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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos
+of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction, by Adolph Francis Alphonse
+Bandelier
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction
+       Papers of the School of American Archaeology, No. 13
+
+
+Author: Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier
+
+
+
+Release Date: September 4, 2007  [eBook #22510]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO
+GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO; I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Joe Longo and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from digital material generously
+made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries
+(http://www.archive.org/details/americana)
+
+
+
+Note: Images of the original pages are available through
+      Internet Archive/American Libraries. See
+      http://www.archive.org/details/documentaryhisto01bandiala
+
+
+
+
+
+Archaeological Institute of America
+
+Papers of the School of American Archaeology
+
+Number Thirteen
+
+DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO
+
+I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION
+
+by
+
+ADOLPH F. BANDELIER
+
+1910
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE
+PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO
+
+BY ADOLPH F. BANDELIER
+
+I.--BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Seventeen years have elapsed since I was in the territory in which the
+events in the early history of the Rio Grande Pueblos transpired, and
+twenty-nine years since I first entered the field of research among
+those Pueblos under the auspices of the Archæological Institute of
+America. I am now called upon by the Institute to do for the Indians of
+the Rio Grande villages what I did nearly two decades ago for the Zuņi
+tribe, namely, to record their documentary history.
+
+I shall follow the method employed by me in the case of the documentary
+history of Zuņi, by giving the events with strict adherence to
+documentary sources, so far as may be possible, and shall employ the
+correlated information of other branches only when absolutely
+indispensable to the elucidation of the documentary material.
+
+The geographical features of the region to be treated are too well known
+to require mention. Neither can folklore and tradition, notwithstanding
+their decisive importance in a great many cases, be touched upon except
+when alluded to in the sources themselves. I am fully aware, as I stated
+in presenting the history of the Zuņi tribe, that a history based
+exclusively on documents, whether printed or written, must necessarily
+be imperfect because it is not impartial, since it summarizes the views
+of those who saw and understood but one side of the question, and judged
+it only from their own standpoint. This defect cannot be remedied, as it
+underlies the very nature of the task, and the greater therefore is the
+necessity of carefully studying the folklore of the Indians in order to
+check and complete as well as to correct the picture presented by people
+acquainted with the art of writing.
+
+In this Introduction I forego the employment of quotations, reserving
+such for the main work. Quotations and footnotes are not, as it has been
+imagined, a mere display of erudition--they are a duty towards the
+source from which they are taken, and a duty to its author; moreover,
+they are a duty towards the reader, who as far as possible should be
+placed in a position himself to judge the value and nature of the
+information presented, and, finally, they are a necessary indication of
+the extent of the author's responsibility. If the sources are given
+clearly and circumstantially, yet happen to be wrong, the author is
+exonerated from blame for resting upon their authority, provided, as it
+not infrequently happens, he has no way of correcting them by means of
+other information.
+
+In entering the field of documentary research the first task is to
+become thoroughly acquainted with the languages in which the documents
+are recorded. To be able to read cursorily a language in its present
+form is not sufficient. Spanish, for example, has changed comparatively
+less than German since the sixteenth century, yet there are locutions as
+well as words found in early documents pertaining to America that have
+fallen into disuse and hence are not commonly understood. Provincialisms
+abound, hence the history of the author and the environment in which he
+was reared should be taken into account, for sometimes there are phrases
+that are unintelligible without a knowledge of the writer's early
+surroundings. Translations as a rule should be consulted only with
+allowance, for to the best of them the Italian saying "Traduttore,
+tradittore" is applicable. With the greatest sincerity and honesty on
+the part of the translator, he is liable to an imperfect interpretation
+of an original text. There are of course instances when the original has
+disappeared and translations alone are available. Such is the case, for
+instance, with the Life of Columbus, written by his son Fernando and
+published in Italian in 1571; and the highly important report on the
+voyage of Cabral to Brazil in 1500, written by his pilot Vas da Cominho
+and others. These are known only through translations.
+
+Words from Indian languages are subject to very faulty rendering in the
+older documents. In the first place, sound alone guided the writers, and
+Indian pronunciation is frequently indistinct in the vowels and
+variable according to the individual--hence the frequent interchange in
+the Spanish sources of _a_ and _o_, _ķ_ and _u_, _e_ and _i_. For many
+sounds even the alphabets of civilized speech have not adequate phonetic
+signs. I may refer, as an example, to the Indian name in the Tigua
+language for the pueblo of Sandia. The Spanish attempt to render it by
+the word "Napeya" is utterly inadequate, and even by means of the
+complicated alphabets for writing Indian tongues I would not attempt to
+record the native term. In endeavoring to identify localities from names
+given to them in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by European
+authors, this difficulty should always be taken into account. No blame
+can be attached to the writers for such defects; it should always be
+remembered that they did not know, still less understand, the idioms
+they heard. Still less should we be surprised if the same site is
+sometimes mentioned under various names. Every Pueblo language has its
+own geographical vocabulary, and when, as sometimes happened, several
+tribes met in council with the whites, the latter heard and unwittingly
+recorded several names for one and the same locality, thus apparently
+increasing the number of villages. Moreover, interpreters were not
+always at hand, and when they could be had both their competency and
+their sincerity were open to question.
+
+It is not unusual to read in modern works that such and such a source is
+the reliable one _par excellence_, and the principal basis upon which to
+establish conclusions. No source, however seemingly insignificant,
+should be neglected. A brief mention is sometimes very important, as it
+may be a clue to new data, or may confirm or refute accepted information
+and thus lead to further investigation. Some documents, of course, are
+much more explicit than others, but this is no reason why the latter
+should be neglected. The value of a source may be subject to
+investigation from a number of points of view, but it is not always
+possible to obtain the requisite information. Thus the biographies of
+authors are an important requisite, but how seldom are they obtainable
+with the necessary detail!
+
+The sources of the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos, both printed and
+in manuscript, are numerous. The manuscript documents are as yet but
+imperfectly known. Only that which remained at Santa Fé after the first
+period of Anglo-American occupancy--a number of church books and
+documents formerly scattered through the parishes of New Mexico, and a
+very few documents held in private hands--have been accessible within
+the United States. In Mexico the parish and other official documents at
+El Paso del Norte (Juarez) up to the beginning of the eighteenth century
+have been examined by me to a certain extent, and at the City of Mexico
+the Archivo Nacional has yielded a number of important papers, though
+the research has been far from exhaustive, owing to the lack of time and
+support. Hence much still remains to be done in that field. Some
+destruction of papers of an official character appears to have taken
+place at Mexico also, yet with the present condition of the archives
+there is hope that much that appears to be lost will eventually be
+brought to light; in any event we still have recourse to the Spanish
+archives, principally at Sevilla. It was the rule during Spanish
+colonial domination to have every document of any importance executed in
+triplicate, one copy to remain at the seat of local government, another
+to be sent to the viceregal archives, and the third to the mother
+country. Hence there is always a hope that, if the first two were
+destroyed, the third might be preserved. So, for instance, the
+collection of royal decrees (_cedulas_) is imperfect at the City of
+Mexico. There are lacunæ of several decades, and it is perhaps
+significant that the same gaps are repeated in the publication of the
+"Cedulas" by Aguiar and Montemayor. In regard to ecclesiastical
+documents the difficulty is greater still. The archives of the
+Franciscan Order, to which the missions on the Rio Grande were assigned
+almost until the middle of the nineteenth century, have become
+scattered; the destruction of the archives at the great Franciscan
+convent in the City of Mexico in 1857, though not complete, resulted in
+the dispersion of those which were not burned or torn, and the
+whereabouts of these remnants are but imperfectly known. The documentary
+history of the Rio Grande Pueblos, therefore, can be only tentative at
+present, but it is given in the hope that it will incite further
+activity with the view of increasing and correcting the data thus far
+obtained.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The report of Cabeza de Vaca, commonly designated as his "Naufragios,"
+is as yet the earliest printed source known with reference to the Rio
+Grande Pueblos, concerning whom it imparts some vague information. The
+briefness and vagueness of that information calls for no adverse
+criticism, for Cabeza de Vaca plainly states that he writes of these
+people from hearsay and that his information was obtained near the mouth
+of the Rio Pecos in western Texas. What he afterward learned in Sonora
+with respect to sedentary Indians in the north is hardly connected with
+the Rio Grande region. The same may be the case with the information
+obtained by Nuņo de Guzman in 1530 and alluded to by Castaņeda. That
+Nuņo de Guzman had gained some information concerning the Pueblos seems
+certain, but everything points to the Zuņi region as the one mentioned
+by his informant. The same is true of the reports of Fray Marcos de
+Nizza and Melchor Diaz, which clearly apply to the Zuņi Pueblos, the
+most easterly settlement of sedentary Indians alluded to being the
+Queres pueblo of Acoma. It is to the chroniclers of the expedition of
+Coronado, therefore, that we must look for the earliest definite
+information concerning the Rio Grande valley and its inhabitants.
+
+It must be borne in mind that the expedition of Coronado was not a mere
+exploration. What was expected of its leader, and indeed peremptorily
+demanded, was a permanent settlement of the country. Coronado and his
+men were not to return to Mexico except in individual cases. The Viceroy
+Mendoza wanted to get rid of them. Whether Coronado was a party to the
+secret of this plan is doubtful; the indications are that he was not,
+whereas Fray Marcos of Nizza certainly was, and perhaps was its original
+promoter.
+
+The printed sources on Coronado's march may be divided into two
+chronologically distinct classes, the first of which comprises documents
+written in New Mexico in the years from 1540 to 1543; these reflect all
+the advantages and disadvantages of the writings of eye-witnesses. The
+mere fact that one had been a participant in the events which he
+describes is not a guaranty of absolute reliability: his sincerity and
+truthfulness may be above reproach, but his field of vision is
+necessarily limited, and the personal element controls his impressions,
+even against his will, hence his statements. These earliest sources
+regarding Coronado consist of the letters of Coronado himself (with the
+related letter of Viceroy Mendoza), and several briefer documents
+written in New Mexico but without indication of their authors. The last
+two letters written by Coronado alone touch upon the Rio Grande
+Pueblos--those of August 3, 1540, and October 20, 1541.
+
+As stated above, the expedition of Coronado was not designed as a mere
+exploration, but rather for the purpose of establishing a permanent
+settlement. Coronado's second letter, the first in which he touches upon
+the Rio Grande Pueblos, appears to have been lost. His letter of October
+20, 1541, although written near the site of the present Bernalillo, New
+Mexico, contains very little in regard to the Rio Grande Pueblos.
+
+The briefer documents pertaining to Coronado's expedition, and written
+while the Spaniards were still in New Mexico, with the exception of one
+(the report of the reconnoissance made by Hernando de Alvarado,
+accompanied by Fray Juan de Padilla to the east) concern Zuņi almost
+exclusively. The document respecting Alvarado's journey is contained in
+the _Coleccion de Documentos_ from the archives of the Indies, but is
+erroneously attributed to Hernando de Soto. The celebrated
+historiographer of Spain, Juan Bautista Muņoz, unacquainted with New
+Mexico, its geography and ethnography, criticized it rather harshly;
+nevertheless, the document is very reliable in its description of
+country and people: it alludes to features which are nowhere else
+noticed, and which were rediscovered by the late Frank Hamilton Cushing
+and myself about twenty-eight years ago. The number of villages and
+people in the Rio Grande region, of which the document gives a brief
+description, are, as usual, exaggerated; and it could hardly have been
+otherwise in view of a first and hasty visit, but it remains the
+earliest document in which Acoma and a part of the Rio Grande valley are
+treated from actual observation. The reconnoissance was made from August
+to October, 1540. It may be that one of the villages briefly described
+is Pecos, which lies of course some distance east of the Rio Grande, and
+the document is possibly the first one in which the nomadic Indians of
+eastern New Mexico are mentioned from actual observation.
+
+To these sources, which have both the merits and the defects of all
+documents written under the impressions of first direct acquaintance
+with the subject, must be added the "Relacion postrera de Sivola"
+contained in a manuscript by father Toribio de Paredes, surnamed
+Motolinia, and known as the _Libro de Oro_, etc., which is an augmented
+and slightly modified version of that celebrated missionary's history of
+the Mexicans. It is a condensed report that had reached Mexico after
+Coronado had left for Quivira and before his return had become known.
+Its allusion to the Rio Grande Pueblos and to Pecos is not without
+value, although it adds little to what is contained in the sources
+previously mentioned. On the Indians of the Plains it is, comparatively
+speaking, more explicit. The general tone of the document is one of
+sobriety. The "Relacion del Suceso," published in the _Documentos
+Inéditos de Indias_ under the erroneous date of 1531, is similar to the
+foregoing, but is more detailed in some respects and covers a longer
+period of time. It manifestly was written in New Mexico by a member of
+the expedition, but there is no clue as yet to the name of the author.
+It is a useful corollary to the other contemporary sources.
+
+Although written more than two centuries after Coronado's march, the
+references to it and to New Mexico contained in the _Historia de la
+Nueva Galicia_, by the licentiate Matias de la Mota Padilla, find a
+place here, since the author asserts that he derived much of his
+information from papers left by Pedro de Tovar, one of Coronado's chief
+lieutenants. Mota Padilla generally confirms the data furnished by the
+earlier documents, and adds some additional information. It is however
+quite impossible to determine what he gathered directly from the
+writings of Tovar and what he may have obtained through other and
+probably posterior sources. At all events the _Historia de la Nueva
+Galicia_ should never be neglected by students of the Pueblo Indians.
+
+We now come to the two chief chroniclers of Coronado's time--both
+participants in his undertakings and therefore eye-witnesses: Pedro de
+Castaņeda de Naxera and Juan Jaramillo. The fact that they were
+eye-witnesses establishes their high rank as authorities, but there is a
+difference between the two in that Castaņeda was a common soldier,
+whereas Jaramillo (a former companion and, to a certain extent, a
+friend of Cortés) was an officer. This fact alone establishes a
+difference in the opportunities for knowing and in the standpoint of
+judging what was seen, aside from the difference arising out of the
+character, facilities, and tendencies of the two individuals. Castaņeda
+is much more detailed in his narration than Jaramillo. Discontent with
+the management and the final outcome of the enterprise is apparent in
+the tone of his writings, and while this may not have influenced very
+materially his description of the country and its people, they render
+more or less suspicious his statements in regard to the dealings with
+the aborigines. Both Castaņeda and Jaramillo wrote a long time after the
+events had occurred, and probably from memory, hence the comparative
+accuracy of their descriptions is indeed remarkable. But that accuracy,
+however commendable, is relative rather than absolute, as both were
+liable to err, owing to the lapse of time and consequent failure to
+remember facts and events, and, especially with Castaņeda, the influence
+of personal prejudice growing stronger with age. Jaramillo had less
+occasion to fall into error resulting from such weakness, but he is much
+less detailed than Castaņeda. We might compare the two narrations by
+stating that that of Jaramillo embodies the reminiscences of one who
+stood officially on a higher plane and viewed his subject from a more
+general standpoint, whereas Castaņeda saw more of the inferior details
+but was more susceptible of confounding, hence to misstate, the mass of
+data which his memory retained. Both reports will always remain the
+chief sources on the subject of which they treat, subject of course to
+close comparison and checking with correlated sources, archaeological,
+ethnological, and geographical investigation, and Indian tradition.
+
+Before proceeding further in the discussion of the documents it must be
+stated that all references to distances in leagues must be taken with
+many allowances. According to Las Casas there were in use among the
+Spaniards in the sixteenth century, two kinds of leagues: the maritime
+league (_legua maritima_) and the terrestrial league (_legua
+terrestre_). The former, established by Alfonso XI in the twelfth
+century, consisted of four miles (_millas_) of four thousand paces, each
+pace being equal to three Castilian feet. The length of the Castilian
+foot at that time cannot be established with absolute minuteness. The
+terrestrial league consisted of three thousand paces each, so that while
+it contained nine thousand Castilian feet, the maritime league was
+composed of twelve thousand. The latter was used for distances at sea
+and occasionally also for distances on land, therefore where an
+indication of the league employed is not positively given, a computation
+of distances with even approximate accuracy is of course impossible.
+
+The result of Coronado's failure was so discouraging, and the reports on
+the country had been so unfavorable that for nearly forty years no
+further attempt was made to reach the North from New Spain. In fact
+Coronado and his achievements had become practically forgotten, and only
+when the southern part of the present state of Chihuahua in Mexico
+became the object of Spanish enterprise for mining purposes was
+attention again drawn to New Mexico, when the Church opened the way
+thither from the direction of the Atlantic slope. This naturally led the
+explorers first to the Rio Grande Pueblos.
+
+The brief report of the eight companions of Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado
+who in 1580 accompanied the Franciscan missionaries as far as
+Bernalillo, the site of which was then occupied by Tigua villages, and
+who went thence as far as Zuņi, is important, although it presents
+merely the sketch of a rather hasty reconnoissance. Following, as the
+Spaniards did, the course of the Rio Grande from the south, they fixed,
+at least approximately, the limit of the Pueblo region in that
+direction. Some of the names of Pueblos preserved in the document are
+valuable in so far as they inform us of the designations of villages in
+a language that was not the idiom of their inhabitants. Chamuscado
+having died on the return journey, the document is not signed by him,
+but by his men. The document had been lost sight of until I called
+attention to it nearly thirty years ago, the subsequent exploration by
+Antonio de Espejo having monopolized the attention of those interested
+in the early exploration of New Mexico.
+
+The report of Antonio de Espejo on his long and thorough reconnoissance
+in 1582-1583 attracted so much attention that for a time and in some
+circles his expedition was looked upon as resulting in the original
+discovery of New Mexico. This name was also given by Espejo to the
+country, and it thereafter remained. While the documents relating to
+Coronado slumbered unnoticed and almost forgotten, the report of Espejo
+was published within less than three years after it had been written. It
+must be stated here that there are two manuscripts of the report of
+Espejo, one dated 1583 and bearing his autograph signature and official
+(notarial) certificates, the other in 1584 which is a distorted copy of
+the original and with so many errors in names and descriptions that, as
+the late Woodbury Lowery very justly observed, it is little else than
+spurious. I had already called attention to the unreliability of the
+latter version, and yet it is the one that alone was consulted for more
+than three centuries because it had become accessible through
+publication in the Voiages of Hakluyt, together with an English
+translation even more faulty, if possible, than its Spanish original.
+The authentic document, with several others relating to Espejo's brief
+career, was not published in full until 1871, and even then attracted
+little attention because it was not translated and because the
+_Coleccion de Documentos del Archivo de Indias_ is not accessible to
+every one. But the publication of 1871 was by no means the first printed
+version of Espejo's relations. Even prior to 1586 a somewhat condensed
+narration of his exploration had been published, being embodied in the
+_History of China_ by Father Gonzalez Mendoza. This account is based on
+the authentic report in some of the various editions, on the spurious
+document in others. The book of Father Mendoza was soon translated into
+French. It is not surprising that Espejo's narrative should appear first
+in print in a work on the Chinese Empire by a Franciscan missionary.
+That ecclesiastic was impressed by some of Espejo's observations on
+Pueblo customs which he thought resembled those of the Chinese. The
+discoveries of Espejo were then the most recent ones that had been made
+by Spaniards, and as New Mexico was fancied to lie nearer the Pacific
+than it really does, and facing the eastern coast of China, a lurking
+desire to find a possible connection between the inhabitants of both
+continents on that side is readily explicable. But Father Mendoza had
+still another motive. The three monks which Chamuscado had left in New
+Mexico had sacrificed their lives in an attempt to convert the natives.
+They were martyrs of their faith, hence glories of their order, and the
+Franciscan author could not refrain from commemorating their deeds and
+their faith. The spurious text was not taken from Mendoza, but
+manifestly was copied from the transcript by a bungling scribe
+imperfectly acquainted with the Spanish tongue.
+
+The value of Espejo's narration is undoubtedly great. The author was a
+close practical observer and a sincere reporter. The more is it
+surprising that his statements in regard to the population of the
+Pueblos are so manifestly exaggerated; yet, as I have elsewhere stated,
+this may be explained. A tendency to enhance somewhat the importance of
+discoveries is inherent in almost every discoverer, but in the case of
+Espejo he was exposed to another danger. As he proceeded from village to
+village the natives gathered at every point from other places out of
+curiosity, fear, or perhaps with hostile intent, so that the number of
+the people which the explorer met was each time much larger than the
+actual number of inhabitants. On the question of population Espejo could
+have no knowledge, since he had no means of communicating with the
+people by speech. Furthermore, it is well known that a crowd always
+appears more numerous than it would prove to be after an actual count;
+besides, even if he could have counted the Indians present, he would
+have fallen into the error of recording the same individual several
+times.
+
+During the comparatively short time which Espejo had to explore the
+country as far as the Hopi or Moqui, he collected interesting
+ethnological data. Customs that appeared new as late as the second half
+of the last century were noted by him; and while his nomenclature of the
+Pueblos agrees in many points with that of the Coronado expedition,
+terms were added that have since been definitely adopted. Espejo's
+return to Mexico was to be followed by a definite occupancy of the Rio
+Grande country, but his untimely death prevented it, and the subsequent
+plan of colonization, framed and proposed by Juan Bautista de Lomas
+Colmenares, led to no practical results, as likewise did the ill-fated
+expedition of Humaņa, Bonilla, and Leyva, the disastrous end of which in
+the plains became known only through a few vestiges of information and
+by hearsay.
