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authorRoger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>2025-10-15 02:04:00 -0700
committerRoger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>2025-10-15 02:04:00 -0700
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Historical Introduction to Studies Among
+the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Rep, by Adolphus Bandelier
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos
+ Papers Of The Archæological Institute Of America, American
+ Series, Vol. I
+
+Author: Adolphus Bandelier
+
+Release Date: October 27, 2007 [EBook #23224]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joe Longo and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
+produced from scanned images of public domain material
+from the Google Print project.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Papers of the Archæological Institute of America.
+
+_AMERICAN SERIES._
+
+Volume I
+
+[Illustration: PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA FÉ.]
+
+
+
+
+Papers of the Archæological Institute of America.
+
+_AMERICAN SERIES._
+
+I.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+1. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO STUDIES
+AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS OF
+NEW MEXICO.
+
+2. REPORT ON THE RUINS OF THE PUEBLO
+OF PECOS.
+
+BY
+A. F. BANDELIER.
+
+
+BOSTON:
+PUBLISHED BY A. WILLIAMS AND CO.
+LONDON: N. TRÜBNER AND CO.
+1881.
+
+
+
+
+UNIVERSITY PRESS:
+
+JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.
+
+
+
+
+ARCHÆOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Executive Committee, 1880-81.
+
+
+CHARLES ELIOT NORTON, _President_.
+
+MARTIN BRIMMER, _Vice-President_.
+
+FRANCIS PARKMAN.
+
+W. W. GOODWIN.
+
+H. W. HAYNES.
+
+ALEXANDER AGASSIZ.
+
+WILLIAM R. WARE.
+
+O. W. PEABODY, _Treasurer_.
+
+E. H. GREENLEAF, _Secretary_.
+
+
+
+
+I.
+
+HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
+TO
+STUDIES AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS
+OF
+NEW MEXICO.
+
+PART I.
+
+BY AD. F. BANDELIER.
+
+
+
+
+I.
+
+HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+Part I.
+
+The earliest knowledge of the existence of the sedentary
+Indians in New Mexico and Arizona reached Europe
+by way of Mexico proper; but it is very doubtful whether or
+not the aborigines of Mexico had any _positive_ information to
+impart about countries lying north of the present State of
+Querétaro. The tribes to the north were, in the language of
+the valley-confederates, "Chichimecas,"--a word yet undefined,
+but apparently synonymous, in the conceptions of the
+"Nahuatl"-speaking natives, with fierce savagery, and ultimately
+adopted by them as a warlike title.
+
+Indistinct notions, indeed, of an original residence, during
+some very remote period of time, at the distant north, have
+been found among nearly all the tribes of Mexico which speak
+the Nahuatl language. These notions even assume the form
+of tradition in the tale of the _Seven Caves_,[1] whence the Mexicans
+and the Tezcucans, as well as the Tlaxcaltecans, are said
+to have emigrated to Mexico.[2] Perhaps the earliest mention
+of this tradition may be found in the writings of Fray Toribio
+de Paredes, surnamed Motolinia. It dates back to 1540 A.D.[3]
+But it is not to be overlooked that ten years previously, in
+1530, the story of the _Seven Cities_, which was the form in
+which the first report concerning New Mexico and its sedentary
+Indians came to the Spaniards, had already been told to
+Nuño Beltran de Guzman in Sinaloa.[4] The parallelism between
+the two stories is striking, although we are not authorized
+to infer that the so-called seven _cities_ gave rise to what
+appeared as an aboriginal myth of as many _caves_.[5]
+
+The tale of the Seven Caves, as the original home of the
+Mexicans and their kindred, prevailed to such an extent that,
+as early as 1562, in a collection of picture-sheets executed in
+aboriginal style, the so-called "Codex Vaticanus," "Chicomoztoc,"
+and the migrations thence, were graphically represented.
+All the important Indian writers of Mexico between
+1560 and 1600, such as Duráro, Camargo, Tezozomoc, and
+Ixtlilxochitl, refer to it as an ancient legend, and they locate
+the site of the story, furthermore, very distinctly in New Mexico.
+Even the "Popol-Vuh," in its earliest account of the
+Quiché tribe of Guatemala, mentions "Tulan-Zuiva, the seven
+caves or seven ravines."[6]
+
+While it is impossible as yet to determine whether or not
+this legend exercised any direct influence on the extension
+of Spanish power into Northern Mexico, another myth, well
+known to eastern continents from a remote period, became
+directly instrumental in the discovery of New Mexico. This
+is the tale of the _Amazons_.
+
+About 1524 A.D., Cortes was informed by one of his officers
+(then on an expedition about Michhuacan) that towards
+the north there existed a region called Ciguatan ("Cihuatlan"--place
+of women), near to which was an island inhabited
+by warlike females exclusively.[7] The usual exaggerations
+about metallic wealth were added to this report; and when, in
+1529, Nuño de Guzman governed Mexico he set out northwards,
+first to conquer the sedentary Indians of Michhuacan,
+and then to search for the gold and jewels of the Amazons.[8]
+It was while on this foray that he heard of the Seven Cities in
+connection with Ciguatan. This latter place was reached;
+and, while the fancies concerning it were speedily dispelled
+by reality, those concerning the Seven Cities flitted further
+north.[9] Guzman overran, laid waste, and finally colonized
+Sinaloa. He sent parties into Sonora; but, after his recall,
+slow colonization superseded military forays on a large scale,
+at least for a few years.
+
+During this time, Pamfilo de Narvaez had undertaken the
+colonization of Florida.[10] His scheme failed, and cost him
+his life. Of the few survivors of his expedition, four only
+remained in the American continent, wandering to and fro
+among the tribes of the south-west. After nine years of untold
+hardships, these four men finally reached Sonora, having
+traversed the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the
+coast of the Pacific. The name of the leader and subsequent
+chronicler of their adventures was Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de
+Vaca.[11]
+
+It is not possible to follow and to trace, geographically,
+the erratic course of Cabeza de Vaca with any degree of certainty.
+His own tale, however authentic, is so confused[12] that
+it becomes utterly impossible to establish any details of location.
+We only know that, in the year A.D. 1536, he and
+his associates finally met with their own countrymen about
+Culiacan.[13]
+
+They reported that, when their shiftings had cast them far
+to the west of the sinister coast of what was then called "Florida,"
+settlements of Indians were reached which presented a
+high degree of culture.[14] These settlements they described as
+having a character of permanence, but we look in vain for any
+accurate description of the buildings, or of the material of
+which they were composed.[15] For such a report of important
+settlements in the north, the mind of the Spanish conquerors
+in Mexico was, as we have already intimated, well prepared.
+
+During their stay among the nondescript tribes of South-western
+North America, Cabeza de Vaca and his companions
+had tried to scatter the seeds of Christianity,--at least, they
+claimed to have done so. The monks of the order of St.
+Francis then represented the "working church" in Mexico.
+One of their number, Fray Marcos de Nizza, who had joined
+Pedro de Alvarado upon his return from his adventurous tour
+to Quito in Ecuador, and who was well versed in Indian lore,[16]
+at once entered upon a voyage of discovery, determining to
+go much farther north than any previous expedition from the
+colonies in Sinaloa. He took as his companion the negro
+Estevanico, who had been with Cabeza de Vaca on his marvellous
+journey.
+
+Leaving San Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March,
+1539,[17] and traversing Petatlan, Father Marcos reached Vacapa.[18]
+If we compare his statements about this place with
+those contained in the diary of Mateo Mange,[19] who went
+there with Father Kino in 1701, we are tempted to locate it
+in Southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson, in the "Piméria
+alta,"[20] at a place now inhabited by the Pima Indians,
+whose language is also called "Cora" and "Nevome."[21] Vacapa
+was then "a reasonable settlement" of Indians. Thence
+he travelled in a northerly direction, probably parallel to the
+coast at some distance from it. It is impossible to trace his
+route with any degree of certainty: we cannot even determine
+whether he crossed the Gila at all; since he does not mention
+any considerable river in his report, and fails to give
+even the direction in which he travelled, beyond stating at
+the outset that he went northward. Still we may suppose,
+from other testimony on the subject, that he went beyond
+the Rio Gila,[22] and finally he came in sight of a great Indian
+pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"--the houses
+of stone and several stories high. The negro Estevanico had
+been killed at this pueblo previous to the arrival of Fray Marcos,
+so the latter only gazed at it from a safe distance, and
+then hastily retired to Culiacan. While the date of his departure
+is known, we are in the dark concerning the date of
+his return, except that it occurred some time previous to the
+2d of September, 1539.[23]
+
+To this great pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"
+Fray Marcos was induced to give the name of Cibola.[24] The
+comparison with Mexico shows a lively imagination; still, we
+must reflect that in 1539 Mexico was not a large town,[25] and
+the startling appearance of the many-storied pueblo-houses
+should also be taken into account.[26]
+
+With the report about Cibola came the news that the said
+pueblo was only one of seven, and the "Seven Cities of Cibola"
+became the next object of Spanish conquest.
+
+It is not our purpose here to describe the events of this
+conquest, or rather series of conquests, beginning with the
+expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 1540, and
+ending in the final occupation of New Mexico by Juan de
+Oñate in 1598. For the history of these enterprises, we refer
+the reader to the attractive and trustworthy work of Mr.
+W. W. H. Davis.[27] But the numerous reports and other documents
+concerning the conquest enable us to form an idea
+of the ethnography and linguistical distribution of the Indians
+of New Mexico in the sixteenth century. Upon this
+knowledge alone can a study of the present ethnography
+and ethnology of New Mexico rest on a solid historical foundation.
+
+There can be no doubt that Cibola is to be looked for in
+New Mexico. From the vague indications of Fray Marcos,
+we are at least authorized to place it within the limits of New
+Mexico or Arizona, and the subsequent expedition of Coronado
+furnishes more positive information.
+
+Coronado marched--"leaving north slightly to the left"[28]--from
+Culiacan on. In other words, he marched east of
+north. Hence it is to be inferred that Cibola lay nearly north
+of Culiacan in Sinaloa. Juan Jaramillo has left the best itinerary
+of this expedition. We can easily identify the following
+localities: Rio Cinaloa, upper course, Rio Yaquimi, and upper
+course of the Rio Sonora.[29] Thence a mountain chain was
+crossed called "Chichiltic-Calli,"[30] or "Red-house" (a Mexican
+name), and a large ruined structure of the Indians was
+found there.
+
+Within the last forty years at least, this "Red house" has
+been repeatedly identified with the so-called "Casas Grandes,"
+lying to the south of the Rio Gila in Arizona.[31] It should not
+be forgotten that from the upper course of the Rio Sonora
+_two_ groups of Indian pueblos in ruins were within reach of
+the Spaniards. One of these were the ruins on the Gila, the
+other lay to the right, across the Sierra Madre, in the present
+district of Bravos, State of Chihuahua, Mexico. Jaramillo
+states that Coronado crossed the mountains to the _right_.[32] Now,
+whether the "Nexpa," whose stream the expedition descended
+for two days, is the Rio Santa Cruz or the Rio San Pedro, their
+course after they once crossed the Sierra could certainly not
+have led them to the "great houses" on the Rio Gila, but
+much farther east. The query is therefore permitted, whether
+Coronado did not perhaps descend into Chihuahua, and thence
+move up due north into South-western New Mexico. In any
+case,--whether he crossed the Gila and then turned north-eastward,
+as Jaramillo intimates,[33] or whether he perhaps struck
+the small "Rio de las Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua, and
+then travelled due north to Cibola, according to Pedro de
+Castañeda,[34]--the lines of march necessarily met the first sedentary
+Indians living in houses of stone or adobe about the
+region in which the pueblo of Zuñi exists. It is not to be
+wondered at, therefore, if all the writers on New Mexico, from
+Antonio de Espejo (1584) down to General J. H. Simpson
+(1871), with very few exceptions, have identified Zuñi with
+Cibola.
+
+
+There are numerous other indications in favor of this assumption.
+
+1. Thus Castañeda says: "Twenty leagues to the north-west,
+there is another province which contains seven villages.
+The inhabitants have the same costumes, the same customs,
+and the same religion as those of Cibola."[35] This district is the
+one called "Tusayan" by the same author, who places it at
+twenty-five leagues also; and "Tucayan" by Jaramillo, "to
+the left of Cibola, distant about five days' march."[36] These
+seven villages of "Tusayan" were visited by Pedro de Tobar.
+West of them is a broad river, which the Spaniards called
+"Rio del Tizon."[37]
+
+2. Five days' journey from Cibola to the east, says Castañeda,
+there was a village called "Acuco," erected on a rock. "This
+village is very strong, because there was but one path leading
+to it. It rose upon a precipitous rock on all sides, etc."[38]
+Jaramillo mentions, at one or two days' march from Cibola
+to the east, "a village in a very strong situation on a precipitous
+rock; it is called Tutahaco."[39]
+
+3. According to Jaramillo: "All the water-courses which
+we met, whether they were streams or rivers, until that of
+Cibola, and I even believe one or two journeyings beyond,
+flow in the direction of the South Sea; further on they take
+the direction of the Sea of the North."[40]
+
+4. The village called "Acuco," or "Tutahaco," lay between
+Cibola and the streams running to the south-east, "entering
+the Sea of the North."[41]
+
+It results from points 3 and 4, that the region of Cibola
+lay at all events _west of the present grants to the pueblo of
+Acoma_. There are watercourses in their north-western corner,
+and through the western half thereof, which become
+tributaries to the Rio Grande del Norte. The only settled
+region, or rather the region containing the remains of large
+settlements, lying west of the water-shed between the Colorado
+of the West and the Rio Grande, is much farther north.
+It is the so-called San Juan district, where extensive ruins are
+still found, for the description of which we are indebted to
+General Simpson, to Messrs. Jackson and Holmes, and to Mr.
+Lewis H. Morgan. To reach this region, Coronado had to
+pass either between Acoma and Zuñi, or between the Zuñi
+and the Moqui towns. In either case he could not have
+failed to notice one or the other of these pueblos; whereas
+Nizza, as well as the reports of Coronado's march, particularly
+insist upon the fact that Cibola lay on the borders of
+a great uninhabited waste.
+
+Our choice is therefore limited between Zuñi and the
+Moqui towns themselves; for there can be no doubt as to the
+identity of the rock of Acuco or Tutahaco, east of Cibola,
+with the pueblo of Acoma, whose remarkable situation, on
+the top of a high, isolated rock, has made it the most conspicuous
+object in New Mexico for nearly three centuries.[42]
+
+But there can be as little doubt, also, in regard to the identity
+of the Moqui district with the "Tusayan" of Castañeda
+and of Jaramillo. When the Moqui region first was made
+known under that name ("Mohoce," "Mohace") in 1583,
+by Antonio de Espejo, it lay westward from Cibola "four
+journeys of seven leagues each." One of its pueblos was
+called "Aguato" ("Aguatobi").[43] Fifteen years later (1598),
+Juan de Oñate found the first pueblo of "Mohóce," twenty
+leagues of the first one of "Juñi" ("Zuñi") to the westward.[44]
+Besides, the "Rio del Tizon" was, at an early day,
+distinctly identified with the Colorado River of the West.[45]
+
+Finally, we must notice here that the text of Hackluyt's
+version of Espejo's report is in so far incorrect as it leads to
+the inference that Espejo only admitted Cibola to be a
+Spanish name for Zuñi, therefore making it doubtful whether
+or not it was the original place ("y la llaman los Españoles
+Cibola"). The original text of Espejo's report distinctly
+says, however, "a province of six pueblos, called Zuñi,
+and by another name, Cibola," thus positively identifying
+the place.[46]
+
+We cannot, therefore, refuse to adopt the views of General
+Simpson and of Mr. W. W. H. Davis, and to look to the
+pueblo of Zuñi as occupying, if not the actual site, at least
+one of the sites within the tribal area of the "Seven cities of
+Cibola." Nor can we refuse to identify Tusayan with the
+Moqui district, and Acuco with Acoma.
+
+This investigation has so far enabled us to locate, at the
+time of their first discovery, _three_ of the principal pueblos or
+groups of pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona. The pueblo
+of Acoma appears to have occupied at that time the identical
+striking position in which it is found to-day. The pueblo of
+Zuñi, while it undoubtedly occupies the ground once claimed
+by the cluster to which the name of Cibola was given, is but
+the remaining one of six or seven villages then forming that
+group, or a recent construction sheltering the remnants of
+their former occupants. The Moqui towns appear to be the
+same which the Spaniards found three hundred and forty
+years ago, though additions from other tribes have, as we
+shall subsequently establish, modified the character of their
+dwellers.
+
+But the information to be derived from Coronado's march,
+on the ethnography of New Mexico, is not confined to the
+above. While at Cibola, Indians from a tribe or region called
+"Cicuyé," which was said to be found far to the east, came to
+see him. They brought with them buffalo-hides, prepared
+and manufactured into shields and "helmets." Although
+the Spaniards had heard of the buffalo before reaching Zuñi,
+the animal itself had not been met with, and accordingly
+Coronado sent Hernando de Alvarado to Cicuyé, and in quest
+of the "buffalo country."[47]
+
+Cicuyé is the "Cicuique" of Juan Jaramillo, and the "Acuique"
+of an anonymous relation of the year 1541: it lay to
+the east of Acoma, through which the Spaniards passed.[48]
+Between it and Acoma was the pueblo of "Tiguex," at a distance
+of three days' march, while Cicuyé was five days from
+Tiguex.[49] General Simpson identifies the latter with a point
+on the Rio Grande del Norte, "at the foot of the Socorro
+Mountains," and then places Cicuyé at "Pecos."[50] Between
+Acoma and the Rio Grande there lies the Rio Puerco; and
+on its banks other authorities, conspicuous among whom
+is Mr. W. W. H. Davis, have located Tiguex, while Cicuyé,
+according to them, was on the Rio Grande, somewhere
+near the valley of Guadalupe.[51] Both conclusions have their
+strong points; but both of them have also their weak sides.
+
+If it took five days of march from Zuñi to Acoma, three
+days more, in a north-easterly direction, would have brought
+the Spaniards to the Rio Grande, and certainly much beyond
+the Rio Puerco; and then Pecos could easily be reached in
+five days.[52]
+
+But we are unable to guess, even, at the length of each
+journey. From Zuñi to Acoma the country was uninhabited;
+therefore the length of each journey may have been great,
+because there was nothing to attract the attention of the
+Spaniards,--nothing to prevent them from hastening their
+progress in order to reach their point of destination. From
+Acoma on, the ethnographical character changed. The actual
+distance to the Rio Grande may be shorter; but pueblos
+sprung up at small intervals of space, which necessitated
+greater caution, and therefore greater delay, in the movements
+of the advancing party. Still, we have a guide of
+great efficiency in another branch of information. The pueblo
+of "Tiguex," mentioned as lying three days from Acoma,
+indicates, seemingly, a settlement of _Tehua_-speaking Indians.
+Now, the "Tehua" idiom is spoken in those pueblos which lie
+directly north of Santa Fé. San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa
+Clara, Pohuaque, Nambé, and Tesuque. But it is quite apparent
+that, considering the great distance of Santa Fé from
+Acoma, the journeys, as indicated in Castañeda, would fall
+very short of any of the pueblos mentioned.[53]
+
+The Tehua, like all the tribes along the Rio Grande,
+suffered vicissitudes and consequent displacements; and
+it might be advanced that one or the other of the Tehua
+villages, formerly known as Tiguex, might now be destroyed.
+
+Fortunately, we need not resort to such hypotheses. It appears,
+from documentary evidence of the year 1598, that there
+was, distinct from the Tehua or Tegua, a tribe of "Chiguas,"
+or "Tiguas;"[54] and, from the notes of Father Juan Amando
+Niel (written between 1703 and 1710), it results that their
+settlements were near Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande; there
+being at that time three villages, the most northern of which
+was Santiago, the central one Puaray, near Bernalillo, and
+the most southern one San Pedro.[55] The distance between the
+first two pueblos, according to Fray Zarate Salmeron, in 1626,
+was about one and a half leagues, or five and a half English
+miles.[56] Tiguex, therefore, must be located on or near the
+site of Bernalillo. The "Rio Tiguex" of Castañeda is the
+Rio Grande del Norte, and the Indians of Tiguex belonged to
+the stock of the "Tanos" language, now spoken still by a
+few Indians at Galisteo, and by the inhabitants of the pueblos
+of Sandia and Isleta.[57] Even the direction in which the Spaniards
+moved from Acoma--that is, to the north-east--perfectly
+agrees with that in which Bernalillo lies, whereas the
+mouth of the Rio Puerco, below which General Simpson locates
+Tiguex, lies south-east of the pueblo of Acoma.
+
+Having thus, as we believe, satisfactorily located Tiguex, it
+is easy to locate Cicuyé. It can be nothing else than Pecos,
+whose aboriginal Indian name, in the Jemez language, is
+"Âgin," whereas Pecos is the "Paego" of the Qq'uêres idiom.
+There is no other Indian pueblo answering to its description
+and geographical location as given by the chroniclers of
+Coronado. The fact that "when the army quitted Cicuyé to
+go to Quivira, we entered the mountains, which it was necessary
+to cross to reach the plains, and on the fourth day we
+arrived at a great river, very deep, which passes also near
+Cicuyé,"[58] does not at all militate against it. The easiest passage,
+and the most accessible one from Pecos eastward, leads
+directly to the slopes between the Rio Gallinas and the Rio
+Pecos; and either of these two streams could be, and had to
+be, met with very near to the confluence of both.[59] For other
+proof, and very conclusive too, I refer to my detailed description
+of the Ruins of the Pueblo de Pecos.
+
+I repeat, it is not to our purpose to describe the "faits et
+gestes" of Coronado and of his men, but only to discuss the results
+of his march for the Ethnography of New Mexico. I even
+exclude Ethnology in as far as it does not include language.
+The distribution of tribes and stocks of tribes designated by
+idioms, as Coronado revealed it in 1540 to 1543, is to be the
+final result of the discussion. Therefore, I leave the acts of the
+Spaniards aside everywhere, when they are not essential to the
+object, and do not even follow a strict chronological sequence.
+
+After Alvarado had left Cibola for Tiguex, Coronado himself
+followed him; and, "taking the road to Tiguex," he crossed
+a range of mountains where snow impeded his march,--and
+during which march he and his men were once two and a half
+days without water,--until finally he reached a pueblo called
+"Tutahaco."[60] General Simpson has not paid any attention
+to this place. Mr. Davis places it near Laguna.[61] This author
+has forgotten that Tutahaco was further from Zuñi than
+Tiguex itself, since it took Coronado more than eleven days
+to reach it.[62] This could not have been the case, had he
+passed _north_ of Acoma; he must consequently have passed
+_south_ of it, and, while originally following the trail to Tiguex,
+deviated in a direction from N.E. to E.S.E., crossing the
+mountains, and then finally struck the "Tiguex" pueblos,
+but in their southern limits, on the Rio Grande about "Isleta."[63]
+Castañeda is very positive in regard to the fact that
+"Tutahaco" was on the same river as "Tiguex," and that
+from the former Coronado _ascended_ the stream to the latter.[64]
+This river was the Rio Grande; and, consequently, "Tutahaco"
+was south of "Puaray" or Bernalillo. There, he heard
+of other pueblos further south still.[65] "Tutahaco" was "four
+leagues to the south of Tiguex."[66]
+
+When Coronado reached "Tiguex" at last, it thereafter
+became the centre of his operations. Castañeda very justly
+remarks: "Tiguex is the central point;"[67] and a glance at the
+map, substituting Bernalillo for it, will at once satisfy the reader
+of the accuracy of this statement.
+
+From Tiguex an expedition was sent along the Rio Grande
+and west of it. It discovered in succession: Quirix on the
+river, with seven villages; Hemes with seven villages; Aguas
+Calientes, three; Acha to the north-east; and, furthest in a
+north-easterly direction, Braba. Four leagues west of the
+river, Cia was met with; and, between Quirix and Cicuyé,
+Ximera. Further north of Quirix, Yuque-Yunque was found
+on the Rio Grande. An officer was also despatched to the
+south beyond Tutahaco, and he indeed discovered "four villages"
+at a great distance from the latter, and beyond these a
+place where the Rio Grande "disappeared in the ground, like
+the Guadiana in Estremadura."[68]
+
+Through our identifications of "Tiguex" with _Bernalillo_,
+of "Cicuyé" with _Pecos_, and "Tutahaco" with _near Isleta_, it
+becomes now extremely easy to locate all these pueblos in
+the most satisfactory manner. "Quirix" is the _Queres_ district
+Santo-Domingo, Cochití, etc.[69] "Hemes" and "Aguas
+Calientes," together form the _Jemez_ and _San Diego_ clusters
+of pueblos,[70] "Acha" is _Picuries_, "Braba," _Taos_.[71] The pueblo
+of "Ximera" between Pecos and Queres is the _Tanos_ pueblo of
+_San Cristóbal_.[72] "Yuque-Yunque" are the _Tehuas_, north of
+Santa Fé,[73] and the four villages on the Rio Grande far south
+of Isleta, naturally are found in the now deserted towns of
+the "Piros" near Socorro, the most southerly and the least
+known of the linguistical stocks of sedentary Indians in New
+Mexico.[74]
+
+In sending the officers mentioned along the Rio Grande, as
+far south as Mesilla probably, Coronado explored the territory
+beyond the range of the pueblos, and he thus secured information
+also concerning the roaming tribes. It is essential that
+I should touch these here also, because the subsequent history
+of the village Indians cannot be understood without connection
+with their savage surroundings. I might as well state
+here, that west of the Rio Grande and south of Zuñi, the entire
+south-west corner of New Mexico, appears to have been uninhabited
+in 1540. Stray hunting parties may have visited
+it, though there was hardly any inducement, since the buffalo
+was found east of the Rio Grande only, as far as New
+Mexico is concerned.[75]
+
+The country visited along the Rio Grande, as far as Mesilla,
+appears not to have given any occasion for its explorers, to
+mention any wild tribes as its occupants. Still we know that,
+east of Socorro and south-east, not forty years after Coronado,
+the "Jumanas" Indians claimed the Eastern portions of
+Valencia and Socorro counties; the regions of Abo, Quarac,
+and Gran Quivira.[76] These savages, also called "Rayados"
+("Striated" from their custom of painting or cutting their
+faces and breasts for the sake of ornament), were reduced to
+villages in 1629 only, by the Franciscans; and the ruins which
+are now called Gran Quivira date from that time.[77] Dona
+Ana county was (from later reports which I shall discuss in
+a subsequent paper), roamed over, towards the Rio Grande,
+by equally savage hordes, to which Antonio de Espejo and
+others give the name of "Tobosas."[78] It is, of course,
+impossible to assign boundaries to the Ranges of such
+tribes.
+
+Very distinct ethnographic information, however, is given
+by Coronado himself, as well as by Castañeda and by Jaramillo,
+in regard to north-eastern New Mexico. This information
+was secured in the year 1542, during his adventurous expedition
+in search of Quivira.
+
+In regard to the route followed by him, I can but, in
+a general way, heartily accept the conclusions of General
+Simpson.[79] If, in some details, we may have some doubts
+yet, I gladly bow to his superior knowledge of the country
+and to his experience of travelling in the plains, in the
+latter of which I am totally deficient. Coronado started
+from Pecos, he crossed, probably, the Tecolote chain, threw
+a bridge over the Rio Gallinas, and then moved on to the
+north-east at an unknown distance. Although not as yet
+satisfied that he reached as far north-east as General Simpson
+states, and believing that he moved more in a _circle_ (as
+men wandering astray in the plains are apt to do), there is
+no doubt but that he went far into the "Indian territory,"
+and that Quivira--which, by the way, is plainly described
+as an agglomeration of Indian "lodges" inhabited, not by
+sedentary Indians of the pueblo type, but by a tribe exactly
+similar in culture to the corn-raising aborigines of the Mississippi
+valley[80]--was situated at all events somewhere between
+the Indian territory and the State of Nebraska. This
+is plainly confirmed by the reports of Juan de Oñate's fruitless
+search of Quivira in 1599,[81] and principally by the
+statements of the Indians of Quivira themselves, when
+they visited that governor at Santa Fé thereafter.[82] They
+told him that the direct route to Quivira was by the pueblo
+of Taos.
+
+The Quivira of Coronado and of Oñate has therefore not
+the slightest connection,--and never had, with the Gran
+Quivira of this day, situated east of Alamillo, near the
+boundaries of Socorro and Lincoln Counties, New Mexico,
+and the ruins there;[83] which ruins are those of a Franciscan
+mission founded after 1629, around whose church a village of
+"Jumanas" and probably "Piros" Indians had been established
+under direction of the fathers.
+
+The reports of Coronado, and others, reveal to us the east
+and north-east of New Mexico as the "Buffalo Country," and
+consequently as inhabited or roamed over by hunting savages.
+Of these, two tribes were the immediate neighbors
+of the Pueblos,--the "Teyas" to the north-east, and the
+"Querechos" more to the east, south of the former probably.
+The Ranges intermingled, and both tribes were at
+war with each other. The "Teyas" were possibly Yutas,[84]
+as these occupied the region latterly held by the Comanches.
+About the "Querechos" I have, as yet, and at this distance
+from all documentary evidence, not a trace of information.
+
+On the ethnographical map accompanying this sketch, I
+have indicated the _Apaches_ as occupying _North-western New
+Mexico_. In this locality they were found by Juan de Oñate
+in 1598-99.[85]
+
+Coronado's homeward march offering no new points of
+interest, I shall, in conclusion, briefly survey the Ethnography
+of New Mexico, as it is sketched on the map, and
+as established by the preceding investigation of the years
+1540-43.
+
+We find the sedentary Indians of New Mexico agglomerated
+in the following clusters:--
+
+1. Between the frontier of Arizona and the Rio Grande,
+from west to east: _Zuñi_, _Acoma_, with possibly _Laguna_.
+
+2. Along the Rio Grande, from north to south, between
+"Sangre de Cristo" and Mesilla: _Taos_, _Picuries_, _Tehua_,
+_Queres_, _Tiguas_ (branch of the _Tanos_), _Piros_.
+
+3. West of the Rio Grande valley: _Jemez_, including _San
+Diego_ and _Cia_.
+
+4. East of the Rio Grande: _Tanos_, _Pecos_.
+
+Around these "pueblos," then, ranged the following wild
+tribes.
+
+1. In the north-west: _Apaches_.
+
+2. In the north-east: _Teyas_.
+
+3. North-east and east: _Querechos_.
+
+4. South-east and south: _Jumanas_, _Tobosas_.
+
+The south-west of the territory appears to have been completely
+uninhabited, and also devoid of the buffalo. The
+innumerable herds of this quadruped roamed over the plains
+occupying the eastern third of New Mexico and extending
+into Texas.
+
+The _Moqui_ of Arizona, clearly identified with Coronado's
+"Tusayan" are not noticed on the map, of course.
+
+If now we compare these localities in 1540 with the present
+sites of the pueblos of New Mexico, it is self-evident that the
+Zuñi, Acoma, Tiguas, Queres, Jemez, Tehua, and Taos still
+occupy (Acoma excepted), if not the identical houses, at
+least the same tribal grounds. The Piros have removed
+to the frontier of Mexico, the Pecos are extinct as a tribe;
+of the Tanos and Picuries, a few remain on their ancient
+soil. Their fate is not a matter of conjecture, but of historical
+record.
+
+While this discussion has proved, we believe, the truthfulness
+and reliability of the chroniclers of Coronado's expedition,
+and their great importance for the history of American
+aborigines, it establishes at the same time the superior
+advantages of New Mexico as a field for archæological and
+ethnological study. It is the only region on the whole continent
+where the highest type of culture attained by its aborigines--the
+village community in stone or adobe buildings--has
+been preserved on the respective territories of the tribes.
+These tribes have shrunk, the purity of their stock has been
+affected, their customs and beliefs encroached upon by civilization.
+Still enough is left to make of New Mexico the objective
+point of serious, practical archæologists; for, besides the
+living pueblo Indians, besides the numerous ruins of their
+past, the very history of the changes they have undergone is
+partly in existence, and begins three hundred and forty years
+ago, with Coronado's adventurous march.[86]
+
+AD. F. BANDELIER.
+
+SANTA FÉ, N. M., Sept. 19, 1880.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+THE GRAND QUIVIRA. See p. 26.
+
+The following extract is from the "General Description" in the
+field-notes of the survey in 1872 of the base line of the public surveys
+in New Mexico by United States Deputy Surveyor Willison, taken from the
+original notes on file at the United States Surveyor General's office at
+Santa Fé:--
+
+ "The Gran Quivira, about which so much has been written and
+ so many attempts made to reconcile with the city of that
+ name spoken of by the early Spanish explorers, and which was
+ said by them to be the seat of immense wealth, is passed
+ through by the line in Sec. 34, range 8 East. The most
+ prominent building is the church, which, as well as all the
+ other buildings, is of limestone laid in mortar. The ground
+ plan presents the form of a cross. The dimensions of the
+ buildings are as follows:--
+
+ "Width of short arm of cross, 33 feet; width of long arm of
+ cross, 42 feet. Their axes are respectively 48 feet long and
+ 140.5 feet long, and their intersection 35 feet from the
+ head of the cross. The walls have a thickness of 6 feet, and
+ a height of about 30 feet. The main entrance has a height of
+ 11 feet, an outside width of 11 feet, and an inside width of
+ 16.5 feet. The church is situated due east and west, having
+ its front to the east.
+
+ "Extending south from the church a distance of 160 feet, and
+ connected with it by a door in the short arm of the cross,
+ is a building containing a number of apartments. On the
+ window-frames of this building the mark of the carpenter's
+ scribe is still plainly visible, though doubtless exposed to
+ the action of the atmosphere for nearly two centuries. The
+ carved timbers in the church are still in a good state of
+ preservation; a portion of the roof still remains; some of
+ the timbers must have weighed 3,000 pounds at the time they
+ were brought to this place, and they could not have been
+ procured within a less distance than sixteen miles.
+
+ "The site of the ruins is elevated about one hundred feet
+ above the surrounding country, and embraces an area of about
+ eighteen acres. The town has been well and compactly built,
+ and probably contained a population approaching five
+ thousand souls. Numerous excavations have been made by the
+ Mexicans in search of the treasures said to have been left
+ by the Jesuits when they were expelled by the Indians. In
+ one of these excavations I found a large quantity of human
+ bones, including a skull. From the formation of the latter,
+ and its thickness, it was undoubtedly that of an Indian.
+
+ "The questions that arise in contemplating these ruins are,
+ how was it possible for such a number of people not only to
+ exist, but to build a town of such superior construction at
+ a point which is now entirely destitute of water, and to
+ which water cannot be brought from any present source, the
+ nearest water being fifteen miles distant? what was their
+ occupation? and what has become of them?
+
+ "That this town was the abode of Jesuit [Franciscan?]
+ priests, and a tribe of Indians under their control, the
+ architecture of the buildings conclusively shows.
+
+ "That they were there for agricultural and pastoral purposes
+ I consider certain, from the fact that there are no
+ evidences of mines, or any mineral indications of any kind
+ in the surrounding country, and that the country, with the
+ single exception of the absence of water, is well adapted to
+ the mode of cultivation pursued and crops raised by the
+ Indians.
+
+ "That water was brought there from some distant point--and
+ distant it would have been--cannot be the case, as the face
+ of the country would have required the construction of
+ numerous aqueducts for its conveyance, remains of which
+ would be found at the present time; and why would a people
+ bring water a long distance for the purpose of working lands
+ no more valuable than such as could have been had at the
+ water?
