 1888 the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia,
the oldest of American learned societies, unanimously
resolved, on the initiative of Brinton, to address a letter
to learned societies throughout the world, asking for
their co-operation in perfecting a language for commercial
and learned purposes, based on the Aryan vocabulary and
grammar in their simplest forms, and to that end proposing
an international congress, the first meeting of
which should be held in Paris or London. In the same
year Horatio Hale read a paper on the same subject
before the American Association for the Advancement of
Science. A little later, in 1890, it was again proposed at
a meeting of the same Association that, in order to consider
the question of the construction and adoption of a
symmetrical and scientific language, a congress should
be held, delegates being in proportion to the number
of persons speaking each language.</p>

<p>These excellent proposals seem, however, to have borne
little fruit. It is always an exceedingly difficult matter to
produce combined action among scientific societies even
of the same nation. Thus the way has been left open for
individuals to adopt the easier but far less decisive or
satisfactory method of inventing a new language by their
own unaided exertions. Certainly over a hundred such
languages have been proposed during the past century.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
The most famous of these was undoubtedly Volap&uuml;k,
which was invented in 1880 by Schleyer, a German-Swiss
priest who knew many languages and had long pondered
over this problem, but who was not a scientific philologist;
the actual inception of the language occurred in a
dream. Volap&uuml;k was almost the first real attempt at an
organic language capable of being used for the oral transmission
of thought. On this account, no doubt, it met
with great and widespread success; it was actively taken
up by a professor at Paris, societies were formed for its
propagation, journals and hundreds of books were
published in it; its adherents were estimated at a million.
But its success, though brilliant, was short-lived. In
1889, when the third Volap&uuml;k Congress was held, it was
at the height of its success, but thereafter dissension
arose, and its reputation suddenly collapsed. No one
now speaks Volap&uuml;k; it is regarded as a hideous monstrosity,
even by those who have the most lively faith in
artificial languages. Its inventor has outlived his language,
and, like it, has been forgotten by the world,
though his achievement was a real step towards the
solution of the problem.</p>

<p>The collapse of Volap&uuml;k discouraged thoughtful persons
from expecting any solution of the problem in an artificial
language. It seemed extremely improbable that any
invented language, least of all the unaided product of a
single mind, could ever be generally accepted, or be
worthy of general acceptance, as an international mode
of communication. Such a language failed to carry the
prestige necessary to overcome the immense inertia
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
which any attempt to adopt it would meet with. Invented
languages, the visionary schemes of idealists,
apparently received no support from practical men of
affairs. It seemed to be among actual languages, living
or dead, that we might most reasonably expect to find
a medium of communication likely to receive wide support.
The difficulty then lay in deciding which language should
be selected.</p>

<p>Russian had sometimes been advocated as the universal
language for international purposes, and it is possible to
point to the enormous territory of Russia, its growing
power and the fact that Russian is the real or official
language of a larger number of people than any other
language except English. But Russian is so unlike the
Latin and Teutonic tongues, used by the majority of
European peoples; it is so complicated, so difficult to
acquire, and, moreover, so lacking in concision that it has
never had many enthusiastic advocates.</p>

<p>The virtues and defects of Spanish, which has found
many enthusiastic supporters, are of an opposite character.
It is an admirably vigorous and euphonious
language, on a sound phonetic basis, every letter always
standing for a definite sound; the grammar is simple
and exceptionally free from irregularities, and it is the
key to a great literature. Billroth, the distinguished
Austrian surgeon, advocated the adoption of Spanish;
he regarded English as really more suitable, but, he
pointed out, it is so difficult for the Latin races to speak
non-Latin tongues that a Romance language is essential,
and Spanish is the simplest and most logical of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
Romance tongues.<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> It is, moreover, spoken by a vast
number of people in South America and elsewhere.</p>

<p>A few enthusiasts have advocated Greek, and have
supported their claim with the argument that it is still a
living language. But although Greek is the key to a small
but precious literature, and is one of the sources of latter-day
speech and scientific terminology, it is difficult, it is
without special adaptation to modern uses, and there are
no adequate reasons why it should be made an international
language.</p>

<p>Latin cannot be dismissed quite so hastily. It has in
its favour the powerful argument that it has once already
been found adequate to serve as the universal language.
There is a widespread opinion to-day among the medical
profession&mdash;the profession most actively interested
in the establishment of a universal language&mdash;that Latin
should be adopted, and before the International Medical
Congress at Rome in 1894, a petition to this effect was
presented by some eight hundred doctors in India.
<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> It is
undoubtedly an admirable language, expressive, concentrated,
precise. But the objections are serious. The
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
relative importance of Latin to-day is very far from what
it was a thousand years ago, for conditions have wholly
changed. There is now no great influence, such as the
Catholic Church was of old, to enforce Latin, even if it
possessed greater advantages. And the advantages are
very mixed. Latin is a wholly dead tongue, and except in
a degenerate form not by any means an easy one to learn,
for its genius is wholly opposed to the genius even of
those modern languages which are most closely allied to
it. The world never returns on its own path. Although
the prestige of Latin is still enormous, a language could
only be brought from death to life by some widespread
motor force; such a force no longer exists behind Latin.</p>

<p>There remain English and French, and these are undoubtedly
the two natural languages most often put
forward&mdash;even outside England and France&mdash;as possessing
the best claims for adoption as auxiliary international
mediums of communication.</p>

<p>English, especially, was claimed by many, some
twenty years ago, to be not merely the auxiliary language
of the future, but the universal language which must
spread all over the world and supersede and drive out all
others by a kind of survival of the fittest. This notion
of a universal language is now everywhere regarded as a
delusion, but at that time there was still thought by
many to be a kind of special procreative activity in the
communities of Anglo-Saxon origin which would naturally
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
tend to replace all other peoples, both the people and the
language being regarded as the fittest to survive.
<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> English
was, however, rightly felt to be a language with very
great force behind it, being spoken by vast communities
possessing a peculiarly energetic and progressive temperament,
and with much power of peaceful penetration in
other lands. It is generally acknowledged also that
English fully deserves to be ranked as one of the first of
languages by its fine aptitude for powerful expression,
while at the same time it is equally fitted for routine
commercial purposes. The wide extension of English
and its fine qualities have often been emphasized, and it
is unnecessary to dwell on them here. The decision of
the scientific societies of the world to use English for
bibliographical purposes is not entirely a tribute to
English energy in organization, but to the quality of the
language. One finds, indeed, that these facts are widely
recognized abroad, in France and elsewhere, though I have
noted that those who foretell the conquest of English,
even when they are men of intellectual distinction and
able to read English, are often quite unable to speak it or
to understand it when spoken.</p>

<p>That brings us to a point which is overlooked by those
who triumphantly pointed to the natural settlement of
this question by the swamping of other tongues in the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
overflowing tide of English speech. English is the most
concise and laconic of the great languages. Greek, French
and German are all more expansive, more syllabically
copious. Latin alone may be said to equal, or surpass
English in concentration, because, although Latin words
are longer on the average, by their greater inflection they
cover a larger number of English words. This power of
English to attain expression with a minimum expenditure
of energy in written speech is one of its chief claims to
succeed Latin as the auxiliary international language.
But it furnishes no claim to preference for actual speaking,
in which this economy of energy ceases to be a
supreme virtue, since here we have also to admit the
virtues of easy intelligibility and of persuasiveness.
Greek largely owed its admirable fitness for speech to the
natural richness and prolongation of its euphonious
words, which allowed the speaker to attain the legitimate
utterance of his thought without pauses or superfluous
repetition. French, again, while by no means inapt for
concentration, as the <i>pens&eacute;e</i> writers show, most easily
lends itself to effects that are meant for speech, as in
Bossuet, or that recall speech, as in Mme de Sevign&eacute; in
one order of literature, or Renan in another. But at
Rome, we feel, the spoken tongue had a difficulty to
overcome, and the mellifluously prolonged rhetoric of
Cicero, delightful as it may be, scarcely seems to reveal
to us the genius of the Latin tongue. The inaptitude of
English for the purposes of speech is even more conspicuous,
and is again well illustrated in our oratory.
Gladstone was an orator of acknowledged eloquence,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
but the extreme looseness and redundancy into which
his language was apt to fall in the effort to attain the
verbose richness required for the ends of spoken speech,
reveals too clearly the poverty of English from this point
of view. The same tendency is also illustrated by the
vain re-iterations of ordinary speakers. The English
intellect, with all its fine qualities, is not sufficiently
nimble for either speaker or hearer to keep up with the
swift brevity of the English tongue. It is a curious fact
that Great Britain takes the lead in Europe in the prevalence
of stuttering; the language is probably a factor
in this evil pre-eminence, for it appears that the Chinese,
whose language is powerfully rhythmic, never stutter.
One authority has declared that "no nation in the
civilized world speaks its language so abominably as the
English." We can scarcely admit that this English
difficulty of speech is the result of some organic defect
in English nervous systems; the language itself must be a
factor in the matter. I have found, when discussing the
point with scientific men and others abroad, that the
opinion prevails that it is usually difficult to follow a
speaker in English. This experience may, indeed, be
considered general. While an admirably strong and concise
language, English is by no means so adequate in
actual speech; it is not one of the languages which can be
heard at a long distance, and, moreover, it lends itself
in speaking to so many contractions that are not used in
writing&mdash;so many "can'ts" and "won'ts" and "don'ts,"
which suit English taciturnity, but slur and ruin English
speech&mdash;that English, as spoken, is almost a different
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
language from that which excites admiration when
written. So that the exclusive use of English for international
purposes would not be the survival of the fittest
so far as a language for speaking purposes is concerned.</p>

<p>Moreover, it must be remembered that English is not a
democratic language. It is not, like the chief Romance
languages and the chief Teutonic languages, practically
homogeneous, made out of one block. It is formed by the
mixture of two utterly unlike elements, one aristocratic,
the other plebeian. Ever since the Norman lord came
over to England a profound social inequality has become
rooted in the very language. In French, <i>b[oe]uf</i> and <i>mouton</i>
and <i>veau</i> and <i>porc</i> have always been the same for master
and for man, in the field and on the table; the animal has
never changed its plebeian name for an aristocratic name
as it passed through the cook's hands. That example is
typical of the curious mark which the Norman Conquest
left on our speech, rendering it so much more difficult for
us than for the French to attain equality of social intercourse.
Inequality is stamped indelibly into our language
as into no other great language. Of course, from the
literary point of view, that is all gain, and has been of incomparable
aid to our poets in helping them to reach their
most magnificent effects, as we may see conspicuously in
Shakespeare's enormous vocabulary. But from the point
of view of equal social intercourse, this wealth of language
is worse than lost, it is disastrous. The old feudal distinctions
are still perpetuated; the "man" still speaks
his "plain Anglo-Saxon," and the "gentleman" still
speaks his refined Latinized speech. In every language,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
it is true, there are social distinctions in speech, and every
language has its slang. But in English these distinctions
are perpetuated in the very structure of the language.
Elsewhere the working-class speak&mdash;with a little difference
in the quality&mdash;a language needing no substantial
transformation to become the language of society, which
differs from it in quality rather than in kind. But
the English working man feels the need to translate
his common Anglo-Saxon speech into foreign words of
Latin origin. It is difficult for the educated person in
England to understand the struggle which the uneducated
person goes through to speak the language of the educated,
although the unsatisfactory result is sufficiently conspicuous.
But we can trace the operation of a similar
cause in the hesitancy of the educated man himself when
he attempts to speak in public and is embarrassed by the
search for the set of words most suited for dignified
purposes.</p>

<p>Most of those who regarded English as the coming
world-language admitted that it would require improvement
for general use. The extensive and fundamental
character of the necessary changes is not, however,
realized. The difficulties of English are of four kinds:
(1) its special sounds, very troublesome for foreigners to
learn to pronounce, and the uncertainty of its accentuation;
(2) its illogical and chaotic spelling, inevitably
leading to confusions in pronunciation; (3) the grammatical
irregularities in its verbs and plural nouns; and
(4) the great number of widely different words which
are almost or quite similar in pronunciation. A vast
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
number of absurd pitfalls are thus prepared for the unwary
user of English. He must remember that the plural
of "mouse" is "mice," but that the plural of "house"
is not "hice," that he may speak of his two "sons,"
but not of his two "childs"; he will indistinguishably
refer to "sheeps" and "ships"; and like the preacher
a little unfamiliar with English who had chosen a well-known
text to preach on, he will not remember whether
"plough" is pronounced "pluff" or "plo,"
<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> and even
a phonetic spelling system would render still more
confusing the confusion between such a series of words as
"hair," "hare," "heir," "are," "ere" and "eyre."
Many of these irregularities are deeply rooted in the
structure of the language; it would be an extremely
difficult as well as extensive task to remove them, and
when the task was achieved the language would have
lost much of its character and savour; it would clash
painfully with literary English.</p>