+
+Seven years after Espejo's journey, Gaspar Castaņo de Sosa penetrated
+to the Rio Grande near the present village of Santo Domingo. The report
+thereon is explicit and sober, and in it we find the first mention of
+the Spanish names by which some of the Pueblos have since become known.
+From this report it is easy to follow the route taken by Castaņo and his
+followers, but the account is incomplete, terminating abruptly at Santo
+Domingo, whither Castaņo had been followed by Captain Juan de Morlete,
+who was sent after him by the governor of what is now Coahuila, without
+whose permission Castaņo had undertaken the journey. I have no knowledge
+as yet of any document giving an account of the return of the
+expedition.
+
+Seven years more elapsed ere the permanent occupancy of New Mexico was
+effected under the leadership of Juan de Oņate. Thenceforward events in
+that province became the subject of uninterrupted documentary record.
+
+The very wise and detailed ordinances regulating the discovery and
+annexation to Spain of new territory, promulgated by Philip II, declared
+that every exploration or conquest (the term "conquest" was subsequently
+eliminated from Spanish official terminology and that of "pacification"
+substituted) should be recorded as a journal or diary. Royal decrees
+operated very slowly in distant colonies. Neither Chamuscado nor Espejo
+kept journals, but Castaņo de Sosa, and especially Oņate, did. His
+_diario_ (which is accessible through its publication in the _Documentos
+del Archivo de Indias_, although there are traces of an earlier
+publication) was copied for printing by someone manifestly unacquainted
+with New Mexico or with its Indian nomenclature, hence its numerous
+names for sites and tribes are often very difficult to identify. But the
+document itself is a sober, matter-of-fact record of occurrences and
+geographical details, interspersed with observations of more or less
+ethnological value. As Oņate followed the course of the Rio Grande
+upward from below El Paso del Norte, and afterward branched off to
+almost every sedentary settlement in New Mexico and Arizona, the
+comparison of his diary with previous reports (those of the Coronado
+expedition included) is highly valuable, indeed indispensable. The
+_diario_ forms the beginning of accurate knowledge of the region under
+consideration. Perhaps more important still are the Acts of Obedience
+and Homage (_Obediencia y Vasallaje_) executed at various villages
+during the course of the years 1598 and 1599. At first sight, and to one
+unacquainted with Pueblo idioms, they present an unintelligible list of
+partly recognizable names. But the confusion becomes somewhat reduced
+through closer scrutiny and by taking into consideration the
+circumstances under which each official document was framed. Oņate
+already enjoyed the advantage of interpreters in at least one New
+Mexican Indian tongue, but the meetings or councils during which the
+"acts of obedience" were written were not always at places where his
+interpreters understood the language of the people they were among.
+These scribes faithfully recorded the names of pueblos as they heard
+them, and sometimes several names, each in a different language for the
+same village, hence the number of pueblos recorded is considerably
+larger than it actually was. Again the inevitable misunderstanding of
+Indian pronunciation by the Spaniards caused them to write the same word
+in different forms according as the sounds were uttered and caught by
+the ear. An accurate copy of these documents of Oņate's time made by one
+versed in Pueblo nomenclature and somewhat acquainted with Pueblo
+languages would be highly desirable. Oņate is not given to fulness in
+ethnological details. His journal is a dry record of what happened
+during his march and occupancy of the country. Customs are only
+incidentally and briefly alluded to.
+
+One of Oņate's officers, however, Captain Gaspar Perez de Villagra, or
+Villagran, published in 1610 a _Historia de la Nueva Mexico_ in verse.
+As an eye-witness of the events he describes, Villagran has the merits
+and defects of all such authors, and the fact that he wrote in rhyme
+called poetry does not enhance the historical merit of his book.
+Nevertheless we find in it many data regarding the Pueblos not elsewhere
+recorded, and study of the book is very necessary. We must allow for the
+temptation to indulge in so-called poetical license, although Villagran
+employs less of it than most Spanish chroniclers of the period that
+wrote in verse. The use of such form and style of writing was regarded
+in Spain as an accomplishment at the time, and not many attempted it,
+which is just as well. Some of the details and descriptions of actions
+and events by Villagran have been impeached as improbable; but even if
+such were the case, they would not detract from the merits of his book
+as an attempt at an honest and sincere narration and a reasonably
+faithful description.
+
+The minor documents connected with Oņate's enterprise and subsequent
+administration of the New Mexican colony, so far as known, are of
+comparatively small importance to the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos.
+During the first years of the seventeenth century the attention of Oņate
+was directed chiefly toward explorations in western Arizona and the Gulf
+of California. While he was absent on his memorable journey, quarrels
+arose in New Mexico between the temporal and ecclesiastical authorities,
+which disturbed the colony for many years and form the main theme of the
+documentary material still accessible. Even the manuscripts relating to
+these troubles contain, here and there, references to the ethnological
+condition of the Pueblos. Charges and counter-charges of abuses
+committed by church and state could not fail to involve, incidentally,
+the points touching upon the Indians, and the documentary material of
+that period, still in manuscript but accessible through the copies made
+by me and now in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, should not be
+neglected by serious investigators. To enter into details regarding the
+tenor of these documents would be beyond the scope of this Introduction,
+but I would call attention in a general way to the value and importance
+of church records, which consist chiefly of registers of baptisms,
+marriages, and deaths. These for the greater part were kept with
+considerable scrupulosity, although there are periods during which the
+same degree of care was not exercised. They are valuable ethnologically
+by reason of the data which they afford with respect to intermarriages
+between members of distant tribes, through the numerous Indian personal
+names that they contain, and on account of the many records of events
+which the priests deemed it desirable to preserve. Examples will be
+given in the text of the Documentary History to follow.
+
+The _Libros de Fabrica_, in which are recorded items bearing on the
+economic side of church administration, are usually less important;
+still they contain data that should not be neglected, for very often
+minor points deserve as much attention as salient ones. Unfortunately
+the church records of the period prior to 1680 have well-nigh
+disappeared from New Mexico, but some still exist at El Paso del Norte
+(Juarez), Chihuahua, that date back to the middle of the seventeenth
+century. The absence of these records may be somewhat overcome by
+another class of ecclesiastical documents, much more numerous and more
+laborious to consult. In fact I am the only one who thus far has
+attempted to penetrate the mass of material which they contain, although
+my researches have been far from exhaustive, owing to lack of support in
+my work. These documents, commonly called "Diligencias Matrimoniales,"
+are the results of official investigations into the status of persons
+desiring to marry. From their nature these investigations always cover a
+considerable period, sometimes more than a generation, and frequently
+disclose historical facts that otherwise might remain unknown. These
+church papers also, though not frequently, include fragments of
+correspondence and copies of edicts and decrees that deserve attention.
+
+The destruction of the archives and of writings of all kinds in New
+Mexico during the Indian revolt of 1680 and in succeeding years has left
+the documentary history of the province during the seventeenth century
+almost a blank. Publications are very few in number. There is no doubt
+that the archives of Spain and even those of Mexico will yet reveal a
+number of sources as yet unknown; but in the meantime, until these
+treasures are brought to light, we must remain more or less in the dark
+as to the conditions and the details of events prior to 1692. A number
+of letters emanating from Franciscan sources have been published lately
+in Mexico by Luis Garcia y Pimentel, and these throw sidelights on New
+Mexico as it was in the seventeenth century that are not without value.
+In the manuscripts from the archives at Santa Fé that survived the
+Pueblo revolt, now chiefly in the Library of Congress at Washington,
+occasional references to events anterior to the uprising may be found;
+and the church books of El Paso del Norte (Juarez) contain some few data
+that should not be neglected.
+
+In 1602 there was published at Rome, under the title of _Relaciķn del
+Descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico_, a small booklet by the Dean of
+Santiago, Father Montoya, which purports to give a letter from Oņate on
+his occupancy of New Mexico and journey to the Colorado river of the
+West, thus covering the period between 1597 and 1605. It is preceded by
+a notice of Espejo's exploration, but it is entirely too brief to afford
+much information. The little book is exceedingly rare; but three copies
+of it exist in the United States, so far as I am aware.
+
+Of greater importance are the notices, of about the same period,
+preserved by Fray Juan de Torquemada in the first volume of his
+_Monarchia Indiana_ (1615). In this work we find the first mention of
+some Pueblo fetishes, with their names, as understood at the time. The
+letter of Fray Francisco de San Miguel, first priest of Pecos, given in
+print by Torquemada, is of considerable interest. Torquemada himself was
+never in New Mexico, but he stood high in the Franciscan Order and had
+full access to the correspondence and to all other papers submitted from
+outside missions during his time. It is much to be regretted that the
+three manuscript pamphlets by Fray Roque Figueredo, bearing the titles
+_Relacion del Viage al Nuevo México_, _Libro de las Fundaciones del
+Nuevo Mexico_, and _Vidas de los Varones Ilustres_, etc., appear to be
+lost. Their author was first in New Mexico while Oņate governed that
+province, and his writings were at the great convent of Mexico. Whether
+they disappeared during the ruthless dispersion of its archives in 1857
+or were lost at an earlier date is not known.
+
+After the recall of Oņate from New Mexico, not only the colony but also
+the missions in that distant land began to decline, owing to the bitter
+contentions between the political and the ecclesiastical authorities.
+The Franciscan Order, desirous of inspiring an interest in New Mexican
+missions, fostered the literary efforts of its missionaries in order to
+promote a propaganda for conversions. It also sent a special visitor to
+New Mexico in the person of Fray Estevan de Perea, who gave expression
+to what he saw and ascertained, in two brief printed but excessively
+rare documents, a facsimile copy of which is owned by my friend Mr F. W.
+Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. A third letter which I have
+not been able to see is mentioned by Ternaux-Compans, also a "Relacion
+de la Conversion de los Jumanos" by the same and dated 1640.
+
+Much more extended than the brief pamphlets by Fray Perea is the
+_Relaciones de todas las cosas acaecidas en el Nuevo Mexico hasta el Aņo
+de 1626_ (I abbreviate the very long title), by Fray Geronimo de Zárate
+Salmerķn, which was published in the third series of the first
+_Colecciķn de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, and also by Mr
+Charles F. Lummis in _The Land of Sunshine_, with an English
+translation. This work, while embodying chiefly a narrative most
+valuable to the ethnography of western Arizona and eastern California,
+of the journey of Oņate to the Colorado river of the West, followed by
+an extended report on De Soto's expedition to the Mississippi river,
+contains data on the Rio Grande Pueblos and on those of Jemez that are
+of permanent value. The author gives the numbers of Pueblo Indians
+officially converted during his time.
+
+We come now to a book which, though small in compass, has had perhaps
+greater circulation in languages other than Spanish, with the exception
+of the _Destruycion de las Indias_ by the notorious Las Casas, than any
+other. This is the work of Fray Alonso de Benavides, on New Mexico,
+first published in 1630 under the misleading title of _Memorial que Fray
+Juan de Santander de la Orden de San Francisco, Comisario General de
+Indias, presenta a la Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe cuarto
+nuestro Seņor_, etc., Madrid, 1630. Benavides was custodian of the
+Franciscan province of New Mexico for some time, and therefore had good
+opportunity of knowing both the country and its natives. He gives a very
+precise and clear enumeration of the groups of Pueblo Indians, locating
+them where they had been found by Coronado ninety years before and
+adding those which the latter had not visited, as well as giving the
+number of villages of each group and the approximate number of people
+therein contained. No writer on New Mexico up to this time had given
+such a clear idea of its ethnography, so far as the location and the
+distribution of the stocks are concerned. While somewhat brief on
+manners and customs, Benavides is fuller and more explicit than any of
+his predecessors, and informs us of features of importance which no
+other author in earlier times mentioned. In short, his book is more
+valuable for New Mexican ethnography than any other thus far known, and
+it is not a matter of surprise, therefore, that it was translated into
+several European languages. That the Rio Grande Pueblos receive an
+abundant share of attention from Benavides is natural. We also obtain
+from him some data, not elsewhere found, concerning the establishment
+and fate of the missions, and the true relations of the Spaniards and
+the natives are particularly well portrayed. Both the Apaches and the
+Navajos also receive some attention, Benavides giving, among others, the
+true reason for the hostility which the Apaches displayed since that
+time against the Spanish settlements. It is a book without which the
+study of the Pueblo Indians could not be satisfactory.
+
+Where there is strong light there must of necessity be some shadow. In
+the case of Benavides the shadow is found in the exaggerated number of
+inhabitants attributed to the New Mexican Pueblos, exaggerations as
+gross and as glaring as those of Espejo. The number of villages of some
+of the Pueblo groups is also somewhat suspicious. It is not difficult to
+explain these probably intentional deviations from the truth in an
+otherwise sincere and highly valuable work. As already indicated, the
+publications emanating from the Franciscan Order, which exclusively
+controlled the New Mexican missions, had a special purpose distinct from
+that of mere information: they were designed to promote a propaganda not
+simply for the conversion of the Indians in general, but especially for
+the conversions made or to be made by the Order. New Mexico was in a
+state of neglect, spiritually and politically; the political authorities
+had been denouncing the Franciscans in every possible way, and there was
+danger, if this critical condition continued, that the Order might lose
+its hold upon the northern territories and its mission be turned over to
+the Jesuits, who were then successfully at work in the Mexican northwest
+and approaching New Mexico from that direction. To prevent such a loss
+it was deemed necessary to present to the faithful as alluring a picture
+of the field as possible, exploiting the large number of neophytes as a
+result already accomplished and hinting at many more as subjects for
+conversion. Hence the exaggerated number of Indians in general
+attributed by Benavides to what then comprised the religious province of
+New Mexico. In this respect, and in this alone, the _Memorial_ of
+Benavides may be regarded as a "campaign document," but this does not
+impair its general value and degree of reliability.
+
+For the period between 1630 and the uprising of 1680 there is a lack of
+printed documents concerning New Mexico that is poorly compensated by
+the known manuscripts which I have already mentioned as existing in New
+Mexico and Mexico. Still there appeared in 1654 a little book by Juan
+Diez de la Calle, entitled _Memorial y Resúmen breve de Noticias de las
+Indias Occidentales_, in which the disturbances that culminated in the
+assassination of Governor Luis de Rosas in 1642 are alluded to. The
+national archives at the City of Mexico contain a still fuller report of
+that event, in a royal decree of 1643 and other papers concerning the
+deed, all of which are yet unpublished. The archives of Spain have as
+yet been only meagerly investigated. The publication of the report of
+Father Nicolas de Freytas, Portuguese, on the expedition attributed to
+Diego de Peņalosa Brizeņo into what is now Kansas or Nebraska, is of no
+importance in the study of the Rio Grande Pueblos. The authenticity of
+the document has been strongly doubted, though probably without just
+cause. Equally unimportant to the subject of the Documentary History to
+follow is the letter of Captain Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, published in
+the appendix to the criticism of Cesareo Fernandez Duro on the report of
+Father Freytas. The otherwise very interesting letter on New Mexico,
+written by Fray Alonso de Posadas, also printed in the work of Duro, is
+meager in its allusions to the Rio Grande.
+
+Sixty-eight years after Benavides' time the _Teatro Mexicano_ of the
+Franciscan Fray Agustin de Vetancurt was published. The third and fourth
+parts of this important work, namely, the _Cronica de la Provincia del
+Santo Evangelio de Mexico_ and the _Menologio Franciscano_, are of the
+highest value to the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos and of New Mexico
+generally. Although printed eighteen years after the New Mexican
+missions had been destroyed by the Pueblo Indians, the _Cronica_
+contains a terse description of the missions and Indian villages as they
+had been previous to 1680, and gives data in regard to the population
+that are commendable in their sobriety and probability. The work of
+Vetancurt is in this respect a great improvement upon Benavides, and it
+is interesting to note how his approximate census approaches the figures
+given by Zárate Salmerķn seventy years before. Vetancurt had at his
+disposal much more precise data than Benavides. During the seven
+decades separating the three authors much information had been
+accumulated, and with greater chances of accuracy than before. Vetancurt
+made good use of this accumulation of material, and his books are in
+fact the most reliable sources from which to ascertain the status of the
+Pueblos at the time the insurrection commenced. The historical data
+given by Vetancurt in regard to New Mexico during earlier times are not
+of great value, but the _Menologio_, as well as the _Cronica_, contains
+a number of details on the missions and on the lives and achievements of
+the missionaries that become important to an understanding of the Indian
+himself. That such references are overburdened with details of a purely
+religious character does not at all impair their ethnologic value: they
+are pictures of the times according to the nature of which circumstances
+and events can alone be judged properly.
+
+We have now arrived at a period marking a great temporary change in the
+condition of all the Pueblo Indians, and of those of the Rio Grande
+especially. This is the insurrection, successful for a time, of the
+Pueblos in 1680, against the Spanish domination. The material on this
+eventful epoch is still largely in manuscript, the nearest approach to a
+documentary presentation in full being the incomplete paraphrase
+furnished by W. W. H. Davis in his _Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_,
+published in 1869. No blame should be attached to the author for the
+insufficiency of his data. He made the best possible use of his
+materials with the help of my late friends David Miller and Samuel
+Ellison of Santa Fé, but the archives of Santa Fé had already been
+depleted through neglect and criminal waste, and what was and is left
+(as I know from having handled it frequently and thoroughly) is a mass
+of fragments, sometimes long, sometimes short, often disconnected and
+therefore unsatisfactory. I shall refer to this material later. Of the
+manuscript materials preceding and foreshadowing the insurrection, an
+important letter by the Franciscan Fray Francisco de Ayeta, a copy of
+which is in the national archives of Mexico, deserves to be specially
+mentioned. To this indefatigable monk, whose timely warnings were too
+lightly regarded by the Spanish authorities, are also due the data
+concerning the lives and the awful fate of the Franciscan priests at
+the hands of the Pueblo Indians on August 10, 1680. The original of
+this tragic list is in manuscript in the national archives of Mexico,
+where Vetancurt made use of it in his _Teatro_. The memorial sermon
+preached and published in Mexico in 1681 (a copy of which exceedingly
+rare print was procured by my friend the Honorable L. Bradford Prince of
+Santa Fé) rests for its information upon the obituaries preserved by
+Father Ayeta. That these obituaries are of direct value to the history
+of the Rio Grande Pueblos is apparent.
+
+The sermon alluded to is the earliest print, so far as known, concerning
+the great Indian uprising of 1680. Next in date comes a publication
+touching the various attempts made by the Spaniards to reconquer New
+Mexico prior to 1693. In that year Carlos de Sigüenza y Gongora
+published in the City of Mexico a kind of irregular newspaper bearing
+the title _El Mercurio Volante_, in which appears a concise and
+tolerably reliable sketch of the insurrection and the various attempts
+to reconquer the territory, including the successful one in 1692 by
+Diego de Vargas. Sigüenza is brief, but reasonably accurate. Part of the
+documents concerning the Indian uprising were published in the
+nineteenth century in the Third Series of the _Colecciķn de Documentos
+para la Historia de Mexico_, but no complete print of the voluminous
+papers concerning those events has yet appeared, and indeed the most
+important documents still remain in manuscript. In 1701 Villagutierre y
+Sotomayor published his voluminous _Historia de la Conquistay
+Reducciones de los Itzaes y Lacandones en la America Septentrional_, in
+which appears a brief description of the Indian uprising in New Mexico.
+His data are of course gathered at second hand, although from
+contemporary sources.
+
+I know of no other publications concerning the Indian uprising, so often
+mentioned, between the close of the seventeenth century and the
+beginning of the eighteenth. The manuscript material, which has been
+much scattered, may be divided locally into three groups. The one,
+originally at Santa Fé, New Mexico, is now in the Library of Congress at
+Washington; it had been much neglected, hence for the greater part
+seriously reduced, in former times, but it still contains most valuable
+information on the condition of the Rio Grande Pueblos immediately after
+the uprising and during the time the Pueblos were left to themselves,
+attempting to return to their primitive condition. This information,
+embodied in interrogatories of Indians subsequent to 1680, I made the
+subject of a closing chapter to my _Documentary History of the Zuņi
+Tribe_, but it was withheld from publication for some cause unknown to
+me. The military reports on the expeditions of Diego de Vargas and the
+final reconquest of New Mexico are reduced to disconnected but still
+bulky fragments. Almost unique of their kind are the so-called "Pueblo
+grants" emanating from Governor Domingo Gironza Petros de Cruzate in
+1688. The term "grant" is a misnomer, since it refers in fact to a
+limitation to the innate tendency of the Indians to arbitrarily expand
+their tribal range. These documents have become the legal basis of
+landholding by the Pueblos and the first step toward eventual single
+tenure.
+
+The second group of manuscripts, in the national archives in the City of
+Mexico, is more complete than the first. It contains information on the
+beginnings of the rebellion and on later events that are of great
+importance.