+
+ "Where, then, did the inhabitants get the water necessary
+ for their subsistence? There are two arroyos between the
+ ruins and the Mesa Jumanes, within a mile of the town,
+ having well-defined watercourses, which might have
+ contained permanent water at the time that the town was
+ inhabited. Even at the present time, the drainage from these
+ arroyos furnishes water for a laguna some five miles below
+ that lasts during about one half the year. Again, springs
+ may have existed around the rise upon which the town is
+ situated that, from natural causes, have become dry.
+
+ "The phenomenon of the failures of water is no uncommon one
+ in this region, as is evidenced by the numerous vents where
+ the surrounding rocks show the action of running water.
+
+ "A case directly supporting the assumption of the failure of
+ the water is furnished at a place about thirty-five miles
+ northerly from the Gran Quivira, known as 'La Cienega.' At
+ this point a stream of water, furnished by two springs, and
+ running to a distance of about a mile at all seasons of the
+ year, which has never been known to be dry within the memory
+ of the oldest inhabitant, has, within the last year,
+ entirely disappeared; and even digging to a considerable
+ depth in the bed of the late springs fails to find the
+ stream, or the channel by which it has so mysteriously
+ disappeared.
+
+ "To those at all familiar with the cretaceous formation of
+ the south-eastern portion of New Mexico, and who have seen
+ the numerous rivers that flow hundreds of inches of water
+ within a few yards of where they make their first
+ appearance, and the total disappearance of these streams
+ within a few miles, who have seen the water flowing in caves
+ and subterraneous streams, and the fact that the whole
+ country is cavernous, can easily imagine the possibility of
+ a stream acting upon its cretaceous bed, and eventually
+ wearing a channel, to connect with some immense cavern, and
+ disappearing at once from the surface beyond all reach of
+ human power.
+
+ "To the south of the Gran Quivira, at a distance of about
+ twenty miles, commences a _mal pais_, an immense bed of
+ lava, sixty miles in length from north to south, and
+ covering an area of five hundred square miles. To the
+ south-west of this commences a salt marsh, which has an area
+ of fifty square miles, and which is fed entirely by
+ subterranean streams from the Sacramento and White
+ Mountains, receiving without doubt by the same means the
+ drainage of this plain for a hundred miles to the north. The
+ above facts are, I think, sufficient to account for the
+ absence of water at the present time near Gran Quivira.
+
+ "As to what became of the inhabitants of this place, as well
+ as those of Abo and Quarrá to the north-west,--towns that
+ are coeval with the Gran Quivira,--we can only conjecture.
+ The most reasonable conclusion that can be arrived at is
+ that they were exterminated by the Spaniards upon their
+ reoccupation of the country. Though history is silent as to
+ the complete operations of the Spaniards upon their return
+ to New Mexico, yet it is a fact established by documentary
+ evidence that a relentless war was waged against the
+ Indians, and a number of tribes are spoken of as being
+ engaged in certain battles, of which tribes we know nothing
+ at the present day; and in some instances it is stated that
+ some tribes sued for peace, and promised obedience to the
+ rule of the conquerors, for which they received grants of
+ lands that they at present occupy. The inhabitants of Gran
+ Quivira, Abo, and Quarro would be among the first that the
+ Spaniards would meet on their reoccupation of the country,
+ and there is every reason to believe that they were
+ exterminated by the incensed invaders."
+
+
+
+
+[1] _Las siete cuevas_: in Nahuatl _Chicomoztoc_, from _chicome_, seven,
+and _oztoc_, cave. Alonzo de Molina, _Vocabulario Mexicano_, 1571, parte
+iia. pp. 20 and 78. Fray Juan de Tobar, _Codice Ramirez_, p. 18.
+
+[2] Fray Diego Durán, _Historia de las Yndias de Nueva-España, é Islas
+de Tierra Firme_, cap. i. p. 8; _Codex Vaticanus_, Kingsborough, vols.
+i., ii., vi.; _Anales de Cuauhtitlan: Anales del Museo Nacional de
+México_, tom. i. entrega 7, p. 7 of 2d vol., but incorporated in the
+first. "I acatl ipan quizque Chicomoztoc in Chichimeca omitoa moternuh
+in imitoloca."
+
+[3] _Historia de los Indios de la Nueva-España, in Coleccion de
+Documentos para la Historia de México_, by J. G. Icazbalceta, vol. i. p.
+7.
+
+[4] _Segunda Relacion Anónima de la Jornada de Nuño de Guzman, in
+Coleccion de Documentos_, etc., vol. ii. p. 303.
+
+[5] The early literature on this subject will only be fully known when
+the remarkable collection called _Libro de Oro_ shall have been
+published by Señor Icazbalceta, its meritorious owner. This valuable
+collection of manuscripts dates from the sixteenth century, and
+contains, besides a number of official reports on local matters of
+Mexico and districts pertaining to it, the chronicles of the tezcucan
+Juan Bautista Pomar, a copy of Motolinia, and a number of MSS. written
+between 1529 and 1547 at the instance of the much-abused Bishop
+Zumárraga. These MSS. contain the results of the earliest investigations
+on Mexican history and tradition.
+
+The natives of Mexico appear to have had no knowledge, nay, not even the
+most dim recollection, of the _fauna_ of South-western North America.
+While their so-called calendar, in the graphic tokens used to designate
+each one of the twenty days of their conventional "month," contains the
+forms of all the larger quadrupeds roaming over Mexico and Central
+America, the tapir excepted, we look in vain for the coyote, the bear,
+the mountain-sheep, and the buffalo.
+
+[6] _Popol Vuh_, part iii. cap. iv. p. 216, cap. vi. pp. 226, 228, cap.
+viii. p. 238, etc.
+
+[7] Hernando Cortés, _Carta Quarta_, dated Temixtitan, 15 October, 1524,
+Vedia i. p. 102. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, _Historia General
+y Natural de las Indias_, lib. xxxiii. cap. xxxvi. vol. iii. p. 447,
+lib. xxxiv. cap. viii. p. 576, Madrid, 1853. The information was derived
+from Gonzalo de Sandoval. See Antonio de Herrera, _Historia General de
+los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar
+Oceano_, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. p. 106, edition of 1726.
+
+[8] _Relacion de las Ceremonias y Ritos, Poblacion y Gobierno de los
+Indios de la Provincia de Mechuacan_, p. 113, from the _Coleccion de
+Documentos para la Historia de la España. Tercera Relacion Anónima de la
+Jornada de Nuño de Guzman, Coleccion de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii.
+pp. 443, 449, 451. _Matias de la Mota Padilla, Historia de la
+Nueva-Galicia_, published 1870, cap. iii. p. 27. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap.
+xxxiii. vol. i. pp. 222, 223.
+
+[9] _Quarta Relacion Anónima de la Jornada de Nuño de Guzman, Coleccion
+de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii. p. 475. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap. xxxiii.
+vol. i. p. 223.
+
+[10] In 1527, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iv. pp. 26, 27.
+
+[11] He was treasurer of Narvaez' expedition, and subsequently, upon his
+return, or rather in 1541, became _adelantado_ of Paraguay.
+
+[12] He wrote all from memory. The title of his work is _Naufragios de
+Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, y Relacion de la Jornada que hizo á la
+Florida_. It was first printed in 1555, at Valladolid. My references are
+to the reprint in Vedia's _Historiadores Primitivos de Indias_, vol. i.
+
+[13] Cabeza de Vaca, _Naufragios_, etc., cap. xxxvii. p. 548, xxxiv. p.
+545. According to Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 11 and cap.
+viii. p. 11, it might be either 1536 or 1534, "el año pasado de 1534."
+Oviedo, lib. xxxv. cap. vi. p. 614, intimates as much as 1538. Fray
+Antonio Tello, _Historia de la Nueva-Galicia_, fragment preserved in
+_Coleccion de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii. cap. xii. p. 358, says
+"habían llegado ese año de treinta y tres á aquellas tierras," 1533.
+
+[14] Cabeza de Vaca, cap. xxxi. pp. 542, 543.
+
+[15] Id., p. 543.
+
+[16] He was a native of Savoy, Italy, and was with Sebastian de
+Belalcazar during the latter's conquest of Quito. Juan de Velasco,
+_Histoire du royaume de Quito_, French translation by Ternaux-Compans,
+Introd. p. viii. He wrote the following books: _Conquista de la
+Provincia del Quito: Ritos y Ceremonias de los Indios_; _Las dos Lineas
+de los Incas y de los Scyris en las Provincias del Perú y del Quito_;
+_Cartas Informativas de lo Obrado en las Provincias del Perú y del
+Cuzco_. These manuscripts may still exist. According to Fray Augustin de
+Vetancurt (Menologio Franciscano, ed. of 1871, pp. 117, 118, 119), he
+was born at Nizza, and in 1531 came to America, being in Peru in 1532.
+Thence he went to Nicaragua and Mexico. He was provincial from 1540 to
+1543, and died at Mexico, March 25, 1558.
+
+[17] Fray Marcos Nizza, _Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades_, p. 329.
+
+[18] Nizza, p. 332. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. vii. p. 156.
+
+[19] In _Documentos para la Historia de Méjico_, 1856, 4 série, vol. i.
+p. 327. The diary has not even a title. Mentioned by Father Jacob
+Sedelmair, S. J., _Relacion que hizo ... Misionero de Tubatama_, in
+_Documentos para la Historia de Méjico_, 3a série, vol. ii. pp. 846,
+848, 857, 859.
+
+[20] On the map of Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, in _Der neue
+Weltbott_, by P. Joseph Stöcklein, vol. i. 2d edition, 1728, there
+appears St. Ludov. de Bacapa. The diary of Mange, p. 327, is explicit.
+
+[21] Manuel Orozco y Berra, _Geografía de las Lenguas y Carta
+Etnográfica de México_, part iii. cap. xxiii. pp. 345-353, etc.
+Francisco Pimentel, _Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas
+Indígenas de México_, 1865, vol. ii. pp. 91, 92-116.
+
+[22] The fact that he became the guide of Coronado, and led him to
+Cibola, indicates that Fray Marcos crossed the Gila, since otherwise the
+Spaniards would have traversed the Sierra Madre, and entered New Mexico
+from Chihuahua. It is true that the general direction of Coronado's
+march from Culiacan was from south to north, inclining to the _east_.
+
+[23] The attest of D. Antonio de Mendoza, concerning Nizza's report,
+bears the date, Mexico, 2 Sept., 1539. Consequently, Fray Marcos had
+returned previously. See _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+Ternaux-Compans, Appendix, p. 282.
+
+[24] This word is said to be now found only in the dialect of the pueblo
+of Isleta, south of Santa Fé, under the form _sibúlodá_, buffalo. Albert
+S. Gatschet, _Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord Amerika's_, Weimar,
+1876, p. 106.
+
+[25] Herrera, _Descripcion de las Indias_, cap. ix. p. 17, says that
+Mexico has 4,000 vecinos. This was in 1610, about.
+
+[26] Lewis H. Morgan, _On the Ruins of a Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River_, in _12th Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American
+Archæology_, etc., 1880, p. 550.
+
+[27] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, Doylestown, Pa., 1869.
+
+[28] Pedro de Castañeda y Nagera, _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+translation of Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1838, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163.
+
+[29] Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait à la Nouvelle-Terre sous
+les Ordres du Général Francisco Vasquez de Coronado_, in _Voyage de
+Cibola_, Append. vi. pp. 365, 366, 367.
+
+[30] Castañeda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. p. 162. The word
+is composed of _chichiltic_, a red object, and _calli_, house. Molina,
+ii. pp. 11, 19.
+
+[31] General Simpson locates the "Casas Grandes" on the Gila, in lat.
+33° 4' 21" and lon. 111° 45' Greenwich. _Coronado's March_, p. 326.
+
+[32] _Relation_, etc., p. 365. "Nous souffrîmes quelques fatigues,
+jusqu'à ce que nous eussions atteint une chaîne de montagnes dont
+j'avais entendu parler à la Nouvelle-Espagne, à plus de trois-cents
+lieues de là. Nous donnâmes à l'endroit où nous passâmes le nom de
+Chichiltic-Calli, parce que nous avions su par des Indiens que nous
+laissions derrière nous, qu'ils l'appelaient ainsi," etc. Id. "On nous
+dit qu'elle se nommait Chichiltic-Calli. Après avoir franchi ces
+montagnes." ...
+
+[33] Jaramillo, _Relation_, etc., p. 367. Simpson, p. 325. For
+descriptions of the "Casas Grandes," I refer to Castañeda, i. cap. ix.
+pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. pp. 161, 162, to be compared with Mateo Mange,
+_Documentos para la Historia de México_, série 4, vol. i. cap. v. p.
+282, describing Father Kino's visit there in 1697, cap. x. pp. 362, 363.
+Cristóbal Martin Bernal, Francisco de Acuña, Eusebio Francisco Kino,
+etc., _Relacion_, in _Documentos_, 3 série, vol. ii. p. 884; this bears
+date, 4 Dec., 1697. Fray Tomás Ignacio Lizazoin, _Informe sobre las
+Provincias de Sonora y Nueva-Vizcaya, Documentos_, 3 série, ii. p. 698.
+Segundo Media, _Rudo Ensayo Tentativo de una Prevencional Descripcion de
+la Provincia de Sonora, sus Terminos y Confines_, written by a Jesuit
+about 1761 or 1762, and published by Buckingham Smith at S. Augustine in
+1863, cap. ii. sec. 3, p. 18. Padre Font, in _Relation de Cibola_,
+Append, vii. pp. 383-386. Of more recent descriptions, I enumerate
+Lieut. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., Executive
+Documents_, 41, pp. 80, 81; Capt. A. R. Johnston, _Journal_, etc., id.
+pp. 582, 584, 596, 597; John R. Bartlett, _Personal Narrative of
+Explorations and Incidents_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxii. pp. 265-280.
+While we can easily identify the "Casas Grandes," seen in 1846-47 and
+1852, with those described in 1697, 1761, and 1775, in regard to the
+earliest description of "Chichilticalli," we are inclined to agree with
+Mr. L. H. Morgan, _Seven Cities of Cibola_, that "there is no ruin on
+the Gila at the present time that answers the above description."
+
+[34] _Relation de Cibola_, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163, and especially
+part iii. cap. ix. p. 243. "On fit d'abord cent dix lieues vers l'ouest,
+en partant de Mexico; Ton se dirigea ensuite vers le nord-est pendant
+cent lieues; puis pendant six cent cinquante vers le nord, et l'on
+n'était encore arrive qu'aux ravins des bisons. De sorte qu'après avoir
+fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieues, on n'était pas en définitive à
+plus de quatre cents de Mexico."
+
+The "Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua are on the river of the same name,
+north-west of the city of Chihuahua, and nearly south of János. I have
+been unable as yet to ascertain when they first came to notice.
+According to Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, _Letter to the General Francisco
+de Gorraez Beaumont_, dated 22 Sept., 1667, in _Mandamiento del Señor
+Virey, Marques de Mancora, sobre las Doctrinas de Casas Grandes, que
+estaban en las Yumas, Jurisdiccion de San Felipe del Parral_, in
+_Documentos_, 4 série, vol. iii. p. 231, etc., the Padre Pedro de
+Aparicio died there, and the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, 1
+_Letter_, 25 Oct., 1667, p. 234, adds: "Que en este puesto de las Casas
+Grandes era parimo de minéria y segun tradicion antigua y ruinas que se
+veian que decian ser del tiempo de Moctezuma." A very good description
+of the ruins has been given by José Agustin Escudero, _Noticias
+Estadísticas del Estado de Chihuahua_, Mexico, 1834, cap. viii. pp. 234,
+235, who visited them in 1819. Finally, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, _Personal
+Narrative_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxv., has furnished excellent
+descriptions and plates.
+
+It is hardly possible to determine if these ruins would better
+correspond to "Chichilticalli" than those on the Gila. The fact that the
+former presented, in 1819, the appearance of one solitary building,
+whereas the latter, in 1697, composed a group of _eleven_, is
+noteworthy, but far from being a critical point.
+
+[35] _Relation_, etc, ii. cap. iii. p. 165.
+
+[36] _Relation_, etc., p. 370.
+
+[37] Castañeda, i. cap. xi. pp. 58, 63, 64.
+
+[38] _Relation_, i. cap. xii., pp. 69, 70; ii. cap. iii. p. 166.
+
+[39] _Relation_, p. 370. Castañeda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.
+
+[40] _Relation_, p. 370.
+
+[41] Jaramillo, pp. 370 and 371.
+
+[42] Acoma is always described with particular care by the older Spanish
+authors. Antonio de Espejo, Carta, 23 April, 1584, in _Documentos
+Inéditos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xv. p. 179: "Y hallamos un pueblo
+que se llama, Acoma, donde nos pareció, habria mas de seis mil ánimas,
+el cual está asentado sobre una peña alta que tiene mas de cincuenta
+estados en alto," etc. Juan de Oñate, _Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo
+el Campo de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-España á la Provincia de la
+Nueva-México, Documentos Inéditos_, vol. xvi. pp. 268, 270: "A quatro de
+Diciembre [1598?], lo mataron en Acoma, los Indios de aquella fortaleza,
+que es la mejor en sitio de toda la cristiandad ..." "dieron el primer
+asalto al Peñol de Acóma ..." _Obediencia y Vassalaje á Su Magestad por
+los Indios del Pueblo de Acóma, Documentos Inéditos_, xvi. p. 127: "Al
+pié de una peña muy grande sobre la qual en lo alto délla está fundado y
+poblado el Pueblo que llaman de Acóma, ..." dated 27 October, 1598. Fray
+Agustin de Vetancurt, _Crónica de la Provincia del Santo Evangélio de
+México_, trat. iii. cap. vi. p. 319. "Al Oriente del Pueblo de Zia está
+el Peñol de Acoma, que tiene una legua en Circuito de treinta Estados de
+alto." _Menologio Franciscano_, p. 247. Both references are taken from
+the edition of 1871. Furthermore, in the anonymous _Relacion del Suceso
+de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento de
+Cibola_, año de 1531 (should be 1541), in vol. xiv. of the _Documentos
+del Archivo de Indias_, we find Acuco (_east_ of Cibola), "el cual ellos
+llaman en su lengua _Acuco_, y el padre Márcos le llamaba _Hacús_:" now
+Hacús forcibly recalls the proper name of Acoma, which by the Qq'uêres
+Indians, to whose stock its inhabitants belong, is called "Âgo."
+
+[43] _Carta_, 23 April, 1584, _Documentos Inéditos_, vol. xv. p. 182.
+
+[44] _Discurso de las Jornadas, etc., Documentos Inéditos_, vol. xvi. p.
+274. _Obediencia y Vassallaje á Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de
+San Joan Baptista_, id. vol. xv. p. 115. That the "Mohoces" were the
+Moqui is evidenced by Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, _Relacion de
+todas las Provincias que en el Nuevo-México se han visto y sabido así
+por Mar como por Tierra, desde el Año de 1538, hasta el Año de 1626.
+Documentos para la Historia de México_, série 3, vol. i. p. 30.
+
+[45] Castañeda, i. cap. x. pp. 49, 50. Melchor Diaz reached the Rio del
+Tizon, starting from Culhuacan and Sonora. This river emptied into the
+Gulf of California, and he found there traces of Fernando de Alarcon.
+The latter went up the Rio Colorado, and learned many details about
+Cibola from Indians living along the river. _Relation de la Navigation
+et de la Découverte faite par le Capitaine Fernando Alarcon, Voyage de
+Cibola_, Ternaux-Compans, Append, iv. cap. i. p. 302: "Nous y trouvâmes
+un très grand fleuve dont le courant était si rapide, qu'à peine
+pouvions nous nous y maintenir," cap. v. pp. 324-326; cap. vi. p. 331.
+Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. p. 212. Fray Juan de Torquemada,
+_Monarchia Indiana_, lib. v. cap. xi. p. 609, ed. of 1723. While Alarcon
+was endeavoring to meet Coronado by sailing or boating up the Colorado
+from its mouth, the latter sent Garci-Lopez de Cardenas to explore a
+river which the Indians of "Tusayan" had mentioned to Pedro de Tobar;
+and he reached this river after twenty days' march. It is described as
+follows by Castañeda (i. cap. xi. p. 62): "After these twenty days'
+marching, they indeed reached this river, whose shores are so high that
+they thought themselves at least three or four leagues up in the air.
+The country is covered with low and crippled pines; it is exposed to the
+north, and the cold is so severe that, although it was summer, it could
+hardly be supported. The Spaniards for three days marched along these
+mountains, hoping to find a place where they could reach the river,
+which, from above, appeared to be about one fathom in width, while the
+Indians said it was wider than one-half league; but it was found to be
+impossible," etc. This is a fair picture of the cañons of the Colorado
+River of the West, the only one emptying into the head of the Gulf of
+California; and Castañeda adds (p. 65): "This river was the del Tizon."
+
+[46] _Carta, Documentos Inéditos_, vol. xv. p. 180: "Una provincia, que
+son seis pueblos, que la provincia llaman Zuñi, y por otro nombre
+Cibola. Richard Hackluyt, _The Third and last Volume of the Voyages,
+Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_." _El
+Viaie que hizo Antonio de Espeio en el Año de ochenta y tres_, pp.
+457-464, has "dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra en lengua de los
+naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Españoles Cibola, ay en ella cantidad de
+Indios ..."
+
+[47] Castañeda, i. cap. xii. pp. 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73.
+
+[48] Jaramillo, pp. 370, 371. Castañeda, p. 69.
+
+[49] Castañeda, p. 71.
+
+[50] _Coronado's March_, pp. 333-336.
+
+[51] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, cap. xxiv. p. 185, note I;
+cap. xxv. p. 198, note I; also p. 199. I attach particular importance to
+the opinions of Mr. Davis. He visited New Mexico at a time when it was
+still "undeveloped," and his writings on the country show thorough
+knowledge, and much documentary information. It is to be regretted that
+he fails absolutely to mention his sources in any satisfactory manner, a
+defect which might deprive his valuable book of much of its
+unquestionable reliability and importance. The attentive student,
+however, finds, after going seriously through the mass of material still
+on hand, that Mr. Davis has been so painstaking and honest, that he is
+very much inclined to forgive the lack of citations.
+
+[52] From Bernalillo or Sandia, the easiest way, and the one which
+Alvarado, by Coronado's order, must certainly have taken, is south of
+Galisteo. This would have led him to Pecos, either by the Cañon de San
+Cristóbal or, as I presume, to the lower valley, and thence up the river
+to the Pueblo. Castañeda (ii. cap. v. p. 176) speaks of abandoned
+villages along the route. There is a ruin at the place called "Pueblo,"
+one at San José, and another at Kingman; all along the line of the
+"Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé Railroad." I presume, therefore, that he
+took this route. At all events, he went _south_ of the Tanos, else he
+would have struck the villages called later San Lázaro and San
+Cristóbal, both then occupied.
+
+[53] The belief has been expressed to me at Santa Fé, by authority which
+I have learned to respect, that on the site of the present city there
+stood the old town of Tiguex. This belief has been strengthened by the
+popular tale, that the old adobe house, of two low stories, adjoining
+the ancient chapel of San Miguel, was an ancient Indian home. Personal
+inspection has, however, satisfied me of the fact that this building,
+while certainly very old, is certainly not one of an Indian "pueblo." It
+forms a rectangle: _Met._ 20.71' from east to west, and 4.80' from north
+to south. Its front has five doors, and the upper story as many windows.
+It is entirely of adobe, and may indeed have been an Indian house, but
+built after their old plan, when Santa Fé had already been founded.
+There is no notice of any pueblo on this site. Besides, documentary
+evidence regarding the establishment of Santa Fé absolutely ignores the
+existence of any Indian settlement at that place in 1598. Juan de Oñate,
+_Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo el Capitan de Su Magestad desde la
+Nueva-España á la Provincia de la Nuevo-Mexico_, in _Coleccion de
+Documentos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xvi. pp. 263-266. _Obediencia y
+Vasallaje á Su Magestad por los Indios de San Joan Baptista._ Id., Sept
+9, 1598, pp. 115, 116: "Al Padre Fray Cristóbal de Salazar, la Provincia
+de los Tepúas (_Tehuas_) con los pueblos de Triapé, Triáque el de Sant
+Yldefonso y Santa Clara, y este pueblo de Sant Joan Batista y el de Sant
+Gabriele el de Troomaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Comitría, Quiotracó, y
+mas, la Cibdad de Sant Francisco de los Españoles, que al presente se
+Edifican."
+
+[54] _Obediencia y Vasallaje á Su Magestad por los Indios de
+Santo-Domingo._ Id., p. 102. July 7, 1598. _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan
+Baptista_, pp. 112, 115, "los Chiguas ó Tiguas."
+
+[55] _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el Padre José Amando Niel,
+Documentos para la Historia de México_, 3a série, vol. i. pp. 98, 99:
+"Estan pobladas junto á la sierra de Puruai que toma el nombre del
+principal pueblo que se llama así, y orilla del gran rio." There were
+then three pueblos: San-Pedro, "rio abajo de Puruai;" Santiago, "rio
+arriba." Puaray was destroyed and in ruins in 1711. It was here that
+Father Augustin Ruiz was killed in 1581. Fray Gerónimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., p. 10. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Menologio
+Franciscano_, pp. 412, 413. Jean Blaeu, _Douzième livre de la Géographie
+Blaviane_, Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62, calls the Tiguas "Tebas," and says
+they had "quinze bourgades." Vetancurt, _Menologio_, but principally
+_Crónica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de México_, gives the
+Tiguas, before 1680, the following stations and pueblos: Isleta,
+Alameda, Puray, and Sandia, pp. 310-313.
+
+[56] _Relacion_, etc., p. 10.
+
+[57] A. S. Gatschet, _Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
+Weímar, 1876, p. 41.
+
+[58] Castañeda, i. cap. xix. p. 116.
+
+[59] Simpson, _Coronadó's March_, pp. 336.
+
+[60] Castañeda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.
+
+[61] _Spanish Conquest_, cap. xxiii. p. 180, note 5, p. 181, note 6.
+
+[62] Castañeda, p. 76.
+
+[63] Isleta is probably a modern _pueblo_, that is one erected since
+1598 and previous to 1680, and I shall treat it as such till I am better
+informed. The description by Vetancurt ("_Crónica_," etc., trat. iii.
+cap. v. pp. 310 and 311, as in the year 1680) is characteristic:
+"Fórmase un rio de la nieve que se derrite, que con el rio Norte cercan
+un campo de cinco leguas ... Es el paso para las provincias de Acoma,
+Zunias, Moqui ..." In a straight line, the distance from Bernalillo is
+about twenty-five miles.
+
+[64] p. 76. "Le général remonta ensuite la rivière, et visita toute la
+province jusqu'à ce qu'il fut arrivé à Tiguex."
+
+[65] p. 76. "Ils apprirent qu'en descendant la rivière ils trouveraient
+encore d'autres villages."
+
+[66] Castañeda, ii. cap. iv. p. 168.
+
+[67] Cap. vi. p. 182, part ii. In looking at the map, it will be seen
+that Bernalillo is, indeed, a central point. Along the Rio Grande it is
+almost at equal distances from Taos at the north, and Socorro at the
+south, whereas it is little further (in an east-westerly line) from
+Bernalillo to Zuñi, than from Bernalillo to the plains. The accuracy of
+Castañeda becomes more and more wonderful, the closer his narrative is
+studied and compared with the country itself. His distance exceeds the
+bee-line regularly almost by one-third; a very natural fact, since he
+computes the lengths from the routes taken.
+
+[68] These facts are taken from the following passages of Castañeda: i.
+cap. xviii., ii. cap. vi., Quéres; i. cap. xxii, ii. cap. vi., Hemes and
+Aguas Calientes; ii. cap. iv., Acha; i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Braba;
+i. cap. xviii., Cia; ii. cap. v., Ximera; and i. cap. xxii., ii. cap.
+vi., Yuque-Yunque, perhaps Cuyamunque.
+
+[69] Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa-Ana, and Cia are the
+Quéres pueblos near the Rio Grande still remaining. They all then
+existed in 1598. _Obediencia, etc., á S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113.
+
+[70] The Jemez or Emmes, in 1598, contained nine "pueblos," or rather
+places of habitation. _Obediencia, etc., de Santo Domingo_, p. 102.
+Niel, p. 99, mentions five.
+
+[71] Castañeda, i. cap. xxii. It is unmistakable. Compare Simpson,
+_Coronado's March_, p. 339. Vetancurt, _Crónica_, etc., p. 319. "Este es
+el último pueblo hácia el norte." Jean Blaeu, _Géographie_, etc., p. 62.
+
+[72] This is equally definite. Castañeda, ii. cap. v. p. 177. "Between
+Cicuyé and the province of Quirix, there exists a small very well
+fortified village which the Spaniards have named Ximera, and another one
+which appears to have been very large." This shows that the Spaniards
+went from Pecos by the San Cristóbal cañon.
+
+[73] To-day Tezuque, Nambé, Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso,
+Pojuaque, and, besides, Cuyamunque in ruins.
+
+[74] The Piros were totally dispersed during the intertribal wars of
+1680-89. Niel, p. 104. Senecu, near Mesilla, is a Piros pueblo, founded
+by Fray Antonio de Arteaga in 1630. Fray Balthasar de Medina, _Chrónica
+de la Provincia de S. Diego de México de Religiosos Descalzos de N. S.
+P. S. Francisco de la Nueva-España_, México, 1682, lib. iv. cap. vii.
+fol. 168. Vetancurt, _Crónica_, p. 309. It is therefore a Spanish
+"colony," and not an original pueblo.
+
+[75] Castañeda, i. cap. ix., ii. cap. iii. iv. p. 183, vii. p. 188. Fray
+Marcos de Niza, pp. 274-276, Jaramillo, pp. 368, 369.
+
+[76] Antonio Espejo, _Viaje_, etc. Vetancurt, _Crónica_, etc., pp. 302,
+303.
+
+[77] Vetancurt, _Crónica_, etc., trat. iii. cap. iv. pp. 302, 303-305,
+cap. vi. pp. 324, 325.
+
+[78] Espejo, _Viaje_, etc.
+
+[79] _Coronado's March_, pp. 336-339. Don José Cortes, _Memorias sobre
+las Provincias del Norte de Nueva-España_, 1799. MSS. of the library of
+Congress, fol. 87.
+
+[80] Coronado, Letter of Oct. 20, 1541, p. 354. Castañeda, ii. cap.
+viii. p. 194, Jaramillo, pp. 376, 377.
+
+[81] He went from Santa Fé N.E. and E.N.E., and struck the
+"Escansaques:" might they have been the "Kansas?" Gerónimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., pp. 26, 27.
+
+[82] Zarate Salmeron, p. 29.
+
+[83] I append a valuable description of these ruins from the
+Surveyor-General's office at Santa Fé, communicated to me by Mr. D. J.
+Miller. (See p. 30.)
+
+[84] This is made probable through the statement of Father José Amando
+Niel (p. 108), to the effect that the Yutas warred against the Pananas
+and the Jumanas. The latter were about Socorro, therefore the Yutas must
+have descended east to below Pecos. Their arrival east of the Sierra
+Madre is placed, through the reports of the Pecos, about 1530.
+Castañeda, ii. cap. v., p. 178.
+
+[85] _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113, "todos los Apaches
+desde la Sierra Nevada hacía la parte del Norte y Poniento," p. 114;
+speaking of the Jemez, "y mas, todos los Apaches y cocoyes de sus
+sierras y comarcas."
+
+[86] In a subsequent paper, I hope to continue this "Historical
+Introduction," in the shape of a discussion of the various expeditions
+into New Mexico, and from it to other points north-west and north-east,
+up to the year 1605.
+
+
+
+
+II.
+
+A VISIT TO THE ABORIGINAL RUINS IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.
+
+
+About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa Fé, and in the
+western sections of the district of San Miguel (New Mexico), the upper
+course of the Rio Pecos traverses a broad valley, extending in width
+from east to west about six or eight miles, and in length from
+north-west to south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries
+are,--on the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa Fé, and the
+Sierra de Santa Bárbara, or rather their southern spurs; on the west a
+high _mesa_ or table land, extending nearly parallel to the river until
+opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on the east, the Sierra de
+Tecolote. The altitude of this valley is on an average not less than six
+thousand three hundred feet,[87] while the _mesa_ on the right bank of
+the river rises abruptly to nearly two thousand feet higher; the
+Tecolote chain is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of
+the high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at
+least.[88]
+
+The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully five degrees
+more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs, in the upper part of the
+valley, closely to the mountains of Tecolote, and thence runs almost
+directly north and south. The high _mesa_ opposite, known as the Mesa de
+Pecos, sweeps around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction
+from north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore,
+forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be near San José:
+whereas its base-line at the north might be indicated as from the Plaza
+de Pecos to Baughl's Sidings; or rather from the Rio Pecos, east of the
+town, to the foot of the _mesa_ on the west, a length of over six miles.
+Nearly in the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river, and
+one and a half miles from Baughl's, there rises a narrow, semicircular
+cliff or _mesilla_, over the bed of a stream known as the Arroyo de
+Pecos.[89] The southern end of this tabular cliff (its highest point as
+well as its most sunny slope) is covered with very extensive ruins,
+representing, as I shall hereafter explain, _three distinct kinds of
+occupation of the place by man_. These ruins are known under the name of
+the Old Pueblo of Pecos.
+
+The tourist who, in order to reach Santa Fé from the north, takes the
+Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé Railroad at La Junta, Colorado,--fascinated
+as he becomes by the beauty as well as by the novelty of the landscape,
+while running parallel with the great Sierra Madre, after he has
+traversed the Ratonis at daybreak,--enters a still more weird country in
+the afternoon. The Rio Pecos is crossed just beyond Bernal, and thence
+on he speeds towards the west and north: to the left, the towering Mesa
+de Pecos, dark pines clambering up its steep sides; to the right, the
+broad valley, scooped out, so to say, between the _mesa_ and the
+Tecolote ridge. It is dotted with green patches and black clusters of
+cedar and pine shooting out of the red and rocky soil. Scarcely a house
+is visible, for the _casitas_ of adobe and wood nestle mostly in
+sheltered nooks. Beyond Baughl's, the ruins first strike his view; the
+red walls of the church stand boldly out on the barren _mesilla_; and to
+the north of it there are two low brown ridges, the remnants of the
+Indian houses. The bleak summits of the high northern chain seem to rise
+in height as he advances; even the distant Trout mountains (Sierra de la
+Trucha) loom up solemnly towards the head-waters of the Pecos. About
+Glorieta the vale disappears, and through the shaggy crests of the Cañon
+del Apache, which overlooks the track in awful proximity, he sallies out
+upon the central plain of northern New Mexico, six thousand eight
+hundred feet above the sea-level. To the south-west the picturesque
+Sandia mountains;[90] to the west, far off, the Heights of Jemez and the
+Sierra del Valle, bound the level and apparently barren table-land. An
+hour more of fearfully rapid transit with astonishing curves, and, at
+sunset, he lands at La Villa Real de Santa-Fé.
+
+Starting back from Santa Fé towards Pecos on a dry, sandy wagon-road, we
+lose sight of the table-land and its environing mountain-chain, when
+turning into the ridges east of Manzanares. Vegetation, which has been
+remarkably stunted until now, improves in appearance. However rocky the
+slopes are, tall pines grow on them sparsely: the Encina appears in
+thickets; _Opuntia arborescens_ bristles dangerously as a large shrub;
+mammillary cactuses hide in the sand; even an occasional patch of Indian
+corn is found in the valleys. It is stunted in growth,[91] flowering as
+late as the last days of the month of August, and poorly cultivated. The
+few adobe buildings are mostly recent. Over a high granitic ridge, grown
+over with _piñon_ (all the trees inclined towards the north-east by the
+fierce winds that blow along its summit), and from which the Sierra de
+Sandia for the last time appears, we plunge into a deep valley, emptying
+into the Cañoncito, and thence follow the railroad track again through a
+deep gorge and pleasant bottom, overgrown with pines and cedars, past
+Glorieta to Baughl's.[92] It required all the skill and firmness of my
+friend and companion, Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, of the Indian Bureau at
+Santa Fé, to pilot our vehicle over the steep and rocky ledges. From
+Baughl's, where I took quarters at the temporary boarding-house of Mrs.