<p>Thus even if we admitted that English ought to be the
international language of the future, the result is not so
satisfactory from a British point of view as is usually
taken for granted. All other civilized nations would be
bilingual; they would possess the key not only to their
own literature, but to a great foreign literature with all
the new horizons that a foreign literature opens out.
The English-speaking countries alone would be furnished
with only one language, and would have no stimulus to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
acquire any other language, for no other language would
be of any practical use to them. All foreigners would be
in a position to bring to the English-speaking man whatever
information they considered good for him. At first
sight this seems a gain for the English-speaking peoples,
because they would thus be spared a certain expenditure
of energy; but a very little reflection shows that such a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span>
saving of energy is like that effected by the intestinal
parasitic worm who has digested food brought ready to
his mouth. It leads to degeneracy. Not the people
whose language is learnt, but the people who learn a
language reap the benefit, spiritual and material. It is
now admitted in the commercial world that the ardour
of the Germans in learning English has brought more
advantage to the Germans than to the English. Moreover,
the high intellectual level of small nations at the
present time is due largely to the fact that all their
educated members must be familiar with one or two
languages besides their own. The great defect of the
English mind is insularity; the virtue of its boisterous
energy is accompanied by lack of insight into the differing
virtues of other peoples. If the natural course of events
led to the exclusive use of English for international
communication, this defect would be still more accentuated.
The immense value of becoming acquainted
with a foreign language is that we are thereby led into a
new world of tradition and thought and feeling. Before
we know a new language truly, we have to realize that
the words which at first seem equivalent to words in our
own language often have a totally different atmosphere, a
different rank or dignity from that which they occupy in
our own language. It is in learning this difference in the
moral connotation of a language and its expression in
literature that we reap the real benefit of knowing a
foreign tongue. There is no other way&mdash;not even residence
in a foreign land if we are ignorant of the language&mdash;to
take us out of the customary circle of our own
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
traditions. It imparts a mental flexibility and emotional
sympathy which no other discipline can yield. To ordain
that all non-English-speaking peoples should learn
English in addition to their mother tongue, and to render
it practically unnecessary for English-speakers (except
the small class of students) to learn any other language,
would be to confer an immense boon on the first group of
peoples, doubling their mental and emotional capacity;
it is to render the second group hidebound.</p>

<p>When we take a broad and impartial survey of the
question we thus see that there is reason to believe that,
while English is an admirable literary language (this is
the ground that its eulogists always take), and sufficiently
concise for commercial purposes, it is by no means an
adequate international tongue, especially for purposes
of oral speech, and, moreover, its exclusive use for this
purpose would be a misfortune for the nations already
using it, since they would be deprived of that mental
flexibility and emotional sympathy which no discipline
can give so well as knowledge of a living foreign tongue.</p>

<p>Many who realized these difficulties put forward French
as the auxiliary international language. It is quite
true that the power behind French is now relatively
less than it was two centuries ago.
<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> At that time France
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
by its relatively large population, the tradition of its
military greatness, and its influential political position,
was able to exert an immense influence; French was the
language of intellect and society in Germany, in England,
in Russia, everywhere in fact. During the eighteenth
century internal maladministration, the cataclysm of the
Revolution, and finally the fatal influence of Napoleon
alienated foreign sympathy, and France lost her commanding
position. Yet it was reasonably felt that, if a
natural language is to be used for international purposes,
after English there is no practicable alternative to French.</p>

<p>French is the language not indeed in any special
sense of science or of commerce, but of the finest human
culture. It is a well-organized tongue, capable of the
finest shades of expression, and it is the key to a great
literature. In most respects it is the best favoured child
of Latin; it commends itself to all who speak Romance
languages, and, as Alphonse de Candolle has remarked,
a Spaniard and an Italian know three-quarters of French
beforehand, and every one who has learnt Latin knows
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
half of French already. It is more admirably adapted
for speaking purposes than perhaps any other language
which has any claim to be used for international purposes,
as we should expect of the tongue spoken by a people
who have excelled in oratory, who possess such widely
diffused dramatic ability, and who have carried the arts
of social intercourse to the highest point.</p>

<p>Paris remains for most people the intellectual capital
of Europe; French is still very generally used for purposes
of intercommunication throughout Europe, while
the difficulty experienced by all but Germans and Russians
in learning English is well known. Li Hung Chang
is reported to have said that, while for commercial reasons
English is far more widely used in China than French,
the Chinese find French a much easier language to learn
to speak, and the preferences of the Chinese may one day
count for a good deal&mdash;in one direction or another&mdash;in
the world's progress. One frequently hears that the use
of French for international purposes is decaying; this
is a delusion probably due to the relatively slow growth
of the French-speaking races and to various temporary
political causes. It is only necessary to look at the large
International Medical Congresses. Thus at one such
Congress at Rome, at which I was present, over six
thousand members came from forty-two countries of the
globe, and over two thousand of them took part in the
proceedings. Four languages (Italian, French, German
and English) were used at this Congress. Going over the
seven large volumes of Transactions, I find that fifty-nine
communications were presented in English, one hundred
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
and seventy-one in German, three hundred and one in
French, the rest in Italian. The proportion of English
communications to German is thus a little more than one
to three, and the proportion of English to French less
than one to six. Moreover, the English-speaking members
invariably (I believe) used their own language, so
that these fifty-nine communications represent the whole
contribution of the English-speaking world. And they
represent nothing more than that; notwithstanding the
enormous spread of English, of which we hear so much,
not a single non-English speaker seems to have used
English. It might be supposed that this preponderance
of French was due to a preponderance of the French
element, but this was by no means the case; the members
of English-speaking race greatly exceeded those of French-speaking
race. But, while the English communications
represented the English-speaking countries only, and the
German communications were chiefly by German speakers,
French was spoken not only by members belonging to
the smaller nations of Europe, from the north and from
the south, by the Russians, by most of the Turkish and
Asiatic members, but also by all the Mexicans and South
Americans. These figures may not be absolutely free
from fallacy, due to temporary causes of fluctuation.
But that they are fairly exact is shown by the results of
the following Congress, held at Moscow. If I take up the
programme for the department of psychiatry and nervous
disease, in which I was myself chiefly interested, I find
that of 131 communications, 80 were in French, 37 in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
German and 14 in English. This shows that French,
German and English bear almost exactly the same relation
to one another as at Rome. In other words, 61 per cent
of the speakers used French, 28 per cent German, and
only 11 per cent English.</p>

<p>If we come down to one of the most recent International
Medical Congresses, that of Lisbon in 1906, we find that
the supremacy of French, far from weakening, is more
emphatically affirmed. The language of the country in
which the Congress was held was ruled out, and I find
that of 666 contributions to the proceedings of the Congress,
over 84 per cent were in French, scarcely more than
8 per cent in English, and less than 7 per cent in German.
At the subsequent Congress at Budapesth in 1909,
the French contributions were to the English as three to
one. Similar results are shown by other International
Congresses. Thus at the third International Congress of
Psychology, held at Munich, there were four official
languages, and on grounds of locality the majority of
communications were in German; French followed with
29, Italian with 12, and English brought up the rear with
11. Dr. Westermarck, who is the stock example of the
spread of English for international purposes, spoke in
German. It is clearly futile to point to figures showing
the prolific qualities of English races; the moral quality
of a race and its language counts, as well as mere physical
capacity for breeding, and the moral influence of French
to-day is immensely greater than that of English. That
is, indeed, scarcely a fair statement of the matter in view
of the typical cases just quoted; one should rather say
that, as a means of spoken international communication
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
for other than commercial purposes, English is nowhere.</p>

<p>There is one other point which serves to give prestige to
French: its literary supremacy in the modern world.
While some would claim for the English the supreme
poetic literature, there can be no doubt that the French
own the supreme prose literature of modern Europe. It
was felt by those who advocated the adoption of English
or French that it would surely be a gain for human
progress if the auxiliary international languages of the
future should be one, if not both, of two that possess
great literatures, and which embody cultures in some
respects allied, but in most respects admirably supplementing
each other.<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p>

<p>The collapse of Volap&uuml;k stimulated the energy of those
who believed that the solution of the question lay in the
adoption of a natural language. To-day, however, there
are few persons who, after carefully considering the
matter, regard this solution as probable or practicable.
<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
Considerations of two orders seem now to be decisive
in rejecting the claims of English and French, or, indeed,
any other natural language, to be accepted as an international
language: (1) The vast number of peculiarities,
difficulties, and irregularities, rendering necessary so
revolutionary a change for international purposes that
the language would be almost transformed into an artificial
language, and perhaps not even then an entirely
satisfactory one. (2) The extraordinary development
during recent years of the minor national languages, and
the jealousy of foreign languages which this revival has
caused. This latter factor is probably alone fatal to the
adoption of any living language. It can scarcely be
disputed that neither English nor French occupies to-day
so relatively influential a position as it once occupied.
The movement against the use of French in Roumania,
as detrimental to the national language, is significant of
a widespread feeling, while, as regards English, the
introduction by the Germans into commerce of the
method of approaching customers in their own tongue,
has rendered impossible the previous English custom of
treating English as the general language of commerce.</p>

<p>The natural languages, it became realized, fail to
answer to the requirements which must be made of an
auxiliary international language. The conditions which
have to be fulfilled are thus formulated by Anna Roberts:
<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p>

<blockquote><p>"<i>First</i>, a vocabulary having a maximum of internationality
in its root-words for at least the Indo-European
races, living or bordering on the confines of the old Roman
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
Empire, whose vocabularies are already saturated with
Greek and Latin roots, absorbed during the long centuries
of contact with Greek and Roman civilization. As the
centre of gravity of the world's civilization now stands,
this seems the most rational beginning. Such a language
shall then have:</p>

<p>"<i>Second</i>, a grammatical structure stripped of all the
irregularities found in every existing tongue, and that
shall be simpler than any of them. It shall have:</p>

<p>"<i>Third</i>, a single, unalterable sound for each letter, no
silent letters, no difficult, complex, shaded sounds, but
simple primary sounds, capable of being combined into
harmonious words, which latter shall have but a single
stress accent that never shifts.</p>

<p>"<i>Fourth</i>, mobility of structure, aptness for the expression
of complex ideas, but in ways that are grammatically
simple, and by means of words that can easily be
analysed without a dictionary.</p>

<p>"<i>Fifth</i>, it must be capable of being, not merely a
literary language,<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>
but a spoken tongue, having a pronunciation
that can be perfectly mastered by adults
through the use of manuals, and in the absence of oral
teachers.</p>

<p>"<i>Finally</i>, and as a necessary corollary and complement
to all of the above, this international auxiliary language
must, to be of general utility, be exceedingly easy of
acquisition by persons of but moderate education,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
and hitherto conversant with no language but their
own."</p></blockquote>

<p>Thus the way was prepared for the favourable reception
of a new artificial language, which had in the meanwhile
been elaborated. Dr. Zamenhof, a Russian physician
living at Warsaw, had been from youth occupied with the
project of an international language, and in 1887 he put
forth in French his scheme for a new language to be
called Esperanto. The scheme attracted little notice;
Volap&uuml;k was then at the zenith of its career, and when it
fell, its fall discredited all attempts at an artificial language.
But, like Volap&uuml;k, Esperanto found its great
apostle in France. M. Louis de Beaufront brought his
high ability and immense enthusiasm to the work of
propaganda, and the success of Esperanto in the world is
attributed in large measure to him. The extension of
Esperanto is now threatening to rival that of Volap&uuml;k.
Many years ago Max M&uuml;ller, and subsequently Skeat,
notwithstanding the philologist's prejudice in favour of
natural languages, expressed their approval of Esperanto,
and many persons of distinction, moving in such widely
remote spheres as Tolstoy and Sir William Ramsay, have
since signified their acceptance and their sympathy.
Esperanto Congresses are regularly held, Esperanto
Societies and Esperanto Consulates are established in
many parts of the world, a great number of books and
journals are published in Esperanto, and some of the
world's classics have been translated into it.</p>