+
+The third group, and by far the most complete, is in Spain, but in
+regard to it I am unable to give any precise information, since every
+opportunity of completing my investigations concerning the Southwest by
+studying the Spanish archives, notwithstanding repeated promises, has
+been withheld.
+
+For the eighteenth century documentary materials pertaining to New
+Mexico remain, it may be said, almost exclusively in manuscript. A
+connecting link between the printed sources of the seventeenth and
+eighteenth centuries are the _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el
+Padre José Amando Niel_, in the early part of the eighteenth century,
+published in the Third Series of the _Documentos para la Historia de
+Mexico_. Father Niel was a Jesuit who visited New Mexico shortly after
+the reconquest. His observations are of comparatively mediocre value,
+yet his writings should not be overlooked. The journal of the Brigadier
+Pedro de Rivera, in 1736, of his military march to Santa Fé, is a dry,
+matter-of-fact account, but is nevertheless valuable owing to his
+concise and utterly unembellished description of the Rio Grande valley
+and of what he saw therein. The book is very rare, and therefore
+correspondingly unnoticed.
+
+A brief but important contribution to the history of New Mexico is the
+letter of Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, published in the Third
+Series of the _Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_. About the same
+time, in the second half of the eighteenth century, the Brigadier José
+Cortés wrote an extended report on the territory, but it concerns more
+the relations with the constantly hostile roaming tribes than the
+condition of the Pueblos. It also is printed in the _Documentos_.
+
+The otherwise very important diary of the journey of Fray Francisco
+Garcés to northern Arizona, published first in the above-mentioned
+_Colecciķn de Documentos_, and more recently (with highly valuable
+notes) by the late Dr Elliott Coues, touches only incidentally on the
+Rio Grande region. In 1746 Joseph Antonio de Villa-Seņor y Sanchez
+embodied in his _Theatro Americano_ a description of New Mexico,
+condensed chiefly from the journal of the Brigadier Rivera, mentioned
+above. The _Diccionario Geografico_ by Murillo is also a source that
+should not be neglected.
+
+A great amount of documentary manuscript material, mostly of a local
+character, is contained in the church books of the eighteenth century
+formerly at the pueblo of Santa Clara and now preserved at Santa Fé
+through the efforts of the late Archbishop J. B. Salpointe. There are
+also the "Informaciones Matrimoniales," which contain data of great
+importance. Through them we are informed of the tragic fate of the last
+expedition of the Spaniards to the northwest, with its horrifying
+incidents. The story of woe and disaster that pictures the life of the
+Indian Pueblos and Spanish settlers during the eighteenth century is
+contained in fragments in the plain, matter-of-fact church registers,
+and it requires painstaking investigation to collect it. The greatest
+part of this information concerns the Rio Grande Pueblos. A careful
+investigation of the matrimonial and baptismal registers will yield data
+concerning the clans and indications of the primitive rules of marriage,
+while the "Libros de Fabrica" contain interesting data on the churches
+of the Rio Grande valley. Great labor and the utmost scrutiny are
+required in sifting these time-worn papers for desirable data, and
+especially is a considerable knowledge of conditions and events
+necessary; but the result of thorough investigation, especially through
+literal copying by the student, will amply repay the time and labor
+bestowed.
+
+What I have stated in regard to the church archives applies, in a still
+greater degree, to the state and private papers that may be accessible.
+Of the former the archives of Santa Fé contain a great number, though
+many of them are only fragmentary. Valuable documents exist also in the
+archives of the Surveyor General at Santa Fé; these are valuable chiefly
+for historical data covering the first half of the eighteenth century.
+The national archives in the City of Mexico are much more complete than
+those of New Mexico, while in Spain we may expect to find an almost
+complete set of government documents, preserved with much greater care
+and with more system than in any early Spanish possessions in America.
+The city of Sevilla would be the first place in which research in this
+direction should be conducted.
+
+Before closing this bibliographic sketch with a glance at the earliest
+literature of the nineteenth century, I must mention two ponderous books
+of the eighteenth century which, while based on second-hand information
+and not very valuable in detail, refer occasionally to facts and data
+not elsewhere found. These are the two volumes of the _Crķnica
+Apostķlica y Seráfica de la Propaganda Fide de Querétaro_. The first
+volume, written by Fray Isidro Felis Espinosa and published in 1746, is
+interesting especially on account of its reference to the fate of the
+first Frenchmen brought into New Mexico, and one of whom, Juan de
+Archibčque, played an important rôle in the first two decades of the
+eighteenth century. The second volume, the author of which was Fray
+Domingo de Arricivita, was published in 1792, and is the chief source
+concerning the still problematical expedition to the north attributed to
+two Franciscan friars in 1538. Both of these works are of relatively
+minor importance, and I mention them here only for the sake of
+completeness and in order to warn against attaching undue importance to
+them so far as the Pueblos are concerned.
+
+It is of course understood that I omit from the above account a number
+of publications containing more or less brief and casual references to
+New Mexico. Most of them are geographical, and but few allude to
+historical facts. In the notes to the Documentary History proper I may
+refer to some of them.
+
+Perhaps the last book published on New Mexico in the Spanish language is
+the little book of Pino, which, however, has little more than a
+bibliographic value except in so far as it touches the condition of New
+Mexico at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The documents in the
+New Mexican and Mexican archives up to the date of the American
+occupancy present features similar to those that characterize the
+Spanish documents of the eighteenth century. It would be too tedious to
+refer to them in detail, and I therefore dismiss them for the present
+with this brief mention. If I do not mention here the literature on New
+Mexico in the English language it is not due to carelessness or to
+ignorance of it, but because of its much greater wealth in number and
+contents, its more ready accessibility, and because in matters
+respecting the history of early times the authors of these works have
+all been obliged to glean their information from at least some of the
+sources that I have above enumerated and discussed.
+
+It may surprise students of New Mexican history that I have thus far
+omitted the very earliest sources in print in which New Mexico is
+mentioned, namely, the work of Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, and
+that of Gomara. The former was published in part in the first half of
+the sixteenth century, the entire work appearing at Madrid not earlier
+than 1850 and 1851. Its title, as is well known, is _Historia General y
+Natural de las Indias_. The work of Francisco Lopez de Gomara bears the
+title _Historia de las Indias_, and is in two parts. Gomara is more
+explicit than Oviedo, who gives only a brief and preliminary mention;
+but even Gomara, while more detailed, and basing his work evidently on
+the earliest data then accessible in regard to the expedition of
+Coronado, cannot be compared with the later reports of those attached to
+the expedition. The value of these books is comparatively slight, so far
+as New Mexico is concerned. Much more important is the _Historia
+General_, etc., by Antonio de Herrera (1601-1615). What authorities
+Herrera had at his command cannot be readily determined. He may have had
+access to the report of Jaramillo, and he was certainly acquainted with
+the letters of Coronado. Perhaps the letter of Coronado which I have as
+yet been unable to find was consulted by him. In any event Herrera's
+information is all second-hand, and while by no means devoid of merit,
+his work cannot rank with sources written by men who saw the country and
+took part in the events of the earliest explorations. The map
+accompanying the first volume of Herrera, while scarcely more than an
+outline, is still in advance of the charts published during the
+sixteenth century.
+
+Here I may be permitted to refer to the older cartography of New Mexico
+in general. Until the beginning of the seventeenth century these maps
+are very defective and incomplete. It is almost as if the Ptolemy of
+1548 had served as a basis for them. Even the large and beautiful globe
+constructed at St. Gall in Switzerland in 1595, and now in the Swiss
+National Museum at Zürich, places Tiguex near the Pacific coast. It is
+through the work of Benavides that more correct ideas of New Mexican
+geography were gained and a somewhat more accurate and detailed
+nomenclature was introduced, since the _Geografie Blaviane_ of 1667 by
+the Dutch cartographer Jean Blaeuw contains a map of the region far
+superior to any hitherto published. The number of early maps of New
+Mexico is larger than is generally supposed, and there are to-day
+unpublished maps (for instance in the National Archives of Mexico for
+the eighteenth century) that indicate, as existing, Indian pueblos and
+missions that were abandoned nearly a century before the maps were made.
+
+I must state that in this Introduction I have abbreviated as much as
+practicable the titles of books and manuscripts. These are often very
+long, and it is unnecessary to burden the present text with them, as I
+shall have to give the full titles in the notes to the Documentary
+History proper.
+
+It may not be out of place to add to the above a brief review of the
+distribution and location of the various Pueblo groups at the beginning
+of the sixteenth century, but strictly according to documentary
+information alone. The location of different villages must be reserved
+for later treatment, hence as the ranges of the various linguistic
+groups had no definite boundaries, only the relative position and
+approximate extent can be given here.
+
+Following the course of the Rio Grande to the north from northern
+Chihuahua, the Mansos were first met, in the vicinity of the present
+Juarez, Mexico. This was in 1598. Nearly one hundred and forty years
+later Brigadier Don Pedro de Rivera met them farther north, not far
+from Las Cruces and Doņa Ana, New Mexico. To-day they are again at El
+Paso del Norte. About San Marcial on the Rio Grande began the villages
+of the Piros, at present reduced to one small village on the right bank
+of the Rio Grande below El Paso. The Piros extended in the sixteenth
+century as far north in the Rio Grande valley as Alamillo at least, and
+a branch of them had established themselves on the borders of the great
+eastern plains of New Mexico, southeast of the Manzano. That branch,
+which has left well-known ruins at Abķ, Gran Quivira (Tabirá), and other
+sites in the vicinity, abandoned its home in the seventeenth century,
+forming the Piro settlement below El Paso, already mentioned. North of
+the Piros, between a line drawn south of Isleta and the Mesa del
+Canjelon, the Tiguas occupied a number of villages, mostly on the
+western bank of the river, and a few Tigua settlements existed also on
+the margin of the eastern plains beyond the Sierra del Manzano. These
+outlying Tigua settlements also were abandoned in the seventeenth
+century, their inhabitants fleeing from the Apaches and retiring to form
+the Pueblo of Isleta del Sur on the left bank of the Rio Grande in
+Texas.
+
+North of the Tiguas the Queres had their homes on both sides of the
+river as far as the great caņon south of San Ildefonso, and an outlying
+pueblo of the Queres, isolated and quite remote to the west, was Acoma.
+The most northerly villages on the Rio Grande were those of the Tehuas.
+Still beyond, but some distance east of the Rio Grande, lay the Pueblos
+of Taos and Picuris, the inhabitants of which spoke a dialectic
+variation of the Tigua language of the south. The Tehuas also approached
+the Rio Grande quite near, at what is called La Bajada; and in about the
+same latitude, including the former village at Santa Fé, began that
+branch of the Tehuas known as Tanos, whose settlements ranged from north
+of Santa Fé as far as the eastern plains and southward to Tajique, where
+their territory bordered that of the eastern Tiguas.
+
+The Rio Grande Queres extended also as far west as the Jemez river; and
+north of them, on the same stream, another linguistic group, the Jemez,
+had established themselves and built several villages of considerable
+size. East of the Rio Grande and southwest-ward from Santa Fé another
+branch of the Jemez occupied the northern valley of the Rio Pecos.
+
+The main interest in this distribution of the Rio Grande Pueblos lies in
+the fact that it establishes a disruption and division of some of these
+groups prior to the sixteenth century, but of the cause and the manner
+thereof there is as yet no documentary information. Thus the Tigua
+Indians of Taos and Picuris are separated from their southern relatives
+on the Rio Grande by two distinct linguistic groups, the Tehuas and the
+Queres; the Jemez and the Pecos were divided from each other by the
+Queres and the Tanos. That the Piros and the Tiguas should have
+separated from the main stock might be accounted for by the attraction
+of the great salt deposits about the Manzano and greater accessibility
+to the buffalo plains, but that in the Rio Grande valley itself foreign
+linguistic groups should have interposed themselves between the northern
+and southern Tiguas and the Jemez and Pecos constitutes a problem which
+only diligent research in traditions, legends, and the native languages
+may satisfactorily solve.
+
+  NEW YORK CITY,
+    March, 1910.
+
+
+
+      *      *      *      *      *      *
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note.
+
+  Several words purposely occur in accented and non-accented forms. The
+  differing occurrences are retained.
+
+  Page 20: Misspelling of Sante Fé corrected to Santa Fé.
+  Page 23: The title "Coleccion de Documentos" modified to
+           "Colecciķn de Documentos".
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO
+GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO; I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION***
+
+
+******* This file should be named 22510-8.txt or 22510-8.zip *******
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+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction, by Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier</title>
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+<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos
+of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction, by Adolph Francis Alphonse
+Bandelier</h1>
+<pre>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre>
+<p>Title: Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction</p>
+<p>       Papers of the School of American Archaeology, No. 13</p>
+<p>Author: Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier</p>
+<p>Release Date: September 4, 2007  [eBook #22510]</p>
+<p>Language: English</p>
+<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
+<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO; I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION***</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h4>E-text prepared by Joe Longo<br />
+    and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
+    (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net/c/">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br />
+    from digital material generously made available by<br />
+    Internet Archive/American Libraries<br />
+    (<a href="http://www.archive.org/details/americana">http://www.archive.org/details/americana</a>)</h4>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;" cellpadding="10">
+  <tr>
+    <td valign="top">
+      Note:
+    </td>
+    <td>
+      Images of the original pages are available through
+      Internet Archive/American Libraries. See
+      <a href="http://www.archive.org/details/documentaryhisto01bandiala">
+      http://www.archive.org/details/documentaryhisto01bandiala</a>
+	</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table width="450" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Title page" border="0">
+  <col style="width:80%;" />
+  <tr>
+    <td align="center">
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 1em; font-weight: 600;
+ margin-bottom: .5em; word-spacing: 0.2em; font-size: 120%;"> Archaeological Institute of America</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 2px; font-weight: 600;
+ margin-bottom: .5em; letter-spacing: 0.2em; font-size: 135%;">
+PAPERS</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 2px;
+ margin-bottom: .3em; word-spacing: 0.4em; font-size: 70%;">
+OF THE</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-weight: 600; font-variant: small-caps;
+      letter-spacing: 0.2em; word-spacing: 0.4em; font-size: 165%;">
+School of American
+</p>
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-weight: 600; margin-bottom: .1em; font-variant: small-caps;
+      letter-spacing: 0.2em;  font-size: 165%;">
+Archaeology</p>
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 1.5em; font-weight: 500;
+ margin-bottom: .1em; font-size: 115%;">Number Thirteen</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 1.5em;
+ margin-bottom: .5em; font-variant: small-caps; word-spacing: 0.4em; font-size: 100%;">
+Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos<br />
+of New Mexico</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 2px;
+ margin-bottom: .5em; font-variant: small-caps; word-spacing: 0.4em; font-size: 90%;">
+I. Bibliographic Introduction</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: 2.25em; font-size: 70%;
+ margin-bottom: .5em; word-spacing: 0.4em;">BY</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="margin-top: .4em;
+ margin-bottom: 4em; font-variant: small-caps; word-spacing: 0.4em; font-size: 105%;">
+ADOLPH F. BANDELIER</p>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size: 80%;"> 1910</p>
+    </td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">p. 1</a></span></p>
+<h2>DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE<br />
+PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO</h2>
+
+<h3>BY ADOLPH F. BANDELIER</h3>
+
+<h3>I.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Bibliographic Introduction</span></h3>
+
+<p>Seventeen years have elapsed since I was in the territory in
+which the events in the early history of the Rio Grande
+Pueblos transpired, and twenty-nine years since I first entered
+the field of research among those Pueblos under the auspices of the
+Arch&aelig;ological Institute of America. I am now called upon by the
+Institute to do for the Indians of the Rio Grande villages what I
+did nearly two decades ago for the Zu&ntilde;i tribe, namely, to record
+their documentary history.</p>
+
+<p>I shall follow the method employed by me in the case of the
+documentary history of Zu&ntilde;i, by giving the events with strict adherence
+to documentary sources, so far as may be possible, and shall
+employ the correlated information of other branches only when
+absolutely indispensable to the elucidation of the documentary
+material.</p>
+
+<p>The geographical features of the region to be treated are too
+well known to require mention. Neither can folklore and tradition,
+notwithstanding their decisive importance in a great many cases, be
+touched upon except when alluded to in the sources themselves. I
+am fully aware, as I stated in presenting the history of the Zu&ntilde;i
+tribe, that a history based exclusively on documents, whether printed
+or written, must necessarily be imperfect because it is not impartial,
+since it summarizes the views of those who saw and understood but
+one side of the question, and judged it only from their own standpoint.
+This defect cannot be remedied, as it underlies the very
+nature of the task, and the greater therefore is the necessity of
+carefully studying the folklore of the Indians in order to check and
+complete as well as to correct the picture presented by people acquainted
+with the art of writing.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">p. 2</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In this Introduction I forego the employment of quotations,
+reserving such for the main work. Quotations and footnotes are
+not, as it has been imagined, a mere display of erudition&mdash;they
+are a duty towards the source from which they are taken, and a duty
+to its author; moreover, they are a duty towards the reader, who
+as far as possible should be placed in a position himself to judge
+the value and nature of the information presented, and, finally, they
+are a necessary indication of the extent of the author's responsibility.
+If the sources are given clearly and circumstantially, yet
+happen to be wrong, the author is exonerated from blame for resting
+upon their authority, provided, as it not infrequently happens, he
+has no way of correcting them by means of other information.</p>
+
+<p>In entering the field of documentary research the first task is to
+become thoroughly acquainted with the languages in which the documents
+are recorded. To be able to read cursorily a language in
+its present form is not sufficient. Spanish, for example, has changed
+comparatively less than German since the sixteenth century, yet
+there are locutions as well as words found in early documents pertaining
+to America that have fallen into disuse and hence are not
+commonly understood. Provincialisms abound, hence the history
+of the author and the environment in which he was reared should
+be taken into account, for sometimes there are phrases that are
+unintelligible without a knowledge of the writer's early surroundings.
+Translations as a rule should be consulted only with allowance, for
+to the best of them the Italian saying "Traduttore, tradittore" is
+applicable. With the greatest sincerity and honesty on the part of
+the translator, he is liable to an imperfect interpretation of an original
+text. There are of course instances when the original has disappeared
+and translations alone are available. Such is the case, for
+instance, with the Life of Columbus, written by his son Fernando
+and published in Italian in 1571; and the highly important report
+on the voyage of Cabral to Brazil in 1500, written by his pilot Vas
+da Cominho and others. These are known only through translations.</p>
+
+<p>Words from Indian languages are subject to very faulty rendering
+in the older documents. In the first place, sound alone guided
+the writers, and Indian pronunciation is frequently indistinct in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">p. 3</a></span>
+vowels and variable according to the individual&mdash;hence the frequent
+interchange in the Spanish sources of <i>a</i> and <i>o</i>, <i>&oacute;</i> and <i>u</i>, <i>e</i> and <i>i</i>. For
+many sounds even the alphabets of civilized speech have not adequate
+phonetic signs. I may refer, as an example, to the Indian name in
+the Tigua language for the pueblo of Sandia. The Spanish attempt
+to render it by the word "Napeya" is utterly inadequate, and even
+by means of the complicated alphabets for writing Indian tongues I
+would not attempt to record the native term. In endeavoring to
+identify localities from names given to them in the sixteenth and
+seventeenth centuries by European authors, this difficulty should always
+be taken into account. No blame can be attached to the writers for
+such defects; it should always be remembered that they did not
+know, still less understand, the idioms they heard. Still less should
+we be surprised if the same site is sometimes mentioned under
+various names. Every Pueblo language has its own geographical
+vocabulary, and when, as sometimes happened, several tribes met
+in council with the whites, the latter heard and unwittingly recorded
+several names for one and the same locality, thus apparently increasing
+the number of villages. Moreover, interpreters were not always
+at hand, and when they could be had both their competency and
+their sincerity were open to question.</p>
+
+<p>It is not unusual to read in modern works that such and such
+a source is the reliable one <i>par excellence</i>, and the principal basis
+upon which to establish conclusions. No source, however seemingly
+insignificant, should be neglected. A brief mention is sometimes
+very important, as it may be a clue to new data, or may
+confirm or refute accepted information and thus lead to further
+investigation. Some documents, of course, are much more explicit
+than others, but this is no reason why the latter should be neglected.
+The value of a source may be subject to investigation from a number
+of points of view, but it is not always possible to obtain the requisite
+information. Thus the biographies of authors are an important
+requisite, but how seldom are they obtainable with the necessary
+detail!</p>
+
+<p>The sources of the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos, both
+printed and in manuscript, are numerous. The manuscript documents
+are as yet but imperfectly known. Only that which remained<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">p. 4</a></span>
+at Santa F&eacute; after the first period of Anglo-American occupancy&mdash;a
+number of church books and documents formerly scattered
+through the parishes of New Mexico, and a very few documents held
+in private hands&mdash;have been accessible within the United States.