+Root (to whose kindness and motherly solicitude I owe a tribute of
+sincere gratitude), a good road leads to the east and south-east along
+the Arroyo de Pecos. In a direct line the distance to the ruins is
+but a mile and a half; but after nearing the banks of the stream (which
+there are grassy levels), one is kept at a distance from it by deep
+parallel gulches. So we have to follow the _arroyo_ downwards, keeping
+about a quarter of a mile to the west of it, till, south of the old
+church itself, the road at last crosses the wide and gravelly bed, in
+which a fillet of clear water is running. Then we ascend a gradual slope
+of sandy and micaceous soil, thinly covered by tufts of _grama_; a wide,
+circular depression strikes our eye; beyond it flat mounds of scarcely
+0.50 m.--20 in.--elevation are covered extensively with scattered and
+broken stones. Further on distinct foundations appear, rectangles
+enclosed by, or founded originally upon, thick walls of stone, sunk into
+the ground and much worn,--sometimes divided into small compartments,
+again forming large enclosures. To the south a conspicuous, though
+small, mound is visible. Immediately before us, due north, are distinct
+though broken walls of stones; and above them, on a broad terrace of red
+earth, completely shutting off the _mesilla_ or tabulated cliff, on
+which the Indian houses stand, there arises the massive former Catholic
+temple of Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VI
+VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+The building forms a rectangle, about 46 m.--150 ft.--long, from east to
+west, and 18 m.--60 ft.--from north to south. The entrance was to the
+west, the eastern wall being still solid and standing. Plate I., Fig. 2,
+gives an idea of its form: _á_ _a_ are gateways, each capped by a heavy
+lintel of hewn cedar; _b_, carved beam of wood across.
+
+The roof of the building is gone, and on the south side a part of the
+walls themselves are reduced to a few metres elevation. The church may
+originally have been not less than 10 m.--33 ft.--perhaps higher. It
+had, according to tradition, but one belfry and a single bell,--a very
+large one at that. The Indians carried it off, it is said, to the top of
+the _mesa_, where it broke. It is certain that a very large bell, of
+which I saw one fragment, now in possession of Mr. E. K. Walters, of
+Pecos, was found on the western slope of the Mesa de Pecos, about three
+miles from its eastern rim, in a _cañada_ of the Ojo de Vacas stream,
+towards San Cristóbal. Mr. Thomas Munn, of Baughl's, took the pains of
+piloting me a whole day (6th of September) through the wilderness of the
+_mesa_, and showing me the place where this interesting relic was
+finally deposited. I shall return to this by and by.
+
+Mrs. Kozlowski (wife of a Polish gentleman, living two miles south on
+the _arroyo_) informed me that in 1858, when she came to her present
+home with her husband, the roof of the church was still in existence.
+Her husband tore it down, and used it for building out-houses; he also
+attempted to dig out the corner-stone, but failed. In general, the
+vandalism committed in this venerable relic of antiquity defies all
+description. It is only equalled by the foolishness of such as, having
+no other means to secure immortality, have cut out the ornaments from
+the sculptured beams in order to obtain a surface suitable to carve
+their euphonious names. All the beams of the old structure are quaintly,
+but still not tastelessly, carved; there was, as is shown in Plate VII.,
+much scroll-work terminating them. Most of this was taken away, chipped
+into uncouth boxes, and sold, to be scattered everywhere. Not content
+with this, treasure-hunters, inconsiderate amateurs, have recklessly and
+ruthlessly disturbed the abodes of the dead. "After becoming
+Christians," said to me Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the only remaining 'son of the
+tribe' of Pecos, still settled near to its site, "they buried their dead
+within the church." These dead have been dug out regardless of their
+position relative to the walls of the building, and their remains have
+been scattered over the surface, to become the prey of relic-hunters.
+The Roman Catholic Archbishop of New Mexico has finally stopped such
+abuses by asserting his title of ownership; but it was far too late. It
+cannot be denied, besides, that his concession to Kozlowski to use some
+of the timber for his own purposes was subsequently interpreted by
+others in a manner highly prejudicial to the preservation of the
+structure.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VIII
+INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+What alone has saved the old church of Pecos from utter ruin has been
+its solid mode of construction. Entirely of adobe, its walls have an
+average thickness of 1.5 m.--5 ft. The adobe is made like that now used,
+wheat-straw entering into it occasionally; but it also contains small
+fragments of obsidian,--minute chips of that material and broken
+pottery. This makes it evident that the soil for its construction must
+have been gathered somewhere near the _mesilla_; and the suspicion is
+very strong on my part that it was the right bank of the _arroyo_ which
+furnished the material.[93] It is self-evident that the grounds which
+were used for that purpose must have antedated, in point of occupation,
+the date of the construction of the church by a very long period. I have
+measured all the adobe bricks of the church that are within easy reach,
+at various places, and found them alike. They all measure .55 m. × .28
+m.--22 in. × 11 in.--and .08 m.--3 in.--in thickness. They are laid as
+shown in Plate I., Fig. 4.
+
+The mortar is, as the specimen sent by me will prove, of the same
+composition as the brick itself.
+
+The regularity with which these courses are laid is very striking. The
+timbers, besides, are all well squared; the ornaments, scrolls, and
+friezes are quaint, but not uncouth; there is a deficiency in
+workmanship, but great purity in outline and in design.
+
+To the south of the old church, at a distance of 4 m.--13 ft.--there is
+another adobe wall, rising in places a few metres above the soil; which
+wall, with that of the church, seems to have formed a covered
+passage-way. Adjoining it is a rectangular terrace of red earth,
+extending out to the west as far as the church front. A valuable record
+of the manner in which this terrace was occupied is preserved to us in
+the drawing of the Pecos church given by Lieutenant W. H. Emory in 1846.
+It appears that south of the church there was a convent;[94] and this is
+stated also by Sr. Ruiz. In fact, the walls, whether enclosures or
+buildings, which appear to have adjoined the church, extend south from
+it 74 m.--250 ft. Plate I., Fig. 2, gives an idea of their relative
+position, etc.: _c_ is 4 m.--13 ft.--wide; _d_ is 21 m. × 46 m.--70 ft.
+× 156 ft.; _e_ is 25 m. × 46 m.--82 ft. × 150 ft.; _f_ is 24 m. × 46
+m.--78 ft. × 150 ft.
+
+The divisions are not strictly marked, and I forbear giving any lengths,
+since there is great uncertainty about them.
+
+The foundation walls, where visible, are generally about 0.60 m. to 0.75
+m.--23 in. to 30 in.--wide, and composed of three rows of stones, set
+lengthwise, selected for size, and probably broken to fit.[95]
+
+[Illustration: PLATE I
+GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.]
+
+Looking northward from the church, a wall of broken stones, similar to
+the one we already noticed at the south, meets the eye. The _mesilla_
+itself terminates east and west in rocky ledges of inconsiderable
+height, and the wall stretches across its entire width of 39 m.--129 ft.
+Its distance from the church is 10 m.--33 ft.; and it thus forms, with
+the northern church wall, a trapezium of 10 m.--33 ft. This enclosure is
+said to have been the church-yard.[96] Beyond it the mesilla and its
+ruined structures appear in full view; and from the church to the
+northern end, which is also its highest point, it has exactly the form
+of an elongated pear or parsnip. Hence the name given to it by Spanish
+authors of the eighteenth century, "el Navon de los Pecos."[97] This
+fruit-like shape is not limited to the outline: it also extends to the
+profile. Starting from the church, there is a curved neck, convex to the
+east, and retreating in a semicircle from the stream on the west. At the
+end of this neck, about 200 m.--660 ft.--north of the church, there is a
+slight depression, terminating in a dry stream-bed emptying into the
+bottom of the Arroyo de Pecos south-westward; and beyond this depression
+the rocks bulge up to an oblong mound, nearly 280 m.--920 ft.--long from
+north to south, and at its greatest width 160 m.--520 ft.--from east to
+west. At the northern termination of this mound the _mesilla_ curves to
+the north-east, and finally terminates in a long ledge of tumbled rocks,
+high and abrupt, which gradually merges into the ridges of sandy soil
+towards the little town of Pecos.[98] Pl. I., Fig. 5, gives a tolerably
+fair view of the _mesilla_. Pl. I., Fig. 1, is designed to exhibit its
+appearance as seen from below, the highest elevation above the stream
+being nearly 30 m.--95 ft.
+
+The rock of the _mesilla_ is a compact, brownish-gray limestone. It is
+crystalline, but yet fossiliferous, very hard, and not deteriorating
+much on exposure. Its strata dip perceptibly to the south-west;
+consequently the western rim is comparatively less jagged and rocky than
+the eastern, and the slope towards the stream more gentle, except at the
+north-western corner, where the rocks appear broken and tumbled down
+over the slopes in huge masses.
+
+From the church-yard wall, all along the edge of the _mesilla_,
+descending into the depression mentioned, and again rounding the highest
+northern point, then crossing over transversely from west to east and
+running back south along the opposite edge, there extends a wall of
+circumvallation, constructed, as far as may be seen, of rubble and
+broken stones, with occasional earth flung in between the blocks. This
+wall has, along its periphery, a total length of 983 m.--3,220
+ft.--according to Mr. Thurston's measurement.[99] It was, as far as can
+be seen, 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--high on an average, and about 0.50 m.--20
+in.--thick. There is but one entrance to it visible, on the west side,
+at its lowest level, where the depression already mentioned runs down
+the slope to the south-west as the bed of a rocky streamlet. There a
+gateway of 4 m.--13 ft.--in width is left open; the wall itself thickens
+on each side to a round tower built of stones, mixed with earthy
+fillings. These towers, considerably ruined, are still 2 m.--6 ft. 6
+in.--high, and appear to have been at least 4m.--13 ft.--in diameter; at
+all events the northern one. At the gateway itself the walls curve
+outward,[100] and appear to have terminated in a short passage of
+entering and re-entering lines, between which there was a passage, as
+well for man as for the waters from the _mesilla_ into the bottom and
+the stream below. But these lines can only be surmised from the streaks
+of gravel and stones extending beyond the gateway, as no definite
+foundations are extant. Pl. I., Fig. 3, is a tolerably correct diagram
+of this gateway.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE IX
+VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.]
+
+The face of the wall at each side of the gate is 1.3 m.--4 ft.--wide.
+Whether there was any contrivance to close it or not it is now
+impossible to determine; but there are in the northern wall of the gate
+pieces of decayed wood embedded in and protruding from the stone-work.
+For what purpose they were placed there it is not permitted even to
+conjecture.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Having thus sketched, as far as I am able, the topography of the
+_mesilla_, and described its great wall of circumvallation, I now turn
+to the ruins which cover its upper surface, starting for their survey
+from the transverse wall of the old church-yard, 10 m.--33 ft.--north of
+the church, and proceeding thence northward along the top of the
+tabulated bluff.[101]
+
+Sixty-one metres--200 ft.--north of our point of departure we strike
+stone foundations running about due east and west and resting almost
+directly on the rock, since the soil along the entire plateau which I
+have termed the neck is scarce, and has nowhere more than 1 m.--39
+in.--in depth. The eastern corner of this wall, as far as it can be made
+out, is 12 m.--39 ft.--from the eastern wall of circumvallation. From
+this point on there extends one continuous body of ruins, one half of
+which at least (the southern half), if not two-thirds, as the ground
+plan will show, exhibits nothing else but foundations of small chambers
+indicated by shapeless stone-heaps and depressions. The northern part is
+in a better state of preservation; a number of chambers are more or less
+perfect, the roofs excepted,[102] and we can easily detect several
+stories retreating from east to west. About 9 m.--30 ft.--from its
+northern limits a double wall intersects the pile for one half of its
+width. The ruins beyond it, or rather the addition, is in a state of
+decay equal to that of the southern extremity. The western side is,
+generally, in a better state of preservation than the eastern,
+especially the north-western corner. Along the eastern side upright
+posts of wood, protruding from stone-heaps, often are the only
+indications for the outline of the structure. Along the north-west,
+however, such posts are enclosed in standing walls of stone, at
+distances not quite regularly distributed, but still showing plainly
+that here, at least, the outer wall presented an appearance similar to
+Pl. II., Fig. 4.
+
+At the place where I measured, the upright posts stood at about 1.39
+m.--4 ft. 6 in.--from each other; the projecting wall was 2 m.--6 ft. 6
+in.--long, and 0.63 m.--2 ft.--thick; the retreating wall 1.40 m.--4 ft.
+6 in.--long, and 0.33 m.--13 in.--thick. The posts themselves were
+sometimes, but not always, backed, or even encased in adobe sheaths,
+built up like little chimneys in the wall itself. This mode of
+construction was possibly peculiar to the western side alone, and gives
+it a slight appearance of ornamentation, as well as more strength, the
+projecting walls acting like buttresses.
+
+The whole structure, taking the sides of the _débris_ as they are now
+scattered, extends nearly north and south 140 m.--460 ft.--and east and
+west about 16 m. to 26 m.--50 ft. to 80 ft.--thus forming a rectangle of
+140 m. × 20 m.--460 ft. × 65 ft. To determine the exact size of the
+building I proceeded to measure each compartment for itself, judging
+that the total number of these apartments, adding to their sizes the
+thicknesses of the walls, would finally give, within a few decimetres,
+the exact length and width of the house. On the ground plan I have
+numbered this building B.[103]
+
+Beginning at the north-west corner, I ran my line almost due east to
+within 10 m.--33 ft.--of the circumvallation, where I found the
+north-east corner indicated by a broken post of wood. Along this line I
+met the following sections from west to east: 2.92 m.--9 ft. 6 in.; then
+a gangway, 1.55 m.--5 ft.; chamber, 3.22 m.--11 ft.; gangway, 1.21 m.--4
+ft.; and three chambers, 2.09 m., 2.72 m., and 2.72 m.--7 ft., 9 ft.,
+and 9 ft.--respectively, thus giving, adding to it eight walls of a
+uniform thickness of 0.33 m.--13 in.,--a total width of 19.07 m.--63 ft.
+Its length was easily found to be 8.56 m.--28 ft.; the northern
+appendix, therefore, forming a rectangle of 8.5 m. × 19 m.--28 ft. × 63
+ft.,--and containing, as the ground-plan shows, ten rooms and two
+corridors, the latter running through the structure from north to south.
+It will also be noticed that the two middle rooms are the largest,
+measuring each 4.28 m. × 3.22 m.--14 ft. × 10 ft. I must also advert,
+here, to the fact that this structure is extremely ruined, and that the
+east part of it exposes the surveyor to dangerous errors.
+
+The line _a b_, and its continuation eastwardly to _c_, appears to form
+the main northern wall of the whole structure. Here the annex, just
+described, terminates. This wall is of unequal thickness. In the
+north-westerly projection from _a_ to _b_, a length of 8 m.--26
+ft.,--its thickness is 0.63 m.--2 ft.; from _b_ to _c_, on the eastern
+line, it is only 0.33 m.--13 in.--thick. This inequality indicates also
+a division of the structure to the southward, as far as the line _d d
+d_, into two longitudinal sections. The western one, whose four corners
+are respectively _a_ _b_ _d_ _d_ in the diagram, contains eighteen rooms
+of equal size, measuring each 3.71 m. × 2.25 m.--12 ft. × 7 ft.; it is
+consequently, inclusive of the rear wall and the sides, 24.24 m. × 8.08
+m.--80 ft. × 27 ft. The eastern division, comprised within the area _b_
+_c_ _d_ _d_, has fifteen rooms, or five longitudinal rows of three,
+whereas the western has six rows of three. The rooms east must therefore
+be larger than those west, and we see that they measure from east to
+west respectively, 2.25 m., 2.28 m., and 2.28 m.--7 ft., 7 ft. 6 in.,
+and 7 ft. 6 in.: from north to south, 3.60 m., 5.07 m., 4.43 m., 4.13
+m., and 3.43 m.--12 ft., 17 ft., 15 ft., 14 ft., and 11 ft. It is a
+rectangle, or rather trapezium, 22.31 m. × 7.81 m.--70 ft. × 25
+ft.,--consequently the width of the building _B_ is somewhat less on the
+line _d d d_ than on the line _a b c_. The cause of this singular
+contraction I have found, and shall afterwards indicate.
+
+Then follows a transverse section (_d d d e e_), containing two rows of
+six rooms each, or twelve in all, of very unequal sizes, as the
+ground-plans show. This entire section appears to be trapezoidal. The
+line _d d d_ is 15.89 m.--52 ft.--long; the line _e e_ 16.33 m.--53 ft.;
+_d e_ measures 7.42 m.--24 ft.--along the west, and 8.04 m.--27
+ft.--along the east. Rooms marked _II_ and _III_ are particularly
+irregular, having, as the diagram shows, not less than six corners.
+
+From _e e_ to _f f_, another transverse section, this time of four rows
+of six each, or twenty-four cells in all, those of each row being of
+equal length, to wit 3.65 m.--12 ft.; and in width from east to west,
+respectively: 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.63 m., and 4.40 m.--7 ft., 9
+ft., 10 ft., 9 ft., and 14 ft. (the last measure being the aggregate of
+the two eastern compartments, the longitudinal partition being nearly
+obliterated). To the south of _f f_ a further slight change occurs,
+inasmuch as the three eastern rooms, instead of being respectively 2.68
+m., 2.20 m., and 2.20 m.--9 ft., 7 ft., and 7 ft.,--now become 2.25 m.,
+2.33 m., and 2.32 m.--7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. From _f f_ to _g g_, the
+southern limits of the structure, the whole structure is badly ruined;
+and while the rooms can be counted, measurements are possible only in a
+few places. Still I am satisfied that no great error lies in the
+assumption that they were, taken longitudinally, all equal to the six
+rooms contained in the transverse row south of the line _f f_, that is,
+3.65 m.--12 ft.--from north to south; and in width, counting the cells
+from west to east, respectively, 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.25 m.,
+2.33 m., and 2.32 m.--7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The
+section, _f f g g_, which forms the southern and largest portion of the
+house (_B_), contains, therefore, twenty-two transverse rows of six
+chambers each, or one hundred and thirty-two apartments on the
+ground-plan; and it forms a rectangle running from north to south and
+east to west respectively of 80.30 m. × 15.11 m.--260 ft. × 50 ft.
+
+The general dimensions of this building (_B_), therefore appear as
+follows:--
+
+Length from north to south, east side 133.81 m.--440 ft.
+ " " west side 134.92 m.--442 ft.
+Width of northern appendix 19.07 m.-- 63 ft.
+Width along line _a b c_ 19.07 m.-- 63 ft.
+ " " _d d d_ 15.89 m.-- 52 ft.
+ " " _e e_ 16.33 m.-- 53 ft.
+ " " _f f_ 15.24 m.-- 50 ft.
+Width of line _g g_, approximated 15.70 m.-- 51 ft.
+
+From the appearance of the ground-plan, as I have been compelled to give
+it, it would result that the "first floor" contained two hundred and
+eleven cells, or rooms. Such is, however, not the case. The builders of
+this extensive fabric had not the means of preparing the hard rock
+foundation by removing it wherever it protruded over an average level.
+While giving a uniform height to their structure, they accommodated its
+ground-plan to the sinuosities of the rock. Out of this accommodation
+the irregularities noticed in the construction have mainly arisen. Pl.
+II., Figs. 1, 2, 3, will illustrate this statement.
+
+Pl. II., Fig. 1.--Cross-section of _B_ along the line a b c, north end;
+_a b_, actually visible top-line; _c d e f g h_, rock; _i k_, top of
+probable highest story, now destroyed.
+
+I have every reason to assume that this cross-section holds good for the
+entire division (_a b c d d_). From _d d_ on to _f f_ the distance
+between the rim of the _mesilla_ to the east and the house is greatest;
+the top-rock bends also to the west about _e e_, and there the
+irregularities noticed on the diagram about the chambers (_II_ and
+_III_) come in. They evidently result from an effort to conform the
+general plan to both the lateral and vertical deviations of its base.
+About the line _f f_, while the same number of chambers (six) remains in
+every transverse row, there is but one story below the general surface
+to the east. I may safely assume that south of the line _f f_ all the
+rooms of the first floor were on the same level. Pl. II., Figs. 2 and 3
+will illustrate this point. As far as I could detect, the line _e e_ can
+be admitted as the one where one of the two lower stories disappears,
+and but one remains on the east side lower than the rest.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE II
+PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.]
+
+I have everywhere assumed _four_ stories. It is at least certain that
+there were not less than four. When Coronado visited the pueblo in 1540,
+he found "the houses with four stories."[104] Sr. Mariano Ruiz told
+me that "they all were of three stories;" but then he mentioned, below,
+the "casas de comodidad," thus indicating that the lowest story was used
+for store-rooms. It is very apparent from the ruins that, as I have
+indicated in the cross-sections, the western wall was unbroken, whereas
+from the east the stories rose in four retreating terraces. The western
+wall already mentioned was given additional strength, by means of the
+buttresses, of which I have given a small outline. The winds blow very
+fiercely over the _mesilla_, especially from the north-west; there is no
+tree to be seen on or about it, not even a cedar-bush, higher than a
+couple of feet at most. Against such blasts the solid wall was
+necessary, while the many intersecting partitions inside gave additional
+strength. It was a very solid structure as against winds,
+notwithstanding the comparative thinness of the walls,--0.63 m.--2
+ft.--being their greatest width, and 0.33 m.--13 in.--their average.
+
+With reference to the cross-sections, it now becomes possible to
+approximate the total number of chambers, apartments, or cells,
+contained in the entire building; a point impossible even to estimate
+from the ground-plan alone.
+
+Leaving aside the northern appendix, about whose elevation I have not
+even means of conjecture, it becomes evident that the section whose four
+corners are marked respectively _a_, _c_, _d_, _d_, had the following
+number of compartments, starting with the lowest story, and remembering
+that, as above stated, one longitudinal row had six, and the other five,
+rooms:--
+
+ Lowest story 5
+ Second story 5
+ Third story 3 × 6 + 5 23
+ Fourth story 3 × 6 18
+ ---
+ Total 51 rooms.
+
+_Brought forward_ 51 rooms.
+
+ The section _d d e e_ had probably the same
+ arrangement, and therefore, there being but two
+ transverse rows, it contained in all 18
+
+ Section _e e f f_ contained on lower story 4
+ Second Story. 5 × 4 20
+ Third story. 4 × 4 16
+ Fourth story. 3 × 4 12
+ -- 52
+
+ Section _f f g g_:--
+ Lower story. 22 × 6 132
+ Second story. 22 × 5 110
+ Third story. 22 × 4 88
+ Fourth story. 22 × 3 66
+ -- 396
+ ----
+ Total number of rooms contained in building _B_ 517
+
+These rooms are very nearly of equal size, the largest one being _III._
+2.85 m. × 4.78 m.--9 ft. × 16 ft.--on one side, and 3.71 m.--12 ft-on
+the other, with an entering angle; the smallest room adjoining to it
+measuring 2.25 m. × 2.70 m.--7 ft. × 9 ft. The entire structure,
+therefore, presents the appearance of a honeycomb, or rather of a
+bee-hive, and perfectly illustrates, among the lower degrees of culture
+of mankind, the prevailing principle of communism in living, which finds
+its parallel in the lower classes of animals. Tradition, historical
+relation, and analogy, tell us that this house was used as a
+dwelling,[105] and that consequently it was, to all intents and
+purposes, a communal house.
+
+The height of the various stories it is almost impossible to determine.
+I have measured walls which appeared to be perfect, and they gave me an
+average of 2.28 m.--7 ft. 6 in.--elevation. Should such be the rule, the
+western wall of the building, at its greatest height south, would have
+risen about 11 m.--36 ft.
+
+The northern appendix I have ignored in the above computation, because
+its whole appearance gives no ground for definitive statements. It seems
+really to be an annex, and in fact the whole building seems to have
+progressed, in its construction, from south to north, in point of date
+and time.
+
+The southern portion of the building--the one which appears to have been
+erected on a plane surface--was, in all probability, the one first
+built. The northern portions were added to it gradually as occasion
+required. This is further shown by the fact that in these northern
+sections, along the line _a, b, c_, parts of the third story wall are
+patched with regular adobe bricks, about half as large as those in the
+church, but still made by the same process.[106] The rest of the
+structure is exclusively composed of stone.
+
+It is to all intents and purposes a stone house. Two kinds of rocks
+predominate among the material; a slaty, gray and red,
+sandstone,--highly tabular, easily broken into plates of any size,--and
+a sandstone conglomerate, containing small pebbles from the size of a
+pea up to that of a small hazel-nut,--the whole rock of a gray color.
+When freshly broken or wetted, this conglomerate becomes very friable,
+and so soft that goats have left the impression of their feet on
+scattered fragments. When dry it becomes hard, and is always very heavy.
+Both kind of rocks are found in the vicinity of the _mesilla_. Besides
+these, loose pieces of stone from the bluff itself, boulders from the
+creek, of convenient size, enter into the composition of the walls.
+Sometimes the latter consist exclusively of slabs of sandstone
+superposed; again there are polygonal fragments of rocks piled upon one
+another, with courses of tabular sandstone, forming, so to say, the
+basis for further piling; the foundations are usually boulders and the
+hardest rocks, also of greater width. There are no walls of dressed
+stone, but the rocks are broken to a suitable size, as may be done with
+any stone maul or sledge, or even by smashing with the hand and another
+rock. In fact the whole stone-work must be termed, not masonry, but
+simply judicious and careful piling.[107] In performing it, great
+attention has been paid to having the vertical surfaces as nearly as
+possible vertical; but this end could be reached without the use of the
+plumb-line, and with the aid of mere ordinary eyesight, for the rooms
+are so small, and the partitions so thin, that anything not "true"
+could, and can yet be, "shoved" into position by a mere steady, slow
+push; carefully watched on the opposite side. The same applies to the
+angles, although they are tolerably accurate. As a general thing, the
+transverse walls appear to be continuous, and the longitudinal
+partitions to have been added afterwards, but there are also instances
+of the contrary. In this respect the sinuosities of the rocky foundation
+seem to have determined the mode of action. To fill up the gaps between
+the stones, and to coat them with a smooth surface within the chambers
+what appears to be earth from the surrounding bottoms has been flung
+into the crevices, thus forming a natural mortar, and at the same time a
+"first coat" of plaster of varying thickness. This in turn is covered
+with a thin white layer (now of course turning into gray, yellow, and
+flesh-red) much resembling our plaster, but whose composition I am
+unable to determine. (Specimens of the mud, containing small gravel and
+minute particles of mica, are sent with the other collections, also
+fragments of the white coating for analysis.[108])
+
+The woodwork proper appears not to have had any connection with the
+strength or support of the walls, but simply to have been erected within
+and among the walls as a scaffold for the ceilings, which are also the
+floors of the higher stories. Upright posts of cedar and pine, stripped
+of their bark, but not squared, are, as I have already shown, set inside
+of the stone wall, at more or less even distances. As far as I could
+ascertain, these distances are regulated by the size of the rooms. These
+posts are coarsely hacked off at the upper end, and over them other
+similar beams are laid longitudinally, sometimes fitted over the posts
+with chips wedged in. Such is the case in a room in the northern wing of
+the building marked _A_, of which I shall hereafter speak.[109]
+
+On these longitudinal beams other ones rest, laid transversely, and
+imbedded in the wall on the opposite side. On these again longitudinal
+poles are placed, also at intervals varying according to the dimensions
+of the chambers, and on them transversely, a layer of brush, or
+splinters of wood, closely overlapping each other; and the whole is
+capped by about .20 m.--8 in.--of common clay or soil. Pl. III., Fig. 1,
+is a front view of the wooden scaffold in a lower story room, and of the
+ceiling which it supports.
+
+_a_, clay and lower seam of brush or splinters.
+
+_b_, transverse poles or beams, in case the beams are lacking.
+
+_c_, longitudinal beam.
+
+_d_, upright posts.
+
+In most cases, however, the beams are transverse and the poles
+longitudinal, and this is where the beam (_c_) is lacking, as in the
+interior apartments, where the ceiling appears as in Pl. III., Fig. 2:
+_a_, clay; _b_, brush or splinters; _c_, poles; _d_, beams; _e_,
+wall.[110]
+
+The diameter of the upright posts is, on an average, 0.28 m.--11
+in.,--but even sometimes as great as 0.33 m.--13 in.,--the longitudinal
+and transverse beams are scarcely less thick, whereas the poles are
+about 0.05 m.--2 in.--across. The splinters seem to have been
+obtained by splitting a middle-sized tree, and tearing out thin
+segments.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE III
+SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.]
+
+Pl. III., Fig. 4, is a ground plan of the floor of room marked _I_ on
+the diagram. This room is on the eastern row of the third floor,
+therefore an outer room.
+
+_c_, longitudinal poles.
+
+_d_, the end of the transverse beams projecting from the other room.
+
+_e_, the transverse beams, resting in the wall on both sides.
+
+On the latter rested a thin layer of brush and a compact mass of clay,
+0.20 m.--8 in.--thick. The clay, or rather soil, is very hard and was
+probably stamped or pounded.
+
+As far as I have been able to detect, the upright posts are not found
+inside of the house, except, perhaps, on the rear wall of the outer
+chamber, as in one room of building _A_, to which I shall hereafter
+refer. If this is the room, then the skeleton of the wood-work (upright
+and transverse posts and beams) would present nearly the appearance
+shown in Pl. III., Fig. 3, when viewed from the side, and admitting the
+house to be four stories high.
+
+_a_, horizontal beams.
+
+_b_, upright posts, along the western wall, and in the three upper
+stories. These posts are hypothetical, and therefore only indicated by
+dotted lines. (It may be also that every cell had its front and its rear
+posts, but I have not been able to detect any except in the outer
+rooms.)
+
+With the exception of one chamber in building _A_, I nowhere met
+anything like a roof. This one appears to be nothing else than a
+ceiling-floor, but of nearly 0.75 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--in thickness. It is,
+as Pl. VIII. shows, much covered by fallen stones, and its original
+height may have been increased by _débris_; but at all events it was
+thoroughly impermeable, and such as would be required in a climate
+where, indeed, it seldom rains, but "whenever it rains it pours."
+
+There is a certain air of sameness cast over the entire structure which
+has strongly impressed me with the thought that not only was it used as
+a dwelling for a large number (as the reports, indeed, establish), but
+also that all its inhabitants lived on an equal footing,--as far as
+accommodations for living were concerned. There are no special quarters,
+no spacious halls. The few rooms of somewhat larger size are naturally
+explained by the mode of construction, adapting the house to the
+configuration of the rock, and not conversely as we do. It was,
+therefore, a large joint-tenement structure, harboring, perhaps, when
+fully occupied, several hundreds of families.
+
+In regard to ingress and egress, not only have I found no doors in any
+fragments of exterior walls, but the many persons I have asked have
+always assured me that there had been none, that the house was entered
+by means of ladders, ascending to the top of each story in succession,
+and descending into the rooms also by ladders and through trap-doors in
+the roofs. They have also assured me that each room of each story
+communicated with the one above and below, also by means of trap-doors
+and ladders. It is quite certain that there are no staircases nor steps,
+and that consequently ladders were used, in the same manner as they are
+still used by the Indians of the pueblos of Zuñi, Moqui, Acoma, Taos,
+and others. Ingress and egress, therefore, must have taken place, not
+horizontally "in and out," but vertically "up and down." I have not been
+able to identify any one of the trap-doors referred to, but I should not
+be surprised to hear that they have been subsequently found in the
+north-west corner of each room. By referring to the diagram of the floor
+(Pl. III., Fig. 4), it will be seen that the rectangular spaces between
+the beams and overlying poles are almost everywhere large enough, if
+the superstructure of splinters (or brush) and clay is removed, to give
+passage to any man. The ladders themselves have completely disappeared.
+
+On one and the same floor, I found in the side walls at a few places,
+the remains of low and narrow openings through which a man might pass in
+a stooping position and "sidling." Nowhere could I see the full height
+of these small doorways, so that I do not know whether there was a
+lintel, or whether they terminated in an open angle, like the doorways
+of Yucatan. I have seen openings showing the peculiar so-called
+"aboriginal arch" of Yucatan on a small scale, and I also have seen that
+an accidental "knocking-out" of one or two stones from the walls
+produced a hole or gap very similar in shape to the doorways at Uxmal
+and other pueblos of Southern Mexico, though of course on a small scale.
+It is self-evident that, the coincidence being accidental, I do not
+place any stress upon it in view of "tracing relationships." The
+coincidence is of ethnological, and not of ethnographical, value. As far
+as I could ascertain, they were certainly 1 m.--3 ft. 3 in.--high,
+whereas their average width may have been 0.45 m.--18 in. (Those I
+measured averaged between 0.42 m. and 0.48 m.--16 in. and 19 in.) Their
+appearance is shown in Pl. II., Fig. 5.
+
+_a_ is what might be termed a door-sill, a smooth oval stone, evidently
+from the drift, probably dioritic, at all events a dark-green hornblende
+rock. In the present instance one was not long enough to fill the gap
+left between the walls, and two were superposed. I saw no traces of
+wooden lintels or sills. These doorways appeared to be generally about
+0.50 m.--20 in.--above the floor, but if we deduct 0.20 m.--8 in.--for
+the clay (measure having been taken from the timbers), 0.30 m.--12
+in.--will remain as their approximate height over the chambers.
+
+The few doors that I could observe are all in the longitudinal walls,
+and none of them in the transverse; that is, they all open from east to
+west. But not all the longitudinal partitions have doorways. It cannot,
+therefore, be admitted that every transverse row was occupied by one
+family, still less that the family apartments were arranged
+longitudinally. I rather suspect that this arrangement was vertical, or
+perhaps vertical and transverse. This surmise is given, however, for
+what it may be worth. Windows I could not find, although small apertures
+undoubtedly existed in all the outer walls, both for light and for air.
+
+The chambers being all very much ruined, the lower ones filled with the
+stones and decayed ruins of the superposed stories,--of these stories
+themselves but part of the walls, denuded and often twisted,
+remaining,--I have not been able, with one single exception, to secure
+or even see any of what we would call the "furniture." Small fragments
+of grinding-stones (_metates_) are sparsely scattered over the entire
+ruins, otherwise the only object of daily use as articles of furniture
+met with by me has been a hearth, which I found or dug out _in situ_, in
+room _I_, and which, complete, forms part of the collections sent by me
+to Cambridge.
+
+The place where this hearth was situated is marked on the diagram in
+room _I_. It stood on the floor against the north wall, and is composed
+of three plates of stone, originally ground and polished (as the
+specimen found in building A will show, which is a fragment only), and,
+judging from new fragments found, of diorite or other hornblende rock.
+There are three plates,--a basal one, 40 m.--16 in.--long and 20 m.--8
+in.--wide, and two sides, placed vertically east and west of the
+base,--all three resting against the north wall of the room. Pl. III.,
+Fig. 4, is a diagram of the room, the floor timbers, and the hearth.