<p>It is generally recognized that Esperanto represents a
great advance on Volap&uuml;k. Yet there are already signs
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
that Esperanto is approaching the climax of its reputation,
and that possibly its inventor may share the fate of the
inventor of Volap&uuml;k and outlive his own language. The
most serious attack on Esperanto has come from within.
The most intelligent Esperantists have realized the
weakness and defects of their language (in some measure
due to the inevitable Slavonic prepossessions of its
inventor) and demand radical reforms, which the conservative
party resist. Even M. de Beaufront, to whom
its success was largely due, has abandoned primitive
Esperanto, and various scientific men of high distinction
in several countries now advocate the supersession of
Esperanto by an improved language based upon it and
called Ido. Professor Lorenz, who is among the advocates
of Ido, admits that Esperanto has shown the possibility
of a synthetic language, but states definitely that
"according to the concordant testimony of all unbiased
opinions" Esperanto in no wise represents the final
solution of the problem. This new movement is embodied
in the D&eacute;l&eacute;gation pour l'Adoption d'une Langue Auxiliaire
Internationale, founded in Paris during the International
Exhibition in 1900 by various eminent literary and
scientific men, and having its head-quarters in Paris.
The D&eacute;l&eacute;gation consider that the problem demands a
purely scientific and technical solution, and it is claimed
that 40 per cent of the stems of Ido are common to six
languages: German, English, French, Italian, Russian
and Spanish. The D&eacute;l&eacute;gation appear to have approached
the question with a fairly open mind, and it was only
after study of the subject that they finally reached the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
conclusion that Esperanto contained a sufficient number
of good qualities to furnish a basis on which to work.
<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p>

<p>The general programme of the D&eacute;l&eacute;gation is that (1)
an auxiliary international language is required, adapted
to written and oral language between persons of different
mother tongues; (2) such language must be capable of
serving the needs of science, daily life, commerce, and
general intercourse, and must be of such a character that
it may easily be learnt by persons of average elementary
education, especially those of civilized European nationality;
(3) the decision to rest with the International
Association of Academies, and, in case of their refusal,
with the Committee of the D&eacute;l&eacute;gation.
<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p>

<p>The D&eacute;l&eacute;gation is seeking to bring about an official
international Congress which would either itself or
through properly appointed experts establish an internationally
and officially recognized auxiliary language.
The chief step made in this direction has been the formation
at Berne in 1911 of an international association
whose object is to take immediate steps towards bringing
the question before the Governments of Europe. The
Association is pledged to observe a strict neutrality in
regard to the language to be chosen.</p>

<p>The whole question seems thus to have been placed on
a sounder basis than hitherto. The international language
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
of the future cannot be, and ought not to be,
settled by a single individual seeking to impose his own
invention on the world. This is not a matter for zealous
propaganda of an almost religious character. The hasty
and premature adoption of some privately invented
language merely retards progress. No individual can
settle the question by himself. What we need is calm
study and deliberation between the nations and the classes
chiefly concerned, acting through the accredited representatives
of their Governments and other professional
bodies. Nothing effective can be done until the pressure
of popular opinion has awakened Governments and
scientific societies to the need for action. The question of
international arbitration has become practical; the
question of the international language ought to go hand
in hand with that of international arbitration. They are
closely allied and both equally necessary.</p>

<p>While the educational, commercial, and official advantages
of an auxiliary international language are obvious,
it seems to me that from the standpoint of social hygiene
there are at least three interests which are especially and
deeply concerned in the settlement of this question.</p>

<p>The first and chief is that of international democracy
in its efforts to attain an understanding on labour questions.
There can be no solution of this question until a
simpler mode of personal communication has become
widely prevalent. This matter has from time to time
already been brought before international labour congresses,
and those who attend such congresses have
doubtless had occasion to realize how essential it is.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
Perhaps it is a chief factor in the comparative failure of
such congresses hitherto.</p>

<p>Science represents the second great interest which has
shown an active concern in the settlement of this question.
To follow up any line of scientific research is already a
sufficiently gigantic work, on account of the absence of
proper bibliographical organization; it becomes almost
overwhelming now that the search has to extend over at
least half a dozen languages, and still leaves the searcher
a stranger to the important investigations which are
appearing in Russian and in Japanese, and will before long
appear in other languages. Sir Michael Foster once drew
a humorous picture of the woes of the physiologist owing
to these causes. In other fields&mdash;especially in the numerous
branches of anthropological research, as I can myself
bear witness&mdash;the worker is even worse off than the
physiologist. Just now science is concentrating its
energies on the organization of bibliography, but much
attention has been given to this question of an international
language from time to time, and it is likely before
long to come pressingly to the front.</p>

<p>The medical profession is also practically concerned in
this question; hitherto it has, indeed, taken a more
lively interest in the effort to secure an international
language than has pure science. It is of the first importance
that new discoveries and methods in medicine and
hygiene should be rendered immediately accessible;
while the now enormously extended domain of medicine
is full of great questions which can only be solved by
international co-operation on an international basis.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
The responsibility of advocating a number of measures
affecting the well-being of communities lies, in the first
place, with the medical profession; but no general agreement
is possible without full facilities for discussion in
international session. This has been generally recognized;
hence the numerous attempts to urge a single
language on the organizers of the international medical
congresses. I have already observed how large and
active these congresses were. Yet it cannot be said that
any results are achieved commensurate with the world-wide
character of such congresses. Partly this is due to
the fact that the organizers of international congresses
have not yet learnt what should be the scope of such
conferences, and what they may legitimately hope to perform;
but very largely because there is no international
method of communication; and, except for a few
seasoned cosmopolitans, no truly international exchange
of opinions takes place. This can only be possible when
we have a really common and familiar method of intercommunication.</p>

<p>These three interests&mdash;democratic, scientific, medical&mdash;seem
at present those chiefly concerned in the task of
putting this matter on a definite basis, and it is much to
be desired that they should come to some common agreement.
They represent three immensely important
modes of social and intellectual activity, and the progress
of every nation is bound up with an international progress
of which they are now the natural pioneers. It cannot be
too often repeated that the day has gone by when any
progress worthy of the name can be purely national.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span>
All the most vital questions of national progress tend to
merge themselves into international questions. But
before any question of international progress can result
in anything but noisy confusion, we need a recognized
mode of international intelligence and communication.
That is why the question of the auxiliary international
language is of actual and vital interest to all who are
concerned with the tasks of social hygiene.</p>


<h4>THE QUESTION ON INTERNATIONAL COINAGE</h4>

<p>It must be remembered that the international auxiliary
language is an organic part of a larger internationalization
which must inevitably be effected, and is indeed already
coming into being. Two related measures of intercommunication
are an international system of postage stamps, and an
international coinage, to which may be added an international
system of weights and measures, which seems to be already
in course of settlement by the increasingly general adoption
of the metric system. The introduction of the exchangeable
international stamp coupon represents the beginning of a
truly international postal system; but it is only a beginning.
If a completely developed international postal system were
incidentally to deliver some nations, and especially the English,
from the depressingly ugly postage stamps they are
now condemned to use, this reform would possess a further
advantage almost as great as its practical utility. An international
coinage is, again, a prime necessity, which would
possess immense commercial advantages in addition to the
great saving of trouble it would effect. The progress of
civilization is already working towards an international
coinage. In an interesting paper on this subject ("International
Coinage," <i>Popular Science Monthly</i>, March, 1910)
T.F. van Wagenen writes; "Each in its way, the great
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
commercial nations of the day are unconsciously engaged in
the task. The English shilling is working northwards from
the Cape of Good Hope, has already come in touch with the
German mark and the Portuguese peseta which have been
introduced on both the east and west sides of the Continent,
and will in due time meet the French franc and Italian
lira coming south from the shores of the Mediterranean.
In Asia, the Indian rupee, the Russian rouble, the Japanese
yen, and the American-Philippine coins are already competing
for the patronage of the Malay and the Chinaman. In South
America neither American nor European coins have any foot-hold,
the Latin-American nations being well supplied by
systems of their own, all related more or less closely to the
coinage of Mexico or Portugal. Thus the plainly evolutionary
task of pushing civilization into the uneducated parts of the
world through commerce is as badly hampered by the different
coins offered to the barbarian as are the efforts of the evangelists
to introduce Christianity by the existence of the various
denominations and creeds. The Church is beginning to appreciate
the wastage in its efforts, and is trying to minimize
it by combinations among the denominations having for their
object to standardize Christianity, so to speak, by reducing
tenet and dogma to the lowest possible terms. Commerce
must do the same. The white man's coins must be standardized
and simplified.... The international coin will
come in a comparatively short time, just as will arrive the
international postage stamp, which, by the way, is very
badly needed. For the upper classes of all countries, the people
who travel, and have to stand the nuisance and loss of changing
their money at every frontier, the bankers and international
merchants who have to cumber their accounts with the
fluctuating item of exchange between commercial centres
will insist upon it. All the European nations, with the
exception of Russia and Turkey, are ready for the change,
and when these reach the stage of real constitutionalism in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span>
their progress upward, they will be compelled to follow, being
already deeply in debt to the French, English, and Germans.
Japan may be counted upon to acquiesce instantly in any
unit agreed upon by the rest of the civilized world."</p>

<p>This writer points out that the opening out of the uncivilized
parts of the world to commerce will alone serve to make an
international coinage absolutely indispensable.</p>

<p>Without, however, introducing a really new system, an
auxiliary international money system (corresponding to an
auxiliary international language) could be introduced as a
medium of exchange without interfering with the existing
coinages of the various nations. R&eacute;n&eacute; de Saussure (writing
in the <i>Journal de Gen&egrave;ve</i>, in 1907) has insisted on the immense
benefit such a system of "monnaie de compte" would be
in removing the burden imposed upon all international
financial relations by the diversity of money values. He
argues that the best point of union would be a gold piece of
eight grammes&mdash;almost exactly equivalent to one pound,
twenty marks, five dollars, and twenty-five francs&mdash;being,
in fact, but one-third of a penny different from the value of
a pound sterling. For the subdivisions the point of union
must be decimally divided, and M. de Saussure would give
the name of speso to a ten-thousandth part of the gold coin.</p>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a>
The history of the efforts to attain a universal language has been
written by Couturat and Leau, <i>Histoire de la Langue Universelle</i>, 1903.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a>
The distinguished French physician, Dr. Sollier, also, in an address
to the Lisbon International Medical Congress, on "La Question de la
Langue Auxiliaire Internationale," in 1906, advocating the adoption of
one of the existing Romance tongues, said: "Spanish is the simplest
of all and the easiest, and if it were chosen for this purpose I should
be the first to accept it."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a>
It has even been stated by a distinguished English man of science
that Latin is sometimes easier for the English to use than is their own
language. "I have known Englishmen who could be trusted to write
a more intelligible treatise, possibly even to make a more lucid speech,
in Latin than in English," says Dr. Miers, the Principal of London
University (<i>Lancet</i>, 7th October, 1911), and he adds: "Quite seriously,
I think some part of the cause is to be sought in the difficulty of our
language, and many educated persons get lost in its intricacies, just
as they get lost in its spelling." Without questioning the fact, however,
I would venture to question this explanation of it.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a>
Thus in one article on the growing extension of the English language
throughout the world (<i>Macmillan's Magazine</i>, March, 1892) we read:
"English is practically certain to become the language of the world....
The speech of Shakespeare and Milton, of Dryden and Swift,
of Byron and Wordsworth, will be, in a sense in which no other language
has been, the speech of the whole world." We do not nowadays meet
with these wild statements.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a>
The stumbling-stones for the foreigner presented by English words
in "ough" have often been referred to, and are clearly set forth in
the verses in which Mr. C.B. Loomis has sought to represent a French
learner's experiences&mdash;and the same time to show the criminal impulses
which these irregularities arouse in the pupil.</p></div>