+In Mexico the parish and other official documents at El Paso del
+Norte (Juarez) up to the beginning of the eighteenth century have
+been examined by me to a certain extent, and at the City of Mexico
+the Archivo Nacional has yielded a number of important papers,
+though the research has been far from exhaustive, owing to the lack of
+time and support. Hence much still remains to be done in that
+field. Some destruction of papers of an official character appears
+to have taken place at Mexico also, yet with the present condition
+of the archives there is hope that much that appears to be lost will
+eventually be brought to light; in any event we still have recourse
+to the Spanish archives, principally at Sevilla. It was the rule
+during Spanish colonial domination to have every document of any
+importance executed in triplicate, one copy to remain at the seat of
+local government, another to be sent to the viceregal archives, and
+the third to the mother country. Hence there is always a hope that, if
+the first two were destroyed, the third might be preserved. So, for
+instance, the collection of royal decrees (<i>cedulas</i>) is imperfect at the
+City of Mexico. There are lacun&aelig; of several decades, and it is
+perhaps significant that the same gaps are repeated in the publication
+of the "Cedulas" by Aguiar and Montemayor. In regard to
+ecclesiastical documents the difficulty is greater still. The archives
+of the Franciscan Order, to which the missions on the Rio Grande
+were assigned almost until the middle of the nineteenth century, have
+become scattered; the destruction of the archives at the great Franciscan
+convent in the City of Mexico in 1857, though not complete,
+resulted in the dispersion of those which were not burned or torn,
+and the whereabouts of these remnants are but imperfectly known.
+The documentary history of the Rio Grande Pueblos, therefore, can
+be only tentative at present, but it is given in the hope that it will
+incite further activity with the view of increasing and correcting the
+data thus far obtained.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb" />
+
+<p>The report of Cabeza de Vaca, commonly designated as his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">p. 5</a></span>
+"Naufragios," is as yet the earliest printed source known with
+reference to the Rio Grande Pueblos, concerning whom it imparts
+some vague information. The briefness and vagueness of that
+information calls for no adverse criticism, for Cabeza de Vaca
+plainly states that he writes of these people from hearsay and that
+his information was obtained near the mouth of the Rio Pecos in
+western Texas. What he afterward learned in Sonora with respect
+to sedentary Indians in the north is hardly connected with the Rio
+Grande region. The same may be the case with the information
+obtained by Nu&ntilde;o de Guzman in 1530 and alluded to by Casta&ntilde;eda.
+That Nu&ntilde;o de Guzman had gained some information concerning
+the Pueblos seems certain, but everything points to the Zu&ntilde;i region
+as the one mentioned by his informant. The same is true of the
+reports of Fray Marcos de Nizza and Melchor Diaz, which clearly
+apply to the Zu&ntilde;i Pueblos, the most easterly settlement of sedentary
+Indians alluded to being the Queres pueblo of Acoma. It is to the
+chroniclers of the expedition of Coronado, therefore, that we must
+look for the earliest definite information concerning the Rio Grande
+valley and its inhabitants.</p>
+
+<p>It must be borne in mind that the expedition of Coronado was
+not a mere exploration. What was expected of its leader, and
+indeed peremptorily demanded, was a permanent settlement of the
+country. Coronado and his men were not to return to Mexico
+except in individual cases. The Viceroy Mendoza wanted to get
+rid of them. Whether Coronado was a party to the secret of this
+plan is doubtful; the indications are that he was not, whereas Fray
+Marcos of Nizza certainly was, and perhaps was its original
+promoter.</p>
+
+<p>The printed sources on Coronado's march may be divided into
+two chronologically distinct classes, the first of which comprises
+documents written in New Mexico in the years from 1540 to 1543;
+these reflect all the advantages and disadvantages of the writings
+of eye-witnesses. The mere fact that one had been a participant in
+the events which he describes is not a guaranty of absolute reliability:
+his sincerity and truthfulness may be above reproach, but
+his field of vision is necessarily limited, and the personal element
+controls his impressions, even against his will, hence his state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">p. 6</a></span>ments.
+These earliest sources regarding Coronado consist of the
+letters of Coronado himself (with the related letter of Viceroy
+Mendoza), and several briefer documents written in New Mexico
+but without indication of their authors. The last two letters written
+by Coronado alone touch upon the Rio Grande Pueblos&mdash;those of
+August 3, 1540, and October 20, 1541.</p>
+
+<p>As stated above, the expedition of Coronado was not designed
+as a mere exploration, but rather for the purpose of establishing a
+permanent settlement. Coronado's second letter, the first in which
+he touches upon the Rio Grande Pueblos, appears to have been lost.
+His letter of October 20, 1541, although written near the site of the
+present Bernalillo, New Mexico, contains very little in regard to the
+Rio Grande Pueblos.</p>
+
+<p>The briefer documents pertaining to Coronado's expedition, and
+written while the Spaniards were still in New Mexico, with the exception
+of one (the report of the reconnoissance made by Hernando
+de Alvarado, accompanied by Fray Juan de Padilla to the east)
+concern Zu&ntilde;i almost exclusively. The document respecting
+Alvarado's journey is contained in the <i>Coleccion de Documentos</i>
+from the archives of the Indies, but is erroneously attributed to
+Hernando de Soto. The celebrated historiographer of Spain, Juan
+Bautista Mu&ntilde;oz, unacquainted with New Mexico, its geography and
+ethnography, criticized it rather harshly; nevertheless, the document
+is very reliable in its description of country and people: it alludes
+to features which are nowhere else noticed, and which were
+rediscovered by the late Frank Hamilton Cushing and myself about
+twenty-eight years ago. The number of villages and people in the
+Rio Grande region, of which the document gives a brief description,
+are, as usual, exaggerated; and it could hardly have been otherwise
+in view of a first and hasty visit, but it remains the earliest document
+in which Acoma and a part of the Rio Grande valley are
+treated from actual observation. The reconnoissance was made from
+August to October, 1540. It may be that one of the villages
+briefly described is Pecos, which lies of course some distance east of
+the Rio Grande, and the document is possibly the first one in which
+the nomadic Indians of eastern New Mexico are mentioned from
+actual observation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">p. 7</a></span></p>
+
+<p>To these sources, which have both the merits and the defects of all
+documents written under the impressions of first direct acquaintance
+with the subject, must be added the "Relacion postrera de Sivola"
+contained in a manuscript by father Toribio de Paredes, surnamed
+Motolinia, and known as the <i>Libro de Oro</i>, etc., which is an augmented
+and slightly modified version of that celebrated missionary's
+history of the Mexicans. It is a condensed report that had reached
+Mexico after Coronado had left for Quivira and before his return
+had become known. Its allusion to the Rio Grande Pueblos and to
+Pecos is not without value, although it adds little to what is contained
+in the sources previously mentioned. On the Indians of the
+Plains it is, comparatively speaking, more explicit. The general
+tone of the document is one of sobriety. The "Relacion del Suceso,"
+published in the <i>Documentos In&eacute;ditos de Indias</i> under the erroneous
+date of 1531, is similar to the foregoing, but is more detailed in some
+respects and covers a longer period of time. It manifestly was
+written in New Mexico by a member of the expedition, but there is
+no clue as yet to the name of the author. It is a useful corollary
+to the other contemporary sources.</p>
+
+<p>Although written more than two centuries after Coronado's
+march, the references to it and to New Mexico contained in the
+<i>Historia de la Nueva Galicia</i>, by the licentiate Matias de la Mota
+Padilla, find a place here, since the author asserts that he derived
+much of his information from papers left by Pedro de Tovar, one of
+Coronado's chief lieutenants. Mota Padilla generally confirms the
+data furnished by the earlier documents, and adds some additional
+information. It is however quite impossible to determine what he
+gathered directly from the writings of Tovar and what he may have
+obtained through other and probably posterior sources. At all
+events the <i>Historia de la Nueva Galicia</i> should never be neglected
+by students of the Pueblo Indians.</p>
+
+<p>We now come to the two chief chroniclers of Coronado's time&mdash;both
+participants in his undertakings and therefore eye-witnesses:
+Pedro de Casta&ntilde;eda de Naxera and Juan Jaramillo. The fact that
+they were eye-witnesses establishes their high rank as authorities,
+but there is a difference between the two in that Casta&ntilde;eda was a
+common soldier, whereas Jaramillo (a former companion and, to a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">p. 8</a></span>
+certain extent, a friend of Cort&eacute;s) was an officer. This fact alone
+establishes a difference in the opportunities for knowing and in the
+standpoint of judging what was seen, aside from the difference
+arising out of the character, facilities, and tendencies of the two
+individuals. Casta&ntilde;eda is much more detailed in his narration
+than Jaramillo. Discontent with the management and the final
+outcome of the enterprise is apparent in the tone of his writings, and
+while this may not have influenced very materially his description
+of the country and its people, they render more or less suspicious
+his statements in regard to the dealings with the aborigines. Both
+Casta&ntilde;eda and Jaramillo wrote a long time after the events had
+occurred, and probably from memory, hence the comparative accuracy
+of their descriptions is indeed remarkable. But that accuracy,
+however commendable, is relative rather than absolute, as both
+were liable to err, owing to the lapse of time and consequent failure
+to remember facts and events, and, especially with Casta&ntilde;eda, the
+influence of personal prejudice growing stronger with age. Jaramillo
+had less occasion to fall into error resulting from such weakness,
+but he is much less detailed than Casta&ntilde;eda. We might
+compare the two narrations by stating that that of Jaramillo embodies
+the reminiscences of one who stood officially on a higher
+plane and viewed his subject from a more general standpoint,
+whereas Casta&ntilde;eda saw more of the inferior details but was more
+susceptible of confounding, hence to misstate, the mass of data
+which his memory retained. Both reports will always remain the
+chief sources on the subject of which they treat, subject of course
+to close comparison and checking with correlated sources, archaeological,
+ethnological, and geographical investigation, and Indian
+tradition.</p>
+
+<p>Before proceeding further in the discussion of the documents it
+must be stated that all references to distances in leagues must be
+taken with many allowances. According to Las Casas there were
+in use among the Spaniards in the sixteenth century, two kinds of
+leagues: the maritime league (<i>legua maritima</i>) and the terrestrial
+league (<i>legua terrestre</i>). The former, established by Alfonso XI in
+the twelfth century, consisted of four miles (<i>millas</i>) of four thousand
+paces, each pace being equal to three Castilian feet. The length<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">p. 9</a></span>
+of the Castilian foot at that time cannot be established with absolute
+minuteness. The terrestrial league consisted of three thousand
+paces each, so that while it contained nine thousand Castilian feet,
+the maritime league was composed of twelve thousand. The latter
+was used for distances at sea and occasionally also for distances on
+land, therefore where an indication of the league employed is not
+positively given, a computation of distances with even approximate
+accuracy is of course impossible.</p>
+
+<p>The result of Coronado's failure was so discouraging, and the
+reports on the country had been so unfavorable that for nearly forty
+years no further attempt was made to reach the North from New
+Spain. In fact Coronado and his achievements had become practically
+forgotten, and only when the southern part of the present state of
+Chihuahua in Mexico became the object of Spanish enterprise for
+mining purposes was attention again drawn to New Mexico, when
+the Church opened the way thither from the direction of the Atlantic
+slope. This naturally led the explorers first to the Rio Grande
+Pueblos.</p>
+
+<p>The brief report of the eight companions of Francisco Sanchez
+Chamuscado who in 1580 accompanied the Franciscan missionaries
+as far as Bernalillo, the site of which was then occupied by Tigua
+villages, and who went thence as far as Zu&ntilde;i, is important, although
+it presents merely the sketch of a rather hasty reconnoissance. Following,
+as the Spaniards did, the course of the Rio Grande from the
+south, they fixed, at least approximately, the limit of the Pueblo
+region in that direction. Some of the names of Pueblos preserved
+in the document are valuable in so far as they inform us of the
+designations of villages in a language that was not the idiom of
+their inhabitants. Chamuscado having died on the return journey,
+the document is not signed by him, but by his men. The document
+had been lost sight of until I called attention to it nearly
+thirty years ago, the subsequent exploration by Antonio de Espejo
+having monopolized the attention of those interested in the early
+exploration of New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>The report of Antonio de Espejo on his long and thorough
+reconnoissance in 1582-1583 attracted so much attention that for
+a time and in some circles his expedition was looked upon as resulting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">p. 10</a></span>
+in the original discovery of New Mexico. This name was also
+given by Espejo to the country, and it thereafter remained. While
+the documents relating to Coronado slumbered unnoticed and almost
+forgotten, the report of Espejo was published within less than three
+years after it had been written. It must be stated here that there
+are two manuscripts of the report of Espejo, one dated 1583 and
+bearing his autograph signature and official (notarial) certificates, the
+other in 1584 which is a distorted copy of the original and with so
+many errors in names and descriptions that, as the late Woodbury
+Lowery very justly observed, it is little else than spurious. I had
+already called attention to the unreliability of the latter version, and
+yet it is the one that alone was consulted for more than three centuries
+because it had become accessible through publication in the
+Voiages of Hakluyt, together with an English translation even more
+faulty, if possible, than its Spanish original. The authentic document,
+with several others relating to Espejo's brief career, was not
+published in full until 1871, and even then attracted little attention
+because it was not translated and because the <i>Coleccion de Documentos
+del Archivo de Indias</i> is not accessible to every one. But the
+publication of 1871 was by no means the first printed version of
+Espejo's relations. Even prior to 1586 a somewhat condensed narration
+of his exploration had been published, being embodied in the
+<i>History of China</i> by Father Gonzalez Mendoza. This account is
+based on the authentic report in some of the various editions, on the
+spurious document in others. The book of Father Mendoza was
+soon translated into French. It is not surprising that Espejo's narrative
+should appear first in print in a work on the Chinese Empire
+by a Franciscan missionary. That ecclesiastic was impressed by
+some of Espejo's observations on Pueblo customs which he thought
+resembled those of the Chinese. The discoveries of Espejo were
+then the most recent ones that had been made by Spaniards, and as
+New Mexico was fancied to lie nearer the Pacific than it really does,
+and facing the eastern coast of China, a lurking desire to find a
+possible connection between the inhabitants of both continents on
+that side is readily explicable. But Father Mendoza had still
+another motive. The three monks which Chamuscado had left in
+New Mexico had sacrificed their lives in an attempt to convert the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">p. 11</a></span>
+natives. They were martyrs of their faith, hence glories of their
+order, and the Franciscan author could not refrain from commemorating
+their deeds and their faith. The spurious text was not
+taken from Mendoza, but manifestly was copied from the transcript
+by a bungling scribe imperfectly acquainted with the Spanish tongue.</p>
+
+<p>The value of Espejo's narration is undoubtedly great. The
+author was a close practical observer and a sincere reporter. The
+more is it surprising that his statements in regard to the population
+of the Pueblos are so manifestly exaggerated; yet, as I
+have elsewhere stated, this may be explained. A tendency to
+enhance somewhat the importance of discoveries is inherent in
+almost every discoverer, but in the case of Espejo he was exposed
+to another danger. As he proceeded from village to village
+the natives gathered at every point from other places out of curiosity,
+fear, or perhaps with hostile intent, so that the number of the
+people which the explorer met was each time much larger than the
+actual number of inhabitants. On the question of population Espejo
+could have no knowledge, since he had no means of communicating
+with the people by speech. Furthermore, it is well known that
+a crowd always appears more numerous than it would prove to be
+after an actual count; besides, even if he could have counted the
+Indians present, he would have fallen into the error of recording the
+same individual several times.</p>
+
+<p>During the comparatively short time which Espejo had to explore
+the country as far as the Hopi or Moqui, he collected interesting
+ethnological data. Customs that appeared new as late as the
+second half of the last century were noted by him; and while his
+nomenclature of the Pueblos agrees in many points with that of the
+Coronado expedition, terms were added that have since been definitely
+adopted. Espejo's return to Mexico was to be followed by a definite
+occupancy of the Rio Grande country, but his untimely death
+prevented it, and the subsequent plan of colonization, framed and
+proposed by Juan Bautista de Lomas Colmenares, led to no practical
+results, as likewise did the ill-fated expedition of Huma&ntilde;a,
+Bonilla, and Leyva, the disastrous end of which in the plains became
+known only through a few vestiges of information and by hearsay.</p>
+
+<p>Seven years after Espejo's journey, Gaspar Casta&ntilde;o de Sosa penetrated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">p. 12</a></span>
+to the Rio Grande near the present village of Santo Domingo.
+The report thereon is explicit and sober, and in it we find the first
+mention of the Spanish names by which some of the Pueblos have
+since become known. From this report it is easy to follow the
+route taken by Casta&ntilde;o and his followers, but the account is incomplete,
+terminating abruptly at Santo Domingo, whither Casta&ntilde;o had
+been followed by Captain Juan de Morlete, who was sent after him
+by the governor of what is now Coahuila, without whose permission
+Casta&ntilde;o had undertaken the journey. I have no knowledge as yet
+of any document giving an account of the return of the expedition.</p>
+
+<p>Seven years more elapsed ere the permanent occupancy of New
+Mexico was effected under the leadership of Juan de O&ntilde;ate.
+Thenceforward events in that province became the subject of uninterrupted
+documentary record.</p>
+
+<p>The very wise and detailed ordinances regulating the discovery
+and annexation to Spain of new territory, promulgated by Philip II,
+declared that every exploration or conquest (the term "conquest"
+was subsequently eliminated from Spanish official terminology and
+that of "pacification" substituted) should be recorded as a journal
+or diary. Royal decrees operated very slowly in distant colonies.
+Neither Chamuscado nor Espejo kept journals, but Casta&ntilde;o de Sosa,
+and especially O&ntilde;ate, did. His <i>diario</i> (which is accessible through its
+publication in the <i>Documentos del Archivo de Indias</i>, although there
+are traces of an earlier publication) was copied for printing by someone
+manifestly unacquainted with New Mexico or with its Indian
+nomenclature, hence its numerous names for sites and tribes are
+often very difficult to identify. But the document itself is a sober,
+matter-of-fact record of occurrences and geographical details, interspersed
+with observations of more or less ethnological value. As
+O&ntilde;ate followed the course of the Rio Grande upward from below
+El Paso del Norte, and afterward branched off to almost every
+sedentary settlement in New Mexico and Arizona, the comparison
+of his diary with previous reports (those of the Coronado expedition
+included) is highly valuable, indeed indispensable. The <i>diario</i>
+forms the beginning of accurate knowledge of the region under
+consideration. Perhaps more important still are the Acts of Obedience
+and Homage (<i>Obediencia y Vasallaje</i>) executed at various villages<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">p. 13</a></span>
+during the course of the years 1598 and 1599. At first sight, and to
+one unacquainted with Pueblo idioms, they present an unintelligible
+list of partly recognizable names. But the confusion becomes somewhat
+reduced through closer scrutiny and by taking into consideration
+the circumstances under which each official document was
+framed. O&ntilde;ate already enjoyed the advantage of interpreters in
+at least one New Mexican Indian tongue, but the meetings or
+councils during which the "acts of obedience" were written were
+not always at places where his interpreters understood the language
+of the people they were among. These scribes faithfully
+recorded the names of pueblos as they heard them, and sometimes
+several names, each in a different language for the same village,
+hence the number of pueblos recorded is considerably larger than
+it actually was. Again the inevitable misunderstanding of Indian
+pronunciation by the Spaniards caused them to write the same
+word in different forms according as the sounds were uttered and
+caught by the ear. An accurate copy of these documents of O&ntilde;ate's
+time made by one versed in Pueblo nomenclature and somewhat
+acquainted with Pueblo languages would be highly desirable.
+O&ntilde;ate is not given to fulness in ethnological details. His journal is
+a dry record of what happened during his march and occupancy of
+the country. Customs are only incidentally and briefly alluded to.</p>
+
+<p>One of O&ntilde;ate's officers, however, Captain Gaspar Perez de Villagra,
+or Villagran, published in 1610 a <i>Historia de la Nueva
+Mexico</i> in verse. As an eye-witness of the events he describes, Villagran
+has the merits and defects of all such authors, and the fact
+that he wrote in rhyme called poetry does not enhance the historical
+merit of his book. Nevertheless we find in it many data regarding
+the Pueblos not elsewhere recorded, and study of the book is very
+necessary. We must allow for the temptation to indulge in so-called
+poetical license, although Villagran employs less of it than
+most Spanish chroniclers of the period that wrote in verse. The
+use of such form and style of writing was regarded in Spain as an
+accomplishment at the time, and not many attempted it, which is
+just as well. Some of the details and descriptions of actions and
+events by Villagran have been impeached as improbable; but even
+if such were the case, they would not detract from the merits of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">p. 14</a></span>
+book as an attempt at an honest and sincere narration and a reasonably
+faithful description.</p>
+
+<p>The minor documents connected with O&ntilde;ate's enterprise and
+subsequent administration of the New Mexican colony, so far as
+known, are of comparatively small importance to the history of the
+Rio Grande Pueblos. During the first years of the seventeenth century
+the attention of O&ntilde;ate was directed chiefly toward explorations
+in western Arizona and the Gulf of California. While he was absent
+on his memorable journey, quarrels arose in New Mexico between
+the temporal and ecclesiastical authorities, which disturbed the
+colony for many years and form the main theme of the documentary
+material still accessible. Even the manuscripts relating to
+these troubles contain, here and there, references to the ethnological
+condition of the Pueblos. Charges and counter-charges of
+abuses committed by church and state could not fail to involve,
+incidentally, the points touching upon the Indians, and the documentary
+material of that period, still in manuscript but accessible
+through the copies made by me and now in the Peabody Museum
+of Harvard University, should not be neglected by serious investigators.