+
+The basal plate was covered with 0.10 m.--4 in.--of very white ashes,
+which I have also secured, and the rear of the hearth, which is formed
+by the original "first coat" of earth daubed over the wall, is
+thoroughly baked by the heat produced in front of it, as the samples
+sent will show.[111]
+
+Of course, I looked at once for an opening where the smoke arising from
+the hearth, etc., could have escaped. I am sorry to say, however, that I
+utterly failed in finding anything like a chimney,--not only in _B_, but
+in all the other buildings. Still, in the ruined condition of the place,
+this is no proof of their non-existence.[112]
+
+I will refer to subsequent pages to such articles of mechanical use and
+of wearing apparel which I was fortunate enough to meet. I shall also
+return hereafter to the almost omnipresent pieces of painted pottery, of
+two distinct kinds, and to the very numerous chips of obsidian,
+jet-black on the face, but transparent as smoky glass; of black lava;
+and to the flint, jasper, and moss-agates, broken mechanically by man,
+and scattered over the premises. These premises have been thoroughly
+ransacked by visitors, and every striking object has already been
+carried off. I had heard mentioned, among such samples, flint, agate,
+and obsidian arrow-heads, stone hatchets and hammers, and copper (not
+brass or iron) rings used for ornamental purposes,[113] but my luck it
+was not to find any. Therefore the harvest is perhaps slim in that
+respect. It is beyond all doubt that judicious digging among the lower
+stories of the structures will reveal treasures,--not money, as the tale
+current among the inhabitants has it, but things of archæological and
+ethnological value. For such an undertaking I was, as the Institute well
+knows, not prepared. I attempted to dig, indeed, though quite alone, but
+soon came to the conclusion that the time consumed in excavating one
+metre of decayed and crumbling stones and earth would be more
+satisfactorily employed in other directions; paving the way for the
+exhaustive labors of better situated archæologists.
+
+I have been very lengthy in my _exposé_ of facts and data regarding this
+particular house _B_, for the simple reason that, as far as the
+principles of architecture, based upon a knowledge and want of "how to
+live," are concerned, it is typical of the rest. Many details become
+therefore unnecessary in subsequent descriptions.
+
+To return to the structure itself, its general plan and its mode of
+construction in detail more and more forcibly remind me of an
+extraordinarily large honeycomb. The various walls, a few of the outer
+walls excepted, have little strength in themselves (as the rapid decay
+shows), but combined altogether they oppose to any outside pressure an
+immense amount of "inertia." There is not in the whole building one
+single evidence of any great progress in mechanics. Everything done and
+built within it can be built and made with the use of a good or fair
+eyesight only, and the implements and arts of what was formerly called
+the "stone age." This does not exclude the possibility that they had
+made a certain advance in mechanical agencies. They may have had the
+plummet, or even the square; but such expedients, applied to their
+system of building, might at most have hastened the rapidity of
+construction. Necessary they were not at all, still less indispensable.
+As the bee builds one cell alongside of the other and above the
+other,--the norm of one and the "habitat" impelling the norm of those
+above and alongside,--so the Indians of Pecos aggregated their cells
+according to their wants and the increase of their numbers; their inside
+accommodations, the wood-work, bearing the last trace of the frail
+"lodge" of a former shifting condition.
+
+Leaving _B_ for the present, I turn to the other ruins on the so-called
+"neck" of the _mesilla_.
+
+4 m.--13 ft.--west of the N.W. corner of the northern annex, I struck
+stone foundations indicating a structure (whether enclosure or building
+I do not venture to tell) 10.21 m.--33 ft.--from E. to W., and 6.60
+m.--22 ft.--from N. to S.[114], 49 m.--160 ft.--to the north-west of its
+north-easterly angle there is a mound about 2 m. or 6 ft. in diameter,
+thence 20 m.--65 ft.--further N.W. or N.N.W. the southern ruins of the
+east wing of _A_ are reached.
+
+Parallel to _B_, longitudinally, and at an average distance of 28 m.--90
+ft--to the west from it, there is a row of detached buildings or
+structures, of which only the foundations and shapeless stone heaps
+indicating the corners remain. Pl. I., Fig. 8, conveys an idea of their
+position and size. The walls are reduced to mere foundations, or to
+heaps in the corners; but these remnants indicate that the rocks used
+were similar in kind and shape to those composing the walls of all the
+other kinds of construction in the _mesilla_ north of the church.
+
+For what purpose these buildings were erected, and in what relation they
+stood to _B_, I am unable to determine. Some of them appeared to have
+doors opening to the east.[115] Beyond _f_ the ground rises suddenly.
+The floor of those structures is, in some instances, formed of a black
+or red loam. I excavated one of those, or, rather, dug into it, to the
+depth of one metre. The surface had shown traces of a fire built in the
+centre, and I found also, at the depth of nearly two feet, that the dark
+soil was traversed by a band of charcoal, fragments of burnt and
+blackened pottery, and some splinters of bone. Below it the soil was
+dark red. Whether there was a buried hearth at that depth, or whether
+the traces of fire were due to an original destruction of woodwork
+through combustion, the _débris_ subsequently covering them with clay, I
+am unable to judge.[116] In all of them, of course, pottery and obsidian
+were found.
+
+I have already stated that the _mesilla_ dips to the south-west; that
+there is a depression along the northern end of its "neck;" and that
+from _f_ the rocks bulge upwards again. All this contributes to
+concentrate the drainage of the entire cliff-top, as far north of the
+church as it was inhabited, in the hollow where the gate of the general
+enclosure is placed. This gate was therefore not only a passage-way, but
+also the water-gap or channel through which the _mesilla_ was finally
+drained into the bottoms of the Arroyo de Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE IV
+PLAN OF BUILDING A.]
+
+20 m.--65 ft.--to the N.N.W. of the mound i, there rises before us the
+huge pile of ruins which, on the plat as well as on the diagram, I have
+designated by _A_. It crowns the highest point of the entire _mesilla_,
+and covers the greatest portion of its top. In ruins like _B_, its
+general aspect is yet somewhat different Instead of forming, like the
+latter, a narrow, solid rectangle of 140 m. × 20 m.--460 ft. × 65 ft.--,
+the building _A_ is (taking, of course, the outlines of the entire
+_débris_) a broad hollow rectangle of 150 m. × 75 m.--490 ft. × 245 ft.
+Its interior is occupied by a vast court or square, containing three
+circular depressions, and surrounded on all four sides by the broad
+ruined heaps of the former dwellings. On the east side, between the
+circumvallation and the eastern line of the structure, there are two
+more circular depressions similar to those within the court. The latter
+is entered by four passageways,--one on the S.E. corner, 4 m.--13
+ft.--wide and about 12 m.--40 ft.--long from S. to N.; one through the
+eastern wing, 3.40 m.--11 ft.--wide and about 14 m.--46 ft.--long from
+E. to W.; one in the N.W. corner and another from the S.W., both 2 m.--6
+ft. 6 in.--across. I have designated these four gateways respectively as
+_R_, _E_, _G_, and _N_. _R_ and _E_ enter straight through the wall; _G_
+forms a semicircle almost from W. through N. to S.; _N_ describes a
+right angle from S. by N. to E. The distribution of decay in this house
+is the same as in _B_,--the southern parts are on all sides almost
+totally obliterated; the N.W. corner is very nearly perfect; the
+northern and western walls are tolerably fairly preserved; but the
+eastern outline of the east wing, the southern outline of the south
+wing, and the southern ends of both east and west have almost completely
+disappeared under hills of rubbish, a few posts alone assisting the
+explorer. The path of destruction has in both buildings lain in the same
+direction,--from S.S.E. to N.N.W.,--and across both its effects have
+decreased from south to north. Still, while the similarity in that
+respect is astonishing, and while there are apparently more walls in _A_
+standing than in _B_, there is, owing to the very uneven surface of the
+rock upon which it is built, much more confusion among the ruins of the
+former than among those of the latter. _B_ is built on a gradual slope
+or ridge; _A_ caps a generally convex surface, scooped out in the
+middle, and sloping eastward.[117] Hence comes the division of the whole
+structure into four separate and distinct buildings, and hence, also,
+the complicated manner in which the whole or each part is ruined, even
+walls still standing being twisted out of shape and out of position.
+Actual measurements were much less efficacious here than in _B_; and,
+although I have worked with not less zeal and conscientiousness, the
+result in neatness and precision is certainly less satisfactory. This
+explanation will, I hope, induce subsequent explorers to look up my
+inaccuracies and correct them.
+
+It is needless, of course, to detail the methods of work. They are on a
+larger scale, and in more tedious ways, a repetition of the proceedings
+in the case of _B_. The results are as follows, starting from the line
+_f f_ northwards: The space comprised between the corners (_e_, _e_,
+_f_, _f_) forms a rectangle, containing 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms
+each. These rows are all on the same level, except the most easterly
+one, which lies on the slope. The cells, as far as measured and still
+measurable, appear to be of the same size in length, namely, 2.87 m.--9
+ft. 6 in.,--and their widths are respectively from W. to E., or 2.83 m.,
+2.00 m., 3.14 m., 2.70 m., 2.53 m., and 2.53 m.--9 ft., 6 ft. 6 in., 10
+ft., 9 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The whole area is therefore 51.66 m. ×
+15.73 m.--170 ft. × 51 ft. Still, I believe that a sensible narrowing
+(possibly of nearly 2.0 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--) may have taken place up to
+_ee_; but this is compensated by the strengthening of the corners,
+which there are rounded outwards, so that the line _e e_ presents about
+the same length as _f f_. Thereupon follows the open passage _E_, which
+is 3.40 m.--11 ft. wide, and north of it a rectangle of 3 longitudinal
+rows of 3 apartments, _two_ of which rows are on the eastern slope. The
+width of the rooms appears to be the same as that in the former section,
+whereas their length from N. to S. is respectively 6.10 m., 4.27 m., and
+5.44 m.--20 ft., 14 ft., and 18 ft. It is therefore a rectangle of 15.81
+m. × 15.73 m.--51 ft. × 51 ft. North of it is an open space marked C,
+3.13 m.--10 ft.--wide, in which I could detect no longitudinal
+partition, except one closing its western outlet towards the court. I
+have therefore left it an open question, and marked it as an alley or
+corridor. It may yet prove to have contained six rooms on the ground;
+but, as this is uncertain, the rooms that may have existed are not
+included in the computation of cells. North of the line _b b_ begins the
+section _a B b b_, which is very badly ruined. This forms also the
+north-east angle of the whole building, and whose northern line (_a B_)
+shows the partitions of six chambers, each 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in. wide, each
+one indicating a longitudinal row of 4 rooms, respectively 2.83 m.--9
+ft.--each from N. to S. It would indicate a rectangle of 11.32 m. ×
+12.00 m.--37 ft. × 40 ft. Of its six rows of rooms, three are on the
+slope.
+
+From _a_ to A extends the main northern wall of the structure. It is
+very strong, .78 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--wide, and constructed as follows, Pl.
+V., Fig. IX.:--
+
+_a_, the outer wall, is 0.33 m.--13 in.--wide.
+
+_b_, filling of mud, is 0.17 m.--6 in.--wide (this filling is both earth
+and gravel).
+
+_c_, inner wall, is 0.28 m.--11 in.--wide.
+
+The width of the inner wall being the average thickness of all the other
+walls in the whole house, the suggestion is not improbable that it was
+built first, and the outer one, which is made of larger stones, added
+subsequently for additional strength, and the interstice filled up as
+the work rose.
+
+The line _a A_ is 17.28 m.--56 ft.--long. From _A_ it runs down to the
+south for 8.10 m.--27 ft.--, thence east, 17.28 m.--56 ft.--, to connect
+with the north-east corner of the eastern wing. It thus forms an aisle,
+and at the same time closes the court to the north. A rectangle of 8.10
+m. × 17.28--27 ft. × 56 ft.--consists of 4 longitudinal sections of 3
+rooms each, which, while their length is uniformly 2.70 m.--9 ft.--(from
+N. to S.), have widths from W. to E. of 5.46 m., 3.18 m., and 3.62
+m.--18 ft., 10 ft., and 12 ft. All the rooms are on the same level, and
+they are the largest and best preserved of any in the entire area of
+ruins. Room _I_ has even an unimpaired roof.
+
+The north wall of _a A_ stands out boldly on the highest crest of the
+_mesilla_. Below it northwards, a small hill of stones, from which
+timbers occasionally protrude, forms a tumbled and confused slope of
+inextricable ruin; and beyond this slope there extend the foundations of
+walls on the level _mesilla_ up to 10 m.--33 ft.--from the northern
+transverse part of the general circumvallation, which there is 45
+m.--148 ft.--from _a A_, and 30 m.--100 ft.--long from W. to E. It thus
+appears that the building _A_ had its northern annex as well as the
+house _B_. To this annex I shall hereafter return.
+
+West of line _A n_ there runs alongside of it the interesting gateway
+_G_, 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--wide, its bottom somewhat higher than the floor
+of the adjoining rooms,[118] and forming, as before stated, the
+north-westerly entrance to the great inner court. It is perfectly
+straight on the east as far as _r_; but then a heavy bank of stones and
+gravel starts out like a lower continuation of the wall _a A_, and winds
+down, curving, till close to the western circumvallation on the edge of
+the _mesilla_. It thus forms a northern embankment to the gateway.
+Almost parallel to it, on the opposite side of _n r_, the conical
+mound or tower H constitutes the western and southern wall of the
+passage _G_. This passage is therefore nearly semicircular. It is level
+from _n_ to _r_, and thence descends steeply towards the edge of the
+_mesilla_.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE X
+VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.]
+
+The mound _H_ describes about two-thirds of a circle. Its base at the
+south is 6 m.--20 ft.--from E. to W.; its diameter, 6.85 m.--23 ft; its
+actual height, about 1.5 m.--5 ft. It is conical, and appears to be a
+round heap of earth and rocks encased with neat and judicious piling of
+well-selected stones. This naturally gave the stone-work a slanting
+surface; the higher it reaches, however, the more it becomes vertical,
+until at last it juts out above the surface of the mound like a circular
+breastwork, or a hollow round tower on a conical base. I refer to Pl. X.
+for an excellent view of its vertical aspect and structure. This mound,
+or tower, while it commands an extensive view to the west, north, and
+even north-east, is also the most northerly "spur" of the western wing
+of the great house _A_. This wing extends in an unbroken length of 62
+m.--203 ft.--from the base line of _H_ to the entrance _N_, and is
+divided into 3 transverse sections, all connected, and all having 3
+longitudinal rows of rooms or cells. The width of each cell is the same
+in every section, to wit, from E. to W. 2.58 m., 2.58 m., and 3.22 m.--8
+ft. 6 in., 8 ft. 6 in., and 10 ft. 6 in., respectively.
+
+Section _k l l m_ has 3 × 5 apartments; in length from N. to S., 2.51
+m., 3.86 m., 2.35 m., 3.71 m., and 3.72 m.--8 ft., 13 ft., 8 ft., 12
+ft., and 12 ft. It was therefore 16.15 m. × 8.38 m.--53 ft. × 27 ft.
+Probably all the ground-floor cells were on the same level.
+
+Section _l l h h_ has 3 × 12 apartments, each 2.53 m.--8 ft.--long.
+Consequently, it was a rectangle of 30.36 m. x 8.38 m.--100 ft. × 27 ft.
+The eastern row of chambers was on the slope.
+
+Section _h h N_ 3 × 4 long, respectively 2.77 m.--9 ft. each, therefore
+10.98 m. × 8.38 m.--36 ft. × 27 ft. There were two eastern rows on the
+slope.
+
+This entire wing (forming a rectangle of 62 m. × 8.38 m.--203 ft. × 27
+ft., if we add to the spaces given the thicknesses of the transverse
+partitions, this time not included in the measures) has given me more
+trouble than the rest of _A_ and _B_ combined. Nowhere are the walls so
+twisted and out of range as here. Besides, there is an unfinished air
+about it that is almost bewildering. The height of the stories does not
+agree with that of the other sections,--the western wing would be one
+story lower. Furthermore, it contains in several places squared beams of
+wood inserted in the stone-work lengthwise. These beams (of which there
+is also one in the opposite wing similarly embedded) are identical and
+apparently of the same age with the (not sculptured) beams still found
+in and about the old church. Entire walls of chambers, or rather sides,
+appear to be new; the mud or adobe is fresh, whereas almost everywhere
+else it has disappeared, out of the crevices even; the stones are almost
+laid in courses. As I shall hereafter relate, there are at several
+places adobe walls, the adobe containing wheat-straw! And all this right
+among chambers showing sides as uncouth and old as any of the pueblo,
+though still as high as their more recent and better preserved
+neighbors. Here there is evidently patchwork of later date, and
+patchwork executed with material unknown to the Indians previous to the
+advent of the Spaniards. I am even convinced that it was done after
+1680; for the beams evidently came from the church or the convent, which
+buildings we know were sacked and fired by the Indians in the month of
+August of that year. If this conclusion be correct, the south-western
+part of _A_, its entire westerly wall, was somehow destroyed after 1680,
+and partly rebuilt with materials unknown to the Indians at the time
+when Pecos was first erected.
+
+I say partly, because there is evidence that the western wing, from _H_
+to _N_, was originally much broader. As it now appears, the wall _m h_
+presents itself as the western line of the structure. But there are,
+still further out, although distinctly connected with it, remains of
+buildings which were at least attached to it. These are the ruined
+enclosures designated on the ground-plan by _I_, _K_, and _L_.
+
+Nothing besides foundations, heaps of stones defining corners, and
+upright posts protruding along the western limits of _L_ and _K_ inside,
+remain of these structures. _L L_ are of the size of the ordinary
+chambers; _K K_ are four times larger. Their interior shows no partition
+whatever: the soil is level, somewhat depressed in the centre of each
+apartment; and on the whole they present very much the same appearance
+as those structures on the "neck," which lie to the west of B, but are
+not connected with the latter. Besides, the enclosures are on a lower
+level than the two rows of rooms immediately east of the wall _m N_.
+This wall itself is a double wall, each single one being of the size of
+the ordinary partition; the total width is therefore 0.56 m.--22
+in.,--as proven by actual measurement. The idea is therefore
+suggested--very naturally--that the entire western wing of the building
+_A_ was originally a double house,[119] terraced both towards the east
+and the west. In sketching the cross-sections, I have taken due notice
+of this very probable, if not positive, fact.
+
+The double wall _m N_ shows no trace of lateral passages. It therefore
+divides the whole structure from _H_ to _N_ into two longitudinal
+sections. The western one, from _o_ to _p_, consisted of but one row of
+5 rooms; from _p_ to _N_ it had two rows of 16 chambers each. The
+ground slopes still further to the S. and S.W. outside of the
+trapezoidal enclosures, _I I_, and is covered with _débris_; so that I
+presume that, from _ll_ to _N_, there was an additional row of 3 rooms
+on the outside. The entire division was at one time very completely
+razed to the ground, so that its owners never attempted to rebuild it
+after the original plan.
+
+The western division was also badly damaged in its southern half, but
+the damage was subsequently repaired with the aid of material and
+mechanical arts postdating the Spanish conquest of New Mexico. Pl. V.,
+Fig. 3, gives a view of the western end, along the line _h h_.
+
+I would recall here the fact already noticed, that the northern part of
+building _B_ is also mended in places with adobes of the same make as
+those used in repairing the western wing of _A_, and that, while the
+squared beams are wanting, the stone-work there in places appears also
+of a more recent date. The suggestion may therefore not be uncalled for,
+that the same destroying power which spent its main force on _A_,
+distinct from the general decay, and moving in a direction from S.W. to
+N. E., reflected or glanced off upon the northern portions of _B_. This
+question will, however, be discussed hereafter.
+
+The annexes _I I_ are trapezoidal enclosures of stone-work as high as a
+man's breast, and respectively of the sizes indicated on the
+ground-plan. The northern one is divided lengthwise into two
+compartments; the southern is open to the south. Both appear to be new
+and unfinished. From the centre of the last one protrude two
+well-squared heavy timbers. These timbers are in a singularly unfit
+position; they cannot be accounted for, and convey the impression that
+they were carried hither from some other totally different construction.
+They look almost forlorn. Whence they came, and for what purpose they
+were brought,--what was the object in erecting the enclosures _I I_,--I
+do not intend to speculate upon, unless they are recently constructed
+store-rooms ("Almacenas").
+
+Across the passage-way _N_, both southward from the line _g g_ and
+eastward from _I_, fitting into it to the east and barring access to the
+great court from the "neck," lies the south wing of _A_,--a rectangle of
+27.25 m.--90 ft.--from W. to E., and 13 m.--43 ft.--from N. to S.,
+including the walls. It is much decayed and overturned; the northern
+side is far less so than the southern; nowhere are there any signs of
+repairs. Here the rows of rooms must be taken transversely (from W. to
+E.). There are 5, each with 7 chambers, measuring in succession from N.
+to S. 2.00 m., 2.00 m., 3.09 m., 2.40 m., and 2.00 m.--6 ft. 6 in., 6
+ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 8 ft., and 6 ft. 6 in; and from W. to E. 3.61 m.--12
+ft. each. Two of these transverse rows appear to be on the southern
+slope, and three on the upper level towards the court.
+
+Here I have again reached the passage-way _R_, my original point of
+departure. Before entering into an examination of the other particulars
+of the building, as well as of its annexes and surroundings, I shall
+make once more a rapid circuit, to give an idea of its size, and also
+attempt a rude computation of the number of rooms it contained.
+
+Lengths of the eastern
+wing from _f_ to
+_B_ (E. side N. and
+S.) 51.66 m.--170 ft.
+ 3.40 m.-- 12 ft.
+ 15.81 m.-- 52 ft.
+ 3.13 m.-- 10 ft.
+ 11.32 m.-- 37 ft.
+ 7.84 m.-- 25 ft.
+ -----------------
+Adding 28 walls à 0.28
+m.--11 in., total 93.16 m.--306 ft.
+
+_Brought forward_ 93.16 m.--306 ft.
+
+Lengths of the north
+side from _B_ to _a_ 12.00 m.-- 40 ft.
+from _a_ to _A_ 17.28 m.-- 57 ft.
+6 transverse walls à .28
+m.--11 in. 1.68 m.-- 6 ft.
+ ----------------
+ 30.96 m.--102 ft.
+
+Length from _A_ to _n_ 8.10 m.-- 27 ft.
+_n_ to _m_ 8.38 m.-- 27 ft.
+_m_ to _o_ 2.51 m.-- 8 ft.
+_o_ to W. corner of _L_
+(estimated) 5.00 m.-- 16 ft.
+W. corner of _L_. to _p_ 16.17 m.-- 53 ft.
+_p_ to _y_ 2.10 m.-- 7 ft.
+_y_, southward, to line
+_g g_ 33.44 m.--110 ft.
+passage-way N .00 m.-- 6 ft. 6 in.
+
+Width of western section
+of W. wing
+(about) 7.48 m.-- 25 ft.
+Length of south wing 13.00 m.-- 43 ft.
+28 transverse walls à
+.28 m.--11 in. 7.84 m.-- 26 ft.
+ ----------------
+ 106.02 m.--348 ft. 6 in.
+
+Width of S. wing 27.25 m.-- 90 ft.
+Passage _R_ 4.00 m.-- 13 ft.
+From _R_ to _f_ (about) 4.00 m.-- 13 ft.
+Line _f f_ 15.73 m.-- 52 ft.
+8 longitudinal walls à
+.28 m.--11 in. 2.24 m.-- 7 ft.
+ ----------------
+Total length to _f_, my
+point of departure 53.22 m.--175 ft.
+ ------------------
+Entire length of circuit
+of building _A_ 283.36 m.--928 ft.
+
+Adding to this 15 m.--49 ft.--for the probable periphery of mound _H_,
+and 64 m.--210 ft.--for the perimeter of a southern annex to the south
+wing, which I have not yet described, we reach a perimeter of 362
+m.--1,190 ft.--in all. Comparing these figures with those given about
+the great ruins of the Rio Chaco by Dr. W. H. Jackson,[120] and of the
+pueblo of Las Animas River by my friend the Hon. L. H. Morgan,[121] it
+will be seen that this building, _A_, at Pecos is probably the largest
+aboriginal structure of stone within the United States so far described,
+and that it will even bear comparison with many of the aboriginal ruins
+of Mexico and Central America.[122]
+
+The size of the interior court can now be easily determined. It is 64
+m.--210 ft.--from N. to S., and 19.28 m.--63 ft.--from E. to W. Its area
+covers therefore 1,235 sq. m.--13,230 sq. ft.,--or about one fourth of
+an acre; whereas the entire _débris_, measured as well as possible,
+scatter over more than two acres of ground.
+
+For the computation of the number of rooms in the whole pile,
+cross-sections are necessary. (Pl. V., Figs. 1-8.) The height of each
+story is about the same as in _B_, to wit, 2.28 m.--7 ft. 6 in.
+
+Fig. 1, section of west wing about _l l_, from west to east.
+
+Fig. 2, lines _b b_ and _a B_.
+
+Fig. 3, section of west wing along _h h_.
+
+Fig. 4, line _d d_, north, up to south line of _C_.
+
+Fig. 5, section of west wing along line _g g_.
+
+Fig. 6, line _f f_, southern boundary of east wing, and for the
+entire rectangle up to _E_.
+
+Fig. 7, cross-section of north wing, line _A n_, from north to
+south.
+
+Fig. 8, south wing, from north to south.
+
+It is possible that the second row, from S. to N., had two superposed
+chambers, but I am not positive of it, and therefore do not include it
+in the computation of rooms which will follow.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE V
+SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.]
+
+It will be seen that, according to the ground plan and sections, the
+east wing had five stories, the north wing two, the west wing
+successively two, three, and four, and the south wing four. Looking at
+the buildings from the great court, the south presented an unbroken
+front of a two-story wall, the east successively walls of four,
+three, and two stories; the north side formed two, and the west side,
+from north to south, in succession, two, three, and four terraces. In
+this manner, not only was the building remarkably well accommodated to
+the great irregularities of the surface, but even a tolerably uniform
+height was attained, well agreeing, therefore, with the description of
+"Cicuyé," as Castañeda saw it in 1540. "The houses have four stories,
+terraced roofs all of the same height, along which one can make the
+circuit of the entire village without meeting any street to intercept
+the passage.[123] Here we must remember that the widest gateway is 4
+m.--13 ft.--wide,--an expanse easily spanned by common beams used by the
+Indians in their house architecture.
+
+An attempt to compute the number of rooms in _A_ results as follows:--
+
+Rectangle _f f e e_, 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms and 5 stories.
+ 1st story 18
+ 2d story 5 × 18 90
+ 3d story 4 × 18 72
+ 4th story 3 × 18 54
+ 5th story 2 × 18 36
+ --- 270 rooms.
+
+(_d d c c_) 1st story and 2d story on the slope,
+and 3 rooms per row.
+ 1st story 3
+ 2d story 3
+ 3d story 4 × 3 12
+ 4th story 3 × 3 9
+ 5th story 2 × 3 6
+ -- 33 "
+ ---------
+_Carried forward_ 303 rooms.
+
+_Brought forward_ 303 rooms.
+
+(_b b a B_) 6 rows of 4 rooms, and 3 stories on
+the slope.
+ 1st, 2d, and 3d story, each 4 12
+ 4th story 3 × 4 12
+ 5th story 2 × 4 8
+ -- 32 "
+
+(North wing) 2 stories, easily computed as 20 "
+(_k m l l_) 1st story 5 × 4 20
+ 2d story 5 × 2 10
+ -- 30 "
+
+(_l l h h K_) Lowest story 12
+ 2d story 12 × 4 48
+ 3d story 12 × 2 24
+ -- 84 "
+
+(_h h K g g I_) Lowest story 4
+ 2d story 4
+ 3d story 4 × 4 16
+ 4th story 4 × 2 8
+ -- 32 "
+
+(South wing) From E. to W.
+ Lowest story 7
+ 2d story 7
+ 3d story 7 × 3 21
+ 4th story 7 × 2 14
+ -- 49 "
+Adding for the southern annex a probable number of 35 "
+ ---------
+Building _A_ contained in all not less than 585 cells.
+
+Turning now to the inside of the building itself, I am compelled to
+acknowledge here an important omission in my survey of _B_. It relates
+to the vertical connection of the walls. They are all, with few
+exceptions, as far as their dilapidated condition admits of observation,
+continuous from bottom to top; that is, the sides were everywhere
+carried up above the ceiling (or floor), and then, after the beams had
+been embedded in the stones, another wall was piled up on it as
+straight as possible. In this manner it became possible to add each
+cell separately.
+
+There are several doors visible in _A_, as marked on the ground-plan.
+Those in the eastern and western wings open from east to west, those in
+the northern wing from north to south; therefore transversely to the
+length of each structure. But I have also seen longitudinal walls
+without passages. The tops of the doors are all gone; the rest is
+everywhere similar to the sample found in _B_, and already figured. In
+some cases even the sills are gone. Windows I could not find, nor
+trap-doors or ladders; there was no trace of steps, and, unfortunately,
+no clew to any chimney or vent. Of furniture I secured pieces of new
+hearth-stones; of other articles, broken "metates," part of a fine maul
+of stone, flint chips, celts, stone skin-scrapers, and, of course,
+painted pottery and obsidian. But not one specimen is entire; every
+striking implement, etc., has been carried off by amateurs, of whose
+presence besides broken beer bottles, with the inscription
+"Anheuser-Busch Brewing Co., St. Louis, Mo.," give occasional notice.
+
+Room _I_, in the S.W. corner of the north wing is very well preserved:
+so well, indeed, that it is nearly certain that there was no entrance to
+it from above. On the contrary, the entrance appears to have been from
+the front, as shown in Pl. VIII., where this room stands in full view.
+It is perfectly plain inside; eight posts of wood, round, and stripped
+of all bark, support the ceiling and roof, whose composition I have
+elsewhere described. These posts (which are also shown in Pl. VIII.) are
+so distributed as to have one in each corner, and two between, on each
+longer side of the room. In the S.E. quarter of the ceiling the
+splinters covering the rafters or poles are removed, and fresh straw (or
+rather very well preserved) protrudes, as having formed a layer with the
+brush. I was at first inclined to take it for wheat-straw, but other
+parties insisted that it was mountain grass. For the latter it appears
+to be very long, and it has a marked head. I have not, as yet, seen any
+wheat-plants grown at these elevations.[124]
+
+Otherwise this chamber appears nearly perfect. In the middle of the
+north wall a hole is knocked out, but the two coats of plaster (dark and
+white) are almost everywhere preserved. Great interest attaches to this
+apartment, from the fact that, according to Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the sacred
+embers ("braza") were kept here until 1840, in which year the five last
+remaining families of Pecos Indians removed to their cognates at Jemez,
+and the "sacred fire" disappeared with them. Sr. Ruiz is good authority
+on that point, since, as a member of the tribe[125] ("hijo del pueblo"),
+he was asked to perform his duty by attending to the embers one year. He
+refused, for reasons which I shall hereafter state. The facts--that the
+fire was kept in a sort of closed oven, and that the front opening
+existed--made it unnecessary to search for any other conduit for smoke
+and ventilation. The fire was kept covered, and not permitted to flame.
+
+I now come to one of the most interesting features of the court,--the
+three circular depressions marked _P_ on the diagram. Two of them are in
+the N. E. corner,--the northern one close to the northern wing, and the
+other 2.65 m.--9 ft.--to the S. S. E. of it. Both are perfect circles,
+and each has a diameter of 7.70 m.--25 ft. In the S.W. corner, near to
+the passage _N_, is the third, with a diameter of only 6 m.--20 ft. They
+look like shallow basins, encased by a rim of stone-work piled up in the
+usual way, and forming a wall of nearly 0.35 m.--14 in.--in thickness.
+This wall is sunk into the ground, but at the northern basin it
+certainly, as former excavations plainly show, did not reach the depth
+of 1 metre; and it appears that at about that depth there were flat
+stones laid, like a rough stone floor. These basins were the "Estufas,"
+or council chambers, where, as late as 1840, the meetings of the poor
+remnants of the tribe were still held. Although an adopted son of Pecos,
+Sr. Ruiz was never permitted to enter the Estufa. Across the northern
+one a very large and very old tree, nearly 0.75 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--in
+diameter, is lying obliquely. Its thick end is towards the N.E. wall. It
+looks as if uprooted and fallen upon the ruins. But how could a tree of
+such dimensions ever have grown there? Again, for what purpose, and how,
+could the Indians of Pecos have carried it hither?
+
+Outside of the building _A_, the narrow ledge separating its rubbish
+from the eastern wall of circumvallation, a rim 150 m.--192 ft.--long by
+32 m.--105 ft.--wide at the south, and 12 m.--40 ft.--at the north,
+shows the basins _D_ and _F_, respectively 10 m.--33 ft.--and 8 m.--26
+ft.--in diameter. They hug the rock of the _mesilla_ very closely, and
+look completely like the estufas in the court. These buildings,
+according to Sr. Epifanio Vigil, of Santa Fé, were barns or store-houses
+(round towers 10 to 11 feet high), in which the Indians preserved their
+gathered crops, forage, etc. Still, it is not unlikely that they were
+tanks, built for collecting rain-water.
+
+On the south side of the eastern wing, and so close to it that the heaps
+of rubbish touch, are two circular depressions surrounded by large
+masses of stones. They are marked S S on the plan. Their shape and size
+cannot be accurately determined, and their object is unknown.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VIII
+INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+Nearly the same must be said of a rectangular space, dotted
+and intersected with foundations and upright beams marked _T T_, and
+lying out in front of the south wing on the denuded and thinly soiled
+apron forming the southern spur of the "body" of the _mesilla_. Its
+eastern line, a double stone wall sunk 0.50 m.--20 in.--into the soil,
+is 8 m.--26 ft.--long from N. to S. From its southern extremity similar
+foundations run to the west 37 m.--120 ft.,--thence 8 m.--26 ft.--north,
+and 37 m.--120 ft.--east back to the first line. Thus a rectangle of 8
+m. × 37 m.--26 ft. × 120 ft.--is formed, within whose area, especially
+in the western portion, upright beams start up in something like a
+semicircle, which would indicate that the structure was once a building.
+A metre and a half to the north, a foundation wall runs about 20 m.--66
+ft.--E. and W.; and at both of its extremities a corridor ascends
+towards the south wing of _A_. The nature and object of these fabrics
+are equally a mystery to me.
+
+Attached to the S.W. corner of the south wing is the annex of which I
+have already spoken. It is an elevated rectangle of 24 m. × 9 m.--80 ft.
+× 30 ft., and is clearly divided into compartments of 3-1/2 m. × 3
+m.--12 ft. × 11 ft. The whole is not much more than a stone mound of
+oblong shape, but it contained on its ground-plan 21 chambers. I
+presume, from the mass of _débris_, that it had an upper story. Its
+eastern row of cells is a direct continuation of the most westerly row
+of the S. wing. Due south of this annex, and almost touching it, there
+are two structures marked _O O_ which are very remarkable. They are
+octagonal. The most easterly one is best preserved, and appears to be
+the largest. Its two lateral walls are each 4 m.--13 ft.--long, the
+transverse 5.34 m.--18 ft.,--and the corners are cut off sharply by
+intersections of 0.86 m.--3 ft.--in length, so as to give the whole
+eight sides. The walls are well defined; the corners sharp and still one
+metre high. They are of the usual thickness. The other structure is so
+ruined that it appears round. These buildings, according to Sr. Vigil,
+were store-houses also; and they favor the suspicion that those marked
+_S S_ south of the east wing had the same shape. As they now appear,
+they look like the ruins of octagonal towers. The stone-work is like
+that of the estufas, but they are erected exclusively above the ground,
+and still cannot have been very high.
+
+I have now reached the utmost south-westerly point of ruins on the
+"body," where its drainage leads us into the often-mentioned depression
+and to the broad gateway of the circumvallation. From this gate the
+enclosure-wall creeps up along the edge of the _mesilla_ N.W. and N., in
+all 104 m.--340 ft.,--to a point 44 m.--144 ft.--due west of the S. W.