<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"I'm taught p-l-o-u-g-h</span>
<span class="i0">Shall be pronounc&egrave;d 'plow,'</span>
<span class="i0">'Zat's easy when you know,' I say,</span>
<span class="i0">'Mon Anglais I'll get through.'</span>
</div><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"My teacher say zat in zat case</span>
<span class="i0">O-u-g-h is 'oo,'</span>
<span class="i0">And zen I laugh and say to him</span>
<span class="i0">'Zees Anglais make me cough.'</span>
</div><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"He say, 'Not coo, but in zat word</span>
<span class="i0">O-u-g-h is "off,"'</span>
<span class="i0">Oh, <i>sacre bleu</i>! such varied sounds</span>
<span class="i0">Of words make me hiccough!</span>
</div><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"He say, 'Again, mon friend ees wrong!</span>
<span class="i0">O-u-g-h is "up,"</span>
<span class="i0">In hiccough,' Zen I cry, 'No more,</span>
<span class="i0">You make my throat feel rough,'</span>
</div><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"'Non! non!' he cry, 'you are not right&mdash;</span>
<span class="i0">O-u-g-h is "uff."'</span>
<span class="i0">I say, 'I try to speak your words,</span>
<span class="i0">I can't prononz zem though,'</span>
</div><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"'In time you'll learn, but now you're wrong,</span>
<span class="i0">O-u-g-h is "owe."'</span>
<span class="i0">'I'll try no more. I sall go mad,</span>
<span class="i0">I'll drown me in ze lough!'</span>
</div><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0">"'But ere you drown yourself,' said he,</span>
<span class="i0">'O-u-g-h is "ock."'</span>
<span class="i0">He taught no more! I held him fast,</span>
<span class="i0">And killed him wiz a rough!"</span>
</div></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a>
It is interesting to remember that at one period in European
history, French seemed likely to absorb English, and thus to acquire,
in addition to its own motor force, all the motor force which now
lies behind English. When the Normans&mdash;a vigorous people of
Scandinavian origin, speaking a Romance tongue, and therefore well
fitted to accomplish a harmonizing task of this kind&mdash;occupied both
sides of the English Channel, it seemed probable that they would
dominate the speech of England as well as of France. "At that time,"
says M&eacute;ray (<i>La Vie aux Temps des Cours d'Amour</i>, p. 367), who puts
forward this view, "the people of the two coasts of the Channel were
closer in customs and in speech than were for a long time the French on
the opposite banks of the Loire.... The influential part of the English
nation and all the people of its southern regions spoke the <i>Romance</i>
of the north of France. In the Crusades the Knights of the two peoples
often mixed, and were greeted as Franks wherever their adventurous
spirit led them. If Edward III, with the object of envenoming an
antagonism which served his own ends, had not broken this link of
language, the two peoples would perhaps have been united to-day in
the same efforts of progress and of liberty.... Of what a fine instrument
of culture and of progress has not that fatal decree of Edward
III deprived civilization!"</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a>
I was at one time (<i>Progressive Review</i>, April, 1897) inclined to think
that the adoption of both English and French, as joint auxiliary
international languages&mdash;the first for writing and the second
for speaking&mdash;might solve the problem. I have since recognized that
such a solution, however advantageous it might be for human culture, would
present many difficulties, and is quite impracticable.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a>
I may refer to three able papers which have appeared in recent
years in the <i>Popular Science Monthly</i>: Anna Monsch Roberts, "The
Problem of International Speech" (February, 1908); Ivy Kellerman,
"The Necessity for an International Language," (September, 1909);
Albert L&eacute;on Gu&eacute;rard, "English as an International Language"
(October, 1911). All these writers reject as impracticable the adoption
of either English or French as the auxiliary international language,
and view with more favour the adoption of an artificial language such
as Esperanto.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a>
A.M. Roberts, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a>
It should be added, however, that the auxiliary language need not
be used as a medium for literary art, and it is a mistake, as Pfaundler
points out, to translate poems into such a language.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a>
See <i>International Language and Science</i>, 1910, by Couturat, Jespersen,
Lorenz, Ostwald, Pfaundler, and Donnan, five professors living in
five different countries.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a>
The progress of the movement is recorded in its official journal,
<i>Progreso</i>, edited by Couturat, and in De Beaufront's journal, <i>La Langue
Auxiliaire</i>.</p></div>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span></p>

<h3><a name="CHAPXII" id="CHAPXII"></a>XII</h3>

<h3>INDIVIDUALISM AND SOCIALISM</h3>

<blockquote><p>Social Hygiene in Relation to the Alleged Opposition between Socialism
and Individualism&mdash;The Two Parties in Politics&mdash;The Relation
of Conservatism and Radicalism to Socialism and Individualism&mdash;The
Basis of Socialism&mdash;The Basis of Individualism&mdash;The seeming
Opposition between Socialism and Individualism merely a Division
of Labour&mdash;Both Socialism and Individualism equally Necessary&mdash;Not
only Necessary but Indispensable to each other&mdash;The Conflict
between the Advocates of Environment and Heredity&mdash;A New
Embodiment of the supposed Conflict between Socialism and
Individualism&mdash;The Place of Eugenics&mdash;Social Hygiene ultimately
one with the Hygiene of the Soul&mdash;The Function of Utopias.</p></blockquote>

<p>The controversy between Individualism and
Socialism, the claim of the personal unit as
against the claim of the collective community,
is of ancient date. Yet it is ever new and constantly
presented afresh. It even seems to become more acute as
civilization progresses. Every scheme of social reform,
every powerful manifestation of individual energy, raise
anew a problem that is never out of date.</p>

<p>It is inevitable, indeed, that with the development
of social hygiene during the past hundred years there
should also develop a radical opposition of opinion as to
the methods by which such hygiene ought to be accomplished.
There has always been this opposition in the
political sphere; it is natural to find it also in the social
sphere. The very fact that old-fashioned politics are
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
becoming more and more transformed into questions of
social hygiene itself ensures the continuance of such an
opposition.</p>

<p>In politics, and especially in the politics of constitutional
countries of which England is the type, there are
normally two parties. There is the party that holds by
tradition, by established order and solidarity, the maintenance
of the ancient hierarchical constitution of society,
and in general distinguishes itself by a preference for the
old over the new. There is, on the other side, the party
that insists on progress, on freedom, on the reasonable
demands of the individual, on the adaptation of the
accepted order to changing conditions, and in general
distinguishes itself by a preference for the new over the
old. The first may be called the party of structure, and
the second the party of function. In England we know
the adherents of one party as Conservatives and those of
the other party as Liberals or Radicals.</p>

<p>In time, it is true, these normal distinctions between
the party of structure and the party of function tend to
become somewhat confused; and it is precisely the
transition of politics into the social sphere which tends
to introduce confusion. With a political system which
proceeds ultimately out of a society with a feudalistic
basis, the normal attitude of political parties is long
maintained. The party of structure, the Conservative
party, holds by the ancient feudalistic ideals which are
really, in the large sense, socialistic, though a socialism
based on a foundation of established inequality, and so
altogether unlike the democratic socialism promulgated
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
to-day. The party of function, the Liberal party, insists
on the break-up of this structural socialism to meet the
new needs of progressive civilization. But when feudalism
has been left far behind, and many of the changes introduced
by Liberalism have become part of the social
structure, they fall under the protection of Conservatives
who are fighting against new Liberal innovations. Thus
the lines of delimitation tend to become indistinct.</p>

<p>In the politics of social hygiene there are the same two
factors: the party of structure and the party of function.
In their nature and in their opposition to each other
they correspond to the two parties in the old political field.
But they have changed their character and their names:
the party of structure is here Socialism or Collectivism,
<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>
the party of function is Individualism.
<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> And while the
Tory, the Conservative of early days, was allied to
Collectivism, and the Whig, the Liberal of early days, to
Individualism, that correspondence has ceased to be
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
invariable owing to the confused manner in which the old
political parties have nowadays shifted their ground.
We may thus see a Liberal who is a Collectivist when a
Collectivist measure may involve that innovation to
secure adjustment to new needs which is of the essence of
Liberalism, and we may see a Conservative who is an
Individualist when Individualism involves that maintenance
of the existing order which is of the essence of
Conservatism. Whether a man is a Conservative or a
Liberal, he may incline either to Socialism or to Individualism
without breaking with his political tradition.
It is, therefore, impossible to import any political animus
into the fundamental antagonism between Individualism
and Socialism, which prevails in the sphere of social
hygiene.</p>

<p>We cannot hope to see clearly the grave problems
involved by the fundamental antagonism between
Socialism and Individualism unless we understand what
each is founded on and what it is aiming at.</p>

<p>When we seek to inquire how it is that the Socialist
ideal exerts so powerful an attraction on the human mind,
and why it is ever seeking new modes of practical realization,
we cannot fail to perceive that it ultimately proceeds
from the primitive need of mutual help, a need
which was felt long before the appearance of humanity.
<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>
If, however, we keep strictly to our immediate mammalian
traditions it may be said that the earliest socialist community
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
is the family, with its trinity of father, mother, and
child. The primitive family constitutes a group which is
conditioned by the needs of each member. Each individual
is subordinated to the whole. The infant needs
the mother and the mother needs the infant; they both
need the father and the father needs both for the complete
satisfaction of his own activities. Socially and
economically this primitive group is a unit, and if broken
up into its individual parts these would be liable to perish.</p>

<p>However we may multiply our social unit, however we
may enlarge and elaborate it, however we may juggle
with the results, we cannot disguise the essential fact.
At the centre of every social agglomeration, however vast,
however small, lies the social unit of the family of which
each individual is by himself either unable to live or
unable to reproduce, unable, that is to say, to gratify the
two fundamental needs of hunger and love.</p>

<p>There are many people who, while willing to admit
that the family is, in a sense, a composite social unit to
which each part has need of the other parts, so that all
are mutually bound together, seek to draw a firm line of
distinction between the family and society. Family life,
they declare, is not irreconcilable with individualism; it
is merely <i>un &eacute;go&iuml;sme &agrave; trois</i>. It is, however, difficult to
see how such a distinction can be maintained, whether we
look at the matter theoretically or practically. In a small
country like Great Britain, for instance, every Englishman
(excluding new immigrants) is related by blood to every
other Englishman, as would become clearer if every man
possessed his pedigree for a thousand years back. When
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
we remember, further, also, that every nation has been
overlaid by invasions, warlike or peaceful, from neighbouring
lands, and has, indeed, been originally formed in
this way since no people has sprung up out of the soil of
its own land, we must further admit that the nations
themselves form one family related by blood.</p>

<p>Our genealogical relation to our fellows is too remote
and extensive to concern us much practically and sentimentally,
though it is well that we should realize it. If
we put it aside, we have still to remember that our actual
need of our fellows is not definitely to be distinguished
from the mutual needs of the members of the smallest
social unit, the family.</p>

<p>In practice the individual is helpless. Of all animals,
indeed, man is the most helpless when left to himself.
He must be cared for by others at every moment during
his long infancy. He is dependent on the exertions of
others for shelter and clothes, while others are occupied
in preparing his food and conveying it from the ends of
the world. Even if we confine ourselves to the most
elementary needs of a moderately civilized existence, or
even if our requirements are only those of an idiot in an
asylum, yet, for every one of us, there are literally millions
of people spending the best of their lives from morning to
night and perhaps receiving but little in return. The very
elementary need of the individual in an urban civilization
for pure water to drink can only be attained by organized
social effort. The gigantic aqueducts constructed by the
Romans are early monuments of social activity typical of
all the rest. The primary needs of the individual can only
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
be supplied by an immense and highly organized social
effort. The more complex civilization becomes, and the
more numerous individual needs become, so much the
more elaborate and highly organized becomes the social
response to those needs. The individual is so dependent
on society that he needs not only the active work of
others, but even their mere passive good opinion, and if he
loses that he is a failure, bankrupt, a pauper, a lunatic, a
criminal, and the social reaction against him may suffice
to isolate him, even to put him out of life altogether. So
dependent indeed on society is the individual that there
has always been a certain plausibility in the old idea of
the Stoics, countenanced by St. Paul, and so often revived
in later days (as by Sch&auml;ffle, Lilienfeld, and Ren&eacute; Worms),
that society is an organism in which the individuals are
merely cells depending for their significance on the whole
to which they belong. Just as the animal is, as Hegel,
the metaphysician, called it, a "nation," and Dareste,
the physiologist, a "city," made up of cells which are
individuals having a common ancestor, so the actual
nation, the real city, is an animal made up of individuals
which are cells having a common ancestor, or, as Oken
long ago put it, individuals are the organs of the whole.
<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>
Man is a social animal in constant action and reaction with
all his fellows of the same group&mdash;a group which becomes
ever greater as civilization advances&mdash;and socialism is
merely the formal statement of this ultimate social fact.
<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span>
There is a divinity that hedges certain words. A
sacred terror warns the profane off them as off something
that might blast the beholder's sight. In fact it is so,
and even a clear-sighted person may be blinded by such
a word. Of these words none is more typical than the
word "socialism." Not so very long ago a prominent
public man, of high intelligence, but evidently susceptible
to the terror-striking influence of words, went to Glasgow
to deliver an address on Social Reform. He warned his
hearers against Socialism, and told them that, though so
much talked about, it had not made one inch of progress;
of practical Socialism or Collectivism there were no signs
at all. Yet, as some of his hearers pointed out, he gave
his address in a municipally owned hall, illuminated by
municipal lights, to an audience which had largely
arrived in municipal tramcars travelling through streets
owned, maintained, and guarded by the municipality.
This audience was largely educated in State schools, in
which their children nowadays can receive not only free
education and free books, but, if necessary, free food and
free medical inspection and treatment. Moreover, the
members of this same audience thus assured of the non-existence
of Socialism, are entitled to free treatment in
the municipal hospital, should an infective disease overtake
them; the municipality provides them freely with
concerts and picture galleries, golf courses and swimming
ponds; and in old age, finally, if duly qualified, they
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
receive a State pension. Now all these measures are
socialistic, and Socialism is nothing more or less than a
complicated web of such measures; the socialistic State,
as some have put it, is simply a great national co-operative
association of which the Government is the board of
managers.</p>