+To enter into details regarding the tenor of these documents
+would be beyond the scope of this Introduction, but I would
+call attention in a general way to the value and importance of
+church records, which consist chiefly of registers of baptisms,
+marriages, and deaths. These for the greater part were kept with
+considerable scrupulosity, although there are periods during which
+the same degree of care was not exercised. They are valuable
+ethnologically by reason of the data which they afford with respect
+to intermarriages between members of distant tribes, through the
+numerous Indian personal names that they contain, and on account
+of the many records of events which the priests deemed it desirable
+to preserve. Examples will be given in the text of the Documentary
+History to follow.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Libros de Fabrica</i>, in which are recorded items bearing on
+the economic side of church administration, are usually less important;
+still they contain data that should not be neglected, for
+very often minor points deserve as much attention as salient ones.
+Unfortunately the church records of the period prior to 1680 have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">p. 15</a></span>
+well-nigh disappeared from New Mexico, but some still exist at El
+Paso del Norte (Juarez), Chihuahua, that date back to the middle
+of the seventeenth century. The absence of these records may be
+somewhat overcome by another class of ecclesiastical documents,
+much more numerous and more laborious to consult. In fact I am the
+only one who thus far has attempted to penetrate the mass of material
+which they contain, although my researches have been far from exhaustive,
+owing to lack of support in my work. These documents,
+commonly called "Diligencias Matrimoniales," are the results of
+official investigations into the status of persons desiring to marry.
+From their nature these investigations always cover a considerable
+period, sometimes more than a generation, and frequently disclose
+historical facts that otherwise might remain unknown. These
+church papers also, though not frequently, include fragments of
+correspondence and copies of edicts and decrees that deserve
+attention.</p>
+
+<p>The destruction of the archives and of writings of all kinds in
+New Mexico during the Indian revolt of 1680 and in succeeding
+years has left the documentary history of the province during the
+seventeenth century almost a blank. Publications are very few in
+number. There is no doubt that the archives of Spain and even
+those of Mexico will yet reveal a number of sources as yet unknown;
+but in the meantime, until these treasures are brought to light, we
+must remain more or less in the dark as to the conditions and the
+details of events prior to 1692. A number of letters emanating
+from Franciscan sources have been published lately in Mexico by
+Luis Garcia y Pimentel, and these throw sidelights on New Mexico
+as it was in the seventeenth century that are not without value. In
+the manuscripts from the archives at Santa F&eacute; that survived the
+Pueblo revolt, now chiefly in the Library of Congress at Washington,
+occasional references to events anterior to the uprising may be
+found; and the church books of El Paso del Norte (Juarez) contain
+some few data that should not be neglected.</p>
+
+<p>In 1602 there was published at Rome, under the title of <i>Relaci&oacute;n
+del Descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico</i>, a small booklet by the
+Dean of Santiago, Father Montoya, which purports to give a
+letter from O&ntilde;ate on his occupancy of New Mexico and journey to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">p. 16</a></span>
+the Colorado river of the West, thus covering the period between
+1597 and 1605. It is preceded by a notice of Espejo's exploration,
+but it is entirely too brief to afford much information. The little
+book is exceedingly rare; but three copies of it exist in the United
+States, so far as I am aware.</p>
+
+<p>Of greater importance are the notices, of about the same period,
+preserved by Fray Juan de Torquemada in the first volume of his
+<i>Monarchia Indiana</i> (1615). In this work we find the first mention
+of some Pueblo fetishes, with their names, as understood at the
+time. The letter of Fray Francisco de San Miguel, first priest of
+Pecos, given in print by Torquemada, is of considerable interest.
+Torquemada himself was never in New Mexico, but he stood high
+in the Franciscan Order and had full access to the correspondence
+and to all other papers submitted from outside missions during his
+time. It is much to be regretted that the three manuscript pamphlets
+by Fray Roque Figueredo, bearing the titles <i>Relacion del Viage al
+Nuevo M&eacute;xico</i>, <i>Libro de las Fundaciones del Nuevo Mexico</i>, and <i>Vidas
+de los Varones Ilustres</i>, etc., appear to be lost. Their author was
+first in New Mexico while O&ntilde;ate governed that province, and his
+writings were at the great convent of Mexico. Whether they disappeared
+during the ruthless dispersion of its archives in 1857 or
+were lost at an earlier date is not known.</p>
+
+<p>After the recall of O&ntilde;ate from New Mexico, not only the
+colony but also the missions in that distant land began to decline,
+owing to the bitter contentions between the political and the
+ecclesiastical authorities. The Franciscan Order, desirous of inspiring
+an interest in New Mexican missions, fostered the literary efforts of
+its missionaries in order to promote a propaganda for conversions.
+It also sent a special visitor to New Mexico in the person of
+Fray Estevan de Perea, who gave expression to what he saw and
+ascertained, in two brief printed but excessively rare documents, a
+facsimile copy of which is owned by my friend Mr F. W. Hodge, of
+the Bureau of American Ethnology. A third letter which I have
+not been able to see is mentioned by Ternaux-Compans, also a
+"Relacion de la Conversion de los Jumanos" by the same and
+dated 1640.</p>
+
+<p>Much more extended than the brief pamphlets by Fray Perea<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">p. 17</a></span>
+is the <i>Relaciones de todas las cosas acaecidas en el Nuevo Mexico
+hasta el A&ntilde;o de 1626</i> (I abbreviate the very long title), by Fray
+Geronimo de Z&aacute;rate Salmer&oacute;n, which was published in the third
+series of the first <i>Colecci&oacute;n de Documentos para la Historia de
+Mexico</i>, and also by Mr Charles F. Lummis in <i>The Land of Sunshine</i>,
+with an English translation. This work, while embodying
+chiefly a narrative most valuable to the ethnography of western
+Arizona and eastern California, of the journey of O&ntilde;ate to the
+Colorado river of the West, followed by an extended report on De
+Soto's expedition to the Mississippi river, contains data on the Rio
+Grande Pueblos and on those of Jemez that are of permanent value.
+The author gives the numbers of Pueblo Indians officially converted
+during his time.</p>
+
+<p>We come now to a book which, though small in compass, has
+had perhaps greater circulation in languages other than Spanish,
+with the exception of the <i>Destruycion de las Indias</i> by the notorious
+Las Casas, than any other. This is the work of Fray Alonso de
+Benavides, on New Mexico, first published in 1630 under the misleading
+title of <i>Memorial que Fray Juan de Santander de la Orden
+de San Francisco, Comisario General de Indias, presenta a la
+Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe cuarto nuestro Se&ntilde;or</i>, etc.,
+Madrid, 1630. Benavides was custodian of the Franciscan province
+of New Mexico for some time, and therefore had good opportunity
+of knowing both the country and its natives. He gives a
+very precise and clear enumeration of the groups of Pueblo
+Indians, locating them where they had been found by Coronado
+ninety years before and adding those which the latter had not
+visited, as well as giving the number of villages of each group and
+the approximate number of people therein contained. No writer on
+New Mexico up to this time had given such a clear idea of its
+ethnography, so far as the location and the distribution of the
+stocks are concerned. While somewhat brief on manners and
+customs, Benavides is fuller and more explicit than any of his
+predecessors, and informs us of features of importance which no other
+author in earlier times mentioned. In short, his book is more valuable
+for New Mexican ethnography than any other thus far known,
+and it is not a matter of surprise, therefore, that it was translated into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">p. 18</a></span>
+several European languages. That the Rio Grande Pueblos receive
+an abundant share of attention from Benavides is natural. We also
+obtain from him some data, not elsewhere found, concerning the
+establishment and fate of the missions, and the true relations of the
+Spaniards and the natives are particularly well portrayed. Both
+the Apaches and the Navajos also receive some attention, Benavides
+giving, among others, the true reason for the hostility which the
+Apaches displayed since that time against the Spanish settlements.
+It is a book without which the study of the Pueblo Indians could
+not be satisfactory.</p>
+
+<p>Where there is strong light there must of necessity be some
+shadow. In the case of Benavides the shadow is found in the exaggerated
+number of inhabitants attributed to the New Mexican
+Pueblos, exaggerations as gross and as glaring as those of Espejo.
+The number of villages of some of the Pueblo groups is also somewhat
+suspicious. It is not difficult to explain these probably intentional
+deviations from the truth in an otherwise sincere and highly
+valuable work. As already indicated, the publications emanating
+from the Franciscan Order, which exclusively controlled the New
+Mexican missions, had a special purpose distinct from that of mere
+information: they were designed to promote a propaganda not simply
+for the conversion of the Indians in general, but especially for
+the conversions made or to be made by the Order. New Mexico was
+in a state of neglect, spiritually and politically; the political
+authorities had been denouncing the Franciscans in every possible way, and
+there was danger, if this critical condition continued, that the Order
+might lose its hold upon the northern territories and its mission be
+turned over to the Jesuits, who were then successfully at work in the
+Mexican northwest and approaching New Mexico from that direction.
+To prevent such a loss it was deemed necessary to present to
+the faithful as alluring a picture of the field as possible, exploiting
+the large number of neophytes as a result already accomplished
+and hinting at many more as subjects for conversion. Hence the
+exaggerated number of Indians in general attributed by Benavides
+to what then comprised the religious province of New Mexico. In
+this respect, and in this alone, the <i>Memorial</i> of Benavides may be regarded
+as a "campaign document," but this does not impair its
+general value and degree of reliability.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">p. 19</a></span></p>
+
+<p>For the period between 1630 and the uprising of 1680 there is
+a lack of printed documents concerning New Mexico that is poorly
+compensated by the known manuscripts which I have already mentioned
+as existing in New Mexico and Mexico. Still there appeared
+in 1654 a little book by Juan Diez de la Calle, entitled
+<i>Memorial y Res&uacute;men breve de Noticias de las Indias Occidentales</i>, in
+which the disturbances that culminated in the assassination of Governor
+Luis de Rosas in 1642 are alluded to. The national archives
+at the City of Mexico contain a still fuller report of that event, in a
+royal decree of 1643 and other papers concerning the deed, all
+of which are yet unpublished. The archives of Spain have as yet
+been only meagerly investigated. The publication of the report
+of Father Nicolas de Freytas, Portuguese, on the expedition
+attributed to Diego de Pe&ntilde;alosa Brize&ntilde;o into what is now
+Kansas or Nebraska, is of no importance in the study of the Rio
+Grande Pueblos. The authenticity of the document has been
+strongly doubted, though probably without just cause. Equally
+unimportant to the subject of the Documentary History to follow
+is the letter of Captain Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, published
+in the appendix to the criticism of Cesareo Fernandez Duro on the
+report of Father Freytas. The otherwise very interesting letter
+on New Mexico, written by Fray Alonso de Posadas, also printed in
+the work of Duro, is meager in its allusions to the Rio Grande.</p>
+
+<p>Sixty-eight years after Benavides' time the <i>Teatro Mexicano</i> of the
+Franciscan Fray Agustin de Vetancurt was published. The third
+and fourth parts of this important work, namely, the <i>Cronica de la
+Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico</i> and the <i>Menologio Franciscano</i>,
+are of the highest value to the history of the Rio Grande
+Pueblos and of New Mexico generally. Although printed eighteen
+years after the New Mexican missions had been destroyed by the
+Pueblo Indians, the <i>Cronica</i> contains a terse description of the
+missions and Indian villages as they had been previous to 1680, and
+gives data in regard to the population that are commendable in their
+sobriety and probability. The work of Vetancurt is in this respect
+a great improvement upon Benavides, and it is interesting to note
+how his approximate census approaches the figures given by Z&aacute;rate
+Salmer&oacute;n seventy years before. Vetancurt had at his disposal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">p. 20</a></span>
+much more precise data than Benavides. During the seven decades
+separating the three authors much information had been
+accumulated, and with greater chances of accuracy than before.
+Vetancurt made good use of this accumulation of material, and his
+books are in fact the most reliable sources from which to ascertain
+the status of the Pueblos at the time the insurrection commenced.
+The historical data given by Vetancurt in regard to New Mexico
+during earlier times are not of great value, but the <i>Menologio</i>, as
+well as the <i>Cronica</i>, contains a number of details on the missions and
+on the lives and achievements of the missionaries that become important
+to an understanding of the Indian himself. That such references
+are overburdened with details of a purely religious character
+does not at all impair their ethnologic value: they are pictures of the
+times according to the nature of which circumstances and events
+can alone be judged properly.</p>
+
+<p>We have now arrived at a period marking a great temporary
+change in the condition of all the Pueblo Indians, and of those of
+the Rio Grande especially. This is the insurrection, successful for
+a time, of the Pueblos in 1680, against the Spanish domination.
+The material on this eventful epoch is still largely in manuscript,
+the nearest approach to a documentary presentation in full being the
+incomplete paraphrase furnished by W. W. H. Davis in his <i>Spanish
+Conquest of New Mexico</i>, published in 1869. No blame should be
+attached to the author for the insufficiency of his data. He made
+the best possible use of his materials with the help of my late friends
+David Miller and Samuel Ellison of Santa F&eacute;, but the archives of
+Santa F&eacute; had already been depleted through neglect and criminal
+waste, and what was and is left (as I know from having handled it
+frequently and thoroughly) is a mass of fragments, sometimes long,
+sometimes short, often disconnected and therefore unsatisfactory. I
+shall refer to this material later. Of the manuscript materials preceding
+and foreshadowing the insurrection, an important letter by
+the Franciscan Fray Francisco de Ayeta, a copy of which is in the
+national archives of Mexico, deserves to be specially mentioned.
+To this indefatigable monk, whose timely warnings were too lightly
+regarded by the Spanish authorities, are also due the data concerning
+the lives and the awful fate of the Franciscan priests at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">p. 21</a></span>
+hands of the Pueblo Indians on August 10, 1680. The original of
+this tragic list is in manuscript in the national archives of Mexico,
+where Vetancurt made use of it in his <i>Teatro</i>. The memorial
+sermon preached and published in Mexico in 1681 (a copy of which
+exceedingly rare print was procured by my friend the Honorable L.
+Bradford Prince of Santa F&eacute;) rests for its information upon the obituaries
+preserved by Father Ayeta. That these obituaries are of
+direct value to the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos is apparent.</p>
+
+<p>The sermon alluded to is the earliest print, so far as known,
+concerning the great Indian uprising of 1680. Next in date comes
+a publication touching the various attempts made by the Spaniards
+to reconquer New Mexico prior to 1693. In that year Carlos de
+Sig&uuml;enza y Gongora published in the City of Mexico a kind of
+irregular newspaper bearing the title <i>El Mercurio Volante</i>, in which
+appears a concise and tolerably reliable sketch of the insurrection
+and the various attempts to reconquer the territory, including the
+successful one in 1692 by Diego de Vargas. Sig&uuml;enza is brief,
+but reasonably accurate. Part of the documents concerning the
+Indian uprising were published in the nineteenth century in the
+Third Series of the <i>Colecci&oacute;n de Documentos para la Historia de
+Mexico</i>, but no complete print of the voluminous papers concerning
+those events has yet appeared, and indeed the most important documents
+still remain in manuscript. In 1701 Villagutierre y Sotomayor
+published his voluminous <i>Historia de la Conquistay Reducciones
+de los Itzaes y Lacandones en la America Septentrional</i>, in
+which appears a brief description of the Indian uprising in New
+Mexico. His data are of course gathered at second hand, although
+from contemporary sources.</p>
+
+<p>I know of no other publications concerning the Indian uprising, so
+often mentioned, between the close of the seventeenth century and
+the beginning of the eighteenth. The manuscript material, which has
+been much scattered, may be divided locally into three groups. The
+one, originally at Santa F&eacute;, New Mexico, is now in the Library of
+Congress at Washington; it had been much neglected, hence for
+the greater part seriously reduced, in former times, but it still contains
+most valuable information on the condition of the Rio Grande
+Pueblos immediately after the uprising and during the time the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">p. 22</a></span>
+Pueblos were left to themselves, attempting to return to their primitive
+condition. This information, embodied in interrogatories of
+Indians subsequent to 1680, I made the subject of a closing chapter
+to my <i>Documentary History of the Zu&ntilde;i Tribe</i>, but it was withheld
+from publication for some cause unknown to me. The military
+reports on the expeditions of Diego de Vargas and the final reconquest
+of New Mexico are reduced to disconnected but still bulky fragments.
+Almost unique of their kind are the so-called "Pueblo
+grants" emanating from Governor Domingo Gironza Petros de Cruzate
+in 1688. The term "grant" is a misnomer, since it refers in
+fact to a limitation to the innate tendency of the Indians to arbitrarily
+expand their tribal range. These documents have become the legal
+basis of landholding by the Pueblos and the first step toward
+eventual single tenure.</p>
+
+<p>The second group of manuscripts, in the national archives in
+the City of Mexico, is more complete than the first. It contains
+information on the beginnings of the rebellion and on later events
+that are of great importance.</p>
+
+<p>The third group, and by far the most complete, is in Spain, but
+in regard to it I am unable to give any precise information, since every
+opportunity of completing my investigations concerning the Southwest
+by studying the Spanish archives, notwithstanding repeated
+promises, has been withheld.</p>
+
+<p>For the eighteenth century documentary materials pertaining to
+New Mexico remain, it may be said, almost exclusively in manuscript.
+A connecting link between the printed sources of the
+seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are the <i>Apuntamientos que sobre
+el Terreno hizo el Padre Jos&eacute; Amando Niel</i>, in the early part of the
+eighteenth century, published in the Third Series of the <i>Documentos
+para la Historia de Mexico</i>. Father Niel was a Jesuit who visited
+New Mexico shortly after the reconquest. His observations are of
+comparatively mediocre value, yet his writings should not be overlooked.
+The journal of the Brigadier Pedro de Rivera, in 1736,
+of his military march to Santa F&eacute;, is a dry, matter-of-fact account,
+but is nevertheless valuable owing to his concise and utterly
+unembellished description of the Rio Grande valley and of what he saw
+therein. The book is very rare, and therefore correspondingly
+unnoticed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">p. 23</a></span></p>
+
+<p>A brief but important contribution to the history of New
+Mexico is the letter of Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, published
+in the Third Series of the <i>Documentos para la Historia de Mexico</i>.
+About the same time, in the second half of the eighteenth century,
+the Brigadier Jos&eacute; Cort&eacute;s wrote an extended report on the territory,
+but it concerns more the relations with the constantly hostile roaming
+tribes than the condition of the Pueblos. It also is printed in
+the <i>Documentos</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The otherwise very important diary of the journey of Fray
+Francisco Garc&eacute;s to northern Arizona, published first in the above-mentioned
+<i>Colecci&oacute;n de Documentos</i>, and more recently (with highly
+valuable notes) by the late Dr Elliott Coues, touches only incidentally
+on the Rio Grande region. In 1746 Joseph Antonio de Villa-Se&ntilde;or
+y Sanchez embodied in his <i>Theatro Americano</i> a description
+of New Mexico, condensed chiefly from the journal of the Brigadier
+Rivera, mentioned above. The <i>Diccionario Geografico</i> by Murillo
+is also a source that should not be neglected.</p>
+
+<p>A great amount of documentary manuscript material, mostly of
+a local character, is contained in the church books of the eighteenth
+century formerly at the pueblo of Santa Clara and now preserved
+at Santa F&eacute; through the efforts of the late Archbishop J. B. Salpointe.
+There are also the "Informaciones Matrimoniales," which
+contain data of great importance. Through them we are informed
+of the tragic fate of the last expedition of the Spaniards to the
+northwest, with its horrifying incidents. The story of woe and
+disaster that pictures the life of the Indian Pueblos and Spanish
+settlers during the eighteenth century is contained in fragments in
+the plain, matter-of-fact church registers, and it requires painstaking
+investigation to collect it. The greatest part of this information
+concerns the Rio Grande Pueblos. A careful investigation of the
+matrimonial and baptismal registers will yield data concerning the
+clans and indications of the primitive rules of marriage, while the
+"Libros de Fabrica" contain interesting data on the churches of
+the Rio Grande valley. Great labor and the utmost scrutiny are
+required in sifting these time-worn papers for desirable data, and
+especially is a considerable knowledge of conditions and events
+necessary; but the result of thorough investigation, especially<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">p. 24</a></span>
+through literal copying by the student, will amply repay the time
+and labor bestowed.</p>
+
+<p>What I have stated in regard to the church archives applies, in
+a still greater degree, to the state and private papers that may be
+accessible. Of the former the archives of Santa F&eacute; contain a great
+number, though many of them are only fragmentary. Valuable
+documents exist also in the archives of the Surveyor General at Santa
+F&eacute;; these are valuable chiefly for historical data covering the first
+half of the eighteenth century. The national archives in the City of
+Mexico are much more complete than those of New Mexico, while
+in Spain we may expect to find an almost complete set of government
+documents, preserved with much greater care and with more
+system than in any early Spanish possessions in America. The
+city of Sevilla would be the first place in which research in this
+direction should be conducted.</p>
+
+<p>Before closing this bibliographic sketch with a glance at the
+earliest literature of the nineteenth century, I must mention two
+ponderous books of the eighteenth century which, while based on
+second-hand information and not very valuable in detail, refer occasionally
+to facts and data not elsewhere found. These are the two
+volumes of the <i>Cr&oacute;nica Apost&oacute;lica y Ser&aacute;fica de la Propaganda Fide de
+Quer&eacute;taro</i>. The first volume, written by Fray Isidro Felis Espinosa
+and published in 1746, is interesting especially on account of its
+reference to the fate of the first Frenchmen brought into New
+Mexico, and one of whom, Juan de Archib&egrave;que, played an important
+r&ocirc;le in the first two decades of the eighteenth century. The
+second volume, the author of which was Fray Domingo de Arricivita,
+was published in 1792, and is the chief source concerning the
+still problematical expedition to the north attributed to two Franciscan
+friars in 1538. Both of these works are of relatively minor
+importance, and I mention them here only for the sake of completeness
+and in order to warn against attaching undue importance to
+them so far as the Pueblos are concerned.</p>
+
+<p>It is of course understood that I omit from the above account a
+number of publications containing more or less brief and casual
+references to New Mexico. Most of them are geographical, and but
+few allude to historical facts. In the notes to the Documentary
+History proper I may refer to some of them.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">p. 25</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the last book published on New Mexico in the Spanish
+language is the little book of Pino, which, however, has little more
+than a bibliographic value except in so far as it touches the condition
+of New Mexico at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
+The documents in the New Mexican and Mexican archives up to
+the date of the American occupancy present features similar to those
+that characterize the Spanish documents of the eighteenth century.