+corner of the annex; and here we find a distinct stone enclosure 27
+m.--89 ft.--long from N. to S., and 15 m.--50 ft.--wide, with an
+entrance of 3 m.--10 ft. wide, and terminating at the circumvallation.
+North-east of this, and about 28 m.--92 ft.--west of i on the middle
+wall of western wing, another enclosure begins 20 m. × 8 m.--66 ft. × 26
+ft.; and 3 m.--10 ft.--south of this a small ruin 10 m. × 8 m.--33 ft. x
+26 ft. Adjacent to _L L_, etc., around from o to y, a curved enclosure
+of stone extends, 42 m.--140 ft.--long, and thence east 6 m.--20
+ft.--back to the N.W. corner of K. It appears like a garden, or corral,
+and shows no partitions. These are, as far as I could see, all the
+remains west of the building _A_. The edge of the _mesilla_ rounds into
+the north-western corner of the latter, almost closing up with it; the
+slope is very steep and covered with huge rocks, broken and tumbled down
+along the declivity.
+
+The small northern plateau between the transverse circumvallation and
+the top-wall of _A_ is therefore nearly shut out from communication to
+the S.W. This plateau is a trapezium 45 m.--148 ft.--long from N. to
+S.,--50 m.--164 ft.--wide on the S., and 30 m.--98 ft.--on the N. It
+holds but few ruins; but, among these, a valuable find was made a short
+time ago by Mr. Harry Dent, of Baughls.
+
+These ruins, in the main, can be described as follows: The slope
+descending from the top-wall is a heap of rubbish with shrivelled posts
+of wood, impossible to disentangle without excavations. North of this
+_débris_, and 29 m.--95 ft.--from _A a B_, stands a knoll, or mound,
+covered with stones. Looking south from this, I thought I noticed that
+it stood in the line of the second row of chambers of the east wing of
+_A_, counting from E. to W.; and retracing my steps in that direction I
+found, indeed, traces of stone foundations disappearing under the great
+_débris_, which indicated a corridor, or perhaps series of rooms, about
+2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--wide. It therefore looked like a northern annex to A.
+From the mound, which I have designated by _V_ (Pl. I., Fig. 5), other
+foundations radiate to the W. and N.W. Those west soon disappear, but to
+the N.W. they are plainly visible for 14 m.--46 ft.--to another mound,
+or knoll _T_, similar to the first, whence another line of foundations
+vanishes to the west also. This appears to be the utmost limit of
+structures north, except the wall of enclosure, from which to T on the
+south is about 10 m.--33 ft. About the N.W. corner of A large heaps of
+rubbish descend in shapeless terraces outside and merge into the slope
+of the _mesilla_. They are, like the entire slope itself, covered with
+fragmentary pottery. About their eastern declivity, also, I thought I
+saw foundations, but could not be sure whether or not they connected
+with those extending westward from the two mounds just mentioned.
+
+In the eastern section of mound _V_, Mr. Dent has, as I was informed and
+saw, dug down one metre into the dark loamy clay and stones of which the
+knoll is composed, and has thus exposed a small stone chamber, or flue,
+walled in to the north, west, and south in the ordinary manner, and
+closed with earth, etc., at the east. Whether there was any stone top
+other than rocks heaped up above the hillock I could not learn; neither
+did I, in digging down further, find any floor. This chimney-like
+structure is 1.32 m.--3 ft. 8 in.--wide from E. to W., and 0.70 m.--2
+ft. 3 in.--from N. to S. It is therefore too large for a chimney, or
+flue, and too small for a room. Out of it Mr. Dent, whom I could not
+find personally, as he was absent at the time, extracted a human
+skeleton and much fairly preserved pottery. Of course, I was unable to
+see what he carried off (among which was the skull), but I saw and dug
+further in the same excavation, removing out of it bone splinters and
+the best preserved pottery piece of the entire collection. They are, in
+part, very similar to the yellow bowls still made by the Indian pueblo
+of Nambé (a Tehua tribe); but many of them have been so charred and
+blackened that it is impossible to make out their color. The pottery is
+all thin. Among it were also bits of charcoal and of rotten wood. The
+structure therefore appears to have been a grave, in which the body was
+placed in a sitting posture with its face to the east. Subsequent
+information and discovery have fully confirmed this view. I shall return
+to this on a subsequent page, and only state here that my efforts to
+find another skeleton in the same location failed.
+
+The aboriginal remains encircled by the great wall of circumvallation
+and north of the old church are now exhausted, so far as my work among
+them goes, and the surroundings of the _mesilla_ shall therefore become
+the subject of report.
+
+The slope towards the east and south-east is rocky on the top, covered
+with sandy soil growing _grama_ and very few cedar bushes, studded with
+ant-hills, and devoid of all remains of human structures so far as I
+could see. Pottery and obsidian are ever present, but become perceptibly
+less and almost disappear further east. The rills which drain the
+eastern slope carry much of this broken stuff into a small arroyo that
+winds to the left of the _mesilla_. About one quarter of a mile east of
+the building _A_, on a bare sunny and grassy level, are, quite alone,
+the foundations of a singular ruin. They run N. and S., consist of three
+rows of stones laid aside of each other longitudinally, and have the
+shape shown in Pl. V., Fig. 10.
+
+Its length from N. to S. is 25 m.--82 ft.,--and its width about 10
+m.--33 ft. From its form I suspect it to have been a Christian chapel,
+erected, or perhaps only in process of erection, before 1680. Not only
+is it completely razed, but even the material of the superstructure
+seems to have been carried off. Stones are scattered about the premises,
+but I found neither obsidian nor pottery. It stands protected from the
+north by the extremely rocky ledge terminating the _mesilla_ towards the
+east, and appears without the least connection with the Indian pueblo
+proper.
+
+It is the almost circular bottom on the west of the _mesilla_,
+encompassed by the north rock of _A_ to the north, by the whole length
+of the _mesilla_ to the east, by the gradual expanse below the church on
+the south, and by the Arroyo de Pecos on the west, that contains the
+aboriginal remains. Much better than a description, a diagram will
+illustrate their extent and shape. Pl. I., Fig. 5.
+
+The distances are not very correctly given, and the shape of _F_ is
+slightly exaggerated in irregularity.
+
+_A_ and _B_ being the respective large buildings, _C_ the church, _D_
+the great gate of the circumvallation; _E_ is a stone or rubble wall of
+undeterminable length running along the foot of the mesilla in a slight
+curve till near the "wash-out" sallying from the gate, and _F_ is an
+irregular lozenge, or trapeze, enclosed by a heavy low stone or rubble
+wall which might in some places be called an embankment. The corner _l_
+is 50 m.--165 ft.--from the border of the creek-bottom, which there is
+cut off abruptly from 1 m. to 3 m.--3 ft. 3 in. to 10 ft.,--presenting a
+section of red clay and gravel with pottery fragments. The line _l r m_
+runs W.N.W. to E.S.E., and is 138 m.--452 ft.--long; the line _m s n_
+measures 121 m.--398 ft.,--_n o p_ 146 m.--480 ft., and _p l_ 100
+m.--330 ft. From _r_ to _s_ an embankment of earth and stone runs almost
+in a circle, and the whole triangle _r m s_ forms a slightly elevated
+platform, in the centre of which is a pond (_estanque_) _t_, which, even
+at the present time, is filled with water. Viewed through the gate from
+above, this pond appears, with a part of the enclosure, as seen in Pl.
+IX. Several gullies (_barrancas_) have cut through the western and
+southern parts of the enclosure.
+
+This enclosed area, now covered with tufts of grama, occasional
+cactuses, knolls and scattered drift and pottery, was according to Sr.
+Ruiz, the former _huerto del pueblo_; that is, the fields of the
+inhabitants of the pueblo, where they planted and raised Indian corn,
+beans, calabashes, squash, and, after the advent of the Spaniards, also
+wheat, melons, and perhaps other fruit. Not a vestige of former
+cultivation is left; but the platform _r m s_, with a pond in the
+centre, at once explains their mode of securing the water for
+irrigation. Through the gateway _D_ the drainage of the _mesilla_ was
+conducted directly to the platform _r m s_, where the pond _t_ acted as
+a reservoir, out of which the fields themselves could be very easily and
+equitably supplied with moisture. Whether this was done by channels
+radiating from below the curve _r s_ over the area _F_, or by carrying
+the water, I cannot tell, neither my informants nor the appearance of
+the area giving any clew. But I could not escape being forcibly struck
+by this plain and still very forcible illustration of communal living.
+Not only did the Pecos Indians live together, and build their houses
+together, but they raised their crops in one common field (though
+divided into individual or rather family plots, according to Ruiz),
+irrigated from one common water source which gathered its contents of
+moisture from the inhabited surface of the pueblo grounds. "The lands,"
+said Mariano Ruiz, "belong to the tribe, but each man can sell his own
+crops." ("Las tierras son del pueblo, pero cada uno puede vender sus
+cosechas.") It forcibly recalls the system of "distribution and tenure
+of lands" among the ancient Mexicans.
+
+I now cross the Arroyo de Pecos, and on its western bank, in the
+triangle formed by the creek with the military road to Santa Fé, nearly
+opposite the site of the old church, I met with a ruined enclosure and
+with remains of structures whose purposes are yet unexplained to me.
+
+The distance from _M_ to the arroyo is 40 m.--130 ft. Its E. line is 75
+m.--246 ft.,--the S. line 70 m.--230 ft.,--the W., up to where the curve
+begins, 55 m.--180 ft. The distance from _M_ to _N_ is 15 m.--50 ft. At
+the north end of _N_ is a mound of stone and _débris_, like a conical
+tower, 5 m.--16 ft.--in diameter; the other lines are distinct
+foundations only. Both _M_ and _N_ are scattered over with broken
+pottery, chips of obsidian and flint, and I also found a fragment of a
+stone implement.
+
+Mariano Ruiz told me that the enclosure _M_ was the corral of the
+pueblo; that is, the enclosure where they kept whatever herds they
+possessed. It was at all events but an enclosure, and no building.
+Still, why were their herds, their most valuable property, kept on the
+opposite side of the creek, so far from the dwellings themselves?
+
+There are other ruins yet further south on the western bank of the
+arroyo, which, however, I shall not mention here. They are so important
+as to deserve special discussion in a later portion of this report. I
+therefore cross the creek back again to its eastern shore, and thence to
+the south side of the old church, proceeding thence southwards. From the
+church a grassy slope, very gentle and with almost imperceptible
+undulations, extends to the road which runs almost due W. and E. from
+the creek towards the Rio Pecos. The distance is about 300 m.--1,000
+ft.,--of which 74 m.--240 ft.--are taken up by the embankments, walls,
+and foundation lines already described as pertaining to the church
+building. Plate I. shows the position of this section, its northern
+limit being about 34 m.--112 ft.--N. of the southern lines of the church
+annexes (or 42 m.--138 ft.--S. of the temple itself) the southern limit
+being the road itself, while on the west the creek-bed forms the
+boundary.
+
+_H_, Corral-like structure, very plain, about 50 m. × 20 m., or 163 ft.
+× 65 ft. I understood Sr. Ruiz to say that it was the garden of the
+church ("la huerta de la iglesia"), but believe that he probably meant
+_G_, not having my field-notes with me at the time.
+
+_I_, rectangle of foundation lines 30 m.--98 ft.--from _A_; 30 m. × 31
+m.--98 ft. × 100 ft.--divided into 2 compartments, the western one 9 m.
+× 30 m.--30 ft. × 98 ft.
+
+_J_, trapezium, with mound at S.W. corner 18 m. × 21 m., or 60 ft. × 70
+ft.
+
+_K_, rectangle 25 m. × 36 m.--82 ft × 118 ft.--open to the west, and
+only recognizable from the semicircular mound of not 0.50 m.--20
+in.--elevation, dotted out as leaving a depression in the centre.
+
+_L_, circular depression 36 m.--118 ft.--in diameter; ground always wet.
+
+_O_, circular mound 10 m.--33 ft.--in diameter, 1.5 m.--5 ft.--high.
+
+_k_, shapeless mound, possibly part of a hollow rectangle.
+
+In many cases the foundations (which are the only remains visible) are
+themselves obliterated,--or at least overgrown. They are sometimes of
+0.27 m.--10 in.--in width; again, two rows, even three rows, of stones
+compose them longitudinally. The mound is regular, but the soil is
+everywhere so hard and gravelly that I desisted from excavating. The
+basin _L_ looks much like an estufa: there are few scattered stones on
+its surface, and this surface is moist; but I did not notice any trace
+of stone encasement. In general, there is no rubbish at all over the
+area. Stones are scattered about, and evidently they were once used for
+building purposes; but they nowhere form heaps. Then there is not the
+slightest trace of pottery or obsidian. In this respect the area just
+described forms a remarkable exception. All around it in every direction
+the painted fragments cover the soil; this particular locality, as far
+as I could find, has none. It only reappears in _I_, opposite the church
+annexes, and also in the enclosure _H_, whereas the church grounds are
+again strewn with handsome pieces, and some of the finest obsidian
+flakes were found on them.
+
+Across the road to the south, the ground becomes covered with shrubs of
+cedar, and the eastern slope hugs the creek-bed. Upon reaching the
+creek, the road divides,--one branch crossing over directly to the west,
+and the other proceeding along the arroyo about 200 m.--630 ft.--to the
+south ere it turns across. The main military line of travel intersects
+there-about the one to the Pecos River, and thence, striking almost due
+south, forms a very acute angle with the creek. In this angle ledges of
+rock protrude, sheltered by a fine group of cedar-shrubs; and here, in
+what may be termed a snug little corner, the rocks bear some Indian
+carvings.
+
+Expecting daily a supply of paper for "squeezes," I have until now
+deferred taking any exact copies of these vestiges. Therefore this
+report contains but superficial notice of them. It would have been
+useless labor to make sketches and take measurements when I knew that,
+within the period of time I shall spend in New Mexico, I should
+certainly be able to secure fac-similes. The carvings are certainly old;
+they are much worn, and represent mainly so-called footprints (of adults
+as well as of children), turkey tracks, a human form, and a circle
+formed by small cup-shaped holes, of the patterns about which I hope
+that my friend Professor C. C. Rau, of Washington, will by this time
+have finished his elaborate and very interesting work. The human figure
+is as rude and childlike an effort as any represented on the plates
+accompanying the reports of General Simpson and of my friend Mr. W. H.
+Holmes; the footmarks are fair, and the circle is rather perfect.
+Something like a "diamond" appears within its periphery, but I am not
+yet quite certain whether it is a carving or the result of decay. Some
+of the tracks seem to point to the high mesa, others to the north.[126]
+By the side of these original efforts there are recent additions,
+destined, perhaps, to become at some future time as successful
+archæological frauds as many of the most interesting products of
+excavation in the States of Ohio and Iowa. About the sculptured stones I
+again met with fragments of painted pottery. Still further down, on the
+east bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, about a mile from the church in a
+southerly direction, and on a low promontory of red clay jutting out
+into the creek-bed, there are vestiges of other ruins,--a low, flat
+mound covered with stones. I saw no pottery about it.
+
+Directly opposite the sculptured rocks, on the other bank of the arroyo
+to the west, the cliffs of clay bordering it form a huge cauldron, out
+of which the contents seem to have been originally removed, leaving a
+semicircle of vertical bluffs of clay and drift about 3 m.--10
+ft.--high. It is out of this locality that I suggested the clay for the
+adobe of the church might have been secured. The faces of the slope
+cannot have been washed out, for the creek runs straight far to the
+east, hugging closely that side of its banks; there is no trace of an
+old stream-bed winding to the westward, neither is there any sufficient
+drainage from the west in the shape of gulches or branches. It appears
+as if there had been an original start, at least, given to the present
+basin by a removal of earth in a curve, subsequent wearing and weakening
+enlarging the cauldron to its actual form and size. This size is
+constantly increased by decay and by the work of diggers; for this bluff
+has been of late a favorite resort for them, from the fact that in its
+face human bones--nay, complete graves--have been found.
+
+I consequently started to examine the bluff, and finally noticed a plain
+wall jutting out at about one fourth of the length of the western curve
+from N. to S. This wall seemed at first to be a corner. It is well made,
+and its stone-work is much like that figured by Mr. Holmes from the
+cliff-dwellings on the Rio Mancos in South-western Colorado. Still the
+stones are not hewn, but only were carefully broken, the rock itself
+having a tabular cleavage. The surface is true. I am unable to say
+whether it was a corner or not; the thickness of the side (east) is 0.65
+m.--2 ft.,--and it looks like a strong outside line running almost due
+N. and S., perhaps a little to the E.
+
+The height of the wall is 0.94 m.--3 ft.; its depth beneath the surface,
+0.52 m.--21 in. The sod (covered with grama) looks undisturbed; it is
+hard and coarsely sandy on the top, but beneath the clay is softer and
+loamy. Under the wall there is red clay to the bottom of the bluff with
+bands of drift. Clambering along the cliff to the northward, I soon
+perceived, at a depth nearly agreeing with the base of the wall, a layer
+of white ashes, similar to those found over the hearthstone in building
+_B_, mixed with charcoal and charred pottery. This layer was continuous
+along the exposure of the bluff; it formed a regular seam, intersected
+horizontally by bands of charcoal, and, at the lower end, a continuous
+stratum of pottery totally different from that found hitherto, except
+one fragment in the drift of the creek and another one among the adobe
+rubbish of the church. Instead of being painted, it was corrugated and
+indented, and identical with the corrugated and indented ware from the
+Rio Mancos and from South-eastern Utah, so beautifully figured by Mr. W.
+H. Holmes. There were also a very few pieces of painted pottery: but
+these, which became more numerous towards the top of the bluff, or
+cliff, appeared to have been washed in; whereas the corrugated fragments
+were a distinct, continuous band, most of the convex surfaces being
+downwards; and this band, except where ledges of the cliff projected far
+out into the bottom, or where the clay had tumbled down recently in
+front of the exposure, was visible from 50 m.--165 ft.--N. of the wall
+to 62 m.--203 ft.--S. of it on a line of 110 m.--360 ft. It was
+everywhere accompanied by the ashes and charcoal.
+
+_A_, little barranca, exposing ashes, etc., which contained corncobs,
+and, in the upper parts of the clay, human bones.
+
+_a_, grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos; obliterated now.
+
+_B_, wall.
+
+_b_, place where skeleton of child was partly secured, five metres S. of
+_B_.
+
+_C_, southern barranca; no remains found.
+
+_c_, last sign south of pottery, ashes, and charcoal.
+
+_W_, rock carvings on west bank of the arroyo.
+
+The following are sections at four different places:--
+
+[Illustration: Clay Pit Area]
+
+Specimens of every section have been sent with the collection. It has
+struck me that the stratum of ashes, charcoal, and pottery, while
+visible always inside,--that is, to the west of a supposed lateral
+extension of the wall from _B_,--still appears to run below it. The
+human remains, however, protrude about at heights where the wall, if in
+existence, might have been in front of them. There were bones lying on
+rubbish in front of _C_,--there were also bones within the ashes, even
+at _A_; but the action of wear and washing being everywhere visible and
+very complicated, I do not venture any surmise in these cases beyond
+expressing the conviction that the human remains originally rested above
+the layers of charcoal, ashes, corncobs, and corrugated pottery.
+
+While at Sr. Ruiz's, I had diligently inquired of the old gentleman
+about the graves of the Pecos Indians. He finally replied (after he had
+for a time insisted upon it that they were at the church) that before
+they became Christians ("antes que fuéron cristianos") they buried their
+dead on the right bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, where he had often seen
+the skeletons (las calaveras, the corpses) washed out of the cliffs and
+strewn about. At Mrs. Kozlowski's, this also appeared to be a known
+fact; but an examination of the creek banks showed no trace of bones,
+and showed no other structures except the mound already mentioned on the
+left shore. In the cliffs of the basin which I have now described I met
+with the first sign of what Sr. Ruiz called "El Campo-Santo de los
+Indios, antes que fuéron Cristianos." Still it is not at all positive,
+because the surface of the level west of the bluff shows extensive but
+flat and low mounds, covered with stones used for building, and with
+painted pottery, showing that at least adjoining the human remains a
+very large building, if not several, had stood at some very remote time.
+The wall would then stand towards that ancient structure in the same
+relation as the mound or chamber _V_ stands towards the ruin _A_ on the
+_mesilla_; and it would indicate the custom on the part of their
+inhabitants of burying their dead around their houses, or at least in
+sight of the rising sun, and in little chambers of stone. This view is
+corroborated by the statement of Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos, that at a
+place which I have marked _a_ (therefore to the north of the wall) he
+dug out, very near the edge of the bluff, a stone grave, and with it a
+human skeleton. The grave was a rectangle, walled up on four sides, with
+stones on the top and no floor. The western side was rounded, so as to
+present the following plan:--
+
+[Illustration: Grave]
+
+In it lay the skeleton, two feet below the soil, the feet pointing
+eastward. The length of the chamber was about one third of a large man's
+body; the head lay at the west end, amongst the bones of the chest. It
+had therefore been buried in a sitting posture facing the rising
+sun.[127] Along with the body arrow-heads were found, and pieces of
+tanned deerskin, such as are still worn by the Indians. Of course, all
+traces of the skull, etc., have since disappeared.
+
+While this conversation was taking place, the partner of Mr. Walters,
+Sr. Juan Basa y Salazar, came in, and the question of the great bell
+(which I have already mentioned) came up for discussion. All the parties
+assured me that this bell formerly belonged to the church of Pecos, and
+that after the outbreak of 1680 the Indians carried it up into their
+winter pueblo, on the top of the high mesa, where it broke and they left
+it. The positive assertion that the winter pueblo of the Pecos tribe was
+about 2,000 feet higher than the great ruins on the _mesilla_--that
+these ruins themselves were but their summer houses--was very startling.
+It appeared incredible that the Indians should have left their
+comfortable quarters in the coldest season to look for shelter in the
+highest and coldest places of the whole region. Still, my informants
+being old residents and candid men, with certainly no intention to
+deceive me, and there being besides confused reports of the existence of
+ruins on the mesa current among the people of the valley, I resolved to
+devote my last day to a rapid reconnoissance of the elevated plateau.
+Therefore, after a visit to the Plaza de Pecos, on the 5th of September,
+where the Rev. Father Léon Mailluchet confirmed the reports about the
+winter houses on the mesa, I set out (always on foot) on the morning of
+the 6th, Mr. Thomas Munn having volunteered to be my guide.
+
+We followed the railroad track downwards, and about a mile and a half
+south of Baughl's, east of the track, met a tolerably large mound. At
+the station of Kingman, four miles from Baughl's, there is also a ruined
+stone house, rectangular, but smaller than any one of those on the
+_mesilla_.[128] I had no time to make any survey. We went along the
+railroad for one mile farther, then struck to the S. W. across a
+recently cultivated but abandoned field, and finally reached the apron
+of gravelly clay and locas skirting the high mesa. Here Mr. Munn assured
+me were the remains of stone structures all along for miles, and
+especially stone graves. Of the latter he had seen "hundreds." He
+described them exactly as Mr. Walters had, and as I had found the pit in
+mound V, and described the position of the skeleton also as if sitting
+with the face to the east. We soon came to a walled ruin 6 m. × 6 m. or
+20 ft. × 20 ft., the walls composed of sandstone,--a range of rubble
+blocks very much ruined,--a _piñon_ having a diameter of 0.45 m.--18
+in.--shooting up from the interior. 50 m.--165 ft.--further north a
+clearly defined estufa is seen, 4 m.--13 ft.--across, with stone walls 1
+m.--3 ft. 3 in.--in width. The apron of the mesa is overgrown with fine
+pines. Thence, following a tie-shoot, we ascended very nearly
+vertically, about 1,000 feet at least, to the top. Here already the view
+to the E. and S. was magnificent; but the air was light and chilly.
+Thunder-clouds were hovering N. and E., rain-streaks pouring down on the
+Sierra de Tecolote, and soon a heavy cloud formed south of us, while
+others were slowly nearing from the N.E. The mesa dips or slants
+decidedly to the W. and S.W.; the strata on its surface are tilted up to
+a high pitch, and appear to be almost vertical. The ground is very
+rocky, covered with high _piñon_.
+
+Notwithstanding the steadily nearing thunder, we plunged to the S.W.,
+past the tie-camp of Mr. Keno, and soon struck the source of an arroyo
+in a rocky, desolate hollow, pines shooting up in and around it. There,
+on its left bank, were the foundations of a stone structure 11 m. × 3
+m.--36 ft. × 10 ft. About three miles from the edge of the mesa, in a
+still wilder _cañada_, where there is no space nor site for any abode
+around, the bell was found. There is no trace of any "winter house"
+here,--not even on the entire mesa; and the bell was left there, not
+because its carriers there remained, but because it dropped there and
+broke. Who these carriers were I shall discuss further on; at all
+events, they were not the Indians of Pecos. This _cañada_ is the
+entrance to a gorge descending directly towards the pueblo of
+Galisteo.[129] Meanwhile the clouds had accumulated over our heads,
+sharp thunder-claps and icy blasts preceding the storm. It was of short
+duration, but as the hail fell thickly we were thoroughly pelted and wet
+before again reaching the camp, glad to enjoy the hospitality and hot
+coffee of its inmates. At one P.M. the sun shone again, and we started
+(this time to the north) along the border of the mesa. Vegetation is
+here more exuberant than in the valley of Pecos. Not only do tall pines
+grow everywhere, but there is a thick undergrowth of _encina_; the Yucca
+is large and green, mountain sage covers the soil, and grassy levels are
+dotted with flowers. Animal life, also, is more vigorous and more
+varied. Whereas in the valley crows and turkey-buzzards alone enliven
+the air, and there are scarcely any beetles; up here there is deer and
+turkey, and the gray wolf; jays and magpies flutter through the
+thickets, and the horned lizard is met with occasionally. The pith of
+the pine-trees attracts a large species of buprestis, and lepidopteræ
+are quite common. But there is not the least vestige of former human
+dwellings, so far as I could see: the top of the mesa of Pecos is, and
+was, a wilderness. It may have been the hunting-grounds of the tribe
+even in winter, but as for their exchanging their large pueblo at the
+bottom for a residence on the top it is very much as if the good people
+of New York City should spend Christmas week on the Catskill Range, or
+the Bostonians take winter quarters on Mount Monadnock. We followed the
+crest of the mesa for nearly four miles, ascending two of its highest
+tops. They are steep, denuded, and craggy. Beneath them vertical ledges
+descend in amphitheatres. From the highest point the horizon to the
+south appears unbounded. Like a small cone, the peak of Bernal seems to
+guard the lowest end of the Valley of Pecos. Over this vale rain-clouds
+still cast their shadows, and distant thunder muttered behind the Owl
+Mountains and the high Sierras in the north. To the west and south-west
+are almost unlimited expanses of slope, dark green pineries, and grassy
+spots. The bold outline of the Sandia Mountains looms up stately beyond
+it. Even the distant Sierra de Jemez protrudes. Between it and the
+northern limits of the mesa lies, far off yet, the city of Santa Fé.
+
+The mesa is mostly yellow sandstone, but its highest points are capped
+with red; therefore the name of "Cerro amarillo" often applied to it.
+Through a gorge worn in the rock, and on an almost perpendicular
+"burro-trail," we finally descended to the apron of the plateau,
+surrounded during our descent by scenery as weird and wild as any of the
+lower Alps of Switzerland. On the lower edge of the apron, a mile and a
+half north of Kingman, and half a mile from the railroad track, we
+struck again several ruins. They were partitioned rectangles, very
+similar in size and in condition to the foundations seen south of the
+old church of Pecos, and, like those, utterly devoid of fragments of
+pottery. Along their eastern line, and inside of the walls, there
+appeared little square heaps of stones. These were the graves of which
+my guide had spoken, and their position is exactly similar to that of
+those near and at the pueblo itself.[130]
+
+My time was up, however, and I could not stop to explore them. I
+therefore returned to Baughl's, and thence to Santa Fé, with the firm
+determination to revisit Pecos at a future day, and then do what I was
+compelled reluctantly to leave undone this time. Should, in the mean
+time, some archæologist explore the same locality, correct my errors,
+and unravel the mysteries hovering about the place, I heartily wish him
+as much pleasure and quiet enjoyment as I have had during my ten days'
+work, in which the dream of a life has at last begun its realization.
+Before, however, turning to the close of my report, which will embody
+scraps of history gathered about the place, remarks on the customs and
+arts of its former inhabitants, and general reflections, I must express
+my thanks here to a few gentlemen not yet named in this "personal
+narrative." Besides Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, who kindly assisted me for
+the first two days, Mr. G. C. Bennet, the skilful photographer, of whose
+ability his work is telling, has been for two days a pleasant and
+welcome companion. Last, but certainly not least, I thank Mr. John D.
+McRae, not only for his assistance free of expense to the Institute in
+many important mechanical matters, but especially for the solicitude
+with which he has watched my work and looked to my comforts, and for the
+great store of information I have gathered from his conversation.
+
+
+HISTORY.
+
+My survey of the grounds occupied by the aboriginal ruins in the valley
+of the Pecos indicates, as I have already stated, three epochs,
+successive probably in time, in which they have been occupied by man;
+that is, I have noticed these, and beyond these I have not been able to
+go as yet. Subsequent explorers may be more fortunate. This distinction,
+or rather classification, is very imperfect in the two earlier stages,
+and even arbitrary; but between the second and the last there is a
+marked break,--not in time, but in ethnological development. I shall
+term the three epochs as follows:--
+
+1. Pre-traditional. (Indicated by the presence of the corrugated and
+indented pottery as its most conspicuous "land-mark.")
+
+2. Traditional and documentary. (Documents in the sense of written
+records.)
+
+3. Documentary period.
+
+
+THE PRE-TRADITIONAL PERIOD.
+
+I have not been able to detect as yet among the confused traditions
+current about the pueblo of Pecos any tale concerning occupation of
+their grounds by human beings prior to the settlement of which the ruins
+now bear testimony. It is true that the proper traditions of the tribe
+of Pecos are now preserved only at the pueblo of Jemez, about eighty
+miles N.W. of Pecos and fifty miles W. of Santa Fé, and that I have not
+as yet visited that place.[131] But it must be remembered that I now
+report "up to date," and that subsequent information will, or at least
+should, come in time.
+
+My reason for admitting a pre-traditional period is, then, simply that I
+have found human remains at Pecos older than those of the present ruins
+and different in kind. These remains, as it may already have been
+inferred from the "personal narrative," are those found on the west side
+of the arroyo, in the basin (or rather the bank encircling it) opposite
+the rock carvings.
+
+One fact is certain, the human bones, the walls protruding from the
+banks, and the grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, are all above the layer
+of white ashes, charcoal, corncobs, and corrugated pottery found as a
+continuous seam along an extent of over 100 m.--327 ft.--from N. to S.
+Consequently, the walls and graves must have been built over these
+remains of a people which appears to have made indented and corrugated
+pottery alone, and consequently also the latter must be older in time
+than the former. It does not appear that the sedentary Indians of New
+Mexico ever made, within traditional and documentary times, any other
+than the painted pottery in greater or less degree of perfection. Even
+Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, when he made his inroad into New Mexico in
+1590, mentions at the first pueblo which he conquered: "They have much
+pottery,--red, figured, and black,--platters, caskets, salters,
+bowls.... Some of the pottery was glazed."[132] The corrugated and
+indented pottery, as I am assured by Sr. Vigil, is rarely met with over
+New Mexico, except at old ruined pueblos, and only when digging (en
+cavando).[133] I feel, therefore, justified in assuming it to have been
+the manufactured ware of a people distinct from the Pecos tribe or the
+pueblo Indians of New Mexico in general, and their predecessors in point
+of time. This pottery, however, is frequently met with among the cliff
+dwellings of the Rio Mancos and in Utah.[134] Its relation, then, to the
+painted pottery has, as far as I know, not yet been investigated.
+
+But what could have been the purpose in covering originally a space of
+over 100 m.--327 ft.--in length with the products of combustion and
+fragments of one and the same industry in such a manner as to form an
+uninterrupted layer of 0.45 m.--18 in.--at least in thickness? Those who
+subsequently buried their dead over the seam certainly did not collect
+these ashes and spread them there as a floor on which they rested their
+structures afterwards. The combustion of a large wooden building would
+not have given the same uniformity on such a large scale. Sr. Vigil has
+suggested to me the following very plausible explanation: In order to
+burn or bake their pottery, the present pueblo Indians of New Mexico
+build large but low hearths on the ground of small wood, sticks, and
+other inflammable rubbish and refuse, on which they place the newly
+formed articles, and then set the floor on fire, until the whole is
+thoroughly burnt. Fragments of broken objects, etc., are not removed.
+The combustible material is thus reduced to ashes, and the broken pieces
+remain within them; their convex surfaces, of course, falling outwards,
+and thus resting on the floor. In this manner a thick layer of ashes
+and charcoal, with pottery, is easily formed. These "hogueras" are still
+from 20 to 40 feet in diameter; but, as they accommodate themselves to
+the size of the pueblo, it is certain that they were formerly much
+larger. The analogy between such a "potters'-field" and the layer in
+question is very striking, and the inference appears likely that the
+people who made this corrugated and indented pottery made it in the same
+manner as the pueblo Indians now make their painted ware, and as they
+made it at the time of the conquest.
+
+These very old manufacturers of indented ceramics were also a
+horticultural people, for they raised Indian corn. The cob found in the
+ashes, or rather cut out with the knife at some distance inside the
+bluff, is charred and small. To what variety of Zea it belongs the
+specialist must decide.
+
+I hold it to be utterly useless, and even improper, on my part to
+speculate any further on these "pre-traditional" people. Perhaps I have
+already said too much. Excavations alone can throw further light on the
+subject.
+
+
+THE TRADITIONAL AND DOCUMENTARY PERIOD.
+
+The term "traditional" is applied to this period, because the people
+occupying the site of Old Pecos have left some traditions behind them,
+and not because we know when it commenced. In fact, I am much inclined
+to divide it, for the sake of convenience, into two periods again, one
+of which includes the occupation of the area within the circumvallation
+and its necessary annexes (field, etc.), whereas the other includes the
+area without. Of the former, we have definite knowledge in regard to its
+inhabitants; of the latter, we have none whatever. It is therefore also
+pre-traditional as yet. Nevertheless, I have included it in the second
+epoch, as its ruins indicate that its people possessed arts identical
+with those of the present pueblo Indians. Their pottery, wherever
+exposed, was painted, figured, and vitrified in places; its
+ornamentation is exactly similar to that of the pottery of the interior
+area, and different from that of Zuñi. They used flint, but no trace of
+obsidian is found. This may be purely accidental; still, why should it
+occur at three places so totally different in regard to erosion and
+abrasion as the slope south of the church, the west bank of the creek
+directly opposite, and, if thorough examination should confirm the
+results of my cursory observations, the apron of the high mesa? The
+graves, wherever found, are identical with those of the _mesilla_; the
+plan of building, and consequently of living,[135] appears similar to
+that exhibited in houses _A_ and _B_; the material used is the same, but
+the walls are more ruinous, and apparently of a much older date. The
+inference is therefore not unreasonable, that the inhabitants of the
+three areas named, as outside of the great circumvallation, were of the
+kind now called "pueblo Indians," who preceded the tribe of Pecos proper
+in point of time. It is not improbable that one or the other of these
+ruins may have been erected by the Pecos themselves before they settled
+on the mesilla. Still, there is neither proof nor disproval of this
+surmise extant.