<p>It is said by some who disclaim any tendency to
Socialism, that what they desire is not the State-ownership
of the means of production, but State-regulation.
Let the State, in the interests of the community, keep a
firm control over the individualistic exploitation of
capital, let it tax capital as far as may be desirable in the
interests of the community. But beyond this, capital,
as well as land, is sacred. The distinction thus assumed
is not, however, valid. The very people who make this
distinction are often enthusiastic advocates of an enlarged
navy and a more powerful army. Yet these can only be
provided by taxation, and every tax in a democratic
State is a socialistic measure, and involves collective
ownership of the proceeds, whether they are applied to
making guns or swimming-baths. Every step in the
regulation of industry assumes the rights of society over
individualistic production, and is therefore socialistic.
It is a question of less or more, but except along those two
lines, there is no socialism at all to be reckoned with in the
practical affairs of the world. That revolutionary socialism
of the dogmatically systematic school of Karl Marx
which desired to transfer society at a single stroke by
taking over and centralizing all the means of production
may now be regarded as a dream. It never at any time
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
took root in the English-speaking lands, though it was
advocated with unwearying patience by men of such
force of intellect and of character as Mr. Hyndman and
William Morris. Even in Germany, the land of its origin,
nearly all its old irreconcilable leaders are dead, and it is
now slowly but steadily losing influence, to give place
to a more modern and practical socialism.</p>

<p>As we are concerned with it to-day and in the future,
Socialism is not a rigid economic theory, nor is it the
creed of a narrow sect. In its wide sense it is a name that
covers all the activities&mdash;first instinctive, then organized&mdash;which
arise out of the fundamental fact that man is a
social animal. In its more precise sense it indicates the
various orderly measures that are taken by groups of
individuals&mdash;whether States or municipalities&mdash;to provide
collectively for the definite needs of the individuals composing
the group. So much for Socialism.</p>

<p>The individualist has a very different story to tell.
From the point of view of Individualism, however elaborate
the structure of the society you erect, it can only,
after all, be built up of individuals, and its whole worth
must depend on the quality of those individuals. If they
are not fully developed and finely tempered by high
responsibilities and perpetual struggles, all social effort
is fruitless, it will merely degrade the individual to the
helpless position of a parasite. The individual is born
alone; he must die alone; his deepest passions, his most
exquisite tastes, are personal; in this world, or in any
other world, all the activities of society cannot suffice to
save his soul. Thus it is that the individual must bear
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
his own burdens, for it is only in so doing that the muscles
of his body grow strong and that the energies of his spirit
become keen. It is by the qualities of the individual
alone that work is sound and that initiative is possible.
All trade and commerce, every practical affair of life,
depend for success on the personal ability of individuals.
<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>
It is not only so in the everyday affairs of life,
it is even more so on the highest planes of intellectual
and spiritual life. The supreme great men of the race
were termed by Carlyle its "heroes," by Emerson its
"representative men," but, equally by the less and by
the more democratic term, they are always individuals
standing apart from society, often in violent opposition
to it, though they have always conquered in the end.
When any great person has stood alone against the world
it has always been the world that lost. The strongest
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
man, as Ibsen argued in his <i>Enemy of the People</i>, is the
man who stands most alone. "He will be the greatest,"
says Nietzsche in <i>Beyond Good and Evil</i>, "who can be
the most solitary, the most concealed, the most divergent."
Every great and vitally organized person is
hostile to the rigid and narrow routine of social conventions,
whether established by law or by opinion; they
must ever be broken to suit his vital needs. Therefore
the more we multiply these social routines, the more
strands we weave into the social web, the more closely we
draw them, by so much the more we are discouraging the
production of great and vitally organized persons, and by
so much the more we are exposing society to destruction
at the hands of such persons.</p>

<p>Beneath Socialism lies the assertion that society came
first and that individuals are indefinitely apt for education
into their place in society. Socialism has inherited the
maxim, which Rousseau, the uncompromising Individualist,
placed at the front of his <i>Social Contract</i>: "Man
is born free, and everywhere he is in chains." There is
nothing to be done but to strike off the chains and
organize society on a social basis. Men are not this or
that; they are what they have been made. Make the
social conditions right, says the thorough-going Socialist,
and individuals will be all that we could desire them to be.
Not poverty alone, but disease, lunacy, prostitution,
criminality are all the results of bad social and economic
conditions. Create the right environment and you have
done all that is necessary. To some extent that is clearly
true. But the individualist insists that there are definite
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>
limits to its truth. Even in the most favourable environment
nearly every ill that the Socialist seeks to remove
is found. Inevitably, the Individualist declares, because
we do not spring out of our environment, but out of our
ancestral stocks. Against the stress on environment, the
Individualist lays the stress on the ascertained facts of
heredity. It is the individual that counts, and for good or
for ill the individual brought his fate with him at birth.
Ensure the production of sound individuals, and you may
set at naught the environment. You will, indeed, secure
results incomparably better than even the most anxious
care expended on environment alone can ever hope to
secure.</p>

<p>Such are the respective attitudes of Socialism and
Individualism. So far as I can see, they are both absolutely
right. Nor is it even clear that they are really
opposed; for, as happens in every field, while the affirmations
of each are sound, their denials are unsound. Certainly,
along each line we may be carried to absurdity.
The Individualism of Max Stirner is not far from the
ultimate frontier of sanity, and possibly even on the
other side of it;<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> while the Socialism of the Oneida
Community involved a self-subordination which it would
be idle to expect from the majority of men and women.
But there is a perfect division of labour between Socialism
and Individualism. We cannot have too much of either
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
of them. We have only to remember that the field of each
is distinct. No one needs Individualism in his water
supply, and no one needs Socialism in his religion. All
human affairs sort themselves out as coming within the
province of Socialism or of Individualism, and each may
be pushed to its furthest extreme.<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a></p>


<p>It so happens, however, that the capacity of the human
brain is limited, and a single brain is not made to hold
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
together the idea of Socialism and the idea of Individualism.
Ordinary people have, it is true, no practical
difficulty whatever in acting concurrently in accordance
with the ideas of Socialism and of Individualism. But it
is different with the men of ideas; they must either be
Socialists or Individualists; they cannot be both. The
tendency in one or the other direction is probably inborn
in these men of ideas.</p>

<p>We need not regret this inevitable division of labour.
On the contrary, it is difficult to see how the right result
could otherwise be brought about. People without ideas
experience no difficulty in harmonizing the two tendencies.
But if the ideas of Socialism and Individualism tended to
appear in the same brain they would neutralize each other
or lead action into an unprofitable <i>via media</i>. The
separate initiative and promulgation of the two tendencies
encourages a much more effective action, and best promotes
that final harmony of the two extremes which the
finest human development needs.</p>

<p>There is more to be said. Not only are both alike
indispensable, and both too profoundly rooted in human
nature to be abolished or abridged, but each is indispensable
to the other. There can be no Socialism without
Individualism; there can be no Individualism without
Socialism. Only a very fine development of personal
character and individual responsibility can bear up any
highly elaborated social organization, which is why small
Socialist communities have only attained success by
enlisting finely selected persons; only a highly organized
social structure can afford scope for the play of individuality.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
The enlightened Socialist nowadays often
realizes something of the relationship of Socialism to
Individualism, and the Individualist&mdash;if he were not in
recent times, for all his excellent qualities, sometimes
lacking in mental flexibility and alertness&mdash;would be
prepared to admit his own relationship to Socialism.
"The organization of the whole is dominated by the
necessities of cellular life," as Dareste says. That truth
is well recognized by the physiologists since the days of
Claude Bernard. It is absolutely true of the physiology
of society. Social organization is not for the purpose of
subordinating the individual to society; it is as much
for the purpose of subordinating society to the individual.</p>

<p>Between individuals, even the greatest, and society
there is perpetual action and reaction. While the individual
powerfully acts on society, he can only so act
in so far as he is himself the instrument and organ of
society. The individual leads society, but only in that
direction whither society wishes to go. Every man of
science merely carries knowledge or invention one further
step, a needed and desired step, beyond the stage reached
by his immediate predecessors. Every poet and artist is
only giving expression to the secret feelings and impulses
of his fellows. He has the courage to utter for the first
time the intimate emotion and aspiration which he finds
in the depth of his own soul, and he has the skill to express
them in forms of radiant beauty. But all these secret
feelings and desires are in the hearts of other men, who
have not the boldness to tell them nor the ability to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span>
embody them exquisitely. In the life of man, as in
nature generally, there is a perpetual process of exfoliation,
as Edward Carpenter calls it, whereby a latent but
striving desire is revealed, and the man of genius is the
stimulus and the incarnation of this exfoliating movement.
That is why every great poet and artist when once
his message becomes intelligible, is acclaimed and adored
by the crowd for whom he would only have been an
object of idle wonderment if he had not expressed and
glorified themselves. When the man of genius is too far
ahead of his time, he is rejected, however great his genius
may be, because he represents the individual out of vital
relation to his time. A Roger Bacon, for all his stupendous
intellect, is deprived of pen and paper and shut up
in a monastery, because he is undertaking to answer
questions which will not be asked until five centuries
after his death. Perhaps the supreme man of genius is he
who, like Virgil, Leonardo, or Shakespeare, has a message
for his own time and a message for all times, a message
which is for ever renewed for every new generation.</p>

<p>The need for insisting on the intimate relations between
Socialism and Individualism has become the more urgent
to-day because we are reaching a stage of civilization in
which each tendency is inevitably so pushed to its full
development that a clash is only prevented by the
realization that here we have truly a harmony. Sometimes
a matter that belongs to one sphere is so closely
intertwined with a matter that belongs to the other that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
it is a very difficult problem how to hold them separate
and allow each its due value.<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p>

<p>At times, indeed, it is really very difficult to determine
to which sphere a particular kind of human activity
belongs. This is notably the case as regards education.
"Render unto C&aelig;sar the things that be C&aelig;sar's, and unto
God the things that be God's." But is education among
the things that belong to C&aelig;sar, to social organization,
or among the things that belong to God, to the province
of the individual's soul? There is much to be said on
both sides. Of late the Socialist tendency prevails here,
and there is a disposition to standardize rigidly an education
so superficial, so platitudinous, so uniform, so unprofitable&mdash;so
fatally oblivious of what even the word
<i>education</i> means<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>&mdash;that some day,
perhaps, the revolted Individualist spirit will arise in irresistible might
to sweep away the whole worthless structure from top to bottom,
with even such possibilities of good as it may conceal.
The educationalists of to-day may do well to remember
that it is wise to be generous to your enemies even in
the interests of your own preservation.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span>
In every age the question of Individualism and Socialism
takes on a different form. In our own age it has
become acute under the form of a conflict between the
advocates of good heredity and the advocates of good
environment. On the one hand there is the desire to
breed the individual to a high degree of efficiency by
eugenic selection, favouring good stocks and making the
procreation of bad stocks more difficult. On the other
hand there is the effort so to organize the environment
by collectivist methods that life for all may become easy
and wholesome. As usual, those who insist on the importance
of good environment are inclined to consider
that the question of heredity may be left to itself, and
those who insist on the importance of good heredity are
indifferent to environment. As usual, also, there is a real
underlying harmony of those two demands. There is,
however, here more than this. In this most modern of
their embodiments, Socialism and Individualism are not
merely harmonious, each is the key to the other, which
remains unattainable without it. However carefully we
improve our breed, however anxiously we guard the
entrance to life, our labour will be in vain if we neglect
to adapt the environment to the fine race we are breeding.
The best individuals are not the toughest, any more than
the highest species are the toughest, but rather, indeed,
the reverse, and no creature needs so much and so prolonged
an environing care as man, to ensure his survival.
On the other hand, an elaborate attention to the environment,
combined with a reckless inattention to the quality
of the individuals born to live in that environment can
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
only lead to an overburdened social organization which
will speedily fall by its own weight.</p>