+It would be too tedious to refer to them in detail, and I therefore dismiss
+them for the present with this brief mention. If I do not
+mention here the literature on New Mexico in the English language
+it is not due to carelessness or to ignorance of it, but because of its
+much greater wealth in number and contents, its more ready accessibility,
+and because in matters respecting the history of early times
+the authors of these works have all been obliged to glean their information
+from at least some of the sources that I have above
+enumerated and discussed.</p>
+
+<p>It may surprise students of New Mexican history that I have thus
+far omitted the very earliest sources in print in which New Mexico
+is mentioned, namely, the work of Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y
+Vald&eacute;s, and that of Gomara. The former was published in part
+in the first half of the sixteenth century, the entire work appearing
+at Madrid not earlier than 1850 and 1851. Its title, as is well known,
+is <i>Historia General y Natural de las Indias</i>. The work of Francisco
+Lopez de Gomara bears the title <i>Historia de las Indias</i>, and is
+in two parts. Gomara is more explicit than Oviedo, who gives
+only a brief and preliminary mention; but even Gomara, while
+more detailed, and basing his work evidently on the earliest data
+then accessible in regard to the expedition of Coronado, cannot
+be compared with the later reports of those attached to the expedition.
+The value of these books is comparatively slight, so far as
+New Mexico is concerned. Much more important is the <i>Historia
+General</i>, etc., by Antonio de Herrera (1601-1615). What authorities
+Herrera had at his command cannot be readily determined. He
+may have had access to the report of Jaramillo, and he was certainly
+acquainted with the letters of Coronado. Perhaps the letter of
+Coronado which I have as yet been unable to find was consulted by
+him. In any event Herrera's information is all second-hand, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">p. 26</a></span>
+while by no means devoid of merit, his work cannot rank with
+sources written by men who saw the country and took part in the
+events of the earliest explorations. The map accompanying the first
+volume of Herrera, while scarcely more than an outline, is still in
+advance of the charts published during the sixteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>Here I may be permitted to refer to the older cartography of New
+Mexico in general. Until the beginning of the seventeenth century
+these maps are very defective and incomplete. It is almost as if the
+Ptolemy of 1548 had served as a basis for them. Even the large
+and beautiful globe constructed at St. Gall in Switzerland in 1595,
+and now in the Swiss National Museum at Z&uuml;rich, places Tiguex
+near the Pacific coast. It is through the work of Benavides that
+more correct ideas of New Mexican geography were gained and a
+somewhat more accurate and detailed nomenclature was introduced,
+since the <i>Geografie Blaviane</i> of 1667 by the Dutch cartographer
+Jean Blaeuw contains a map of the region far superior to any hitherto
+published. The number of early maps of New Mexico is larger
+than is generally supposed, and there are to-day unpublished maps
+(for instance in the National Archives of Mexico for the eighteenth
+century) that indicate, as existing, Indian pueblos and missions that
+were abandoned nearly a century before the maps were made.</p>
+
+<p>I must state that in this Introduction I have abbreviated as much
+as practicable the titles of books and manuscripts. These are often
+very long, and it is unnecessary to burden the present text with
+them, as I shall have to give the full titles in the notes to the Documentary
+History proper.</p>
+
+<p>It may not be out of place to add to the above a brief review
+of the distribution and location of the various Pueblo groups at the
+beginning of the sixteenth century, but strictly according to documentary
+information alone. The location of different villages
+must be reserved for later treatment, hence as the ranges of the
+various linguistic groups had no definite boundaries, only the relative
+position and approximate extent can be given here.</p>
+
+<p>Following the course of the Rio Grande to the north from
+northern Chihuahua, the Mansos were first met, in the vicinity of the
+present Juarez, Mexico. This was in 1598. Nearly one hundred
+and forty years later Brigadier Don Pedro de Rivera met them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">p. 27</a></span>
+farther north, not far from Las Cruces and Do&ntilde;a Ana, New Mexico.
+To-day they are again at El Paso del Norte. About San Marcial
+on the Rio Grande began the villages of the Piros, at present reduced
+to one small village on the right bank of the Rio Grande
+below El Paso. The Piros extended in the sixteenth century as far
+north in the Rio Grande valley as Alamillo at least, and a branch of
+them had established themselves on the borders of the great eastern
+plains of New Mexico, southeast of the Manzano. That branch,
+which has left well-known ruins at Ab&oacute;, Gran Quivira (Tabir&aacute;), and
+other sites in the vicinity, abandoned its home in the seventeenth century,
+forming the Piro settlement below El Paso, already mentioned.
+North of the Piros, between a line drawn south of Isleta and the
+Mesa del Canjelon, the Tiguas occupied a number of villages,
+mostly on the western bank of the river, and a few Tigua settlements
+existed also on the margin of the eastern plains beyond the
+Sierra del Manzano. These outlying Tigua settlements also were
+abandoned in the seventeenth century, their inhabitants fleeing from
+the Apaches and retiring to form the Pueblo of Isleta del Sur on
+the left bank of the Rio Grande in Texas.</p>
+
+<p>North of the Tiguas the Queres had their homes on both sides
+of the river as far as the great ca&ntilde;on south of San Ildefonso, and
+an outlying pueblo of the Queres, isolated and quite remote to the
+west, was Acoma. The most northerly villages on the Rio Grande
+were those of the Tehuas. Still beyond, but some distance east of
+the Rio Grande, lay the Pueblos of Taos and Picuris, the inhabitants
+of which spoke a dialectic variation of the Tigua language
+of the south. The Tehuas also approached the Rio Grande quite
+near, at what is called La Bajada; and in about the same latitude,
+including the former village at Santa F&eacute;, began that branch of the
+Tehuas known as Tanos, whose settlements ranged from north of
+Santa F&eacute; as far as the eastern plains and southward to Tajique,
+where their territory bordered that of the eastern Tiguas.</p>
+
+<p>The Rio Grande Queres extended also as far west as the Jemez
+river; and north of them, on the same stream, another linguistic
+group, the Jemez, had established themselves and built several villages
+of considerable size. East of the Rio Grande and southwest-ward
+from Santa F&eacute; another branch of the Jemez occupied the
+northern valley of the Rio Pecos.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">p. 28</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The main interest in this distribution of the Rio Grande Pueblos
+lies in the fact that it establishes a disruption and division of some
+of these groups prior to the sixteenth century, but of the cause and
+the manner thereof there is as yet no documentary information.
+Thus the Tigua Indians of Taos and Picuris are separated from their
+southern relatives on the Rio Grande by two distinct linguistic groups,
+the Tehuas and the Queres; the Jemez and the Pecos were divided
+from each other by the Queres and the Tanos. That the Piros and
+the Tiguas should have separated from the main stock might be
+accounted for by the attraction of the great salt deposits about the
+Manzano and greater accessibility to the buffalo plains, but that in the
+Rio Grande valley itself foreign linguistic groups should have interposed
+themselves between the northern and southern Tiguas and the
+Jemez and Pecos constitutes a problem which only diligent research
+in traditions, legends, and the native languages may satisfactorily
+solve.</p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smcap">New York City</span>,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 4em;">March, 1910.</span><br /></p>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+<div class="transnote">
+<p>Transcriber's Note.
+<br /><br />
+Several words purposely occur in accented and non-accented forms. The differing occurrences are retained.</p>
+<p>Page 20: Misspelling of Sante Fé corrected to Santa Fé.
+<br />
+Page 23: The title "Coleccion de Documentos" modified to "Colecciķn de Documentos".
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
+<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO; I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION***</p>
+<p>******* This file should be named 22510-h.txt or 22510-h.zip *******</p>
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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos
+of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction, by Adolph Francis Alphonse
+Bandelier
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos of New Mexico; I. Bibliographic Introduction
+       Papers of the School of American Archaeology, No. 13
+
+
+Author: Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier
+
+
+
+Release Date: September 4, 2007  [eBook #22510]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO
+GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO; I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Joe Longo and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from digital material generously
+made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries
+(http://www.archive.org/details/americana)
+
+
+
+Note: Images of the original pages are available through
+      Internet Archive/American Libraries. See
+      http://www.archive.org/details/documentaryhisto01bandiala
+
+
+
+
+
+Archaeological Institute of America
+
+Papers of the School of American Archaeology
+
+Number Thirteen
+
+DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO
+
+I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION
+
+by
+
+ADOLPH F. BANDELIER
+
+1910
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO GRANDE
+PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO
+
+BY ADOLPH F. BANDELIER
+
+I.--BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Seventeen years have elapsed since I was in the territory in which the
+events in the early history of the Rio Grande Pueblos transpired, and
+twenty-nine years since I first entered the field of research among
+those Pueblos under the auspices of the Archaeological Institute of
+America. I am now called upon by the Institute to do for the Indians of
+the Rio Grande villages what I did nearly two decades ago for the Zuni
+tribe, namely, to record their documentary history.
+
+I shall follow the method employed by me in the case of the documentary
+history of Zuni, by giving the events with strict adherence to
+documentary sources, so far as may be possible, and shall employ the
+correlated information of other branches only when absolutely
+indispensable to the elucidation of the documentary material.
+
+The geographical features of the region to be treated are too well known
+to require mention. Neither can folklore and tradition, notwithstanding
+their decisive importance in a great many cases, be touched upon except
+when alluded to in the sources themselves. I am fully aware, as I stated
+in presenting the history of the Zuni tribe, that a history based
+exclusively on documents, whether printed or written, must necessarily
+be imperfect because it is not impartial, since it summarizes the views
+of those who saw and understood but one side of the question, and judged
+it only from their own standpoint. This defect cannot be remedied, as it
+underlies the very nature of the task, and the greater therefore is the
+necessity of carefully studying the folklore of the Indians in order to
+check and complete as well as to correct the picture presented by people
+acquainted with the art of writing.
+
+In this Introduction I forego the employment of quotations, reserving
+such for the main work. Quotations and footnotes are not, as it has been
+imagined, a mere display of erudition--they are a duty towards the
+source from which they are taken, and a duty to its author; moreover,
+they are a duty towards the reader, who as far as possible should be
+placed in a position himself to judge the value and nature of the
+information presented, and, finally, they are a necessary indication of
+the extent of the author's responsibility. If the sources are given
+clearly and circumstantially, yet happen to be wrong, the author is
+exonerated from blame for resting upon their authority, provided, as it
+not infrequently happens, he has no way of correcting them by means of
+other information.
+
+In entering the field of documentary research the first task is to
+become thoroughly acquainted with the languages in which the documents
+are recorded. To be able to read cursorily a language in its present
+form is not sufficient. Spanish, for example, has changed comparatively
+less than German since the sixteenth century, yet there are locutions as
+well as words found in early documents pertaining to America that have
+fallen into disuse and hence are not commonly understood. Provincialisms
+abound, hence the history of the author and the environment in which he
+was reared should be taken into account, for sometimes there are phrases
+that are unintelligible without a knowledge of the writer's early
+surroundings. Translations as a rule should be consulted only with
+allowance, for to the best of them the Italian saying "Traduttore,
+tradittore" is applicable. With the greatest sincerity and honesty on
+the part of the translator, he is liable to an imperfect interpretation
+of an original text. There are of course instances when the original has
+disappeared and translations alone are available. Such is the case, for
+instance, with the Life of Columbus, written by his son Fernando and
+published in Italian in 1571; and the highly important report on the
+voyage of Cabral to Brazil in 1500, written by his pilot Vas da Cominho
+and others. These are known only through translations.
+
+Words from Indian languages are subject to very faulty rendering in the
+older documents. In the first place, sound alone guided the writers, and
+Indian pronunciation is frequently indistinct in the vowels and
+variable according to the individual--hence the frequent interchange in
+the Spanish sources of _a_ and _o_, _o_ and _u_, _e_ and _i_. For many
+sounds even the alphabets of civilized speech have not adequate phonetic
+signs. I may refer, as an example, to the Indian name in the Tigua
+language for the pueblo of Sandia. The Spanish attempt to render it by
+the word "Napeya" is utterly inadequate, and even by means of the
+complicated alphabets for writing Indian tongues I would not attempt to
+record the native term. In endeavoring to identify localities from names
+given to them in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by European
+authors, this difficulty should always be taken into account. No blame
+can be attached to the writers for such defects; it should always be
+remembered that they did not know, still less understand, the idioms
+they heard. Still less should we be surprised if the same site is
+sometimes mentioned under various names. Every Pueblo language has its
+own geographical vocabulary, and when, as sometimes happened, several
+tribes met in council with the whites, the latter heard and unwittingly
+recorded several names for one and the same locality, thus apparently
+increasing the number of villages. Moreover, interpreters were not
+always at hand, and when they could be had both their competency and
+their sincerity were open to question.
+
+It is not unusual to read in modern works that such and such a source is
+the reliable one _par excellence_, and the principal basis upon which to
+establish conclusions. No source, however seemingly insignificant,
+should be neglected. A brief mention is sometimes very important, as it
+may be a clue to new data, or may confirm or refute accepted information
+and thus lead to further investigation. Some documents, of course, are
+much more explicit than others, but this is no reason why the latter
+should be neglected. The value of a source may be subject to
+investigation from a number of points of view, but it is not always
+possible to obtain the requisite information. Thus the biographies of
+authors are an important requisite, but how seldom are they obtainable
+with the necessary detail!
+
+The sources of the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos, both printed and
+in manuscript, are numerous. The manuscript documents are as yet but
+imperfectly known. Only that which remained at Santa Fe after the first
+period of Anglo-American occupancy--a number of church books and
+documents formerly scattered through the parishes of New Mexico, and a
+very few documents held in private hands--have been accessible within
+the United States. In Mexico the parish and other official documents at
+El Paso del Norte (Juarez) up to the beginning of the eighteenth century
+have been examined by me to a certain extent, and at the City of Mexico
+the Archivo Nacional has yielded a number of important papers, though
+the research has been far from exhaustive, owing to the lack of time and
+support. Hence much still remains to be done in that field. Some
+destruction of papers of an official character appears to have taken
+place at Mexico also, yet with the present condition of the archives
+there is hope that much that appears to be lost will eventually be
+brought to light; in any event we still have recourse to the Spanish
+archives, principally at Sevilla. It was the rule during Spanish
+colonial domination to have every document of any importance executed in
+triplicate, one copy to remain at the seat of local government, another
+to be sent to the viceregal archives, and the third to the mother
+country. Hence there is always a hope that, if the first two were
+destroyed, the third might be preserved. So, for instance, the
+collection of royal decrees (_cedulas_) is imperfect at the City of
+Mexico. There are lacunae of several decades, and it is perhaps
+significant that the same gaps are repeated in the publication of the
+"Cedulas" by Aguiar and Montemayor. In regard to ecclesiastical
+documents the difficulty is greater still. The archives of the
+Franciscan Order, to which the missions on the Rio Grande were assigned
+almost until the middle of the nineteenth century, have become
+scattered; the destruction of the archives at the great Franciscan
+convent in the City of Mexico in 1857, though not complete, resulted in
+the dispersion of those which were not burned or torn, and the
+whereabouts of these remnants are but imperfectly known. The documentary
+history of the Rio Grande Pueblos, therefore, can be only tentative at
+present, but it is given in the hope that it will incite further
+activity with the view of increasing and correcting the data thus far
+obtained.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The report of Cabeza de Vaca, commonly designated as his "Naufragios,"
+is as yet the earliest printed source known with reference to the Rio
+Grande Pueblos, concerning whom it imparts some vague information. The
+briefness and vagueness of that information calls for no adverse
+criticism, for Cabeza de Vaca plainly states that he writes of these
+people from hearsay and that his information was obtained near the mouth
+of the Rio Pecos in western Texas. What he afterward learned in Sonora
+with respect to sedentary Indians in the north is hardly connected with
+the Rio Grande region. The same may be the case with the information
+obtained by Nuno de Guzman in 1530 and alluded to by Castaneda. That
+Nuno de Guzman had gained some information concerning the Pueblos seems
+certain, but everything points to the Zuni region as the one mentioned
+by his informant. The same is true of the reports of Fray Marcos de
+Nizza and Melchor Diaz, which clearly apply to the Zuni Pueblos, the
+most easterly settlement of sedentary Indians alluded to being the
+Queres pueblo of Acoma. It is to the chroniclers of the expedition of
+Coronado, therefore, that we must look for the earliest definite
+information concerning the Rio Grande valley and its inhabitants.
+
+It must be borne in mind that the expedition of Coronado was not a mere
+exploration. What was expected of its leader, and indeed peremptorily
+demanded, was a permanent settlement of the country. Coronado and his
+men were not to return to Mexico except in individual cases. The Viceroy
+Mendoza wanted to get rid of them. Whether Coronado was a party to the
+secret of this plan is doubtful; the indications are that he was not,
+whereas Fray Marcos of Nizza certainly was, and perhaps was its original
+promoter.
+
+The printed sources on Coronado's march may be divided into two
+chronologically distinct classes, the first of which comprises documents
+written in New Mexico in the years from 1540 to 1543; these reflect all
+the advantages and disadvantages of the writings of eye-witnesses. The
+mere fact that one had been a participant in the events which he
+describes is not a guaranty of absolute reliability: his sincerity and
+truthfulness may be above reproach, but his field of vision is
+necessarily limited, and the personal element controls his impressions,
+even against his will, hence his statements. These earliest sources
+regarding Coronado consist of the letters of Coronado himself (with the
+related letter of Viceroy Mendoza), and several briefer documents
+written in New Mexico but without indication of their authors. The last
+two letters written by Coronado alone touch upon the Rio Grande
+Pueblos--those of August 3, 1540, and October 20, 1541.
+
+As stated above, the expedition of Coronado was not designed as a mere
+exploration, but rather for the purpose of establishing a permanent
+settlement. Coronado's second letter, the first in which he touches upon
+the Rio Grande Pueblos, appears to have been lost. His letter of October
+20, 1541, although written near the site of the present Bernalillo, New
+Mexico, contains very little in regard to the Rio Grande Pueblos.
+
+The briefer documents pertaining to Coronado's expedition, and written
+while the Spaniards were still in New Mexico, with the exception of one
+(the report of the reconnoissance made by Hernando de Alvarado,
+accompanied by Fray Juan de Padilla to the east) concern Zuni almost
+exclusively. The document respecting Alvarado's journey is contained in
+the _Coleccion de Documentos_ from the archives of the Indies, but is
+erroneously attributed to Hernando de Soto. The celebrated
+historiographer of Spain, Juan Bautista Munoz, unacquainted with New
+Mexico, its geography and ethnography, criticized it rather harshly;
+nevertheless, the document is very reliable in its description of
+country and people: it alludes to features which are nowhere else
+noticed, and which were rediscovered by the late Frank Hamilton Cushing
+and myself about twenty-eight years ago. The number of villages and
+people in the Rio Grande region, of which the document gives a brief
+description, are, as usual, exaggerated; and it could hardly have been
+otherwise in view of a first and hasty visit, but it remains the
+earliest document in which Acoma and a part of the Rio Grande valley are
+treated from actual observation. The reconnoissance was made from August
+to October, 1540. It may be that one of the villages briefly described
+is Pecos, which lies of course some distance east of the Rio Grande, and
+the document is possibly the first one in which the nomadic Indians of
+eastern New Mexico are mentioned from actual observation.
+
+To these sources, which have both the merits and the defects of all
+documents written under the impressions of first direct acquaintance
+with the subject, must be added the "Relacion postrera de Sivola"
+contained in a manuscript by father Toribio de Paredes, surnamed
+Motolinia, and known as the _Libro de Oro_, etc., which is an augmented
+and slightly modified version of that celebrated missionary's history of
+the Mexicans. It is a condensed report that had reached Mexico after
+Coronado had left for Quivira and before his return had become known.