+
+There appears to be also a slight difference between the different ruins
+of this period themselves. The ruins south of the church and those along
+the mesa are similar, in that they are more ruined, and not covered with
+_débris_, and in that their surfaces are also devoid of pottery. The
+space west of the creek has pottery and also heaps of rubbish, and I
+therefore conclude that it was the most recent of the three
+locations,--or at least the one last abandoned. To it must be added the
+small mound or promontory found further south on the east bank of the
+arroyo. One fact is certain: all these places were deserted, and perhaps
+as badly ruined as now, at the time when Coronado first visited
+Pecos.[136] (The partial removal of the surface material may have been
+effected by the Pecos Indians themselves in order to build their own
+houses.)
+
+Referring now to the inhabitants of the two houses, whose ruins are
+situated on the mesilla, north of the church, it is a thoroughly
+well-authenticated fact that they spoke the same language as the Indians
+of the pueblo of Jemez. Jemez lies 80 miles N.W. of Pecos, beyond the
+Rio Grande. It is possible that the Pecos Indians came to the valley
+from that direction. But it is singular that, while there are no other
+settlements speaking this same idiom but Jemez and Pecos, these two
+pueblos should be separated, as early as at Coronado's time (1540), by
+three distinct linguistical stocks, different from theirs and lying
+across, intervening between them. Directly W. of Pecos the Queres, S.W.
+the Tanos, N.W. the Tehuas--all at war with the Jemez and the Pecos, and
+often with each other--lay like a barrier between the latter two. The
+point is an interesting one, as the pueblo of Pecos defines (together
+with Taos at the north) the utmost easterly limit to which the pueblo
+Indians seem to have penetrated.
+
+Who were first in the valley of the Rio Grande? Did the Queres, Tanos,
+Tehuas, etc., drive out the Pecos, then already settled to the S.W.,
+into the Sierra, or did the Pecos, migrating from Jemez, force their
+passage through the other tribes? I conjecture that the Jemez, etc.,
+were the first; that they migrated down the Rio Grande, and on the same
+area, between Sandía to the S. and Santa Fé, were gradually displaced by
+the others successively coming in,--one branch, the Jemez, recoiling
+into the mountains towards San Diego;[137] the other, the Pecos, driven
+up the cañon of San Cristóbal,[138] and finally, when the Tanos moved up
+into that valley, crossing over to the valley of Pecos.
+
+This is to a great extent conjecture; still there are other singular
+indications. I give them with due reserve, however, formally protesting
+against any imputation that they are intended for anything else than to
+suggest problems for future study.
+
+According to my friend Mr. A. S. Gatchet, of Washington, D. C., an
+excellent linguist, the Tanos and the inhabitants of Isleta, the most
+southerly pueblo on the Rio Grande still occupied, speak the same
+language.[139] The same is asserted here, as a known fact, to be the
+case with the Taos and the Picuries in the north, and the Isletas at the
+south. If this be true, then the supposition that the Queres and Tehuas
+are the latest intrusive stock would become a certainty. More than that:
+the Tanos prior to 1680, had their chief pueblo at San Cristóbal, N. E.
+of Galisteo, on the slope of the mesa of Pecos. They also had become
+dispossessed of the Rio Grande valley, and divided into (originally)
+two branches,--the Picuries and Taos north, and the Tanos, of Galisteo,
+east. Isleta itself is a later agglomeration.[140] There being no pueblo
+E. and S. E. of Pecos, then it appears that the Jemez, or rather Emmes,
+were the first migration, the Tanos the second, and the Queres and
+Tehuas the last.
+
+The earliest traditions of the Pecos are preserved to us by Pedro de
+Castañeda, one of the eye-witnesses and chroniclers of Coronado's
+"march" in 1540. They told him that, five or six years (?) before the
+arrival of the Spaniards, a roaming tribe called the "Teyas" (Yutas) had
+ravaged the surroundings of their pueblo, and even, though fruitlessly,
+attempted to capture it.[141] This tribe was afterwards met by Coronado
+in the plains to the N.E. and E.[142]
+
+Another tradition, very well known,--so well, indeed, that it has given
+to the name of the unlucky "capitan de la guerra" of the ancient
+Mexicans the honorific title of an aboriginal "cultus-hero,"--is that of
+Montezuma.
+
+I hope, at some future time, to be able to give some further information
+on this Spanish-Mexican importation. Suffice it to say for the present,
+that not a single one of the numerous chronicles and reports about New
+Mexico, up to the year 1680, mentions the Montezuma story! The word
+itself, Mon-te-zuma, is a corruption of the Mexican word
+"Mo-tecu-zoma,"--literally, "my wrathy chief,"--which corruption that
+eminently "reliable gentleman," Bernal Diez de Castillo, is to be
+thanked for. He wrote in 1568.[143]
+
+What the Indians themselves say of this tale I have not as yet
+ascertained; but the people of the valley all assert that the people of
+the pueblo believe in it,--that they even affirmed that Montezuma was
+born at Pecos; that he wore golden shoes, and left for Mexico, where,
+for the sake of these valuable brogans, he was ruthlessly slaughtered.
+They further say that, when he left Pecos, he commanded that the holy
+fire should be kept burning till his return, in testimony whereof the
+sacred embers were kept aglow till 1840, and then transferred to Jemez.
+
+There is one serious point in the whole story, and that is the
+illustration how an evident mixture of a name with the Christian faith
+in a personal redeemer, and dim recollections of Coronado's presence and
+promise to return,[144] could finally take the form of a mythological
+personage. In this respect, for the study of mythology in general, it is
+of great importance. That the sacred fire had, originally, nothing at
+all to do with the Montezuma legend is amply proven by the earliest
+reports.
+
+It will also become interesting to ascertain in the future how many
+pueblos, and which, concede to Pecos the honor of being the birthplace
+of that famed individual, and how many, as is the case with other great
+folks in more civilized communities, claim the same honor for
+themselves.
+
+I cannot, therefore, attach to the Montezuma tale any historical
+importance whatever,--not even a traditional value.
+
+Of course, Castañeda reports the story which every Indian tribe tells
+of themselves; namely, that the Pecos Indians were the bravest and the
+most warlike of the pueblos, and that in every encounter they were
+always victorious.[145]
+
+Historical data, founded upon positive written records, begin for Pecos
+towards the fall of the year 1540, when Francisco Vasquez de Coronado,
+then at Zuñi or Cibola, sent the Captain Hernando de Alvarado with
+twenty men to visit a village called "Cicuyé."[146] Indians from that
+village, "situated seventy leagues towards the east"[147] from Zuñi, had
+visited the latter town, and offered to the Spanish leader "tanned
+hides, shields, and helmets." The hides were buffalo-robes, for the
+woolly hair was still on them.[148] Alvarado reached Cicuyé, passing, as
+I have elsewhere stated, through Acoma and Bernalillo. I have already
+identified Cicuyé with Pecos. Besides the proofs already given, a few
+descriptive abstracts from the report of Castañeda will add to the
+strength of the evidence:--
+
+(p. 71.) "Five days' journeys further, Alvarado reached Cicuyé, a
+well-fortified village, whose houses are four stories high."
+
+(p. 176.) "It is built on the summit of a rock. It forms a great square,
+in the centre of which are the _estufas_." (Compare general description
+and diagrams.)
+
+(p. 177) "The village is surrounded besides by a stone wall of rather
+low height. There is a spring which might be cut off."
+
+In regard to the wall, I refer to the plans and descriptions; as for the
+spring, it trickles out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west
+side of the arroyo, nearly opposite to the field. Its water, slightly
+alkaline, is still limpid and cool, and a great source of comfort. The
+sketch upon the next page will give an idea of its appearance.
+
+[Illustration: Spring]
+
+There is no trace of work about it. At sunset of the 3d of September,
+Mr. Bennet and I saw a herd of many hundred sheep and goats driven to
+this spring by Mexicans for water, although the creek still had a fillet
+of clear water running, and the pond in the old field was filled nearly
+to its brim; they still preferred the old source.
+
+Finally, it must be borne in mind, that the name of Pecos, in the
+language of its former inhabitants and of those of Jemez, is "Âqiu," and
+that, in an anonymous report of the expedition of Coronado from the year
+1541, Cicuyé is spelt Acuique.[149]
+
+Castañeda gives some few details concerning the mode of life and the
+customs of the inhabitants. Aside from those which I have already
+mentioned, he notices the ladders (p. 176); that at night the
+inhabitants kept watch on the walls, the guard calling each other by
+means of "trumpets" (p. 179); that the unmarried females went naked
+until their marriage (p. 177); that the pueblo could muster 500 warriors
+(p. 176); and finally, that it was situated in a narrow valley in the
+midst of mountains covered with pines, and traversed by a small river
+where excellent trout is caught; very large otters, bears, and good
+hawks are found there (p. 179). The inhabitants received Alvarado with
+the sound of "drums and flutes, similar to fifes, which they use often."
+They presented to him a great quantity of cloth and turquoises, which
+are common in this province (p. 72). I must here add that the turquoise
+mines of "Serrillos" are, in a direct line, only about twenty miles
+nearly west of Pecos, in a country between the former pueblos of the
+Tanos and those of the Tehuas. I have seen splendid specimens of the
+mineral from that locality, and Mr. Thurston found and I have sent on a
+perforated bead of bluish color which he picked up among the rubbish of
+the house _B_.
+
+When, in 1543, Coronado left Nuevo México with his whole army to return
+to Mexico, two ecclesiastics remained there,--Fray Juan de Padilla, who
+was subsequently killed by the Indians near Gran Quivira,[150] and a lay
+brother called Luis, who took up his abode at Pecos. Before Coronado
+left Bernalillo ("Tiguex"), he sent to brother Luis the remainder of the
+sheep. He was then of good cheer, but still expected to be killed some
+day by the old men of the tribe, who hated him, although the people were
+friendly to him in general.[151] Nothing was afterward heard of him.
+Thus Pecos was the first "mission" in New Mexico; perhaps, also, the
+first place where domestic quadrupeds became introduced.
+
+Forty years elapse before we again hear of Pecos. The unfortunate
+father, Augustin Ruiz, who, in 1581, attempted to convert the pueblos,
+did not reach further north than Puaray, where the Tiguas killed him,
+with his two companions.[152] But Antonio de Espejo, who, with fourteen
+soldiers, explored New Mexico in 1582 and 1583, visited Pecos. There can
+be no doubt but that the pueblos of the "Hubates"--two journeyings of
+six leagues to the east of the "Quires"--are the Pecos and the "Tamos,"
+the Tanos.[153] Espejo is very liberal in his estimates: he gives to the
+"Hubates" five towns with 25,000 inhabitants, and to the "Tamos" even
+40,000 souls. He says they had cotton cloth; he also says there was much
+good pine and cedar in their country, and that their houses were four
+and five stories high. His visit to the pueblo was of very short
+duration.
+
+In 1590, Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, "being then Lieutenant-Governor and
+Captain-General of the kingdom of New Leon," made a raid into New
+Mexico. It is possible that the pueblo which he came to on the 11th
+January, 1591, may have been Pecos.[154]
+
+The "Spanish conquest of New Mexico" proper took place in the years 1597
+and 1598, under Don Juan de Oñate. He met with little opposition, and
+his conquest amounted to little else than a military occupation,
+followed by the foundation of Santa Fé. On the 25th of July, 1598, he
+went to "the great pueblo of Pecos,"[155] and on the 9th of September,
+1598, in the "principal _estufa_" of the pueblo of San Juan, the Pecos
+pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain. On the same occasion, Fray
+Francisco de San Miguel became the first regular priest of the
+pueblo.[156] Here terminates the second period of the second epoch; and
+the last one begins where the history of the Pecos tribe, whatever is
+left of it, becomes almost exclusively documentary.[157]
+
+Before, however, leaving this period, I must recall here two facts
+elicited by the reports of the forays and travels above mentioned. One
+is, that the Pecos Indians, however warlike they may have been towards
+outsiders, still were of an orderly, gentle disposition in every-day
+intercourse. This is a natural consequence of their organization and
+degree of development. The other and more important one is, that Pecos
+was the most easterly pueblo in existence in 1540, and that even at that
+time it was quite alone.
+
+Castañeda says (p. 188): "In order to understand how the country is
+inhabited in the centre of the mountains, we must remember that from
+Chichilticah, where they begin, there are eighty leagues; thence to
+Cicuyé, which is the last village, they reckon seventy leagues, and
+thirty from Cicuyé to the beginning of the plains."
+
+Juan Jaramillo, another eye-witness of "Coronado's march," intimates a
+similar fact.[158]
+
+In regard to Pecos being "quite alone," Castañeda is positive; so is
+Juan de Oñate, who received and registered its submission. It is true,
+however, that Castañeda mentions a small pueblo as subject to Cicuyé,
+which pueblo, however, he says was half destroyed at his time. He
+locates it "between the road and the Sierra Nevada."[159] This may have
+been the small ruin noticed near Kingman.
+
+These facts are very interesting in their bearings upon the older ruins
+of Pecos. It goes far towards furnishing additional proof that they were
+indeed abandoned and decayed already in 1540. In regard to building _B_,
+it is ignored in the reports, _A_, with its vast court and its
+_estufas_, claiming exclusive attention. Still there is no room left for
+doubt that _B_ was occupied during this period. But it is evident, from
+the statements of the eye-witnesses, that _A_ was the principal abode of
+the Pecos tribe in 1540 and afterwards.
+
+
+THE DOCUMENTARY PERIOD,
+
+commencing in 1598, and running up to the present time. Here we should
+be entitled to find, of course, ample and detailed documentary evidence.
+Two unfortunate occurrences, however, have contributed to destroy the
+records of the territory of New Mexico.
+
+In the month of August, 1680, when the pueblo Indians rose in successful
+revolt against the Spanish rule, and captured the "villa" of Santa Fé,
+they brought the archives, ecclesiastical and civil, into the plaza, and
+made a bonfire of the entire pile. This was an act of barbarous warfare.
+But few papers escaped the general destruction; these were saved by
+Governor Don Antonio de Otermin, and sent to El Paso del Norte, where
+they are still supposed to remain. We are, therefore, as far as the
+period of 1598-1680 is concerned, almost exclusively reduced to general
+works like the "Teatro Mexicano" of Fray Augustin de Vetancurt, and to
+the collections of documents published at Mexico and at Madrid. That,
+nevertheless, some documents were saved, and subsequently carried back
+to Santa Fé, is proved by the fact that Mr. Louis Felsenthal, of this
+city, has recovered one, a copy of which it is hoped will appear in the
+Journal of the Institute in time.
+
+Subsequent to the return of the Spaniards, the archives of Santa Fé
+were kept in good order by its administrators, the last revision thereof
+being made by Governor Donaciano Vigil. In 1870, however, the man who
+then acted as Governor of the Territory, although otherwise of
+irreproachable character, permitted an act of vandalism almost without
+its parallel. The archives had accumulated in the palace to a vast
+extent: the original good order in which they were kept had been totally
+neglected during and since the war of secession; there was not even a
+custodian for them. So the head of the executive of this territory
+suffered its archives to be sold as waste paper, even sometimes used as
+kindling in the offices. Of the entire carefully nursed documentary
+treasures, the accumulation of 190 years, the Hon. Samuel Ellison, of
+this city (notwithstanding his feeble health), has been able to register
+about fifty bundles (_legajos_), whereas wagon-loads were scattered or
+sold for wrapping.
+
+Many of the intelligent inhabitants attempted to save what they could,
+and there are some who succeeded to a limited extent; but of what yet
+remained in the palace, reduced to a sufficiently small bulk as not to
+be "in the way" any longer, even the valuable journals of Otermin and
+Vargas were considerably reduced through further decay.
+
+This has been, in times of profound peace and in the nineteenth century,
+the fate of the archives of New Mexico.
+
+Ever since, the legislature of the territory has been, in fact, utterly
+neglectful of its public documents. Each and every reminder in the shape
+of a petition has been disregarded, and only Governor L. Wallace has at
+last succeeded in having them overhauled. Hon. W. G. Ritch effected
+their removal to a suitable place, and it is to the acts of these
+gentlemen, and to the labor of love of Mr. Ellison, that we owe the
+preservation of what now remains.
+
+What little documentary evidence has, therefore, been left at my
+disposal, contains, as might be supposed, meagre information concerning
+the pueblo of Pecos. The older church annals I have not been able to
+find, for those at the Plaza de Pecos date back only to 1862. Whither
+they have gone I am unable to tell, except that they are not at Santa
+Fé.
+
+About the year 1628, through the action of Fray Francisco de
+Apodaca,[160] then Commissary-General of the Franciscan order in Mexico,
+religious life in this territory obtained a new impulse. Until then the
+work performed had been almost exclusively missionary work; the priests
+had (and still have) enormous districts to visit. Thus: that of the
+first priest of Pecos embraced from N. to S. a country of over 60 miles
+long, and 30 to 50 wide from E. to W. However, after Fray Gerónimo de
+Zarate Salmeron had addressed to his superior at Mexico his remarkable
+report in the year 1626,[161] a new life began. It is therefore after
+1629 that the large church at Pecos was erected, but I am as yet unable
+to give the exact dates. This church and the "convent" were both built
+by Indians, whom the fathers had taught to square timbers, to ornament
+them with simple friezes and scroll-work, and to make adobe in the
+manner now practised, namely, mixing straw with the clay and moulding it
+in boxes. They were also taught to grow wheat and oats, and their flocks
+increased. In addition to being a horticultural people they became
+herders, and the pueblo was prosperous. Its church was renowned as the
+finest in New Mexico.[162] Whereas Santa Fé, in 1667, had but 250
+inhabitants,[163] Pecos, as late as 1680, sheltered 2,000 Indians.[164]
+
+Still, during this very time of comparative prosperity, a storm was
+brewing in New Mexico, from whose effects its sedentary Indians never
+recovered. This was the great rebellion of 1680. The Indians of Pecos
+claim to have remained neutral during that bloody massacre, and I am
+inclined to believe their statements. Nevertheless, it is a positive
+fact that, on the 10th of August of the aforesaid year, their priest,
+Fray Fernando de Velasco, was murdered and their church sacked.[165] By
+whom, then, was it done? The reply is intimated by the place where the
+great bell was found, and by the events intervening between 1680 and
+1692, when Diego de Vargas recaptured Santa Fé. It will be remembered
+that the bell was left on the slope of the high mesa towards the S.W.,
+in the rocky and desolate gorge descending towards the pueblo San
+Cristóbal, the old home of the Tanos tribe.[166] Father José Amanda Niel
+writes, about twenty-five or thirty years after the rebellion, that the
+Tanos secured the greatest part of the booty, among which were bells
+(_campanas_).[167] That this bell was not carried to the high _mesa_ by
+the Pecos I believe I have proved; its proximity to the Tanos village,
+and its actual position in the _cañada_ leading towards the latter,
+shows that it was either to be carried down to it or carried up from it.
+If it is (as current report has it) the bell of Pecos, then it was a
+trophy which the Tanos secured when they, on the 10th of August, 1680,
+committed the atrocities at the pueblo of Pecos; and this would make it
+extremely probable, also, that the slaughter of Father Velasco was
+accompanied by that partial destruction of the buildings _A_ and B_,_
+which I have described, and which appears to have been partly repaired
+by means of material taken from the church, and of adobe containing
+wheat-straw. This is rendered more likely by the events subsequent to
+the driving out of the Spaniards, and it does not appear that the Pecos
+Indians took any part even in their expulsion.
+
+After the victorious aborigines had returned from their pursuit of
+Otermin, dissensions arose among them, and intertribal warfare, in
+conformity with their pristine condition, set in. The Pecos, aided by
+the Queres, made a violent onslaught on the Tanos, compelling them to
+abandon San Cristóbal and San Lázaro.[168] This looks very much like an
+act of retaliation. During that time the Spaniards were not idle. In
+1682, Governor Otermin penetrated as far as Cochiti,[169] but appears to
+have taken no notice of Pecos. In 1689, however, Don Domingo Gironza
+Petroz de Cruzate made a successful raid into New Mexico, in which raid
+the warriors of Pecos assisted him against the other tribes. In reward
+of their services he, on the 25th of September, 1689, after his return
+to El Paso del Norte, executed there the document a copy of which is
+hereto appended, and for which I am indebted to the kindness of my
+friend David J. Miller, Esq., chief clerk of the Surveyor General's
+Office at Santa Fé. It is a grant to the tribe of Pecos of all the lands
+one league north, south, east, and west from their pueblo ("una legua en
+cuadro"), therefore four square leagues, or 18,763-33/100 acres, to be
+therefore their joint and common property. When, therefore, in the
+afternoon of the 17th of October, 1692, Diego de Vargas Zapata, having
+recaptured Santa Fé from the Tanos who then held its ruins,[170] moved
+upon Pecos, he was received by the whole tribe with demonstrations of
+joy,[171] and the "capitan de la guerra" of the pueblo afterwards
+assisted him in subduing a second outbreak in 1694.[172]
+
+The result for the pueblos of the great revolt in New Mexico was a
+gradual diminution in the numbers of their inhabitants. It was the
+beginning of decline. The Tanos had been in some places nearly
+exterminated, and all the others more or less weakened.[173] The distant
+Moqui, far off in Arizona, were the sole gainers by the occurrence,
+receiving accessions from fugitives of New Mexico.[174] But it would be
+incorrect to attribute this weakening of the pueblos during that time to
+the warfare with the Spaniards, or to the latter's retaliatory measures
+after final triumph. Vargas was energetic in action, but not cruel. A
+few of those who had committed peculiar atrocities were executed, but
+the remnants of the pueblos were reestablished in their franchises and
+privileges as autonomous communities. It is the intertribal warfare,
+which commenced again as soon as the aborigines were left to themselves,
+and drouth accompanying the bitter and bloody feuds, which destroyed the
+pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley.[175] The Pecos, isolated and therefore
+less exposed, suffered proportionately less; still, their time was come
+also, though in a different way.[176]
+
+I have already stated that, in the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+the Utes introduced near the pueblo of Taos another branch of the great
+Shoshone stock,--the _Comanches_. This tribe soon expelled the
+Apaches,[177] who had not been exceedingly troublesome to the pueblos,
+and, a vigorous northern stock, became that fearful scourge of all the
+surrounding settlements, which they have continued to be for 150 years.
+Their efforts were mainly directed against the pueblo of Pecos, as the
+most south-easterly village exposed to their attacks. On one occasion
+the Comanches slaughtered all the "young men" of Pecos but one,--a blow
+from which the tribe never recovered. Thus, when the Indians of the Rio
+Grande rose in arms against the Mexicans in 1837, as has been so ably
+described by Mr. D. J. Miller,[178] the Pecos did not take any part, for
+there were only eighteen adults left, huddled together in the northern
+wing of the huge building _A_, and watching the sacred embers in the
+face of slow, inevitable destruction.
+
+Then, in the following year, 1838, an event took place which, simple and
+natural as it is, still illustrates forcibly the powerful link which the
+bond of language creates between distant Indian communities. The pueblos
+of Pecos and Jemez had been almost without intercourse for centuries;
+but in the year 1838, says Mariano Ruiz, the principal men of Jemez
+appeared in person on the site of Pecos and held a talk with its
+occupants. They had heard of the weakness of their brethren, of their
+forlorn condition, and now came to offer them a new home within the
+walls of their own pueblo. The Pecos took the proposal under
+consideration, but were loth to leave the home where they had lived for
+so many centuries. In the following year "mountain fever" broke out
+among them, and only five adults remained alive. These, by joint
+indentures, sold the majority of the lands granted to them in 1689 by
+Cruzate.[179] Another portion was left to Ruiz as "son of the tribe." In
+1840 these five men, named respectively Antonio (_gobernador_, and still
+living at Jemez), Gregorio, Goya, Juan Domingo, and Francisco, appeared
+before Don Manuel Armijo, then Mexican governor of the territory, and
+declared to him their intention to abandon their home and to seek refuge
+among their kindred at Jemez. Soon after, the _gobernador_, the _capitan
+de la guerra_ and the _cacique_ of Jemez, with several other Indians of
+that tribe, appeared at Pecos. The sacred embers disappeared, tradition
+being, according to the Hon. W. G. Ritch, Secretary of the Territory,
+that they were returned to Montezuma.[180] The remnants of the tribe
+moved on with their chattels, and guided by their friends, to Jemez,
+where, in a few months, I hope to visit "the last of the Pecos."
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.
+
+About the mythology of the Pecos Indians, aside from the Montezuma story
+and the sacred embers, the tale of the _Great Snake_ ("la vívora
+grande") appears to be widely circulated. It is positively asserted[181]
+that the Pecos adored, and the Jemez and Taos still adore, an enormous
+rattlesnake, which they keep alive in some inaccessible and hidden
+mountain recess. It is even dimly hinted at that human sacrifices might
+be associated with this already sufficiently hideous cult. I give these
+facts as they were given to me, and shall not believe them until I am
+compelled. It has always been the natural tendency in everything which
+(like the idolatrous practices still existing among the pueblos, of
+which there is no doubt) we do not positively know, to make bad look
+worse and good better than it actually is. The prospect of securing a
+knowledge of it is, however, not very good. The Indians themselves
+appear to deny it, and are generally very reticent about their
+aboriginal beliefs.
+
+I have previously mentioned that Ruiz had been called upon by the
+Indians of Pecos to do his duty by attending to the sacred fire for one
+year, and that he refused. The reason for his refusal appears to have
+been that there was a belief to the effect that any one who had ever
+attended to the embers would, if he left the tribe, die without fail,
+and he did not wish to expose himself to such a fate.
+
+About the social organization of the Pecos Indians, it has not been
+possible, of course, to ascertain anything as yet. That they lived on
+the communal plan is plainly shown by the construction of their houses.
+That they were originally, at least, organized into clans or _gentes_,
+can be inferred; but here I must remark that it may be difficult to
+trace those clusters among the Rio Grande pueblos, on account of their
+weakness in numbers, and of the intermixture of the Tehua, Tanos, and
+Queres stocks resulting from the convulsion of 1680. It may be possible,
+however, to find them at Jemez. They exist at Laguna and among the
+Moquis, according to Mr. Morgan, and I do not doubt but that Mr.
+Cushing, who is so thoroughly studying the Zuñi Indians, has by this
+time settled the question for that tribe. One fact, however, I consider
+to be ascertained; namely, that there were neither castes nor classes
+among the pueblos, therefore not at Pecos. At the head of their communal
+government were the usual three officers,--the _gobernador_, the
+_capitan de la guerra_, and the _cacique_. I am not quite clear yet as
+to the proper functions of each, except that the first two are both
+warriors ("ambos son guerreros," Ruiz); that the _capitan_ has also the
+supervision of the lands of the tribe; and that the _cacique_ is more or
+less a religious functionary. Mr. D. J. Miller states that the latter
+very seldom leaves the pueblo. It was therefore an unusual act when the
+_cacique_ of Jemez came to Pecos in 1840, and I presume it was brought
+about through his connection with the holy fire. I asked Sr. Ruiz very
+distinctly as to whether these three officers were elective or not, and
+he promptly affirmed that they were ("son elegidos por el pueblo"). I
+then inquired if the sons succeeded to the fathers in office, and his
+reply was that there was no objection to their being elected thereto if
+they were qualified ("si son buenos"). This disposes of the question of
+heredity in office, rank, and title, and it is almost identical with the
+customs found by Alonzo de Zuevita among the Indians of Mexico in the
+middle of the sixteenth century. How the presumable "gentes" of the
+Pecos might have localized for dwelling in the great communal houses I
+am, of course, unable to conjecture.
+
+In regard to their marriage customs, their mode of naming children,
+etc., I have not been able to gather much information as yet. The old
+marriage customs are supplanted by those of the church. Still, they may
+be traced up eventually. Every Pecos Indian had, besides his Spanish
+name, an Indian name; and there is, according to Mr. Ritch, still a
+Pecos Indian at Jemez whose aboriginal appellation is "Huaja-toya"
+(Spanish pronunciation). I heard of him this morning (Sept. 17) through
+an Indian of Jemez. What I know of their burials is already stated.
+
+Of their agriculture, or rather horticulture, I have also spoken; the
+modes of cultivation have not been explained to me as yet. Irrigation is
+therefore the only part of their tillage system upon which I have been
+able to gather any information. In addition to what the preceding pages
+may contain, Sr. Vigil has assured me that they also irrigated their
+_huerta_ from the _arroyo_. This thin fillet of clear water, now
+scarcely 0.50 m.--20 in.--in width, fills at times its entire gravelly
+bed, 100 m. to 150 m.--327 ft. to 490 ft.--from bank to bank. This does
+not occur annually, but at irregular intervals. Sr. Ruiz said that while
+the Pecos Indians were living at their pueblo the streams were filled
+with water ("en ese tiempo, corrieron los arroyos con agua, muy
+abundante"). It is further said that the tribe worked other "gardens"
+besides, on the banks of the river Pecos, two miles to the east.
+
+For their arts and industry I must refer to the collections, however
+meagre and unsatisfactory they are; a condition for which I have already
+apologized. Nowhere did I find a trace of iron nor of copper, although
+they used the latter for ornaments (bracelets, etc.), and there can be
+no doubt that they had the former metal also,--after the Spanish
+conquest, of course. The squaring of timbers, the scroll-work and
+friezes in the church, could only be done with instruments of iron. But
+all traces of these implements have disappeared from the ruins, as far
+as the surface is concerned. I cannot refrain, however, from dwelling
+at greater length upon two products of industry, so common among the
+ruins as hardly to attract the attention of curiosity-hunters any more.
+These are the flakes of obsidian and lava and the painted pottery.
+
+I have called these flakes a product of industry; while the material
+itself is of course a mineral, the fragments scattered about are
+undoubted products of skill. They are chips and splinters. There is
+neither lava nor obsidian cropping out in or about the valley,[182] but
+highly volcanic formations are abundantly found to the north, within
+fifty miles from Pecos, in the high Sierra de Mora; perhaps, also,
+nearer yet. At all events, the mineral has been brought to the pueblo
+and chipped there. The same is the case with the flint flakes, agates,
+jaspers, and moss-agates, with the difference, however, that, in the
+case of these, water has done a great part of the carrying, if not all;
+whereas the drift of the _arroyo_ contains no obsidian nor lava, except
+such as has clearly been washed into it from the ruins. Among the flakes
+there will be noticed several which may have been used for knives,
+whereas still others approximate to the arrow-head. A small perfect
+arrow-head was found and transmitted by me to the Institute,--the only
+one I met with on the premises.[183]
+
+The fact that several localities at Pecos are completely devoid of
+obsidian has already been mentioned. These are the oldest ruins. In the
+case of the ruins along the mesa and those south of the church, I can
+only speak of the surface; but where the corrugated pottery was found
+the whole section of the bluff was exposed for more than 100 m.--327
+ft.,--and still not a trace of the mineral appeared, while flint, agate,
+and jasper were rather conspicuous.[184] This may be accidental, but it
+is certainly suspicious and suggestive.
+
+The painted pottery is scattered in wagon-loads of fragments over the
+ruins. There are two places, however, where, as already stated, the
+surface is utterly devoid of them. Whether or not this deficiency
+extends to the soil, I cannot tell. I doubt it, however. These
+localities are, again, the apron along the _mesa_ and the ruins south of
+the church. For the rest, it is very equally distributed everywhere.
+Still there are two distinct kinds at least. One is exactly similar to
+the kind now made and sold: it is coarse, soft; the ground is painted
+gray or yellow; the ornaments show, in few instances, traces of animal
+shapes (they are either black or brown); and the vessels must have been
+thick, and with a thicker coarse rim. Out of the grave in the mound _V_,
+the pottery was more perfect. There are pieces of a _tinaja_ (bowl) with
+a vertical rim, yellow outside, white inside, with black geometrical
+ornamentation, not vitrified. This kind of pottery is still made by the
+Indians of Nambé, of Tezuque, and of Cochiti. (The former two are
+Tehuas, the latter is Queres.) But there I also found fragments of a
+plain black pottery, of dark red, and of dark red with black ornaments,
+which are thinner and much superior in "ring," and therefore in quality,
+to any now made. This pottery is older in date, and appears to be almost
+a lost art. There was, however, no distinction in distribution. Both
+kinds have one point in common, namely, the varnishing of the
+ornamental surfaces. I say varnishing,[185] and not "glazing;" for,
+although I believe the glassy appearance of the painted lines to be due
+to some admixture of the coloring material, and not to a separate glossy
+exterior coating, I do not as yet find a reason for admitting that the
+Indians knew the process of vitrification.
+
+Of the military manufactures of the Pecos, a small arrow-head of
+obsidian found near the church is the only trace. It is even too small
+for a war-arrow. They had stone hatchets, and may have had the dart,
+and, later on, the spear. Pebbles convenient for hurling are
+promiscuously observed on the _mesilla_, but they are not numerous; and
+nowhere along the circumvallation did I notice any trace of heaps.[186]
+The military constructions, however, become very interesting through
+their connection with the system of drainage and a comparison with the
+ancient Mexicans. Around the ancient pueblo of Mexico ("Tenuchtitlan")
+the water formed the protective circumvallation; at Pecos, the defensive
+wall collected the water and conducted it where it was needed for
+subsistence for the irrigation of crops.
+
+That this great circumvallation, 983 m.--3,225 ft.--in circuit, was a
+wall for protection also there is no doubt, although the main strength
+of the pueblo lay in the construction of its houses, where the
+inhabitants could simply shut themselves in and await quietly until the
+enemy was tired of prowling around it. By Indians it could only be
+carried by surprise or treachery.[187] Hence it was customary for the
+young men to leave the pueblo at times in a body, abandoning it to the
+old men and women, etc., without concern.[188] As long as these kept
+good watch they were safe, even if the Comanches should appear. Roaming
+Indians cannot break open a pueblo house if well guarded. For that
+purpose alone the mounds near the great gate, and the mound _H_, Pl.
+IV., were erected. They were watch-towers for special purposes, for
+particular sections, where the lookouts from the wall-tops were not
+sufficient.[189] These two mounds--one on each side of the
+gateway--overlooked the fields and the creek-bank: in the morning, when
+the people went out to work, or to carry drinking water from the spring
+opposite; during the day, while they attended to their simple labor of
+tillage.
+
+The mound and tower _H_ performed a similar office towards the steep
+ledge of rocks there descending, among whose fragments Indians could
+hide for hours from the scouts on the house tops. Thus the great
+enclosure with its details served a triple purpose. It was the reservoir
+which held and conducted the waters precipitated on the _mesilla_ to the
+useful purpose of irrigation. It was a preliminary defensive line,--a
+first obstruction to a storming foe, and a shelter for its defenders.
+But it was also in places an admirable post of observation. It formed
+the necessary complement to the houses themselves,[190] and both
+together composed a system of defences which, inadequate against the
+military science of civilization, was still wonderfully adapted for
+protection against the stealthy, lurking approach, the impetuous but
+"short-winded" dash, of Indian warfare.
+
+In conclusion of this lengthy report, I may be permitted to add a few
+lines concerning the great houses themselves. Their mode and manner of
+construction and occupation I have already discussed; it is their
+abandonment and decay to which I wish to refer. This decay is the same
+in both houses; the path of ruin from S.S.E. to N.N.W. indicates its
+progress. It shows clearly that, as section after section had been
+originally added as the tribe increased in number, so cell after cell
+(or section after section) was successively vacated and left to ruin as
+their numbers waned, till at last the northern end of the building alone
+sheltered the poor survivors. They receded from south to north; for the
+church, despoiled and partly destroyed in 1680, was no protection to
+them. Its own ruin kept pace with that of the tribe.[191] The northern
+extremity of the pueblo was their best stronghold, and thither they
+retired step by step in the face of inevitable doom.
+
+A. F. BANDELIER.
+
+SANTA FÉ, Sept. 17, 1880.