<p>During the past century the Socialists of the school for
bettering the environment have for the most part had the
game in their own hands. They founded themselves on
the very reasonable basis of sympathy, a basis which
the eighteenth-century moralists had prepared, which
Schopenhauer had formulated, which George Eliot had
passionately preached, which had around its operations
the immense prestige of the gospel of Jesus. The environmental
Socialists&mdash;always quite reasonably&mdash;set
themselves to improve the conditions of labour; they
provided local relief for the poor; they built hospitals
for the free treatment of the sick. They are proceeding to
feed school children, to segregate and protect the feeble-minded,
to insure the unemployed, to give State pensions
to the aged, and they are even asked to guarantee work
for all. Now these things, and the likes of them, are not
only in accordance with natural human impulses, but
for the most part they are reasonable, and in protecting
the weak the strong are, in a certain sense, protecting
themselves. No one nowadays wants the hungry to
hunger or the suffering to suffer. Indeed, in that sense,
there never has been any <i>laissez-faire</i> school.
<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
But as the movement of environmental Socialism
realizes itself, it becomes increasingly clear that it is itself
multiplying the work which it sets itself to do. In enabling
the weak, the incompetent, and the defective to live and
to live comfortably, it makes it easier for those on the
borderland of these classes to fall into them, and it furnishes
the conditions which enable them to propagate
their like, and to do this, moreover, without that prudent
limitation which is now becoming universal in all classes
above those of the weak, the incompetent, and the defective.
Thus unchecked environmental Socialism, obeying
natural impulses and seeking legitimate ends, would be
drawn into courses at the end of which only social enfeeblement,
perhaps even dissolution, could be seen.</p>

<p>The key to the situation, it is now beginning to be
more and more widely felt, is to be found in the counterbalancing
tendency of Individualism, and the eugenic
guardianship of the race. Not, rightly understood, as a
method of arresting environmental Socialism, nor even
as a counterblast to its gospel of sympathy. Nietzsche,
indeed, has made a famous assault on sympathy, as he
has on conventional morality generally, but his "immoralism"
in general and his "hardness" in particular
are but new and finer manifestations of those faded
virtues he was really seeking to revive. The superficially
sympathetic man flings a coin to the beggar; the more
deeply sympathetic man builds an almshouse for him so
that he need no longer beg; but perhaps the most
radically sympathetic of all is the man who arranges that
the beggar shall not be born.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
So it is that the question of breed, the production of fine
individuals, the elevation of the ideal of quality in human
production over that of mere quantity, begins to be seen,
not merely as a noble ideal in itself, but as the only
method by which Socialism can be enabled to continue on
its present path. If the entry into life is conceded more
freely to the weak, the incompetent, and the defective
than to the strong, the efficient, and the sane, then a
Sisyphean task is imposed on society; for every burden
lifted two more burdens appear. But as individual
responsibility becomes developed, as we approach the
time to which Galton looked forward, when the eugenic
care for the race may become a religion, then social control
over the facts of life becomes possible. Through the
slow growth of knowledge concerning hereditary conditions,
by voluntary self-restraint, by the final disappearance
of the lingering prejudice against the control of
procreation, by sterilization in special cases, by methods
of pressure which need not amount to actual compulsion,
<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>
it will be possible to attain an increasingly firm grip on
the evil elements of heredity. Not until such measures as
these, under the controlling influence of a sense of personal
responsibility extending to every member of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
community, have long been put into practice, can we hope
to see man on the earth risen to his full stature, healthy
in body, noble in spirit, beautiful in both alike, moving
spaciously and harmoniously among his fellows in the
great world of Nature, to which he is so subtly adapted
because he has himself sprung out of it and is its most
exquisite flower. At this final point social hygiene
becomes one with the hygiene of the soul.
<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p>

<p>Poets and prophets, from Jesus and Paul to Novalis
and Whitman, have seen the divine possibilities of Man.
There is no temple in the world, they seem to say, so great
as the human body; he comes in contact with Heaven,
they declare, who touches a human person. But these
human things, made to be gods, have spawned like frogs
over all the earth. Everywhere they have beslimed its
purity and befouled its beauty, darkening the very sunshine.
Heaped upon one another in evil masses, preying
upon one another as no other creature has ever preyed
upon its kind, they have become a festering heap which
all the oceans in vain lave with their antiseptic waters,
and all the winds of heaven cannot purify. It is only
in the unextinguished spark of reason within him that
salvation for man may ever be found, in the realization
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
that he is his own star, and carries in his hands his own
fate. The impulses of Individualism and of Socialism
alike prompt us to gain self-control and to learn the vast
extent of our responsibility. The whole of humanity is
working for each of us; each of us must live worthy of
that great responsibility to humanity. By how fine a flash
of insight Jesus declared that few could enter the Kingdom
of Heaven! Not until the earth is purified of untold
millions of its population will it ever become the Heaven
of old dreamers, in which the elect walk spaciously and
nobly, loving one another. Only in such spacious and
pure air is it possible for the individual to perfect himself,
as a rose becomes perfect, according to Dante's beautiful
simile,<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a>
<a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>
in order that he may spread abroad for others the
fragrance that has been generated within him. If one
thinks of it, that seems a truism, yet, even in this
twentieth century, how few, how very few, there are
who know it!</p>

<p>This is why we cannot have too much Individualism,
we cannot have too much Socialism. They play into each
other's hands. To strengthen one is to give force to the
other. The greater the vigour of both, the more vitally
a society is progressing. "I can no more call myself an
Individualist or a Socialist," said Henry George, "than
one who considers the forces by which the planets are held
to their orbits could call himself a centrifugalist or a
centripetalist." To attain a society in which Individualism
and Socialism are each carried to its extreme
point would be to attain to the society that lived in the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
Abbey of Thelema, in the City of the Sun, in Utopia, in
the land of Zarathustra, in the Garden of Eden, in the
Kingdom of Heaven. It is a kingdom, no doubt, that is,
as Diderot expressed it, "diablement id&eacute;al." But to-day
we hold in our hands more certainly than ever before the
clues that were imperfectly foreshadowed by Plato, and
what our fathers sought ignorantly we may attempt by
methods according to knowledge. No Utopia was ever
realized; and the ideal is a mirage that must ever elude
us or it would cease to be ideal. Yet all our progress, if
progress there be, can only lie in setting our faces towards
that goal to which Utopias and ideals point.</p>


<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a>
In the narrow sense Socialism is identical with the definite economic
doctrine of the Collectivistic organization of the productive and
distributive work of society. It also possesses, as Bosanquet remarks
(in an essay on "Individualism and Socialism," in <i>The Civilization of
Christendom</i>), "a deeper meaning as a name for a human tendency
that is operative throughout history." Every Collectivist is a Socialist,
but not every Socialist would admit that he is a Collectivist. "Moral
Socialism," however, though not identical with "Economic Socialism,"
tends to involve it.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a>
The term "Individualism," like the term "Socialism," is used
in varying senses, and is not, therefore, satisfactory to everyone. Thus
E.F.B. Fell (<i>The Foundations of Liberty</i>, 1908), regarding "Individualism,"
as a merely negative term, prefers the term "Personalism,"
to denote a more positive ideal. There is, however, by no
means as any necessity to consider "Individualism," a more negative
term than "Socialism."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a>
The inspiring appeal of Socialism to ardent minds is no doubt
ethical. "The ethics of Socialism," says Kirkup, "are closely akin to
the ethics of Christianity, if not identical with them." That, perhaps,
is why Socialism is so attractive to some minds, so repugnant to others.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a>
This idea was elaborated by Eimer in an appendix to his <i>Organic
Evolution</i> on the idea of the individual in the animal kingdom.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a>
The term "socialism" is said to date from about the year 1835.
Leroux claimed that he invented it, in opposition to the term "individualism,"
but at that period it had become so necessary and so
obvious a term that it is difficult to say positively by whom it was
first used.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a>
An important point which the Individualist may fairly bring forward
in this connection is the tendency of Socialism to repress the energy
of the best worker among its officials at the expense of the public. Alike in
government offices at Whitehall and in municipal offices in the town halls
there is a certain proportion of workers who find pleasure in putting
forth their best energies at high pressure. But the majority take care
that work shall be carried on at low pressure, and that the output shall
not exceed a certain understood minimum. They ensure this by making
things uncomfortable for the workers who exceed that minimum.
The gravity of this evil is scarcely yet realized. It could probably be
counteracted by so organizing promotion that the higher posts really
went to the officials distinguished by the quantity and the quality of
their work. Pensions should also be affected by the same consideration.
In any case, the evil is serious, and is becoming more so since the number
of public officials is constantly increasing. The Council of the Law
Society found some years ago that the cost of civil administration in
England had increased between the years 1894 and 1904 from 19
millions to 25 millions, and, excluding the Revenue Departments,
it is now said to have gone up to 42 millions. It is an evil that will
have to be dealt with sooner or later.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a>
Max Stirner wrote his work, <i>Der Einzige und sein Eigenthum</i> (<i>The
Ego and His Own</i>, in the English translation of Byington), in 1845.
His life has been written by John Henry Mackay (<i>Max Stirner: Sein
Leben und Sein Werk</i>), and an interesting study of Max Stirner (whose
real name was Schmidt) will be found in James Huneker's <i>Egoists</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a>
In the introduction to my earliest book, <i>The New Spirit</i> (1889),
I set forth this position, from which I have never departed: "While
we are socializing all those things of which all have equal common need,
we are more and more tending to leave to the individual the control
of those things which in our complex civilization constitute individuality.
We socialize what we call our physical life in order that we may
attain greater freedom for what we call our spiritual life." No doubt
such a point of view was implicit in Ruskin and other previous writers,
just as it has subsequently been set forth by Ellen Key and others,
while from the economic side it has been well formulated by Mr. J.A.
Hobson in his <i>Evolution of Capital</i>: "The <i>very raison
d'&ecirc;tre</i> of increased social cohesiveness is to economize and enrich
the individual life, and to enable the play of individual energy to assume
higher forms out of which more individual satisfaction may accrue." "Socialism will
be of value," thought Oscar Wilde in his <i>Soul of Man</i>, "simply
because it will lead to Individualism." "Socialism denies economic
Individualism for any," says Karl N&ouml;tzel ("Zur Ethischen Begrundung
des Sozialismus," <i>Sozialistische Monatshefte</i>, 1910, Heft 23), "in order
to make moral intellectual Individualism possible for all." And as it
has been seen that Socialism leads to Individualism, so it has also been
seen that Individualism, even on the ethical plane, leads to Socialism.
"You must let the individual make his will a reality in the conduct of
his life," Bosanquet remarks in an essay already quoted, "in order that
it may be possible for him consciously to entertain the social purpose
as a constituent of his will. Without these conditions there is no
social organism and no moral Socialism.... Each unit of the social
organism has to embody his relations with the whole in his own particular
work and will; and in order to do this the individual must have
a strength and depth in himself proportional to and consisting of the
relations which he has to embody." Grant Allen long since clearly
set forth the harmony between Individualism and Socialism in an
article published in the <i>Contemporary Review</i> in 1879.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a>
An instructive illustration is furnished by the question of the
relation of the sexes, and elsewhere (<i>Studies in the Psychology of Sex</i>,
Vol. VI, "Sex in Relation to Society") I have sought to show that
we must distinguish between marriage, which is directly the affair of
the individuals primarily concerned, and procreation, which is mainly
the concern of society.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a>
See, for instance, the opinion of the former Chief Inspector of
Elementary Schools in England, Mr. Edmond Holmes, <i>What Is and
What Might Be</i> (1911). He points out that true education must be
"self-realization," and that the present system of "education" is
entirely opposed to self-realization. Sir John Gorst, again, has repeatedly
attacked the errors of the English State system of education.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a>
The phrase <i>Laissez faire</i> is sometimes used as though it were the
watchword of a party which graciously accorded a free hand to the
Devil to do his worst. As a matter of fact, it was simply a phrase
adopted by the French economists of the eighteenth century to summarize
the conclusion of their arguments against the antiquated
restrictions which were then stifling the trade and commerce of France
(see G. Weuleresse, <i>Le Mouvement Physiocratique en France</i>, 1910,
Vol. II, p. 17). Properly understood, it is not a maxim which any
party need be ashamed to own.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a>
I would again repeat that I do not regard legislation as a channel
of true eugenic reform. As Bateson well says (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 15); "It is
not the tyrannical and capricious interference of a half-informed
majority which can safely mould or purify a population, but rather
that simplification of instinct for which we ever hope, which fuller knowledge
alone can make possible." Even the subsidising of unexceptionable
parents, as the same writer remarks, cannot be viewed with enthusiasm.
"If we picture to ourselves the kind of persons who would infallibly
be chosen as examples of 'civic worth' the prospect is not very
attractive."</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a>
"Aristotle, herein the organ and exponent of the Greek national
mind," remarks Gomperz, "understood by the hygiene of the soul
the avoidance of all extremes, the equilibrium of the powers, the
harmonious development of aptitudes, none of which is allowed to
starve or paralyse the others." Gomperz points out that this individual
morality corresponded to the characteristics of the Greek
national religion&mdash;its inclusiveness and spaciousness, its freedom and
serenity, its ennoblement alike of energetic action and passive enjoyment
(Gomperz, <i>Greek Thinkers</i>, Eng. Trans., Vol. III, p. 13).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a>
<a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a>
<i>Convito</i>, IV, 27.</p></div>