+Its allusion to the Rio Grande Pueblos and to Pecos is not without
+value, although it adds little to what is contained in the sources
+previously mentioned. On the Indians of the Plains it is, comparatively
+speaking, more explicit. The general tone of the document is one of
+sobriety. The "Relacion del Suceso," published in the _Documentos
+Ineditos de Indias_ under the erroneous date of 1531, is similar to the
+foregoing, but is more detailed in some respects and covers a longer
+period of time. It manifestly was written in New Mexico by a member of
+the expedition, but there is no clue as yet to the name of the author.
+It is a useful corollary to the other contemporary sources.
+
+Although written more than two centuries after Coronado's march, the
+references to it and to New Mexico contained in the _Historia de la
+Nueva Galicia_, by the licentiate Matias de la Mota Padilla, find a
+place here, since the author asserts that he derived much of his
+information from papers left by Pedro de Tovar, one of Coronado's chief
+lieutenants. Mota Padilla generally confirms the data furnished by the
+earlier documents, and adds some additional information. It is however
+quite impossible to determine what he gathered directly from the
+writings of Tovar and what he may have obtained through other and
+probably posterior sources. At all events the _Historia de la Nueva
+Galicia_ should never be neglected by students of the Pueblo Indians.
+
+We now come to the two chief chroniclers of Coronado's time--both
+participants in his undertakings and therefore eye-witnesses: Pedro de
+Castaneda de Naxera and Juan Jaramillo. The fact that they were
+eye-witnesses establishes their high rank as authorities, but there is a
+difference between the two in that Castaneda was a common soldier,
+whereas Jaramillo (a former companion and, to a certain extent, a
+friend of Cortes) was an officer. This fact alone establishes a
+difference in the opportunities for knowing and in the standpoint of
+judging what was seen, aside from the difference arising out of the
+character, facilities, and tendencies of the two individuals. Castaneda
+is much more detailed in his narration than Jaramillo. Discontent with
+the management and the final outcome of the enterprise is apparent in
+the tone of his writings, and while this may not have influenced very
+materially his description of the country and its people, they render
+more or less suspicious his statements in regard to the dealings with
+the aborigines. Both Castaneda and Jaramillo wrote a long time after the
+events had occurred, and probably from memory, hence the comparative
+accuracy of their descriptions is indeed remarkable. But that accuracy,
+however commendable, is relative rather than absolute, as both were
+liable to err, owing to the lapse of time and consequent failure to
+remember facts and events, and, especially with Castaneda, the influence
+of personal prejudice growing stronger with age. Jaramillo had less
+occasion to fall into error resulting from such weakness, but he is much
+less detailed than Castaneda. We might compare the two narrations by
+stating that that of Jaramillo embodies the reminiscences of one who
+stood officially on a higher plane and viewed his subject from a more
+general standpoint, whereas Castaneda saw more of the inferior details
+but was more susceptible of confounding, hence to misstate, the mass of
+data which his memory retained. Both reports will always remain the
+chief sources on the subject of which they treat, subject of course to
+close comparison and checking with correlated sources, archaeological,
+ethnological, and geographical investigation, and Indian tradition.
+
+Before proceeding further in the discussion of the documents it must be
+stated that all references to distances in leagues must be taken with
+many allowances. According to Las Casas there were in use among the
+Spaniards in the sixteenth century, two kinds of leagues: the maritime
+league (_legua maritima_) and the terrestrial league (_legua
+terrestre_). The former, established by Alfonso XI in the twelfth
+century, consisted of four miles (_millas_) of four thousand paces, each
+pace being equal to three Castilian feet. The length of the Castilian
+foot at that time cannot be established with absolute minuteness. The
+terrestrial league consisted of three thousand paces each, so that while
+it contained nine thousand Castilian feet, the maritime league was
+composed of twelve thousand. The latter was used for distances at sea
+and occasionally also for distances on land, therefore where an
+indication of the league employed is not positively given, a computation
+of distances with even approximate accuracy is of course impossible.
+
+The result of Coronado's failure was so discouraging, and the reports on
+the country had been so unfavorable that for nearly forty years no
+further attempt was made to reach the North from New Spain. In fact
+Coronado and his achievements had become practically forgotten, and only
+when the southern part of the present state of Chihuahua in Mexico
+became the object of Spanish enterprise for mining purposes was
+attention again drawn to New Mexico, when the Church opened the way
+thither from the direction of the Atlantic slope. This naturally led the
+explorers first to the Rio Grande Pueblos.
+
+The brief report of the eight companions of Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado
+who in 1580 accompanied the Franciscan missionaries as far as
+Bernalillo, the site of which was then occupied by Tigua villages, and
+who went thence as far as Zuni, is important, although it presents
+merely the sketch of a rather hasty reconnoissance. Following, as the
+Spaniards did, the course of the Rio Grande from the south, they fixed,
+at least approximately, the limit of the Pueblo region in that
+direction. Some of the names of Pueblos preserved in the document are
+valuable in so far as they inform us of the designations of villages in
+a language that was not the idiom of their inhabitants. Chamuscado
+having died on the return journey, the document is not signed by him,
+but by his men. The document had been lost sight of until I called
+attention to it nearly thirty years ago, the subsequent exploration by
+Antonio de Espejo having monopolized the attention of those interested
+in the early exploration of New Mexico.
+
+The report of Antonio de Espejo on his long and thorough reconnoissance
+in 1582-1583 attracted so much attention that for a time and in some
+circles his expedition was looked upon as resulting in the original
+discovery of New Mexico. This name was also given by Espejo to the
+country, and it thereafter remained. While the documents relating to
+Coronado slumbered unnoticed and almost forgotten, the report of Espejo
+was published within less than three years after it had been written. It
+must be stated here that there are two manuscripts of the report of
+Espejo, one dated 1583 and bearing his autograph signature and official
+(notarial) certificates, the other in 1584 which is a distorted copy of
+the original and with so many errors in names and descriptions that, as
+the late Woodbury Lowery very justly observed, it is little else than
+spurious. I had already called attention to the unreliability of the
+latter version, and yet it is the one that alone was consulted for more
+than three centuries because it had become accessible through
+publication in the Voiages of Hakluyt, together with an English
+translation even more faulty, if possible, than its Spanish original.
+The authentic document, with several others relating to Espejo's brief
+career, was not published in full until 1871, and even then attracted
+little attention because it was not translated and because the
+_Coleccion de Documentos del Archivo de Indias_ is not accessible to
+every one. But the publication of 1871 was by no means the first printed
+version of Espejo's relations. Even prior to 1586 a somewhat condensed
+narration of his exploration had been published, being embodied in the
+_History of China_ by Father Gonzalez Mendoza. This account is based on
+the authentic report in some of the various editions, on the spurious
+document in others. The book of Father Mendoza was soon translated into
+French. It is not surprising that Espejo's narrative should appear first
+in print in a work on the Chinese Empire by a Franciscan missionary.
+That ecclesiastic was impressed by some of Espejo's observations on
+Pueblo customs which he thought resembled those of the Chinese. The
+discoveries of Espejo were then the most recent ones that had been made
+by Spaniards, and as New Mexico was fancied to lie nearer the Pacific
+than it really does, and facing the eastern coast of China, a lurking
+desire to find a possible connection between the inhabitants of both
+continents on that side is readily explicable. But Father Mendoza had
+still another motive. The three monks which Chamuscado had left in New
+Mexico had sacrificed their lives in an attempt to convert the natives.
+They were martyrs of their faith, hence glories of their order, and the
+Franciscan author could not refrain from commemorating their deeds and
+their faith. The spurious text was not taken from Mendoza, but
+manifestly was copied from the transcript by a bungling scribe
+imperfectly acquainted with the Spanish tongue.
+
+The value of Espejo's narration is undoubtedly great. The author was a
+close practical observer and a sincere reporter. The more is it
+surprising that his statements in regard to the population of the
+Pueblos are so manifestly exaggerated; yet, as I have elsewhere stated,
+this may be explained. A tendency to enhance somewhat the importance of
+discoveries is inherent in almost every discoverer, but in the case of
+Espejo he was exposed to another danger. As he proceeded from village to
+village the natives gathered at every point from other places out of
+curiosity, fear, or perhaps with hostile intent, so that the number of
+the people which the explorer met was each time much larger than the
+actual number of inhabitants. On the question of population Espejo could
+have no knowledge, since he had no means of communicating with the
+people by speech. Furthermore, it is well known that a crowd always
+appears more numerous than it would prove to be after an actual count;
+besides, even if he could have counted the Indians present, he would
+have fallen into the error of recording the same individual several
+times.
+
+During the comparatively short time which Espejo had to explore the
+country as far as the Hopi or Moqui, he collected interesting
+ethnological data. Customs that appeared new as late as the second half
+of the last century were noted by him; and while his nomenclature of the
+Pueblos agrees in many points with that of the Coronado expedition,
+terms were added that have since been definitely adopted. Espejo's
+return to Mexico was to be followed by a definite occupancy of the Rio
+Grande country, but his untimely death prevented it, and the subsequent
+plan of colonization, framed and proposed by Juan Bautista de Lomas
+Colmenares, led to no practical results, as likewise did the ill-fated
+expedition of Humana, Bonilla, and Leyva, the disastrous end of which in
+the plains became known only through a few vestiges of information and
+by hearsay.
+
+Seven years after Espejo's journey, Gaspar Castano de Sosa penetrated
+to the Rio Grande near the present village of Santo Domingo. The report
+thereon is explicit and sober, and in it we find the first mention of
+the Spanish names by which some of the Pueblos have since become known.
+From this report it is easy to follow the route taken by Castano and his
+followers, but the account is incomplete, terminating abruptly at Santo
+Domingo, whither Castano had been followed by Captain Juan de Morlete,
+who was sent after him by the governor of what is now Coahuila, without
+whose permission Castano had undertaken the journey. I have no knowledge
+as yet of any document giving an account of the return of the
+expedition.
+
+Seven years more elapsed ere the permanent occupancy of New Mexico was
+effected under the leadership of Juan de Onate. Thenceforward events in
+that province became the subject of uninterrupted documentary record.
+
+The very wise and detailed ordinances regulating the discovery and
+annexation to Spain of new territory, promulgated by Philip II, declared
+that every exploration or conquest (the term "conquest" was subsequently
+eliminated from Spanish official terminology and that of "pacification"
+substituted) should be recorded as a journal or diary. Royal decrees
+operated very slowly in distant colonies. Neither Chamuscado nor Espejo
+kept journals, but Castano de Sosa, and especially Onate, did. His
+_diario_ (which is accessible through its publication in the _Documentos
+del Archivo de Indias_, although there are traces of an earlier
+publication) was copied for printing by someone manifestly unacquainted
+with New Mexico or with its Indian nomenclature, hence its numerous
+names for sites and tribes are often very difficult to identify. But the
+document itself is a sober, matter-of-fact record of occurrences and
+geographical details, interspersed with observations of more or less
+ethnological value. As Onate followed the course of the Rio Grande
+upward from below El Paso del Norte, and afterward branched off to
+almost every sedentary settlement in New Mexico and Arizona, the
+comparison of his diary with previous reports (those of the Coronado
+expedition included) is highly valuable, indeed indispensable. The
+_diario_ forms the beginning of accurate knowledge of the region under
+consideration. Perhaps more important still are the Acts of Obedience
+and Homage (_Obediencia y Vasallaje_) executed at various villages
+during the course of the years 1598 and 1599. At first sight, and to one
+unacquainted with Pueblo idioms, they present an unintelligible list of
+partly recognizable names. But the confusion becomes somewhat reduced
+through closer scrutiny and by taking into consideration the
+circumstances under which each official document was framed. Onate
+already enjoyed the advantage of interpreters in at least one New
+Mexican Indian tongue, but the meetings or councils during which the
+"acts of obedience" were written were not always at places where his
+interpreters understood the language of the people they were among.
+These scribes faithfully recorded the names of pueblos as they heard
+them, and sometimes several names, each in a different language for the
+same village, hence the number of pueblos recorded is considerably
+larger than it actually was. Again the inevitable misunderstanding of
+Indian pronunciation by the Spaniards caused them to write the same word
+in different forms according as the sounds were uttered and caught by
+the ear. An accurate copy of these documents of Onate's time made by one
+versed in Pueblo nomenclature and somewhat acquainted with Pueblo
+languages would be highly desirable. Onate is not given to fulness in
+ethnological details. His journal is a dry record of what happened
+during his march and occupancy of the country. Customs are only
+incidentally and briefly alluded to.
+
+One of Onate's officers, however, Captain Gaspar Perez de Villagra, or
+Villagran, published in 1610 a _Historia de la Nueva Mexico_ in verse.
+As an eye-witness of the events he describes, Villagran has the merits
+and defects of all such authors, and the fact that he wrote in rhyme
+called poetry does not enhance the historical merit of his book.
+Nevertheless we find in it many data regarding the Pueblos not elsewhere
+recorded, and study of the book is very necessary. We must allow for the
+temptation to indulge in so-called poetical license, although Villagran
+employs less of it than most Spanish chroniclers of the period that
+wrote in verse. The use of such form and style of writing was regarded
+in Spain as an accomplishment at the time, and not many attempted it,
+which is just as well. Some of the details and descriptions of actions
+and events by Villagran have been impeached as improbable; but even if
+such were the case, they would not detract from the merits of his book
+as an attempt at an honest and sincere narration and a reasonably
+faithful description.
+
+The minor documents connected with Onate's enterprise and subsequent
+administration of the New Mexican colony, so far as known, are of
+comparatively small importance to the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos.
+During the first years of the seventeenth century the attention of Onate
+was directed chiefly toward explorations in western Arizona and the Gulf
+of California. While he was absent on his memorable journey, quarrels
+arose in New Mexico between the temporal and ecclesiastical authorities,
+which disturbed the colony for many years and form the main theme of the
+documentary material still accessible. Even the manuscripts relating to
+these troubles contain, here and there, references to the ethnological
+condition of the Pueblos. Charges and counter-charges of abuses
+committed by church and state could not fail to involve, incidentally,
+the points touching upon the Indians, and the documentary material of
+that period, still in manuscript but accessible through the copies made
+by me and now in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, should not be
+neglected by serious investigators. To enter into details regarding the
+tenor of these documents would be beyond the scope of this Introduction,
+but I would call attention in a general way to the value and importance
+of church records, which consist chiefly of registers of baptisms,
+marriages, and deaths. These for the greater part were kept with
+considerable scrupulosity, although there are periods during which the
+same degree of care was not exercised. They are valuable ethnologically
+by reason of the data which they afford with respect to intermarriages
+between members of distant tribes, through the numerous Indian personal
+names that they contain, and on account of the many records of events
+which the priests deemed it desirable to preserve. Examples will be
+given in the text of the Documentary History to follow.
+
+The _Libros de Fabrica_, in which are recorded items bearing on the
+economic side of church administration, are usually less important;
+still they contain data that should not be neglected, for very often
+minor points deserve as much attention as salient ones. Unfortunately
+the church records of the period prior to 1680 have well-nigh
+disappeared from New Mexico, but some still exist at El Paso del Norte
+(Juarez), Chihuahua, that date back to the middle of the seventeenth
+century. The absence of these records may be somewhat overcome by
+another class of ecclesiastical documents, much more numerous and more
+laborious to consult. In fact I am the only one who thus far has
+attempted to penetrate the mass of material which they contain, although
+my researches have been far from exhaustive, owing to lack of support in
+my work. These documents, commonly called "Diligencias Matrimoniales,"
+are the results of official investigations into the status of persons
+desiring to marry. From their nature these investigations always cover a
+considerable period, sometimes more than a generation, and frequently
+disclose historical facts that otherwise might remain unknown. These
+church papers also, though not frequently, include fragments of
+correspondence and copies of edicts and decrees that deserve attention.
+
+The destruction of the archives and of writings of all kinds in New
+Mexico during the Indian revolt of 1680 and in succeeding years has left
+the documentary history of the province during the seventeenth century
+almost a blank. Publications are very few in number. There is no doubt
+that the archives of Spain and even those of Mexico will yet reveal a
+number of sources as yet unknown; but in the meantime, until these
+treasures are brought to light, we must remain more or less in the dark
+as to the conditions and the details of events prior to 1692. A number
+of letters emanating from Franciscan sources have been published lately
+in Mexico by Luis Garcia y Pimentel, and these throw sidelights on New
+Mexico as it was in the seventeenth century that are not without value.
+In the manuscripts from the archives at Santa Fe that survived the
+Pueblo revolt, now chiefly in the Library of Congress at Washington,
+occasional references to events anterior to the uprising may be found;
+and the church books of El Paso del Norte (Juarez) contain some few data
+that should not be neglected.
+
+In 1602 there was published at Rome, under the title of _Relacion del
+Descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico_, a small booklet by the Dean of
+Santiago, Father Montoya, which purports to give a letter from Onate on
+his occupancy of New Mexico and journey to the Colorado river of the
+West, thus covering the period between 1597 and 1605. It is preceded by
+a notice of Espejo's exploration, but it is entirely too brief to afford
+much information. The little book is exceedingly rare; but three copies
+of it exist in the United States, so far as I am aware.
+
+Of greater importance are the notices, of about the same period,
+preserved by Fray Juan de Torquemada in the first volume of his
+_Monarchia Indiana_ (1615). In this work we find the first mention of
+some Pueblo fetishes, with their names, as understood at the time. The
+letter of Fray Francisco de San Miguel, first priest of Pecos, given in
+print by Torquemada, is of considerable interest. Torquemada himself was
+never in New Mexico, but he stood high in the Franciscan Order and had
+full access to the correspondence and to all other papers submitted from
+outside missions during his time. It is much to be regretted that the
+three manuscript pamphlets by Fray Roque Figueredo, bearing the titles
+_Relacion del Viage al Nuevo Mexico_, _Libro de las Fundaciones del
+Nuevo Mexico_, and _Vidas de los Varones Ilustres_, etc., appear to be
+lost. Their author was first in New Mexico while Onate governed that
+province, and his writings were at the great convent of Mexico. Whether
+they disappeared during the ruthless dispersion of its archives in 1857
+or were lost at an earlier date is not known.
+
+After the recall of Onate from New Mexico, not only the colony but also
+the missions in that distant land began to decline, owing to the bitter
+contentions between the political and the ecclesiastical authorities.
+The Franciscan Order, desirous of inspiring an interest in New Mexican
+missions, fostered the literary efforts of its missionaries in order to
+promote a propaganda for conversions. It also sent a special visitor to
+New Mexico in the person of Fray Estevan de Perea, who gave expression
+to what he saw and ascertained, in two brief printed but excessively
+rare documents, a facsimile copy of which is owned by my friend Mr F. W.
+Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. A third letter which I have
+not been able to see is mentioned by Ternaux-Compans, also a "Relacion
+de la Conversion de los Jumanos" by the same and dated 1640.
+
+Much more extended than the brief pamphlets by Fray Perea is the
+_Relaciones de todas las cosas acaecidas en el Nuevo Mexico hasta el Ano
+de 1626_ (I abbreviate the very long title), by Fray Geronimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, which was published in the third series of the first
+_Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, and also by Mr
+Charles F. Lummis in _The Land of Sunshine_, with an English
+translation. This work, while embodying chiefly a narrative most
+valuable to the ethnography of western Arizona and eastern California,
+of the journey of Onate to the Colorado river of the West, followed by
+an extended report on De Soto's expedition to the Mississippi river,
+contains data on the Rio Grande Pueblos and on those of Jemez that are
+of permanent value. The author gives the numbers of Pueblo Indians
+officially converted during his time.
+
+We come now to a book which, though small in compass, has had perhaps
+greater circulation in languages other than Spanish, with the exception
+of the _Destruycion de las Indias_ by the notorious Las Casas, than any
+other. This is the work of Fray Alonso de Benavides, on New Mexico,
+first published in 1630 under the misleading title of _Memorial que Fray
+Juan de Santander de la Orden de San Francisco, Comisario General de
+Indias, presenta a la Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe cuarto
+nuestro Senor_, etc., Madrid, 1630. Benavides was custodian of the
+Franciscan province of New Mexico for some time, and therefore had good
+opportunity of knowing both the country and its natives. He gives a very
+precise and clear enumeration of the groups of Pueblo Indians, locating
+them where they had been found by Coronado ninety years before and
+adding those which the latter had not visited, as well as giving the
+number of villages of each group and the approximate number of people
+therein contained. No writer on New Mexico up to this time had given
+such a clear idea of its ethnography, so far as the location and the
+distribution of the stocks are concerned. While somewhat brief on
+manners and customs, Benavides is fuller and more explicit than any of
+his predecessors, and informs us of features of importance which no
+other author in earlier times mentioned. In short, his book is more
+valuable for New Mexican ethnography than any other thus far known, and
+it is not a matter of surprise, therefore, that it was translated into
+several European languages. That the Rio Grande Pueblos receive an
+abundant share of attention from Benavides is natural. We also obtain
+from him some data, not elsewhere found, concerning the establishment
+and fate of the missions, and the true relations of the Spaniards and
+the natives are particularly well portrayed. Both the Apaches and the
+Navajos also receive some attention, Benavides giving, among others, the
+true reason for the hostility which the Apaches displayed since that
+time against the Spanish settlements. It is a book without which the
+study of the Pueblo Indians could not be satisfactory.