+
+To PROFESSOR C. E. NORTON, _President of the Archæological Institute of
+America, Cambridge, Mass._
+
+
+
+
+GRANT OF 1689 TO THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The following is a literal copy of the original grant, now (Sept. 25,
+1880) on file at the United States Surveyor-General's office at Santa
+Fé, made to the inhabitants of the Indian pueblo of Pecos in New Mexico.
+The language of the document is not altogether clear, but the essential
+terms are distinct:--
+
+[Sidenote: Año de 1689]
+
+[Sidenote: MERCED CONCEDIDA Á PECOS.]
+
+En el Pueblo de nu. S.^a de Guadalupe del Paso del Rio del Norte en
+veinte y cinco dias del mes de Sep.^te de mil seiscientos y ochenta y
+nueve años el Señor Gov.^or y Cap.^n Gen.^l D.^a Domingo Jironza Petroz
+de Cruzate dijo que por quanto en el alcanze que se dio en los de la
+Nueva Mex.^co de los Yndios Queres y los Apostatas y los Teguas y de la
+nacion Thanos y despues de haber peleado con todos los demas Yndios de
+todos Pueblos un Yndio del Pueblo de Zia llamado Bartolomé de Ojeda que
+fue el que mas se señaló en la vatalla acudiendo á todas partes se
+rindio viendose herido de un balazo y un flechaso lo cual como dicho es
+mando que debajo de juram.^to declare como se halla el Pu.^o de Pecos
+aunque queda muy metido á donde el sol sale y fueron unos Yndios
+Apostatas de aquel Reyno de la Nueva Mexico.
+
+Preguntado que si este Pu.^o volverá en algun tiempo como ha sido
+constumbre en ellos y dice el confesante que no que ya está muy metido
+en terror que aunque estaban abilantados con lo que les habia susedido á
+los de el Pu.^o de Zia el año pasado juzgaba que era un imposible que
+dejaran de dar la obediencia; por lo cual se concedieron por el Señor
+Governador y Capitan General D.^a Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate los
+linderos que aqui anoto; para el. Norte una legua; y para el Oriente una
+legua; y para el Poniente una legua; y para el Sur una legua; y medidas
+estas cuatro lineas de las cuatro esquinas del Pu.^o dejando á salvo el
+templo que queda al medio dia del Pu.^o y asi lo proveyo mando y firmo
+susc^a [?] á mi el presente Secretario de Gov.^on y Guerra que de ello
+doy fé.
+
+ D.^a Domingo Jironza
+ Petroz de Cruzate.
+
+Ante mi
+ Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara
+ Sc.^o de G.^n y Gu.^a
+
+[TRANSLATION.]
+
+[Sidenote: In the year 1689.]
+
+[Sidenote: GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS.]
+
+In the Pueblo of Our Lady of Guadalupe of El Paso del Rio del Norte, on
+the twenty-fifth day of the month of September, in the year sixteen
+hundred and eighty nine, the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo
+Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, said that inasmuch as during the pursuit of
+the men of New Mexico, [namely], of the Queres Indians, and the
+Renegades, and the Teguas, and those of the Thanos nation, and after the
+fight with all the rest of the Indians of all the Pueblos--an Indian of
+the Pueblo of Zia, named Bartholomé de Ojeda, who had greatly
+distinguished himself in the fight, assisting at every point,
+surrendered, having been wounded by a bullet and by an arrow; he [the
+Governor] ordered that he should declare, under oath, how the Pueblo of
+Pecos is disposed, although it lies far off toward the sunrise, and [its
+people] are renegade Indians of that kingdom of New Mexico.
+
+Being asked whether [the inhabitants of] this Pueblo will ever return to
+their old ways, he, the deponent, says that they will not, since they
+are now in great terror, and though they were very much emboldened by
+what had happened to those of the Pueblo of Zia the year before, he
+thought it was impossible that they should fail to give in their
+submission. Wherefore there were granted by the Governor and
+Captain-General, Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, the boundaries
+here noted: to the north a league, and to the east a league, and to the
+west a league, and to the south a league; and these four lines measured
+from the four corners of the Pueblo, reserving the temple, which lies to
+the south of the Pueblo; and thus did his Excellency provide, command,
+and sign before me, the present Secretary of the Interior and of War,
+who attest it.
+
+ DON DOMINGO JIRONZA
+ PETROZ DE CRUZATE.
+
+Before me,
+ Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara,
+ Secretary of the Interior and of War.
+
+
+
+
+[87] Lieut.-Col. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from
+Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, Executive
+Document_ 41, Washington, 1848. _Meteorological Observations_, p. 163.
+Camp 44, half-mile south of the Pecos, Aug. 17, 1846, altitude six
+thousand three hundred and forty-six feet. Camp 45, on the Pecos, near
+Pecos village, August 18, six thousand three hundred and sixty-six feet.
+
+[88] This is the lowest height of the peaks seen from the valley. Some
+of the other tops are much higher yet. The altitude of Santa Fé Baldy,
+for instance, exceeds twelve thousand feet.
+
+[89] Not to be confounded with the Rio de Pecos proper. The _arroyo_ is
+not found on most of the maps. Its width is about 100 m.--330 ft.--but
+there is scarcely ever more than a mere fillet of very clear, limpid
+water in it.
+
+[90] This is, however, only accidental, and exclusively due to nine
+months of consecutive drouth. Generally the strips of bottom-land have a
+rich soil, and grow fine corn, wheat, and oats.
+
+[91] They are very picturesque objects, and stand out boldly, appearing
+to rise directly from the plain. Their height is stated to be about
+thirteen thousand feet. In this vicinity are the Placitas, now famous
+for mineral wealth (gold and silver), and the Cerrillos, also rich in
+ore, and containing beautiful green and blue turquoises, of which I saw
+excellent specimens in possession of His Excellency Governor L. Wallace.
+
+[92] Baughl's Sidings is a switch and large storing-place for ties. Even
+the Spaniards call it La Switcha. It is about 800 m.--2,620 ft.--from
+the foot of the _mesa_, in a belt of fine large pine timber, very high,
+and gives glimpses of splendid views over the valley of Pecos to the
+Sierras beyond. Climate fine, but nights very cold. The buildings are as
+yet nearly all temporary; it is more a camp than a place as is it now. I
+spent ten very happy days here, from the 28th of August to the 6th of
+September,--or rather nights, since the days were, with two exceptions
+(5th and 6th of September, when I visited Pecos town and explored the
+high _mesa_), devoted to the study of the ruins. I shall always
+gratefully remember the uniform kindness and attention with which its
+inhabitants and transient guests have treated me, and assisted me in my
+work. Aside of those whom I shall have occasion to name in the body of
+my report, I take occasion to express my thanks here to Messrs.
+McPherson & Co., and to their obliging manager, Mr. Wright; also to the
+station agent.
+
+[93] On the right side of the Arroyo de Pecos, there is a wide
+amphitheatre bottom, which was filled with red clay, like that of which
+the adobe at the church is made, and which appears to have been partly
+dug out. The place is to the right of the road also, which there crosses
+the creek. The only objection to the surmise is in the fact that along
+this entire bottom I found not the slightest trace of obsidian. Pottery,
+however, is scattered everywhere. On the left side of the creek, unless
+more than a mile below, there is no place where the soil is sufficiently
+thick or sufficiently free from ruins and scattered stones, to permit
+the enormous quantity of clay needed for the church to be secured.
+
+[94] Lieut.-Col. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance_, p. 30, and
+two plates.
+
+[95] The walls, or foundations rather, appear as follows:--The
+interstices are often filled with tufts of _grama_, and the stones
+themselves look very old and worn, covered with lichens and moss.
+
+[Illustration: Stone Wall]
+
+[96] According to Mariano Ruiz and to Mrs. Kozlowski. The former has
+lived in Pecos since 1837. But few, if any, of the dead are buried
+there; the majority were entombed within the church itself.
+
+[97] P. José Amando Niel, _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el
+... Annotations to the history of_ Fray Géronimo Zarate Salmeron, in
+_Documentos para la Historia de México_, 3 series, vol. i. p. 99.
+
+[98] Called by the Spaniards Plaza de Pecos. It is a comparatively new
+place, the only church-book still in possession of Rev. Father Léon
+Mailluchet, the present priest, commences in 1862. Including the
+scattered _casitas_ several miles around, its population is not over
+five hundred souls. It is situated in a narrow vale or hollow, not far
+west from the Rio Pecos itself, and has a modest but clean and tidy
+church, with a small belfry. All the houses are of adobe.
+Lieutenant-Colonel Emory (_Notes, Executive Document_ 41, p. 30) speaks
+of it in 1846 as "the modern village of Pecos, ... with a very
+inconsiderable population." As yet there are but very few Americans in
+the plaza. My recollections of Pecos are highly pleasant (5th
+September), owing to the friendly reception tendered me by Mr. E. K.
+Walters, Sr. Juan Bacay Salazar, and Father L. Mailluchet. According to
+Colonel Emory, its altitude is nearly 6,366 ft. (p. 163). Lat. about 35°
+30' N.
+
+[99] See Plate I.
+
+[100] See Plate IX.
+
+[101] See Plate I., Fig. 5.
+
+[102] When Mr. Louis Felsenthal of Santa-Fé came to New Mexico in 1855,
+and still later, in 1858, the time of the arrival of Mrs. Kozlowski, the
+roofs were still perfect in part.
+
+[103] Pl. II., Fig. 6.
+
+[104] Pedro de Castañeda de Nagera, _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+French translation, by Ternaux-Compans, 1838. Original written about
+1560. Introduction, p. ix; part ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+
+[105] Castañeda, _Relation_, i. cap. xii. p. 71; ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait à la Nouvelle Terre_, app. vi.
+to _Voyage de Cibola_, p. 371. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Crónica de la
+Provincia del Santo Evangelio de México_ (edition of 1871), p. 323.
+Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, _Memoria del Descubrimiento que ... hizo en
+el Nuevo México, siendo teniente del Gobernador y Capitan General del
+Nuevo-Reino de Leon_, July 27, 1590, in vol. xv. of _Documentos Inéditos
+de los Archivos de Indias_, p. 244. The latter though, as well as
+Castañeda and Jaramillo, mentions evidently building _A_, but there
+cannot be the slightest doubt that _B_ was erected for the same purpose;
+to wit, as a dwelling.
+
+[106] They are evidently moulded. Their size is about 0.28 m. × 15
+m.--11 in. × 6 in.--and straw is mixed with the soil. The appearance is
+very much as if the adobe had been put in as a "mending;" and I am
+decidedly of the opinion that the northern section is the latest, and
+erected after 1540.
+
+[107] It is very much like the stone-work of the Moqui Pueblos in
+Arizona, according to the photographs in possession of the Bureau of
+Ethnology at Washington, D. C.; and in some respects to the walls of the
+great house described by the Hon. L. H. Morgan, _On the Ruins of an
+Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River, Eleventh and Twelfth Reports
+of the Peabody Museum of Archæology_, etc.; also to those figured by Dr.
+William H. Jackson, _Tenth Annual Report of the United States Geological
+and Geographical Survey of the Territories_, 1878, plate lxii. fig. 1,
+from the Ruins of the Rio Chaco. Compare photograph No. 6. I am led to
+suspect that the greater or less regularity of the courses was entirely
+dependent upon the kind of stone on hand, and not upon the mechanical
+skill employed.
+
+[108] I am just (Sept. 9) informed by Governor Wallace, that the Sierra
+de Tecolote, east of the ruins, contains probably gypsum, even in the
+form of alabaster. It is certain that nothing like lime-kilns or places
+where lime might have been burnt are found at any moderate distance from
+the ruins. The surrounding rocks, up to head of the valley and to the
+_mesa_, contain deposits of white, yellow, and red carbonates of lead,
+often copper-stained, and very impure, therefore proportionately light
+in weight. However, we have very positive information as to how they
+made their plaster, etc., in Castañeda, _Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. iv.
+pp. 168, 169. He says: "They have no lime, but make a mixture of ashes,
+soil, and of charcoal, which replace it very well; for although they
+raise their houses to four stories, the walls have not more than half an
+ell in width. They form great heaps of pine [thym] and reeds, and set
+fire to them; whenever this mass is reduced to ashes and charcoal, they
+throw over it a large quantity of soil and water, and mix it all
+together. They knead it into round blocks, which they dry, and of which
+they make use in lieu of stones, coating the whole with the same
+mixture." Substituting for the "round blocks" the stones found at Pecos,
+we have the whole process thoroughly explained, for indeed the mud
+contains bits of charcoal, as the specimens sent prove. The white coat,
+however, is not explained. I must state here, however, that I found the
+latter only in such parts of _A_, as well as of _B_, as appeared to be
+most recent in occupation and in construction. Further investigations at
+other pueblos may yet solve the mystery.
+
+[109] See Plate VIII.
+
+[110] Compare, in regard to the outer (western) wall of B, and also in
+regard to the inner wall, Lieut. James H. Simpson, _Journal of a
+Military Reconnoissance from Santa Fé, New-Mexico, to the Navajo
+Country, Executive Document 64_, 31st Congress, 1st section, 1850; plate
+41, no. 5. Also, L. H. Morgan, _On an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River, Peabody Museum Reports_, 1880. The latter is particularly
+suggestive.
+
+[111] Compare Castañeda, _Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. iv. pp. 171, 172.
+"There is a piece reserved for the kitchen, and another one for to grind
+the corn. This last one is apart; in it is found an oven and three
+stones sealed in masonry." Simpson, _Journal_, etc, p. 62, description
+of a fireplace.
+
+[112] Simpson, p. 62, _Fireplace and Smoke-escape at the Pueblo of Santo
+Domingo_. The vent was directly over the hearth. I expect to visit Santo
+Domingo shortly.
+
+[113] Mr. Thomas Munn found about the church a stone hatchet, a fragment
+of a stone pipe (?), and many arrow-heads. These he kindly promised to
+me, even authorizing me to get them at the place where he had deposited
+them, and which lay on the line of my daily tramp to the ruins.
+Unfortunately, when I reached the place, the objects were already gone.
+
+Mrs. Kozlowski informed me that copper rings (bracelets) were of very
+common occurrence among the ruins. Her statement was fully confirmed by
+Sr. Baca and others. She also spoke of "the heads of little idols"
+having been plentiful at one time. Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, _Memoria
+del Descubrimiento_, etc., _Documentos Inéditos_, vol. xv. p. 244,
+speaking of a pueblo which is evidently Pecos, says: "Porque tiene
+muchos ídolos que atras nos olvidaba de declarar." Antonio de Espejo,
+_El Viaje que hizo_ ... in Hackluyt's _Voyages, Navigations, and
+Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1600 A.D., pp. 457-464. A somewhat
+abbreviated and frequently unreliable copy of Espejo's letter, dated
+"Sant Salvador de la Nueva-España, 23 April, 1584," mentions a district
+two days east from Bernalillo, inhabited by pueblo Indians: "Los quales
+tienen y adoran ídolos."
+
+[114] On first sight this building appears circular, but I soon became
+satisfied that it was a rectangle.
+
+[115] They may have been the "almacenas", or granaries (storage-rooms),
+of which I speak further on. "Outhouses" are referred to by Castañeda.
+(Part ii. cap. iv. p. 172.)
+
+[116] One or the other may also have been an Estufa, for I saw no round
+structures about _B_. Castañeda (part ii. cap. iv. p. 169) says: "There
+are square and round ones." It is true that the Estufas are usually in
+the courts; but when there was no court, as in this case, there could be
+no Estufa inside.
+
+[117] Pl. I., Fig. 5, shows cross-sections of the "body" of the
+_mesilla_ on which _A_ stands, along the lines indicated. The surface of
+_A_ was therefore very irregular and difficult to build upon for people
+who could not remove and fit the hard rock.
+
+[118] This may have been caused, in part, by filling with rubbish from
+the surrounding walls.
+
+[119] Such double houses are mentioned by Castañeda (part ii. cap. v. p.
+177). Speaking of "Cicuyé," he says: "Those houses fronting outwards
+('du coté de la campagne') are backed up ('adossées') against those
+which stand towards the court."
+
+[120] The dimensions given by Gen. J. H. Simpson, _Reconnoissance_,
+etc., pp. 79-82, of the pueblos--"Pintado," "Bonito," and "Peñasca
+blanca"--on the Rio Chaco vary, as far as the circuit is concerned,
+between 1,200 and 1,700 feet, "about." Dr. W. H. Jackson, _Geographical
+Survey_, etc., 1876, has measured these ruins, and gives the following
+dimensions: "Pueblo Bonito," 544 × 314; "Peñasca blanca," 499 × 363
+(only 3 sides of the rectangle being built up); "Pueblo Pintado" (2
+sides), 238 × 174; "Pueblo Alto" (3 wings), 360 × 200 and 170. "Pueblo
+Bonito" therefore alone comes up to the standard of Pecos. The latter,
+however, is larger still, as, by adding to the perimeter given that of
+the northern annex (about 90 m.--295 ft.), we obtain a total of 450
+metres, or 1,480 feet. The difference, if any, is not considerable; and
+I merely advert to the fact to show that the old ruins of New Mexico,
+comparatively neglected, are fully as important in size as any of those
+further north, besides being completely identical in plan, structure,
+and material. Furthermore, the pottery is identical. This was already
+recognized in 1776 by Father Silvestre Velez Escalante, _Diario y
+Derrotero de los Nuevos Descubrimientos de Tierras á Rumbos N. N. Oe.
+Oe. del Nuevo México_, MSS. at the Library of Congress, fol. 118, on the
+San Buenaventura (Green River), and in his letter, dated Santa Fé, 2
+April, 1778, _Documentos para la Historia de México_, 3a série, vol. i.
+p. 124.
+
+[121] _On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River_,
+Peabody Reports, 11 and 12.
+
+[122] I must here call attention to a singular coincidence. Among the
+ruins of Uxmal in Yucatan there are, aside from the "Teocalli," or
+medicine mound, two general forms of structure,--one narrow rectangle
+like _B_, and hollow rectangles like _A_. The "Casa del Gobernador"
+would correspond to the former, and the "Casa de las Monjas" to the
+latter. Of course, there is dissimilarity between the house of the
+"Governor" and _B_, in so far as the former contains halls and the
+latter but cells. Still the fact is interesting that, whereas the great
+northern pueblos have each but one house alone, here, for the south, we
+have already two buildings within one and the same enclosure, similar in
+form and size to those of Central America. I call attention to this
+fact, though well remembering at the same time the friendly advice of
+Major J. W. Powell, the distinguished chief of the Bureau of Ethnology
+at Washington, "not to attempt to trace relationships."
+
+[123] _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+
+[124] I am informed by Governor Wallace, and have permission to quote
+him, that these elevated plateaux grow exceedingly tall wheat, rye, and
+oats. He has seen oats whose stalks were 6 feet long and 1-3/4 inches in
+diameter. The heads were proportionally large.
+
+[125] He became adopted, as I am told, from being, as a boy, assistant
+to the sacristan of the church of Pecos.
+
+[126] It was Mr. John D. McRae who, together with Mr. Thomas Munn, led
+me to this spot. Subsequently the former, who has been for nearly twenty
+years among the northern Indians (in Canada and Oregon), gave me some
+valuable information in regard to their sign-language. He affirms that
+it is very highly developed and extensively practised by them; that
+tribes of entirely different stock-languages can converse with each
+other freely; and that he was himself present at one time when the Crees
+and the Blackfeet arranged for a pitched fight on the day to follow, the
+parley consisting almost exclusively of signs. Thus, killing is
+indicated by the spanning of a bow and the motion of throwing down;
+walking, by shoving both hands forwards successively, etc.; the time of
+day is very correctly given by describing an arc from E. to W. (facing
+S.) up to the point where the sun stands at the specified hour. These
+signs are not new to my distinguished friend, Lieutenant-Colonel G.
+Mallery, to whom science owes the gift of this new branch of inquiry,
+but still they are interesting to those who may be less familiar with
+it. In regard to connection of this "sign-language" and Indian
+"pictography," Mr. McRae has told me the following: Whenever an Indian
+breaks up his camp, and wishes to leave behind him information in what
+direction and how far he is going, he plants into the ground near the
+fire a twig or stick, and breaks it so that it forms an acute angle,
+planting the other end in the ground also in the direction in which he
+intends to camp the following evening. The following would very well
+give the appearance of this little mark, assuming the Indian to travel
+from N. to S.:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+If he intends to go S. for three days it will look thus:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Fractional days are indicated by corresponding shorter limbs. If his
+direction is first S. and then E., this would be a top view of the bent
+twig, assuming that he travels two days S. and three days W.:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+The connection between this expedient and sign-language, knowing that,
+as Dr. W. J. Hoffmann, of Washington City, has informed me, the sign for
+"lodge" is an imitation of the tent,--that is, holding both hands up and
+the tips of the fingers together at a steep angle,--becomes very
+apparent. Through it pictography is easily reached.
+
+[127] Sr. E. Vigil has just informed me that the notion is current that
+all the Indians of the New Mexican pueblos buried their dead in this
+manner. Among the Mexicans and the Christianized Indians it is the rule
+to bury the dead around the church or in sight of it.
+
+[128] There is still another ruin much farther down the railroad, near
+to a place called "El Pueblo." I was informed of its existence, but have
+not as yet been able to visit it.
+
+[129] Or rather towards the pueblo of San Cristóval. The latter was the
+chief place of the Tanos Indians, of which stock there are still a few
+left at the town of Galisteo.
+
+[130] The following is an approximate sketch of these structures. This
+sketch is made without reference to size or plan, merely in order to
+show the relative position of the graves (_a_, _a_, _a_, _a_). It will
+be seen that the analogy with the grave of mound _V_, building _A_, is
+very striking; also with the grave discovered by Mr. Walters, and the
+wall above the corrugated pottery west of the Arroyo de Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: Graves]
+
+[131] To judge from the report of General Simpson (p. 68), these early
+traditions must be very meagre. His informant, the celebrated
+"Hoosta-Nazlé," is now dead. Of the Pecos adults then living at Santo
+Domingo, a daughter is still alive, and married to an Indian of the
+latter pueblo. General (then lieutenant) Simpson was at Jemez in 1849.
+
+[132] _Memoria del Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 238. "Tienen mucha loza de
+los colorados y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros, almoficos,
+xicaras muy galanas, alguna de la loza esta vidriada."
+
+[133] W. H. Holmes, _Geographical Survey_, part iii., p. 404, plate
+xliv. "This plate is intended to illustrate the corrugated and indented
+ware. Heretofore specimens of this class have been quite rare, as it is
+not made by any of the modern tribes."
+
+[134] Holmes, pp. 404, 405.
+
+[135] Even the _estufa_ and the _almacena_ are found. The round
+depression near the road to the Rio Pecos (marked _L_ on the general
+plan) is evidently an Estufa, while the circular ruin which I met upon
+the apron of the mesa during my ascent appears very much like a
+storehouse.
+
+[136] House _A_ alone appears in these reports; but from the statement
+that the tribe mustered 500 warriors, it seems probable that _B_ was
+also inhabited. 2,500 souls could hardly have found room in the 585
+cells of _A_, The number of warriors given is doubtless a loose
+estimate.
+
+[137] San Diego, now in ruins, about 13 miles N. of the pueblo Jemez,
+was the old pueblo of that tribe. It was the scene of a bloody struggle
+in 1692, according to the story of Hoosta-Nazlé, given to General
+Simpson in 1849. _Reconnoissance_, etc., p. 68. Diego de Vargas
+(_Carta_, Oct. 16, 1692), _Documentos para la Historia de México_, 3a
+séries, i. p. 131. "Los Gemex y los de Santo-Domingo se hallaban en otro
+tambien nuevo, dentro de la Sierra, á tres leguas del pueblo antiguo de
+Gemex." Nearly all the pueblos, upon the approach of the Spaniards, fled
+to steep and high mesas.
+
+[138] This is the same cañon whose source on the "Mesa de Pecos" I have
+visited, and where the great bell was found. It is the natural pathway,
+from the W. and S. W., up to the heights overlooking the valley of
+Pecos.
+
+[139] A. S. Gatchet, _Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
+Weimar, 1876, p. 41.
+
+[140] I infer it from the fact that it is not noticed previous to 1680.
+Agustin de Vetancurt, _Crónica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio en
+México_, edition of 1871, pp. 310, 311. It then contained 2,000
+"Tiguas;" but the church dedicated to San Antonio de Padua had just been
+brought under cover when the rebellion broke out.
+
+[141] Castañeda, ii. cap. v. pp. 178, 179.
+
+[142] Castañeda, pp. 189, 190. Jaramillo, pp. 372-382. Francisco Vasquez
+de Coronado, _Letter to Charles V._, dated Tigues, Oct. 20, 1541.
+Appendix to _Voyage de Cibola_, pp. 356-359.
+
+[143] _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva España_. Very
+valuable, but much influenced by personal views and prejudice.
+
+[144] Fray Luis Descalona, a lay brother, who remained at Pecos in 1543,
+may have had a hand in this report. Castañeda, iii. cap. iv. pp. 214,
+215. Jaramillo, p. 380.
+
+[145] Castañeda, pp. 176, 177.
+
+[146] Id., xii. p. 68.
+
+[147] Id., i. p. 68; ii. cap. vii. p. 188.
+
+[148] Id., i. p. 69.
+
+[149] _Relation del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en
+el Descubrimiento de Cibola_, in vol. xiv. of the Documentos del Archivo
+de Indias, p. 325. "De unos Indios que se hallaron en este pueblo de
+Acuique" This would make it very important to consult the original
+manuscript of Castañeda in order to ascertain if "Cicuyé" is not really
+"Acuyé." The latter word would be identical almost with "Âqiu." The name
+Pecos itself belongs to the Qq'uêres language of New Mexico, and is
+pronounced "Pae-qo." It is applied to the inhabitants of the pueblo, the
+place itself being called "Pae-yoq'ona." The first mention of it under
+the name of Pecos is found in the documents of the year 1598, after the
+general meeting of Juan de Oñate with the pueblo Indians in the _estufa_
+of Santo Domingo (a Qq'uêres village).
+
+[150] Castañeda, ii. cap. viii. pp. 194, 195; iii. cap. iv. p. 214.
+Jaramillo, p. 380. Vetancurt, _Menologio Franciscano_, Nov. 30, p. 386.
+Juan de Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, first edition, 1614, lib. xxi.
+p. 689.
+
+[151] Castañeda, ii. pp. 194, 195.
+
+[152] Vetancurt, _Menologio_, pp. 412-422. He calls him Rodriguez.
+Espejo, _Viaje_, etc., Hackluyt, iii. Gerónimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 9.
+
+[153] This is plain from the description, although Juan de Oñate
+(_Discurso de la Jornada que hizo el Capitan de su Magestad desde la
+Nueva-España á la Provincia de la Nueva-México, Archivos de Indias_,
+vol. xvi. p. 258) says of the "gran pueblo de los Peccos, y es el que
+Espejo llama la provincia de Tamos."
+
+[154] Castaño, _Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 244. The "vigas grandes," in
+the _estufa_, recalls the great tree across the northern _estufa_ in the
+court of A.
+
+[155] Oñate, _Jornada_, p. 244.
+
+[156] _Obediencia_, etc., _Archivos_, xvi. p. 113.
+
+[157] pp. 371, 372.
+
+[158] pp. 371, 372.
+
+[159] p. 179.
+
+[160] Fray Francisco de Apodaca, native of Cantabria, was commissary
+from 1627 till 1633. Vetancurt, _Menologio_, p. 464. Davis, _Conquest of
+New Mexico_, cap. xxxv. p. 278.
+
+[161] Published in vol. i. of 3a séries of _Documentos para la Historia
+de México_. In consequence of it, Fray Estiban de Perea came to New
+Mexico with thirty priests. Vetancurt, _Crónica_, p. 300. "Con cuyo
+ejemplo y enseñanza se poblaron treinta y siete casas de diferentes
+naciones," among which the Pecos.
+
+[162] Jean Blaeu, _Douzième Volume de la Géographie Blaviane, contenant
+l'Amérique_, etc., Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62. He says Picuries, but it must
+be Pecos. "Avec un seul bourg, mais grandement peuplé, où il y a un
+temple somptueux." Vetancurt, Crónica, etc., p. 323. "Tenia á nuestra
+Señora de los Angeles de Porciúncula un templo magnífico, con seis
+torres, tres de cada lado, adornado; las paredes tan anchas que en sus
+concavidades estaban hechas oficinas." There are still, in the church of
+the plaza of Pecos, three paintings out of that church,--one on
+buffalo-hide, representing Nra. Sra. de Guadalupe, and two on cloth,
+with Our Lady of the Angels painted on it. The last two are very good.
+
+[163] Blaeu, p. 62.
+
+[164] Vetancurt, _Crónica_, p. 323.
+
+[165] Ibid.
+
+[166] Oñate, p. 258.
+
+[167] _Apuntamientos_, etc., p. 104.
+
+[168] "Este Cuaderno se cree ser de un Religioso de la Provincia del
+Santo Evangelio" (_Anonymous Report on New Mexico_), Documentos, 3a
+série, vol. i. p. 127.
+
+[169] Davis, cap. xlii. p. 329.
+
+[170] Escalante, _Letter_, p. 123. Diego de Vargas, _Carta á S. E._,
+etc., p. 129.
+
+[171] Davis, cap. xlv. pp. 348, 349.
+
+[172] Davis, cap. l. p. 396; cap. li. p. 402.
+
+[173] Niel, p. 104. Escalante, p. 123.
+
+[174] Niel, pp. 104-106. Escalante, p. 122. Gobierno de Don Francisco
+Cubero y Valdes, _Documentos_, 3a série, vol. i. p. 194.
+
+[175] Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero y Valdes, p. 195. In 1712 the
+pueblo of Pojuaque (north of Santa Fé) contained but seventy-nine
+inhabitants,--all Tehuas.
+
+[176] Niel, p. 104. "De los Pecos quedaron mas."
+
+[177] The Apaches were in intercourse with Taos until 1700 A.D. _Sesto
+Cuaderno, Documentos_, 3a série, i. p. 180.
+
+[178] _Historical Sketch of Santa Fé_, pp. 22, 23, in the pamphlet on
+_Centennial Celebration_, 1876. It is the only printed report in
+existence, except a very short one by Judge K. Benedict, on the revolt
+of 1837.
+
+[179] I have not as yet been able to consult the archives of San Miguel
+County, at Las Vegas, in regard to the different "Deeds" then executed.
+Therefore I forbear mentioning even the names of the grantees of which I
+was informed.
+
+[180] The Hon. W. G. Ritch is in possession of a number of highly
+interesting data gathered from the Indians in relation to the sacred
+fire. All of these he has, in the kindest manner, placed at my disposal.
+I, however, defer their mention for a future report, in connection, as I
+hope, with the pueblo of Jemez. I shall but refer here to a single one.
+There were, formerly, several fires burning. One of these, that of the
+_cacique_, was never permitted to go out, so that, in case one of the
+others should accidentally become extinguished, it could always be
+rekindled from the "extra-holy" one.
+
+[181] Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, as far as the Pecos were
+concerned, was certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile,
+however. It is a rattlesnake (_cascabel_).
+
+[182] I am informed by Mr. Miller that blocks or "chunks" of obsidian,
+as large as a fist or larger, are found in the Arroyo de Taos. This
+would be about 60 miles north of Santa Fé.
+
+[183] In regard to the regular indentation of arrow-heads, I was
+informed by Mr. Debrant, then incidentally at Baughl's (on the 4th of
+September), that these were produced by contact with fire. Applying a
+glowing coal (the end of a burning stick) to the edge of the flint, and
+blowing on it steadily, after a few seconds a speck of the mineral will
+fly off, leaving a groove or indentation proportionate in size to the
+coal used and to the length of time applied. Thus, an arrow-head may be
+indented in a very short time, which would be impossible by chipping.
+
+[184] Moss-agate is also found, but rarely.
+
+[185] Compare W. H. Holmes, _U. S. Geographical Survey_, 1876, p. 404.
+
+[186] That stones were used, both in offensive as well as in defensive
+warfare, is proven by Castañeda, ii. cap. v. p. 178; i. cap. xii. p. 69.
+It is possible that the pebbles used were kept on the roofs, as was the
+custom among the ancient Mexicans.
+
+[187] Thus the probability of the destruction of a part of Pecos by the
+Tanos, on the 10th of August, 1680, is still further increased.
+
+[188] Therefore the massacre of all their available men by the
+Comanches, already mentioned. I could not as yet find the date of the
+event. It is a well-known tradition, however. It occurred in the _moro_.
+
+[189] That constant guard was kept on the housetops is stated by
+Castañeda, ii. p. 179.
+
+[190] The defensive constructions of the pueblos, as late as 1540, were
+the houses. The wall of Pecos is an exception. Castañeda says (i. cap.
+xiv. p. 80): "As these villages have no streets, that all the houses are
+of the same height and common to all the inhabitants, these large houses
+must be captured first, because they are the points of defence."
+
+[191] The church of Pecos, although it had lost all its former splendor,
+still was used till about 1840. Afterwards it was abandoned.
+
+
++--------------------------------------------------------------------+
+| Transcriber’s Note |
+| Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as |
+| possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other |
+| inconsistencies. |
+| |
+| Minor punctuation and printing errors have been corrected. |
+| |
+| The Google Print source suffers from numerous gaps in the text. |
+| A copy of the original text obtained from the library at the |
+| College of Santa Fe (New Mexico) enabled the transcriber to include|
+| all omitted pages and plates for this complete transcription. |
+| |
+| Footnotes occurring on each page of the original text are grouped |
+| at the end of the two major sections of the transcribed text, |
+| |
+| Hyphen use in directional terms is now consistent throughout the |
+| author's text. For example, occurrences of 'northeast' are now |
+| 'north-east', matching the predominant usage in the text. |
++--------------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+
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+Among the Sedentary Indians of New, by Adolphus Bandelier
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Historical Introduction to Studies Among
+the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Rep, by Adolphus Bandelier
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos
+ Papers Of The Archological Institute Of America, American
+ Series, Vol. I
+
+Author: Adolphus Bandelier
+
+Release Date: October 27, 2007 [EBook #23224]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joe Longo and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
+produced from scanned images of public domain material
+from the Google Print project.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Papers of the Archological Institute of America.
+
+_AMERICAN SERIES._
+
+Volume I
+
+[Illustration: PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA F.]
+
+
+
+
+Papers of the Archological Institute of America.
+
+_AMERICAN SERIES._
+
+I.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+1. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO STUDIES
+AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS OF
+NEW MEXICO.
+
+2. REPORT ON THE RUINS OF THE PUEBLO
+OF PECOS.
+
+BY
+A. F. BANDELIER.
+
+
+BOSTON:
+PUBLISHED BY A. WILLIAMS AND CO.
+LONDON: N. TRBNER AND CO.
+1881.
+
+
+
+
+UNIVERSITY PRESS:
+
+JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.
+
+
+
+
+ARCHOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Executive Committee, 1880-81.
+
+
+CHARLES ELIOT NORTON, _President_.
+
+MARTIN BRIMMER, _Vice-President_.
+
+FRANCIS PARKMAN.
+
+W. W. GOODWIN.
+
+H. W. HAYNES.
+
+ALEXANDER AGASSIZ.
+
+WILLIAM R. WARE.
+
+O. W. PEABODY, _Treasurer_.
+
+E. H. GREENLEAF, _Secretary_.
+
+
+
+
+I.
+
+HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
+TO
+STUDIES AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS
+OF
+NEW MEXICO.
+
+PART I.
+
+BY AD. F. BANDELIER.
+
+
+
+
+I.
+
+HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+Part I.
+
+The earliest knowledge of the existence of the sedentary
+Indians in New Mexico and Arizona reached Europe
+by way of Mexico proper; but it is very doubtful whether or
+not the aborigines of Mexico had any _positive_ information to
+impart about countries lying north of the present State of
+Quertaro. The tribes to the north were, in the language of
+the valley-confederates, "Chichimecas,"--a word yet undefined,
+but apparently synonymous, in the conceptions of the
+"Nahuatl"-speaking natives, with fierce savagery, and ultimately
+adopted by them as a warlike title.