<h4>THE END</h4>

<hr style="width: 95%;" />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2>

<p>(<i>Names of Authors quoted are italicized.</i>)</p>
<table class="az" border="1" summary="Alphabetic jump-table for the index">
        <tr>
            <td><a href="#IX_A">A</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_B">B</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_C">C</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_D">D</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_E">E</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_F">F</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_G">G</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_H">H</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_I">I</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_J">J</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_K">K</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_L">L</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_M">M</a></td>
        </tr>
        <tr>
            <td><a href="#IX_N">N</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_O">O</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_P">P</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_Q">Q</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_R">R</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_S">S</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_T">T</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_U">U</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_V">V</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_W">W</a></td>
            <td><a href="#IX_X">X</a></td>
            <td>Y</td>
            <td><a href="#IX_Z">Z</a></td>
        </tr>
</table>

<div class="index">
<ul>
<li><a name="IX_A" id="IX_A"></a>Abortion, facultative, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li>Age of consent, <a href="#Page_288">288</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Aggeneration, <a href="#Page_24"></a>24</li>

<li>Alcohol, legislative control of, <a href="#Page_277">277</a> <i>et seq.</i>,
<a href="#Page_295">295</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Alcoholism, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>

<li><i>Allen, Grant</i>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>

<li><i>Allen, W.H.</i>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>

<li>Ancestry, the study of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>

<li><i>Angell, Norman</i>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>

<li><i>Anthony, Susan</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>

<li>Antimachus of Colophon, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>

<li>Anti-militarism, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>

<li><i>Aristotle</i>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>

<li><i>Ashby</i>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>

<li><i>Asnurof</i>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li>

<li><i>Aubry</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>

<li><i>Augustine</i>, St., <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>

<li>Australia, birth-rate in, <a href="#Page_146">146</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral legislation in, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></span></li>

<li><i>Azoulay</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_B" id="IX_B"></a><br />Bachofen, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>

<li><i>Baines, Sir J.A.</i>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>

<li><i>Barnes, Earl</i>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>

<li><i>Basedow</i>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li>

<li><i>Bateson</i>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li>

<li>Beatrice, Dante's, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>

<li>Beaufront, L. de, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>

<li>Bebel, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>

<li><i>Becker, R.</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>

<li><i>Belb&egrave;ze</i>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li>

<li><i>Benecke, E.F.M.</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>

<li>Bergsonian philosophy, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>

<li><i>Bertillon, G.</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>

<li><i>Bertillon, J.</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>

<li><i>Beveridge</i>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>

<li>Bible in religious education, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>

<li><i>Billroth</i>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>

<li><i>Bingham</i>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>

<li>Birth-rate, in France, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in England, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Germany, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Russia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in United States, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Canada, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Australasia, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Japan, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in China, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">among savages, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">significance of a falling, <a href="#Page_134">134</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in relation to death-rate, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></span></li>

<li><i>Blease, W. Lyon</i>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li>

<li><i>Bloch, Iwan</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>

<li><i>Boccaccio</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li><i>Bodey</i>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>

<li><i>B&ouml;hmert</i>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>

<li><i>Bonhoeffer</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li><i>Booth, C.</i>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>

<li><i>Bosanquet</i>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>

<li><i>Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq</i>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>

<li><i>Branthwaite</i>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>

<li><i>Braun, Lily</i>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>

<li><i>Brinton</i>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span></li>
<li>Budin, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>

<li>Bund f&uuml;r Mutterschutz, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li>

<li><i>Burckhardt</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li><i>Burnham</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>

<li><i>Bushee, F.</i>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>

<li><i>Byington</i>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_C" id="IX_C"></a><br />Camp, Maxime du, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>

<li>Campanella, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>

<li>Campbell, Harry, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li>Canada, birth-rate in, <a href="#Page_144">144</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">sexual hygiene in, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></span></li>

<li><i>Cantlie</i>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li><i>Carpenter, Edward</i>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>

<li><i>Casper</i>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>

<li>Certificates, eugenic, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>

<li><i>Chadwick, Sir E.</i>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>

<li><i>Chamfort</i>, <a href="#Page_256">X</a>256</li>

<li>Chastity of German women, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>

<li><i>Cheetham</i>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>

<li>Chicago Vice Commission, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>

<li>Child, psychology of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>

<li>Children, religious education of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>

<li>China, birth-rate in, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>

<li>Christianity in relation to romantic love, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>

<li>Chivalrous attitude towards women, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li>

<li>Civilization, what it consists in, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>

<li><i>Clayton</i>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>

<li><i>Cobbe, F.P.</i>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>

<li>Co-education, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>

<li><i>Coghlan, T.A.</i>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>

<li>Coinage, international, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>

<li>Concubinage, legalized, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>

<li><i>Condorcet</i>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li>

<li>Confirmation, rite of, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>

<li>Consent, age of, <a href="#Page_288">288</a><i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Courts of Love, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>

<li><i>Couturat</i>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>

<li><i>Creed, J.M.</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li>

<li>Criminality and feeble-mindedness, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li>Cruc&eacute;, Emeric, <a href="#Page_315">316</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_D" id="IX_D"></a><br /><i>Dante</i>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li>

<li><i>Dareste</i>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>

<li><i>Davenport</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>

<li>Death-rate in relation to birth-rate, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>

<li>Degenerate families, <a href="#Page_41">41</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Degeneration of race, alleged, <a href="#Page_19">19</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>

<li><i>De Quincey</i>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>

<li>Descartes, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li>

<li><i>Dickens</i>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>

<li><i>Dill, Sir S.</i>, <a href="#Page_303">305</a></li>

<li>Disinfection, origin of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>

<li>Divorce, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>

<li><i>Donkin, Sir H.B.</i>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>

<li><i>Donnan</i>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>

<li>Drunkenness, decrease of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>

<li>Dubois, P., <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li><i>Dugdale</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>

<li><i>Dumont, Ars&egrave;ne</i>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_E" id="IX_E"></a><br />Economic aspect of woman's movement, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Education, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li>

<li><i>Ehrenfels</i>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>

<li><i>Eichholz</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li>

<li><i>Eimer</i>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>

<li><i>Ellis, Havelock</i>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
<a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
<a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>

<li>Enfantin, Prosper, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>

<li><i>Engelmann</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>

<li>English, characteristics of the, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude towards immorality, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></span></li>

<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">language for international purposes, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>

<li>Esperanto, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>

<li><i>Espinas</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li>Eugenics, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Euthenics, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>

<li><i>Ewart, R.J.</i>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_F" id="IX_F"></a><br />Factory legislation, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>

<li><i>Fahlbeck</i>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>

<li>Fairy tales in education, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>

<li>Family, limitation of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>

<li>Family in relation to degeneracy, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">size of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></span></li>

<li>Feeble-minded, problem of the, <a href="#Page_31">31</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li><i>Fell, E.F.B.</i>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a></li>

<li>Ferrer, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li>

<li>Fertility in relation to prosperity, <a href="#Page_169">169</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li><i>Fiedler</i>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>

<li><i>Finlay-Johnson, H.</i>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>

<li><i>Firenzuola</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li>"Fit," the term, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>

<li><i>Flux</i>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>

<li><i>Forel</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>

<li>France, birth-rate in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>. <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">women and love in, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">legal attitude towards immorality in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulation of alcohol in, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></span></li>

<li><i>Franklin, B.</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>

<li><i>Fraser, Mrs.</i>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li>

<li>French language for international purposes, <a href="#Page_364">364</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Frenssen, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>

<li><i>Freud</i>, S, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li>

<li><i>Fuld, E.F.</i>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>

<li><i>F&uuml;rch, Henriette</i>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_G" id="IX_G"></a><br /><i>Galton, Sir F.</i>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
<a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>,
<a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li>

<li><i>Gaultier, J. de</i>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a></li>

<li><i>Gautier, L&eacute;on</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>

<li><i>Gavin, H.</i>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>

<li><i>Gayley, Julia</i>, 420</li>

<li>Germany, sex questions in, <a href="#Page_87">87</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">illegitimacy in, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">sexual hygiene in, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">legal attitude towards immorality in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></span></li>

<li><i>Giddings</i>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>

<li><i>Godden</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>

<li><i>Godwin, W.</i>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>

<li><i>Goethe</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>

<li><i>Goldscheid</i>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>

<li><i>Gomperz</i>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>

<li><i>Goncourt</i>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li>Gouges, Olympe de, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>

<li><i>Gourmont, Remy de</i>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>

<li><i>Gournay, Marie de</i>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li>

<li><i>Grabowsky</i>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>

<li><i>Grasset</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li>

<li><i>Gr&uuml;nspan</i>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li>

<li><i>Gu&eacute;rard</i>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>

<li><i>Guthrie, L.</i>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_H" id="IX_H"></a><br /><i>Haddon, A.C.</i>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>

<li><i>Hagen</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>

<li><i>Hale, Horatio</i>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>

<li><i>Hales, W.W.</i>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li>

<li><i>Hall, G. Stanley</i>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>

<li><i>Hamburger, C.</i>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li>

<li><i>Hamill, Henry</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>

<li><i>Hausmeister, P.</i>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li>

<li><i>Hayllar, F.</i>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>

<li>Health, nationalization of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>

<li>Health visitors, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>

<li><i>Hearn, Lafcadio</i>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li>

<li><i>Henry, W.O.</i>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span></li>
<li>Heredity of feeble-mindedness, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li>

<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">as the hope of the race, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">study of, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></span></li>

<li><i>Heron</i>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>

<li><i>Herv&eacute;</i>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>

<li><i>Hiller</i>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>

<li><i>Hinton, James</i>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>

<li><i>Hirschfeld, Magnus</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>

<li><i>Hobbes</i>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li>Holland, moral legislation in, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li>

<li><i>Holmes, Edmond</i>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>

<li>Homosexuality and the law, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>

<li><i>Hookey, N.A.</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>

<li><i>Hughes, R.E.</i>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>

<li><i>Humboldt, W. von</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>

<li><i>Huneker</i>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>

<li>Hungary, birth-rate and death-rate in, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>

<li><i>Hutchinson, Woods</i>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>

<li>Hygiene, in medieval and modern times, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">of sex, <a href="#Page_244">244</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>


<li><a name="IX_I" id="IX_I"></a><br />Idiocy, <a href="#Page_32">32</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Ido, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>