+
+Where there is strong light there must of necessity be some shadow. In
+the case of Benavides the shadow is found in the exaggerated number of
+inhabitants attributed to the New Mexican Pueblos, exaggerations as
+gross and as glaring as those of Espejo. The number of villages of some
+of the Pueblo groups is also somewhat suspicious. It is not difficult to
+explain these probably intentional deviations from the truth in an
+otherwise sincere and highly valuable work. As already indicated, the
+publications emanating from the Franciscan Order, which exclusively
+controlled the New Mexican missions, had a special purpose distinct from
+that of mere information: they were designed to promote a propaganda not
+simply for the conversion of the Indians in general, but especially for
+the conversions made or to be made by the Order. New Mexico was in a
+state of neglect, spiritually and politically; the political authorities
+had been denouncing the Franciscans in every possible way, and there was
+danger, if this critical condition continued, that the Order might lose
+its hold upon the northern territories and its mission be turned over to
+the Jesuits, who were then successfully at work in the Mexican northwest
+and approaching New Mexico from that direction. To prevent such a loss
+it was deemed necessary to present to the faithful as alluring a picture
+of the field as possible, exploiting the large number of neophytes as a
+result already accomplished and hinting at many more as subjects for
+conversion. Hence the exaggerated number of Indians in general
+attributed by Benavides to what then comprised the religious province of
+New Mexico. In this respect, and in this alone, the _Memorial_ of
+Benavides may be regarded as a "campaign document," but this does not
+impair its general value and degree of reliability.
+
+For the period between 1630 and the uprising of 1680 there is a lack of
+printed documents concerning New Mexico that is poorly compensated by
+the known manuscripts which I have already mentioned as existing in New
+Mexico and Mexico. Still there appeared in 1654 a little book by Juan
+Diez de la Calle, entitled _Memorial y Resumen breve de Noticias de las
+Indias Occidentales_, in which the disturbances that culminated in the
+assassination of Governor Luis de Rosas in 1642 are alluded to. The
+national archives at the City of Mexico contain a still fuller report of
+that event, in a royal decree of 1643 and other papers concerning the
+deed, all of which are yet unpublished. The archives of Spain have as
+yet been only meagerly investigated. The publication of the report of
+Father Nicolas de Freytas, Portuguese, on the expedition attributed to
+Diego de Penalosa Brizeno into what is now Kansas or Nebraska, is of no
+importance in the study of the Rio Grande Pueblos. The authenticity of
+the document has been strongly doubted, though probably without just
+cause. Equally unimportant to the subject of the Documentary History to
+follow is the letter of Captain Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, published in
+the appendix to the criticism of Cesareo Fernandez Duro on the report of
+Father Freytas. The otherwise very interesting letter on New Mexico,
+written by Fray Alonso de Posadas, also printed in the work of Duro, is
+meager in its allusions to the Rio Grande.
+
+Sixty-eight years after Benavides' time the _Teatro Mexicano_ of the
+Franciscan Fray Agustin de Vetancurt was published. The third and fourth
+parts of this important work, namely, the _Cronica de la Provincia del
+Santo Evangelio de Mexico_ and the _Menologio Franciscano_, are of the
+highest value to the history of the Rio Grande Pueblos and of New Mexico
+generally. Although printed eighteen years after the New Mexican
+missions had been destroyed by the Pueblo Indians, the _Cronica_
+contains a terse description of the missions and Indian villages as they
+had been previous to 1680, and gives data in regard to the population
+that are commendable in their sobriety and probability. The work of
+Vetancurt is in this respect a great improvement upon Benavides, and it
+is interesting to note how his approximate census approaches the figures
+given by Zarate Salmeron seventy years before. Vetancurt had at his
+disposal much more precise data than Benavides. During the seven
+decades separating the three authors much information had been
+accumulated, and with greater chances of accuracy than before. Vetancurt
+made good use of this accumulation of material, and his books are in
+fact the most reliable sources from which to ascertain the status of the
+Pueblos at the time the insurrection commenced. The historical data
+given by Vetancurt in regard to New Mexico during earlier times are not
+of great value, but the _Menologio_, as well as the _Cronica_, contains
+a number of details on the missions and on the lives and achievements of
+the missionaries that become important to an understanding of the Indian
+himself. That such references are overburdened with details of a purely
+religious character does not at all impair their ethnologic value: they
+are pictures of the times according to the nature of which circumstances
+and events can alone be judged properly.
+
+We have now arrived at a period marking a great temporary change in the
+condition of all the Pueblo Indians, and of those of the Rio Grande
+especially. This is the insurrection, successful for a time, of the
+Pueblos in 1680, against the Spanish domination. The material on this
+eventful epoch is still largely in manuscript, the nearest approach to a
+documentary presentation in full being the incomplete paraphrase
+furnished by W. W. H. Davis in his _Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_,
+published in 1869. No blame should be attached to the author for the
+insufficiency of his data. He made the best possible use of his
+materials with the help of my late friends David Miller and Samuel
+Ellison of Santa Fe, but the archives of Santa Fe had already been
+depleted through neglect and criminal waste, and what was and is left
+(as I know from having handled it frequently and thoroughly) is a mass
+of fragments, sometimes long, sometimes short, often disconnected and
+therefore unsatisfactory. I shall refer to this material later. Of the
+manuscript materials preceding and foreshadowing the insurrection, an
+important letter by the Franciscan Fray Francisco de Ayeta, a copy of
+which is in the national archives of Mexico, deserves to be specially
+mentioned. To this indefatigable monk, whose timely warnings were too
+lightly regarded by the Spanish authorities, are also due the data
+concerning the lives and the awful fate of the Franciscan priests at
+the hands of the Pueblo Indians on August 10, 1680. The original of
+this tragic list is in manuscript in the national archives of Mexico,
+where Vetancurt made use of it in his _Teatro_. The memorial sermon
+preached and published in Mexico in 1681 (a copy of which exceedingly
+rare print was procured by my friend the Honorable L. Bradford Prince of
+Santa Fe) rests for its information upon the obituaries preserved by
+Father Ayeta. That these obituaries are of direct value to the history
+of the Rio Grande Pueblos is apparent.
+
+The sermon alluded to is the earliest print, so far as known, concerning
+the great Indian uprising of 1680. Next in date comes a publication
+touching the various attempts made by the Spaniards to reconquer New
+Mexico prior to 1693. In that year Carlos de Sigueenza y Gongora
+published in the City of Mexico a kind of irregular newspaper bearing
+the title _El Mercurio Volante_, in which appears a concise and
+tolerably reliable sketch of the insurrection and the various attempts
+to reconquer the territory, including the successful one in 1692 by
+Diego de Vargas. Sigueenza is brief, but reasonably accurate. Part of the
+documents concerning the Indian uprising were published in the
+nineteenth century in the Third Series of the _Coleccion de Documentos
+para la Historia de Mexico_, but no complete print of the voluminous
+papers concerning those events has yet appeared, and indeed the most
+important documents still remain in manuscript. In 1701 Villagutierre y
+Sotomayor published his voluminous _Historia de la Conquistay
+Reducciones de los Itzaes y Lacandones en la America Septentrional_, in
+which appears a brief description of the Indian uprising in New Mexico.
+His data are of course gathered at second hand, although from
+contemporary sources.
+
+I know of no other publications concerning the Indian uprising, so often
+mentioned, between the close of the seventeenth century and the
+beginning of the eighteenth. The manuscript material, which has been
+much scattered, may be divided locally into three groups. The one,
+originally at Santa Fe, New Mexico, is now in the Library of Congress at
+Washington; it had been much neglected, hence for the greater part
+seriously reduced, in former times, but it still contains most valuable
+information on the condition of the Rio Grande Pueblos immediately after
+the uprising and during the time the Pueblos were left to themselves,
+attempting to return to their primitive condition. This information,
+embodied in interrogatories of Indians subsequent to 1680, I made the
+subject of a closing chapter to my _Documentary History of the Zuni
+Tribe_, but it was withheld from publication for some cause unknown to
+me. The military reports on the expeditions of Diego de Vargas and the
+final reconquest of New Mexico are reduced to disconnected but still
+bulky fragments. Almost unique of their kind are the so-called "Pueblo
+grants" emanating from Governor Domingo Gironza Petros de Cruzate in
+1688. The term "grant" is a misnomer, since it refers in fact to a
+limitation to the innate tendency of the Indians to arbitrarily expand
+their tribal range. These documents have become the legal basis of
+landholding by the Pueblos and the first step toward eventual single
+tenure.
+
+The second group of manuscripts, in the national archives in the City of
+Mexico, is more complete than the first. It contains information on the
+beginnings of the rebellion and on later events that are of great
+importance.
+
+The third group, and by far the most complete, is in Spain, but in
+regard to it I am unable to give any precise information, since every
+opportunity of completing my investigations concerning the Southwest by
+studying the Spanish archives, notwithstanding repeated promises, has
+been withheld.
+
+For the eighteenth century documentary materials pertaining to New
+Mexico remain, it may be said, almost exclusively in manuscript. A
+connecting link between the printed sources of the seventeenth and
+eighteenth centuries are the _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el
+Padre Jose Amando Niel_, in the early part of the eighteenth century,
+published in the Third Series of the _Documentos para la Historia de
+Mexico_. Father Niel was a Jesuit who visited New Mexico shortly after
+the reconquest. His observations are of comparatively mediocre value,
+yet his writings should not be overlooked. The journal of the Brigadier
+Pedro de Rivera, in 1736, of his military march to Santa Fe, is a dry,
+matter-of-fact account, but is nevertheless valuable owing to his
+concise and utterly unembellished description of the Rio Grande valley
+and of what he saw therein. The book is very rare, and therefore
+correspondingly unnoticed.
+
+A brief but important contribution to the history of New Mexico is the
+letter of Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, published in the Third
+Series of the _Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_. About the same
+time, in the second half of the eighteenth century, the Brigadier Jose
+Cortes wrote an extended report on the territory, but it concerns more
+the relations with the constantly hostile roaming tribes than the
+condition of the Pueblos. It also is printed in the _Documentos_.
+
+The otherwise very important diary of the journey of Fray Francisco
+Garces to northern Arizona, published first in the above-mentioned
+_Coleccion de Documentos_, and more recently (with highly valuable
+notes) by the late Dr Elliott Coues, touches only incidentally on the
+Rio Grande region. In 1746 Joseph Antonio de Villa-Senor y Sanchez
+embodied in his _Theatro Americano_ a description of New Mexico,
+condensed chiefly from the journal of the Brigadier Rivera, mentioned
+above. The _Diccionario Geografico_ by Murillo is also a source that
+should not be neglected.
+
+A great amount of documentary manuscript material, mostly of a local
+character, is contained in the church books of the eighteenth century
+formerly at the pueblo of Santa Clara and now preserved at Santa Fe
+through the efforts of the late Archbishop J. B. Salpointe. There are
+also the "Informaciones Matrimoniales," which contain data of great
+importance. Through them we are informed of the tragic fate of the last
+expedition of the Spaniards to the northwest, with its horrifying
+incidents. The story of woe and disaster that pictures the life of the
+Indian Pueblos and Spanish settlers during the eighteenth century is
+contained in fragments in the plain, matter-of-fact church registers,
+and it requires painstaking investigation to collect it. The greatest
+part of this information concerns the Rio Grande Pueblos. A careful
+investigation of the matrimonial and baptismal registers will yield data
+concerning the clans and indications of the primitive rules of marriage,
+while the "Libros de Fabrica" contain interesting data on the churches
+of the Rio Grande valley. Great labor and the utmost scrutiny are
+required in sifting these time-worn papers for desirable data, and
+especially is a considerable knowledge of conditions and events
+necessary; but the result of thorough investigation, especially through
+literal copying by the student, will amply repay the time and labor
+bestowed.
+
+What I have stated in regard to the church archives applies, in a still
+greater degree, to the state and private papers that may be accessible.
+Of the former the archives of Santa Fe contain a great number, though
+many of them are only fragmentary. Valuable documents exist also in the
+archives of the Surveyor General at Santa Fe; these are valuable chiefly
+for historical data covering the first half of the eighteenth century.
+The national archives in the City of Mexico are much more complete than
+those of New Mexico, while in Spain we may expect to find an almost
+complete set of government documents, preserved with much greater care
+and with more system than in any early Spanish possessions in America.
+The city of Sevilla would be the first place in which research in this
+direction should be conducted.
+
+Before closing this bibliographic sketch with a glance at the earliest
+literature of the nineteenth century, I must mention two ponderous books
+of the eighteenth century which, while based on second-hand information
+and not very valuable in detail, refer occasionally to facts and data
+not elsewhere found. These are the two volumes of the _Cronica
+Apostolica y Serafica de la Propaganda Fide de Queretaro_. The first
+volume, written by Fray Isidro Felis Espinosa and published in 1746, is
+interesting especially on account of its reference to the fate of the
+first Frenchmen brought into New Mexico, and one of whom, Juan de
+Archibeque, played an important role in the first two decades of the
+eighteenth century. The second volume, the author of which was Fray
+Domingo de Arricivita, was published in 1792, and is the chief source
+concerning the still problematical expedition to the north attributed to
+two Franciscan friars in 1538. Both of these works are of relatively
+minor importance, and I mention them here only for the sake of
+completeness and in order to warn against attaching undue importance to
+them so far as the Pueblos are concerned.
+
+It is of course understood that I omit from the above account a number
+of publications containing more or less brief and casual references to
+New Mexico. Most of them are geographical, and but few allude to
+historical facts. In the notes to the Documentary History proper I may
+refer to some of them.
+
+Perhaps the last book published on New Mexico in the Spanish language is
+the little book of Pino, which, however, has little more than a
+bibliographic value except in so far as it touches the condition of New
+Mexico at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The documents in the
+New Mexican and Mexican archives up to the date of the American
+occupancy present features similar to those that characterize the
+Spanish documents of the eighteenth century. It would be too tedious to
+refer to them in detail, and I therefore dismiss them for the present
+with this brief mention. If I do not mention here the literature on New
+Mexico in the English language it is not due to carelessness or to
+ignorance of it, but because of its much greater wealth in number and
+contents, its more ready accessibility, and because in matters
+respecting the history of early times the authors of these works have
+all been obliged to glean their information from at least some of the
+sources that I have above enumerated and discussed.
+
+It may surprise students of New Mexican history that I have thus far
+omitted the very earliest sources in print in which New Mexico is
+mentioned, namely, the work of Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, and
+that of Gomara. The former was published in part in the first half of
+the sixteenth century, the entire work appearing at Madrid not earlier
+than 1850 and 1851. Its title, as is well known, is _Historia General y
+Natural de las Indias_. The work of Francisco Lopez de Gomara bears the
+title _Historia de las Indias_, and is in two parts. Gomara is more
+explicit than Oviedo, who gives only a brief and preliminary mention;
+but even Gomara, while more detailed, and basing his work evidently on
+the earliest data then accessible in regard to the expedition of
+Coronado, cannot be compared with the later reports of those attached to
+the expedition. The value of these books is comparatively slight, so far
+as New Mexico is concerned. Much more important is the _Historia
+General_, etc., by Antonio de Herrera (1601-1615). What authorities
+Herrera had at his command cannot be readily determined. He may have had
+access to the report of Jaramillo, and he was certainly acquainted with
+the letters of Coronado. Perhaps the letter of Coronado which I have as
+yet been unable to find was consulted by him. In any event Herrera's
+information is all second-hand, and while by no means devoid of merit,
+his work cannot rank with sources written by men who saw the country and
+took part in the events of the earliest explorations. The map
+accompanying the first volume of Herrera, while scarcely more than an
+outline, is still in advance of the charts published during the
+sixteenth century.
+
+Here I may be permitted to refer to the older cartography of New Mexico
+in general. Until the beginning of the seventeenth century these maps
+are very defective and incomplete. It is almost as if the Ptolemy of
+1548 had served as a basis for them. Even the large and beautiful globe
+constructed at St. Gall in Switzerland in 1595, and now in the Swiss
+National Museum at Zuerich, places Tiguex near the Pacific coast. It is
+through the work of Benavides that more correct ideas of New Mexican
+geography were gained and a somewhat more accurate and detailed
+nomenclature was introduced, since the _Geografie Blaviane_ of 1667 by
+the Dutch cartographer Jean Blaeuw contains a map of the region far
+superior to any hitherto published. The number of early maps of New
+Mexico is larger than is generally supposed, and there are to-day
+unpublished maps (for instance in the National Archives of Mexico for
+the eighteenth century) that indicate, as existing, Indian pueblos and
+missions that were abandoned nearly a century before the maps were made.
+
+I must state that in this Introduction I have abbreviated as much as
+practicable the titles of books and manuscripts. These are often very
+long, and it is unnecessary to burden the present text with them, as I
+shall have to give the full titles in the notes to the Documentary
+History proper.
+
+It may not be out of place to add to the above a brief review of the
+distribution and location of the various Pueblo groups at the beginning
+of the sixteenth century, but strictly according to documentary
+information alone. The location of different villages must be reserved
+for later treatment, hence as the ranges of the various linguistic
+groups had no definite boundaries, only the relative position and
+approximate extent can be given here.
+
+Following the course of the Rio Grande to the north from northern
+Chihuahua, the Mansos were first met, in the vicinity of the present
+Juarez, Mexico. This was in 1598. Nearly one hundred and forty years
+later Brigadier Don Pedro de Rivera met them farther north, not far
+from Las Cruces and Dona Ana, New Mexico. To-day they are again at El
+Paso del Norte. About San Marcial on the Rio Grande began the villages
+of the Piros, at present reduced to one small village on the right bank
+of the Rio Grande below El Paso. The Piros extended in the sixteenth
+century as far north in the Rio Grande valley as Alamillo at least, and
+a branch of them had established themselves on the borders of the great
+eastern plains of New Mexico, southeast of the Manzano. That branch,
+which has left well-known ruins at Abo, Gran Quivira (Tabira), and other
+sites in the vicinity, abandoned its home in the seventeenth century,
+forming the Piro settlement below El Paso, already mentioned. North of
+the Piros, between a line drawn south of Isleta and the Mesa del
+Canjelon, the Tiguas occupied a number of villages, mostly on the
+western bank of the river, and a few Tigua settlements existed also on
+the margin of the eastern plains beyond the Sierra del Manzano. These
+outlying Tigua settlements also were abandoned in the seventeenth
+century, their inhabitants fleeing from the Apaches and retiring to form
+the Pueblo of Isleta del Sur on the left bank of the Rio Grande in
+Texas.
+
+North of the Tiguas the Queres had their homes on both sides of the
+river as far as the great canyon south of San Ildefonso, and an outlying
+pueblo of the Queres, isolated and quite remote to the west, was Acoma.
+The most northerly villages on the Rio Grande were those of the Tehuas.
+Still beyond, but some distance east of the Rio Grande, lay the Pueblos
+of Taos and Picuris, the inhabitants of which spoke a dialectic
+variation of the Tigua language of the south. The Tehuas also approached
+the Rio Grande quite near, at what is called La Bajada; and in about the
+same latitude, including the former village at Santa Fe, began that
+branch of the Tehuas known as Tanos, whose settlements ranged from north
+of Santa Fe as far as the eastern plains and southward to Tajique, where
+their territory bordered that of the eastern Tiguas.
+
+The Rio Grande Queres extended also as far west as the Jemez river; and
+north of them, on the same stream, another linguistic group, the Jemez,
+had established themselves and built several villages of considerable
+size. East of the Rio Grande and southwest-ward from Santa Fe another
+branch of the Jemez occupied the northern valley of the Rio Pecos.
+
+The main interest in this distribution of the Rio Grande Pueblos lies in
+the fact that it establishes a disruption and division of some of these
+groups prior to the sixteenth century, but of the cause and the manner
+thereof there is as yet no documentary information. Thus the Tigua
+Indians of Taos and Picuris are separated from their southern relatives
+on the Rio Grande by two distinct linguistic groups, the Tehuas and the
+Queres; the Jemez and the Pecos were divided from each other by the
+Queres and the Tanos. That the Piros and the Tiguas should have
+separated from the main stock might be accounted for by the attraction
+of the great salt deposits about the Manzano and greater accessibility
+to the buffalo plains, but that in the Rio Grande valley itself foreign
+linguistic groups should have interposed themselves between the northern
+and southern Tiguas and the Jemez and Pecos constitutes a problem which
+only diligent research in traditions, legends, and the native languages
+may satisfactorily solve.
+
+  NEW YORK CITY,
+    March, 1910.
+
+
+
+      *      *      *      *      *      *
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note.
+
+  Several words purposely occur in accented and non-accented forms. The
+  differing occurrences are retained.
+
+  Page 20: Misspelling of Sante Fe corrected to Santa Fe.
+  Page 23: The title "Coleccion de Documentos" modified to
+           "Coleccion de Documentos".
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE RIO
+GRANDE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO; I. BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION***
+
+
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