<li>Illegitimacy, and feeble-mindedness, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Germany, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></span></li>

<li>Imbecility, <a href="#Page_32">32</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Individualism, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Industrialism, modern, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>

<li>Inebriety and feeble-mindedness, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>

<li>Infant consultations, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>

<li>Infantile mortality, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Initiation of youth, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li>

<li>Insurance, national, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>

<li>International language of the future, <a href="#Page_349">349</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>


<li><a name="IX_J" id="IX_J"></a><br /><i>James, E.C.</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li>James, William, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>

<li>Japan, romantic love in, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">birth-rate and death-rate in, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">changed conditions in, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></span></li>

<li><i>Jenks, E.</i>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>

<li><i>Johannsen</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>

<li><i>Johnson, Roswell</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li>

<li><i>Jordan, D.S.</i>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li><i>J&ouml;rger</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>

<li>Jukes family, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_K" id="IX_K"></a><br /><i>Kaan</i>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>

<li><i>Kellerman, Ivy</i>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>

<li><i>Key, Ellen</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>

<li><i>Kirkup</i>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>

<li><i>Krafft-Ebing</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li>

<li><i>Krauss, F.S.</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li>

<li><i>Kuczynski</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_L" id="IX_L"></a><br />Labour movement and war, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>

<li><i>La Chapelle, E.P.</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>

<li><i>Lacour, L.</i>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>

<li><i>Lagorgette</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li>Laissez-faire, the maxim of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>

<li><i>Lancaster</i>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>

<li>Language, international, <a href="#Page_349">349</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Latin as an international language, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li>

<li><i>Lavelege, E. de</i>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>

<li>Law, in relation to eugenics, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">to morals, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">the sphere of, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></span></li>

<li><i>Lea</i>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>

<li><i>Leau</i>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>

<li><i>Leibnitz</i>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>

<li><i>Levy, Miriam</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>

<li><i>Lewis, C.J. and J.N.</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>

<li>Lichtenstein, Ulrich von, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>

<li>Life-history albums, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span></li>
<li><i>Lischnewska, Maria</i>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>

<li><i>Lobsien</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>

<li><i>Loomis, C.B.</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li>

<li><i>Lorenz</i>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>

<li>Love, and the woman's question, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and eugenics, <a href="#Page_203">203</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>

<li>Luther, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_M" id="IX_M"></a><br />Mackay, J.H., <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>

<li><i>Macnamara, N.C.</i>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li><i>Macquart</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>

<li>Maine, prohibition in, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>

<li><i>Mannhardt</i>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>

<li><i>Manouvrier</i>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li>

<li><i>Marcuse, Max</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>

<li>Marriage, certificates for, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">economics and, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">natural selection and, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">State regulation of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">the ideal of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in classic times, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></span></li>

<li>Marriage-rate, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>

<li><i>Matignon</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>

<li>Matriarchal theory, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>

<li><i>Maurice, Sir F.</i>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>

<li><i>McLean</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>

<li><i>Meisel-Hess, Grete</i>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li>

<li><i>M&eacute;ray</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>

<li><i>Mercier</i>, C., <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>

<li>Meredith, George, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>

<li>Miele, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>Miers</i>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li>

<li>Milk Dep&ocirc;ts, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>

<li><i>Mill</i>, J.S., <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>

<li><i>Moll</i>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>

<li><i>Montaigne</i>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li>

<li><i>Montesquieu</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>

<li><i>Moore, B.</i>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>

<li>Morals in relation to law, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>More, Sir T., <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>

<li><i>Morgan, L.</i>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>

<li><i>Morse, J.</i>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>

<li>Mortality of infants, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Motherhood in relation to eugenics, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>

<li>Mothers, schools for, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>Mougins-Roquefort</i>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li>

<li>Municipal authorities to instruct in limitation of offspring, duty of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>

<li><i>Muralt</i>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>

<li>Mysteries, Pagan and Christian, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_N" id="IX_N"></a><i><br />N&auml;cke</i>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>

<li>Napoleon, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>

<li><i>Nars, L.</i>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>

<li>National Insurance, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>

<li>Nationalization of health, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>

<li>Natural selection and social reform, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>

<li><i>Nearing, Scott</i>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>

<li>Neo-Malthusianism, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li><i>Nevinson, H.W.</i>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>

<li><i>Newsholme</i>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li>

<li>New Zealand, birth-rate in, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>

<li><i>Nietzsche</i>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li>

<li><i>Niphus</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li>Norway, infantile mortality in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>

<li><i>N&ouml;tzel</i>, R., <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>

<li><i>Novikov</i>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a></li>

<li>Noys, H., <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>

<li><i>Nystr&ouml;m</i>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_O" id="IX_O"></a><br />Obscenity, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>

<li>Oneida, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>

<li>Ovid, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li>

<li>Owen, Robert, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_P" id="IX_P"></a><br />Pankhurst, Mrs., <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span></li>
<li><i>Partridge, G.L.</i>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>

<li><i>Paul, Eden</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li>

<li><i>Pearson, Karl</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>

<li><i>Penn, W.</i>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>

<li><i>Perrycoste, F.H.</i>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>

<li><i>Peters, J.P.</i>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>

<li><i>Pfaundler</i>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>

<li>Pinard, J., <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>

<li><i>Pinloche</i>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li>

<li><i>Plate</i>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>

<li><i>Ploetz</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li>

<li><i>Ploss</i>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>

<li>Police systems, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>

<li>Post Office, inquisition at the, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>

<li>Prohibition of alcohol in Maine, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>

<li>Prosperity in relation to fertility, <a href="#Page_169">169</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Prostitution, and feeble-mindedness, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and sexual selection, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">varying legal attitude towards, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></span></li>

<li>Puberty, psychic influence of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Puericulture, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_Q" id="IX_Q"></a><br />Quakers, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>

<li>Quarantine, origin of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_R" id="IX_R"></a><br />Race, alleged degeneration of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>

<li>Raines Law hotels, <a href="#Page_293">293</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li><i>Ramsay, Sir W.M.</i>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></li>

<li><i>Ranke, Karl</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>

<li><i>Raschke, Marie</i>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li>Reform, Social hygiene as distinct from sexual, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">four stages of social, <a href="#Page_4">4</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>

<li><i>Reibmayr</i>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>

<li>Religion, and eugenics, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the child, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>

<li>Reproduction, control of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>

<li><i>Richards, Ellen</i>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>

<li><i>Richardson, Sir B.W.</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>

<li><i>Robert, P.</i>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>

<li><i>Roberts, A.M.</i>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>

<li>Roman Catholics and Neo-Malthusianism, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>

<li>Roseville, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>

<li><i>Ross, E.A.</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>

<li><i>Rousseau</i>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>

<li><i>Rubin</i>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>

<li><i>Ruediger</i>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>

<li>Rural life, influence of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li><i>Russell, Mrs. B.</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li>Russia, infantile mortality in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">moral legislation in, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></span></li>

<li><i>Ryle, R.J.</i>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_S" id="IX_S"></a><br />Sacraments, origin of Christian, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>

<li>Saint-Pierre, Abb&eacute; de, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>

<li>Saint-Simon, <a href="#Page_51">1</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>

<li>St. Valentine and eugenics, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>

<li>Sand, George, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li>

<li>Sanitation as an element of social reform, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>

<li><i>Saussure, R. de</i>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>

<li><i>Sayer, E.</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li>

<li><i>Schallmayer</i>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>

<li><i>Schiff, M.</i>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li>

<li>Schleyer, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>

<li><i>Schooling, J.H.</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>

<li>Schools for mothers, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>Schrader, O.</i>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>

<li><i>Schreiner, Olive</i>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>

<li><i>Schroeder, T.</i>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>

<li>Science and social reform, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>

<li><i>Sellers, E.</i>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>

<li>Sex questions in Germany, <a href="#Page_87">87</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Sexual hygiene, <a href="#Page_244">244</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>

<li>Sexual selection, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span></li>
<li>Shaftesbury, Earl of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>

<li><i>Sherwell, A.</i>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li>

<li><i>Shrank, J.</i>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li>

<li><i>Si&eacute;gler-Pascal</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>

<li><i>Sitwell, Sir G.</i>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>

<li><i>Smith, Sir T.</i>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li><i>Smith, T.P.</i>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>

<li>Social reform as distinct from social hygiene, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">its four stages, <a href="#Page_4">4</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>

<li>Socialism, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Society of the future, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>

<li><i>Sollier</i>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li>

<li><i>Solmi</i>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li>

<li><i>Sombart</i>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>

<li>Spain, legalized concubinage in, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">women in, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></span></li>

<li>Spanish as an international language, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>

<li><i>Stanton, E.C.</i>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>

<li><i>Starbuck</i>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>

<li><i>Steinmetz</i>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>

<li><i>Steele</i>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>

<li>Sterilization, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>

<li>Sterility and the birth-rate, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>

<li><i>Stevenson</i>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>

<li><i>Stewart, A.</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>

<li><i>Stewart, R.S.</i>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>

<li><i>Stirner, Max</i>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>

<li>Stirpiculture, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>

<li><i>St&ouml;cker, H.</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li>

<li><i>Streitberg, Countess von</i>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li>Suffrage, woman's, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Sully, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>

<li>Sun, City of the, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>

<li><i>Sutherland, A.</i>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li>

<li><i>Sykes</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li>Syndicalism, <a href="#Page_32">329</a></li>

<li>Syphilis, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_T" id="IX_T"></a><br /><i>Taine</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_31">313</a></li>

<li><i>Takano</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>

<li><i>Tarde</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>

<li><i>Thompson, W.</i>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li>

<li><i>Toulouse</i>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>

<li>Tramps and feeble-mindedness, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>

<li><i>Tredgold</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_U" id="IX_U"></a><br />United States, birth-rate in, <a href="#Page_140">140</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">sexual hygiene in, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude towards immorality in, <a href="#Page_273">273</a> <i>et seq.</i></span></li>

<li>Urban life, influence of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>


<li><a name="IX_V" id="IX_V"></a><br />Vasectomy, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>

<li>Venereal disease and sexual hygiene, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>

<li><i>Vesnitch</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li>Vineland, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li>

<li>Volap&uuml;k, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_W" id="IX_W"></a><i><br />Wagenen, W.F. van</i>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>

<li>War against war, <a href="#Page_311">311</a> <i>et seq.</i></li>

<li>Ward, Mrs. Humphry, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li>

<li><i>Weale, B.L. Putnam</i>, <a href="#Page_15">157</a></li>

<li><i>Weatherby</i>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>

<li><i>Webb, Sidney</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_16">163</a></li>

<li><i>Weeks</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li>

<li><i>Weinberg, S.</i>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li><i>Wentworth, S.</i>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>

<li><i>Westergaard</i>, <a href="#Page_16">166</a></li>

<li><i>Westermarck</i>,559</li>

<li><i>Weuleresse</i>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>

<li>Wheeler, Mrs., <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>

<li>White slave trade, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li>

<li><i>Whetham, W.C.D. and Mrs.</i>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>

<li><i>Whitman, Walt</i>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>

<li><i>Wilcox, W.F.</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>

<li><i>Wilde, O.</i>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>

<li><i>Wilhelm, C.</i>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
<li><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span></p></li>
<li><i>Wollstonecraft, Mary</i>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>

<li>Woman, and eugenics, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">movement, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">economics, <a href="#Page_63">63</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">eighteenth century, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the suffrage, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Italian Renaissance, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Spanish literature, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</span></li>
<li><span style="margin-left: 1em;">and war, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></span></li>


<li><a name="IX_X" id="IX_X"></a><br /><i>Yule, G. Udny</i>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>


<li><a name="IX_Z" id="IX_Z"></a><br />Zamenhof, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>

<li>Zero family, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>

<li><i>Ziller</i>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
</ul>
</div>


<h4>
WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LTD.<br />
PRINTERS, PLYMOUTH
</h4>

<p>&nbsp;</p>
<hr />

<p>Transciber's notes:<br />
<br />
With the following exceptions spelling and punctuation of the
original text have been maintained:</p>

<ol>
<li>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation inconsistencies.</li>
<li>Chapter V, Par 16 "high death-rate" has been changed to "high birth-rate".</li>
<li>Chapter VII Par 16 "precocious sexual" has been changed
to "precocious scriptural".</li>
</ol>

<p>&nbsp;</p>
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