+
+Indistinct notions, indeed, of an original residence, during
+some very remote period of time, at the distant north, have
+been found among nearly all the tribes of Mexico which speak
+the Nahuatl language. These notions even assume the form
+of tradition in the tale of the _Seven Caves_,[1] whence the Mexicans
+and the Tezcucans, as well as the Tlaxcaltecans, are said
+to have emigrated to Mexico.[2] Perhaps the earliest mention
+of this tradition may be found in the writings of Fray Toribio
+de Paredes, surnamed Motolinia. It dates back to 1540 A.D.[3]
+But it is not to be overlooked that ten years previously, in
+1530, the story of the _Seven Cities_, which was the form in
+which the first report concerning New Mexico and its sedentary
+Indians came to the Spaniards, had already been told to
+Nuo Beltran de Guzman in Sinaloa.[4] The parallelism between
+the two stories is striking, although we are not authorized
+to infer that the so-called seven _cities_ gave rise to what
+appeared as an aboriginal myth of as many _caves_.[5]
+
+The tale of the Seven Caves, as the original home of the
+Mexicans and their kindred, prevailed to such an extent that,
+as early as 1562, in a collection of picture-sheets executed in
+aboriginal style, the so-called "Codex Vaticanus," "Chicomoztoc,"
+and the migrations thence, were graphically represented.
+All the important Indian writers of Mexico between
+1560 and 1600, such as Durro, Camargo, Tezozomoc, and
+Ixtlilxochitl, refer to it as an ancient legend, and they locate
+the site of the story, furthermore, very distinctly in New Mexico.
+Even the "Popol-Vuh," in its earliest account of the
+Quich tribe of Guatemala, mentions "Tulan-Zuiva, the seven
+caves or seven ravines."[6]
+
+While it is impossible as yet to determine whether or not
+this legend exercised any direct influence on the extension
+of Spanish power into Northern Mexico, another myth, well
+known to eastern continents from a remote period, became
+directly instrumental in the discovery of New Mexico. This
+is the tale of the _Amazons_.
+
+About 1524 A.D., Cortes was informed by one of his officers
+(then on an expedition about Michhuacan) that towards
+the north there existed a region called Ciguatan ("Cihuatlan"--place
+of women), near to which was an island inhabited
+by warlike females exclusively.[7] The usual exaggerations
+about metallic wealth were added to this report; and when, in
+1529, Nuo de Guzman governed Mexico he set out northwards,
+first to conquer the sedentary Indians of Michhuacan,
+and then to search for the gold and jewels of the Amazons.[8]
+It was while on this foray that he heard of the Seven Cities in
+connection with Ciguatan. This latter place was reached;
+and, while the fancies concerning it were speedily dispelled
+by reality, those concerning the Seven Cities flitted further
+north.[9] Guzman overran, laid waste, and finally colonized
+Sinaloa. He sent parties into Sonora; but, after his recall,
+slow colonization superseded military forays on a large scale,
+at least for a few years.
+
+During this time, Pamfilo de Narvaez had undertaken the
+colonization of Florida.[10] His scheme failed, and cost him
+his life. Of the few survivors of his expedition, four only
+remained in the American continent, wandering to and fro
+among the tribes of the south-west. After nine years of untold
+hardships, these four men finally reached Sonora, having
+traversed the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the
+coast of the Pacific. The name of the leader and subsequent
+chronicler of their adventures was Alvar Nuez Cabeza de
+Vaca.[11]
+
+It is not possible to follow and to trace, geographically,
+the erratic course of Cabeza de Vaca with any degree of certainty.
+His own tale, however authentic, is so confused[12] that
+it becomes utterly impossible to establish any details of location.
+We only know that, in the year A.D. 1536, he and
+his associates finally met with their own countrymen about
+Culiacan.[13]
+
+They reported that, when their shiftings had cast them far
+to the west of the sinister coast of what was then called "Florida,"
+settlements of Indians were reached which presented a
+high degree of culture.[14] These settlements they described as
+having a character of permanence, but we look in vain for any
+accurate description of the buildings, or of the material of
+which they were composed.[15] For such a report of important
+settlements in the north, the mind of the Spanish conquerors
+in Mexico was, as we have already intimated, well prepared.
+
+During their stay among the nondescript tribes of South-western
+North America, Cabeza de Vaca and his companions
+had tried to scatter the seeds of Christianity,--at least, they
+claimed to have done so. The monks of the order of St.
+Francis then represented the "working church" in Mexico.
+One of their number, Fray Marcos de Nizza, who had joined
+Pedro de Alvarado upon his return from his adventurous tour
+to Quito in Ecuador, and who was well versed in Indian lore,[16]
+at once entered upon a voyage of discovery, determining to
+go much farther north than any previous expedition from the
+colonies in Sinaloa. He took as his companion the negro
+Estevanico, who had been with Cabeza de Vaca on his marvellous
+journey.
+
+Leaving San Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March,
+1539,[17] and traversing Petatlan, Father Marcos reached Vacapa.[18]
+If we compare his statements about this place with
+those contained in the diary of Mateo Mange,[19] who went
+there with Father Kino in 1701, we are tempted to locate it
+in Southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson, in the "Pimria
+alta,"[20] at a place now inhabited by the Pima Indians,
+whose language is also called "Cora" and "Nevome."[21] Vacapa
+was then "a reasonable settlement" of Indians. Thence
+he travelled in a northerly direction, probably parallel to the
+coast at some distance from it. It is impossible to trace his
+route with any degree of certainty: we cannot even determine
+whether he crossed the Gila at all; since he does not mention
+any considerable river in his report, and fails to give
+even the direction in which he travelled, beyond stating at
+the outset that he went northward. Still we may suppose,
+from other testimony on the subject, that he went beyond
+the Rio Gila,[22] and finally he came in sight of a great Indian
+pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"--the houses
+of stone and several stories high. The negro Estevanico had
+been killed at this pueblo previous to the arrival of Fray Marcos,
+so the latter only gazed at it from a safe distance, and
+then hastily retired to Culiacan. While the date of his departure
+is known, we are in the dark concerning the date of
+his return, except that it occurred some time previous to the
+2d of September, 1539.[23]
+
+To this great pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"
+Fray Marcos was induced to give the name of Cibola.[24] The
+comparison with Mexico shows a lively imagination; still, we
+must reflect that in 1539 Mexico was not a large town,[25] and
+the startling appearance of the many-storied pueblo-houses
+should also be taken into account.[26]
+
+With the report about Cibola came the news that the said
+pueblo was only one of seven, and the "Seven Cities of Cibola"
+became the next object of Spanish conquest.
+
+It is not our purpose here to describe the events of this
+conquest, or rather series of conquests, beginning with the
+expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 1540, and
+ending in the final occupation of New Mexico by Juan de
+Oate in 1598. For the history of these enterprises, we refer
+the reader to the attractive and trustworthy work of Mr.
+W. W. H. Davis.[27] But the numerous reports and other documents
+concerning the conquest enable us to form an idea
+of the ethnography and linguistical distribution of the Indians
+of New Mexico in the sixteenth century. Upon this
+knowledge alone can a study of the present ethnography
+and ethnology of New Mexico rest on a solid historical foundation.
+
+There can be no doubt that Cibola is to be looked for in
+New Mexico. From the vague indications of Fray Marcos,
+we are at least authorized to place it within the limits of New
+Mexico or Arizona, and the subsequent expedition of Coronado
+furnishes more positive information.
+
+Coronado marched--"leaving north slightly to the left"[28]--from
+Culiacan on. In other words, he marched east of
+north. Hence it is to be inferred that Cibola lay nearly north
+of Culiacan in Sinaloa. Juan Jaramillo has left the best itinerary
+of this expedition. We can easily identify the following
+localities: Rio Cinaloa, upper course, Rio Yaquimi, and upper
+course of the Rio Sonora.[29] Thence a mountain chain was
+crossed called "Chichiltic-Calli,"[30] or "Red-house" (a Mexican
+name), and a large ruined structure of the Indians was
+found there.
+
+Within the last forty years at least, this "Red house" has
+been repeatedly identified with the so-called "Casas Grandes,"
+lying to the south of the Rio Gila in Arizona.[31] It should not
+be forgotten that from the upper course of the Rio Sonora
+_two_ groups of Indian pueblos in ruins were within reach of
+the Spaniards. One of these were the ruins on the Gila, the
+other lay to the right, across the Sierra Madre, in the present
+district of Bravos, State of Chihuahua, Mexico. Jaramillo
+states that Coronado crossed the mountains to the _right_.[32] Now,
+whether the "Nexpa," whose stream the expedition descended
+for two days, is the Rio Santa Cruz or the Rio San Pedro, their
+course after they once crossed the Sierra could certainly not
+have led them to the "great houses" on the Rio Gila, but
+much farther east. The query is therefore permitted, whether
+Coronado did not perhaps descend into Chihuahua, and thence
+move up due north into South-western New Mexico. In any
+case,--whether he crossed the Gila and then turned north-eastward,
+as Jaramillo intimates,[33] or whether he perhaps struck
+the small "Rio de las Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua, and
+then travelled due north to Cibola, according to Pedro de
+Castaeda,[34]--the lines of march necessarily met the first sedentary
+Indians living in houses of stone or adobe about the
+region in which the pueblo of Zui exists. It is not to be
+wondered at, therefore, if all the writers on New Mexico, from
+Antonio de Espejo (1584) down to General J. H. Simpson
+(1871), with very few exceptions, have identified Zui with
+Cibola.
+
+
+There are numerous other indications in favor of this assumption.
+
+1. Thus Castaeda says: "Twenty leagues to the north-west,
+there is another province which contains seven villages.
+The inhabitants have the same costumes, the same customs,
+and the same religion as those of Cibola."[35] This district is the
+one called "Tusayan" by the same author, who places it at
+twenty-five leagues also; and "Tucayan" by Jaramillo, "to
+the left of Cibola, distant about five days' march."[36] These
+seven villages of "Tusayan" were visited by Pedro de Tobar.
+West of them is a broad river, which the Spaniards called
+"Rio del Tizon."[37]
+
+2. Five days' journey from Cibola to the east, says Castaeda,
+there was a village called "Acuco," erected on a rock. "This
+village is very strong, because there was but one path leading
+to it. It rose upon a precipitous rock on all sides, etc."[38]
+Jaramillo mentions, at one or two days' march from Cibola
+to the east, "a village in a very strong situation on a precipitous
+rock; it is called Tutahaco."[39]
+
+3. According to Jaramillo: "All the water-courses which
+we met, whether they were streams or rivers, until that of
+Cibola, and I even believe one or two journeyings beyond,
+flow in the direction of the South Sea; further on they take
+the direction of the Sea of the North."[40]
+
+4. The village called "Acuco," or "Tutahaco," lay between
+Cibola and the streams running to the south-east, "entering
+the Sea of the North."[41]
+
+It results from points 3 and 4, that the region of Cibola
+lay at all events _west of the present grants to the pueblo of
+Acoma_. There are watercourses in their north-western corner,
+and through the western half thereof, which become
+tributaries to the Rio Grande del Norte. The only settled
+region, or rather the region containing the remains of large
+settlements, lying west of the water-shed between the Colorado
+of the West and the Rio Grande, is much farther north.
+It is the so-called San Juan district, where extensive ruins are
+still found, for the description of which we are indebted to
+General Simpson, to Messrs. Jackson and Holmes, and to Mr.
+Lewis H. Morgan. To reach this region, Coronado had to
+pass either between Acoma and Zui, or between the Zui
+and the Moqui towns. In either case he could not have
+failed to notice one or the other of these pueblos; whereas
+Nizza, as well as the reports of Coronado's march, particularly
+insist upon the fact that Cibola lay on the borders of
+a great uninhabited waste.
+
+Our choice is therefore limited between Zui and the
+Moqui towns themselves; for there can be no doubt as to the
+identity of the rock of Acuco or Tutahaco, east of Cibola,
+with the pueblo of Acoma, whose remarkable situation, on
+the top of a high, isolated rock, has made it the most conspicuous
+object in New Mexico for nearly three centuries.[42]
+
+But there can be as little doubt, also, in regard to the identity
+of the Moqui district with the "Tusayan" of Castaeda
+and of Jaramillo. When the Moqui region first was made
+known under that name ("Mohoce," "Mohace") in 1583,
+by Antonio de Espejo, it lay westward from Cibola "four
+journeys of seven leagues each." One of its pueblos was
+called "Aguato" ("Aguatobi").[43] Fifteen years later (1598),
+Juan de Oate found the first pueblo of "Mohce," twenty
+leagues of the first one of "Jui" ("Zui") to the westward.[44]
+Besides, the "Rio del Tizon" was, at an early day,
+distinctly identified with the Colorado River of the West.[45]
+
+Finally, we must notice here that the text of Hackluyt's
+version of Espejo's report is in so far incorrect as it leads to
+the inference that Espejo only admitted Cibola to be a
+Spanish name for Zui, therefore making it doubtful whether
+or not it was the original place ("y la llaman los Espaoles
+Cibola"). The original text of Espejo's report distinctly
+says, however, "a province of six pueblos, called Zui,
+and by another name, Cibola," thus positively identifying
+the place.[46]
+
+We cannot, therefore, refuse to adopt the views of General
+Simpson and of Mr. W. W. H. Davis, and to look to the
+pueblo of Zui as occupying, if not the actual site, at least
+one of the sites within the tribal area of the "Seven cities of
+Cibola." Nor can we refuse to identify Tusayan with the
+Moqui district, and Acuco with Acoma.
+
+This investigation has so far enabled us to locate, at the
+time of their first discovery, _three_ of the principal pueblos or
+groups of pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona. The pueblo
+of Acoma appears to have occupied at that time the identical
+striking position in which it is found to-day. The pueblo of
+Zui, while it undoubtedly occupies the ground once claimed
+by the cluster to which the name of Cibola was given, is but
+the remaining one of six or seven villages then forming that
+group, or a recent construction sheltering the remnants of
+their former occupants. The Moqui towns appear to be the
+same which the Spaniards found three hundred and forty
+years ago, though additions from other tribes have, as we
+shall subsequently establish, modified the character of their
+dwellers.
+
+But the information to be derived from Coronado's march,
+on the ethnography of New Mexico, is not confined to the
+above. While at Cibola, Indians from a tribe or region called
+"Cicuy," which was said to be found far to the east, came to
+see him. They brought with them buffalo-hides, prepared
+and manufactured into shields and "helmets." Although
+the Spaniards had heard of the buffalo before reaching Zui,
+the animal itself had not been met with, and accordingly
+Coronado sent Hernando de Alvarado to Cicuy, and in quest
+of the "buffalo country."[47]
+
+Cicuy is the "Cicuique" of Juan Jaramillo, and the "Acuique"
+of an anonymous relation of the year 1541: it lay to
+the east of Acoma, through which the Spaniards passed.[48]
+Between it and Acoma was the pueblo of "Tiguex," at a distance
+of three days' march, while Cicuy was five days from
+Tiguex.[49] General Simpson identifies the latter with a point
+on the Rio Grande del Norte, "at the foot of the Socorro
+Mountains," and then places Cicuy at "Pecos."[50] Between
+Acoma and the Rio Grande there lies the Rio Puerco; and
+on its banks other authorities, conspicuous among whom
+is Mr. W. W. H. Davis, have located Tiguex, while Cicuy,
+according to them, was on the Rio Grande, somewhere
+near the valley of Guadalupe.[51] Both conclusions have their
+strong points; but both of them have also their weak sides.
+
+If it took five days of march from Zui to Acoma, three
+days more, in a north-easterly direction, would have brought
+the Spaniards to the Rio Grande, and certainly much beyond
+the Rio Puerco; and then Pecos could easily be reached in
+five days.[52]
+
+But we are unable to guess, even, at the length of each
+journey. From Zui to Acoma the country was uninhabited;
+therefore the length of each journey may have been great,
+because there was nothing to attract the attention of the
+Spaniards,--nothing to prevent them from hastening their
+progress in order to reach their point of destination. From
+Acoma on, the ethnographical character changed. The actual
+distance to the Rio Grande may be shorter; but pueblos
+sprung up at small intervals of space, which necessitated
+greater caution, and therefore greater delay, in the movements
+of the advancing party. Still, we have a guide of
+great efficiency in another branch of information. The pueblo
+of "Tiguex," mentioned as lying three days from Acoma,
+indicates, seemingly, a settlement of _Tehua_-speaking Indians.
+Now, the "Tehua" idiom is spoken in those pueblos which lie
+directly north of Santa F. San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa
+Clara, Pohuaque, Namb, and Tesuque. But it is quite apparent
+that, considering the great distance of Santa F from
+Acoma, the journeys, as indicated in Castaeda, would fall
+very short of any of the pueblos mentioned.[53]
+
+The Tehua, like all the tribes along the Rio Grande,
+suffered vicissitudes and consequent displacements; and
+it might be advanced that one or the other of the Tehua
+villages, formerly known as Tiguex, might now be destroyed.
+
+Fortunately, we need not resort to such hypotheses. It appears,
+from documentary evidence of the year 1598, that there
+was, distinct from the Tehua or Tegua, a tribe of "Chiguas,"
+or "Tiguas;"[54] and, from the notes of Father Juan Amando
+Niel (written between 1703 and 1710), it results that their
+settlements were near Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande; there
+being at that time three villages, the most northern of which
+was Santiago, the central one Puaray, near Bernalillo, and
+the most southern one San Pedro.[55] The distance between the
+first two pueblos, according to Fray Zarate Salmeron, in 1626,
+was about one and a half leagues, or five and a half English
+miles.[56] Tiguex, therefore, must be located on or near the
+site of Bernalillo. The "Rio Tiguex" of Castaeda is the
+Rio Grande del Norte, and the Indians of Tiguex belonged to
+the stock of the "Tanos" language, now spoken still by a
+few Indians at Galisteo, and by the inhabitants of the pueblos
+of Sandia and Isleta.[57] Even the direction in which the Spaniards
+moved from Acoma--that is, to the north-east--perfectly
+agrees with that in which Bernalillo lies, whereas the
+mouth of the Rio Puerco, below which General Simpson locates
+Tiguex, lies south-east of the pueblo of Acoma.
+
+Having thus, as we believe, satisfactorily located Tiguex, it
+is easy to locate Cicuy. It can be nothing else than Pecos,
+whose aboriginal Indian name, in the Jemez language, is
+"gin," whereas Pecos is the "Paego" of the Qq'ures idiom.
+There is no other Indian pueblo answering to its description
+and geographical location as given by the chroniclers of
+Coronado. The fact that "when the army quitted Cicuy to
+go to Quivira, we entered the mountains, which it was necessary
+to cross to reach the plains, and on the fourth day we
+arrived at a great river, very deep, which passes also near
+Cicuy,"[58] does not at all militate against it. The easiest passage,
+and the most accessible one from Pecos eastward, leads
+directly to the slopes between the Rio Gallinas and the Rio
+Pecos; and either of these two streams could be, and had to
+be, met with very near to the confluence of both.[59] For other
+proof, and very conclusive too, I refer to my detailed description
+of the Ruins of the Pueblo de Pecos.
+
+I repeat, it is not to our purpose to describe the "faits et
+gestes" of Coronado and of his men, but only to discuss the results
+of his march for the Ethnography of New Mexico. I even
+exclude Ethnology in as far as it does not include language.
+The distribution of tribes and stocks of tribes designated by
+idioms, as Coronado revealed it in 1540 to 1543, is to be the
+final result of the discussion. Therefore, I leave the acts of the
+Spaniards aside everywhere, when they are not essential to the
+object, and do not even follow a strict chronological sequence.
+
+After Alvarado had left Cibola for Tiguex, Coronado himself
+followed him; and, "taking the road to Tiguex," he crossed
+a range of mountains where snow impeded his march,--and
+during which march he and his men were once two and a half
+days without water,--until finally he reached a pueblo called
+"Tutahaco."[60] General Simpson has not paid any attention
+to this place. Mr. Davis places it near Laguna.[61] This author
+has forgotten that Tutahaco was further from Zui than
+Tiguex itself, since it took Coronado more than eleven days
+to reach it.[62] This could not have been the case, had he
+passed _north_ of Acoma; he must consequently have passed
+_south_ of it, and, while originally following the trail to Tiguex,
+deviated in a direction from N.E. to E.S.E., crossing the
+mountains, and then finally struck the "Tiguex" pueblos,
+but in their southern limits, on the Rio Grande about "Isleta."[63]
+Castaeda is very positive in regard to the fact that
+"Tutahaco" was on the same river as "Tiguex," and that
+from the former Coronado _ascended_ the stream to the latter.[64]
+This river was the Rio Grande; and, consequently, "Tutahaco"
+was south of "Puaray" or Bernalillo. There, he heard
+of other pueblos further south still.[65] "Tutahaco" was "four
+leagues to the south of Tiguex."[66]
+
+When Coronado reached "Tiguex" at last, it thereafter
+became the centre of his operations. Castaeda very justly
+remarks: "Tiguex is the central point;"[67] and a glance at the
+map, substituting Bernalillo for it, will at once satisfy the reader
+of the accuracy of this statement.
+
+From Tiguex an expedition was sent along the Rio Grande
+and west of it. It discovered in succession: Quirix on the
+river, with seven villages; Hemes with seven villages; Aguas
+Calientes, three; Acha to the north-east; and, furthest in a
+north-easterly direction, Braba. Four leagues west of the
+river, Cia was met with; and, between Quirix and Cicuy,
+Ximera. Further north of Quirix, Yuque-Yunque was found
+on the Rio Grande. An officer was also despatched to the
+south beyond Tutahaco, and he indeed discovered "four villages"
+at a great distance from the latter, and beyond these a
+place where the Rio Grande "disappeared in the ground, like
+the Guadiana in Estremadura."[68]
+
+Through our identifications of "Tiguex" with _Bernalillo_,
+of "Cicuy" with _Pecos_, and "Tutahaco" with _near Isleta_, it
+becomes now extremely easy to locate all these pueblos in
+the most satisfactory manner. "Quirix" is the _Queres_ district
+Santo-Domingo, Cochit, etc.[69] "Hemes" and "Aguas
+Calientes," together form the _Jemez_ and _San Diego_ clusters
+of pueblos,[70] "Acha" is _Picuries_, "Braba," _Taos_.[71] The pueblo
+of "Ximera" between Pecos and Queres is the _Tanos_ pueblo of
+_San Cristbal_.[72] "Yuque-Yunque" are the _Tehuas_, north of
+Santa F,[73] and the four villages on the Rio Grande far south
+of Isleta, naturally are found in the now deserted towns of
+the "Piros" near Socorro, the most southerly and the least
+known of the linguistical stocks of sedentary Indians in New
+Mexico.[74]
+
+In sending the officers mentioned along the Rio Grande, as
+far south as Mesilla probably, Coronado explored the territory
+beyond the range of the pueblos, and he thus secured information
+also concerning the roaming tribes. It is essential that
+I should touch these here also, because the subsequent history
+of the village Indians cannot be understood without connection
+with their savage surroundings. I might as well state
+here, that west of the Rio Grande and south of Zui, the entire
+south-west corner of New Mexico, appears to have been uninhabited
+in 1540. Stray hunting parties may have visited
+it, though there was hardly any inducement, since the buffalo
+was found east of the Rio Grande only, as far as New
+Mexico is concerned.[75]
+
+The country visited along the Rio Grande, as far as Mesilla,
+appears not to have given any occasion for its explorers, to
+mention any wild tribes as its occupants. Still we know that,
+east of Socorro and south-east, not forty years after Coronado,
+the "Jumanas" Indians claimed the Eastern portions of
+Valencia and Socorro counties; the regions of Abo, Quarac,
+and Gran Quivira.[76] These savages, also called "Rayados"
+("Striated" from their custom of painting or cutting their
+faces and breasts for the sake of ornament), were reduced to
+villages in 1629 only, by the Franciscans; and the ruins which
+are now called Gran Quivira date from that time.[77] Dona
+Ana county was (from later reports which I shall discuss in
+a subsequent paper), roamed over, towards the Rio Grande,
+by equally savage hordes, to which Antonio de Espejo and
+others give the name of "Tobosas."[78] It is, of course,
+impossible to assign boundaries to the Ranges of such
+tribes.
+
+Very distinct ethnographic information, however, is given
+by Coronado himself, as well as by Castaeda and by Jaramillo,
+in regard to north-eastern New Mexico. This information
+was secured in the year 1542, during his adventurous expedition
+in search of Quivira.
+
+In regard to the route followed by him, I can but, in
+a general way, heartily accept the conclusions of General
+Simpson.[79] If, in some details, we may have some doubts
+yet, I gladly bow to his superior knowledge of the country
+and to his experience of travelling in the plains, in the
+latter of which I am totally deficient. Coronado started
+from Pecos, he crossed, probably, the Tecolote chain, threw
+a bridge over the Rio Gallinas, and then moved on to the
+north-east at an unknown distance. Although not as yet
+satisfied that he reached as far north-east as General Simpson
+states, and believing that he moved more in a _circle_ (as
+men wandering astray in the plains are apt to do), there is
+no doubt but that he went far into the "Indian territory,"
+and that Quivira--which, by the way, is plainly described
+as an agglomeration of Indian "lodges" inhabited, not by
+sedentary Indians of the pueblo type, but by a tribe exactly
+similar in culture to the corn-raising aborigines of the Mississippi
+valley[80]--was situated at all events somewhere between
+the Indian territory and the State of Nebraska. This
+is plainly confirmed by the reports of Juan de Oate's fruitless
+search of Quivira in 1599,[81] and principally by the
+statements of the Indians of Quivira themselves, when
+they visited that governor at Santa F thereafter.[82] They
+told him that the direct route to Quivira was by the pueblo
+of Taos.
+
+The Quivira of Coronado and of Oate has therefore not
+the slightest connection,--and never had, with the Gran
+Quivira of this day, situated east of Alamillo, near the
+boundaries of Socorro and Lincoln Counties, New Mexico,
+and the ruins there;[83] which ruins are those of a Franciscan
+mission founded after 1629, around whose church a village of
+"Jumanas" and probably "Piros" Indians had been established
+under direction of the fathers.
+
+The reports of Coronado, and others, reveal to us the east
+and north-east of New Mexico as the "Buffalo Country," and
+consequently as inhabited or roamed over by hunting savages.
+Of these, two tribes were the immediate neighbors
+of the Pueblos,--the "Teyas" to the north-east, and the
+"Querechos" more to the east, south of the former probably.
+The Ranges intermingled, and both tribes were at
+war with each other. The "Teyas" were possibly Yutas,[84]
+as these occupied the region latterly held by the Comanches.
+About the "Querechos" I have, as yet, and at this distance
+from all documentary evidence, not a trace of information.
+
+On the ethnographical map accompanying this sketch, I
+have indicated the _Apaches_ as occupying _North-western New
+Mexico_. In this locality they were found by Juan de Oate
+in 1598-99.[85]
+
+Coronado's homeward march offering no new points of
+interest, I shall, in conclusion, briefly survey the Ethnography
+of New Mexico, as it is sketched on the map, and
+as established by the preceding investigation of the years
+1540-43.
+
+We find the sedentary Indians of New Mexico agglomerated
+in the following clusters:--
+
+1. Between the frontier of Arizona and the Rio Grande,
+from west to east: _Zui_, _Acoma_, with possibly _Laguna_.
+
+2. Along the Rio Grande, from north to south, between
+"Sangre de Cristo" and Mesilla: _Taos_, _Picuries_, _Tehua_,
+_Queres_, _Tiguas_ (branch of the _Tanos_), _Piros_.
+
+3. West of the Rio Grande valley: _Jemez_, including _San
+Diego_ and _Cia_.
+
+4. East of the Rio Grande: _Tanos_, _Pecos_.
+
+Around these "pueblos," then, ranged the following wild
+tribes.
+
+1. In the north-west: _Apaches_.
+
+2. In the north-east: _Teyas_.
+
+3. North-east and east: _Querechos_.
+
+4. South-east and south: _Jumanas_, _Tobosas_.
+
+The south-west of the territory appears to have been completely
+uninhabited, and also devoid of the buffalo. The
+innumerable herds of this quadruped roamed over the plains
+occupying the eastern third of New Mexico and extending
+into Texas.
+
+The _Moqui_ of Arizona, clearly identified with Coronado's
+"Tusayan" are not noticed on the map, of course.
+
+If now we compare these localities in 1540 with the present
+sites of the pueblos of New Mexico, it is self-evident that the
+Zui, Acoma, Tiguas, Queres, Jemez, Tehua, and Taos still
+occupy (Acoma excepted), if not the identical houses, at
+least the same tribal grounds. The Piros have removed
+to the frontier of Mexico, the Pecos are extinct as a tribe;
+of the Tanos and Picuries, a few remain on their ancient
+soil. Their fate is not a matter of conjecture, but of historical
+record.
+
+While this discussion has proved, we believe, the truthfulness
+and reliability of the chroniclers of Coronado's expedition,
+and their great importance for the history of American
+aborigines, it establishes at the same time the superior
+advantages of New Mexico as a field for archological and
+ethnological study. It is the only region on the whole continent
+where the highest type of culture attained by its aborigines--the
+village community in stone or adobe buildings--has
+been preserved on the respective territories of the tribes.
+These tribes have shrunk, the purity of their stock has been
+affected, their customs and beliefs encroached upon by civilization.
+Still enough is left to make of New Mexico the objective
+point of serious, practical archologists; for, besides the
+living pueblo Indians, besides the numerous ruins of their
+past, the very history of the changes they have undergone is
+partly in existence, and begins three hundred and forty years
+ago, with Coronado's adventurous march.[86]
+
+AD. F. BANDELIER.
+
+SANTA F, N. M., Sept. 19, 1880.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+THE GRAND QUIVIRA. See p. 26.
+
+The following extract is from the "General Description" in the
+field-notes of the survey in 1872 of the base line of the public surveys
+in New Mexico by United States Deputy Surveyor Willison, taken from the
+original notes on file at the United States Surveyor General's office at
+Santa F:--
+
+ "The Gran Quivira, about which so much has been written and
+ so many attempts made to reconcile with the city of that
+ name spoken of by the early Spanish explorers, and which was
+ said by them to be the seat of immense wealth, is passed
+ through by the line in Sec. 34, range 8 East. The most
+ prominent building is the church, which, as well as all the
+ other buildings, is of limestone laid in mortar. The ground
+ plan presents the form of a cross. The dimensions of the
+ buildings are as follows:--
+
+ "Width of short arm of cross, 33 feet; width of long arm of
+ cross, 42 feet. Their axes are respectively 48 feet long and
+ 140.5 feet long, and their intersection 35 feet from the
+ head of the cross. The walls have a thickness of 6 feet, and
+ a height of about 30 feet. The main entrance has a height of
+ 11 feet, an outside width of 11 feet, and an inside width of
+ 16.5 feet. The church is situated due east and west, having
+ its front to the east.
+
+ "Extending south from the church a distance of 160 feet, and
+ connected with it by a door in the short arm of the cross,
+ is a building containing a number of apartments. On the
+ window-frames of this building the mark of the carpenter's
+ scribe is still plainly visible, though doubtless exposed to
+ the action of the atmosphere for nearly two centuries. The
+ carved timbers in the church are still in a good state of
+ preservation; a portion of the roof still remains; some of
+ the timbers must have weighed 3,000 pounds at the time they
+ were brought to this place, and they could not have been
+ procured within a less distance than sixteen miles.
+
+ "The site of the ruins is elevated about one hundred feet
+ above the surrounding country, and embraces an area of about
+ eighteen acres. The town has been well and compactly built,
+ and probably contained a population approaching five
+ thousand souls. Numerous excavations have been made by the
+ Mexicans in search of the treasures said to have been left
+ by the Jesuits when they were expelled by the Indians. In
+ one of these excavations I found a large quantity of human
+ bones, including a skull. From the formation of the latter,
+ and its thickness, it was undoubtedly that of an Indian.
+
+ "The questions that arise in contemplating these ruins are,
+ how was it possible for such a number of people not only to
+ exist, but to build a town of such superior construction at
+ a point which is now entirely destitute of water, and to
+ which water cannot be brought from any present source, the
+ nearest water being fifteen miles distant? what was their
+ occupation? and what has become of them?
+
+ "That this town was the abode of Jesuit [Franciscan?]
+ priests, and a tribe of Indians under their control, the
+ architecture of the buildings conclusively shows.
+
+ "That they were there for agricultural and pastoral purposes
+ I consider certain, from the fact that there are no
+ evidences of mines, or any mineral indications of any kind
+ in the surrounding country, and that the country, with the
+ single exception of the absence of water, is well adapted to
+ the mode of cultivation pursued and crops raised by the
+ Indians.
+
+ "That water was brought there from some distant point--and
+ distant it would have been--cannot be the case, as the face
+ of the country would have required the construction of
+ numerous aqueducts for its conveyance, remains of which
+ would be found at the present time; and why would a people
+ bring water a long distance for the purpose of working lands
+ no more valuable than such as could have been had at the
+ water?
+
+ "Where, then, did the inhabitants get the water necessary
+ for their subsistence? There are two arroyos between the
+ ruins and the Mesa Jumanes, within a mile of the town,
+ having well-defined watercourses, which might have
+ contained permanent water at the time that the town was
+ inhabited. Even at the present time, the drainage from these
+ arroyos furnishes water for a laguna some five miles below
+ that lasts during about one half the year. Again, springs
+ may have existed around the rise upon which the town is
+ situated that, from natural causes, have become dry.
+
+ "The phenomenon of the failures of water is no uncommon one
+ in this region, as is evidenced by the numerous vents where
+ the surrounding rocks show the action of running water.
+
+ "A case directly supporting the assumption of the failure of
+ the water is furnished at a place about thirty-five miles
+ northerly from the Gran Quivira, known as 'La Cienega.' At
+ this point a stream of water, furnished by two springs, and
+ running to a distance of about a mile at all seasons of the
+ year, which has never been known to be dry within the memory
+ of the oldest inhabitant, has, within the last year,
+ entirely disappeared; and even digging to a considerable
+ depth in the bed of the late springs fails to find the
+ stream, or the channel by which it has so mysteriously
+ disappeared.
+
+ "To those at all familiar with the cretaceous formation of
+ the south-eastern portion of New Mexico, and who have seen
+ the numerous rivers that flow hundreds of inches of water
+ within a few yards of where they make their first
+ appearance, and the total disappearance of these streams
+ within a few miles, who have seen the water flowing in caves
+ and subterraneous streams, and the fact that the whole
+ country is cavernous, can easily imagine the possibility of
+ a stream acting upon its cretaceous bed, and eventually
+ wearing a channel, to connect with some immense cavern, and
+ disappearing at once from the surface beyond all reach of
+ human power.
+
+ "To the south of the Gran Quivira, at a distance of about
+ twenty miles, commences a _mal pais_, an immense bed of
+ lava, sixty miles in length from north to south, and
+ covering an area of five hundred square miles. To the
+ south-west of this commences a salt marsh, which has an area
+ of fifty square miles, and which is fed entirely by
+ subterranean streams from the Sacramento and White
+ Mountains, receiving without doubt by the same means the
+ drainage of this plain for a hundred miles to the north. The
+ above facts are, I think, sufficient to account for the
+ absence of water at the present time near Gran Quivira.
+
+ "As to what became of the inhabitants of this place, as well
+ as those of Abo and Quarr to the north-west,--towns that
+ are coeval with the Gran Quivira,--we can only conjecture.
+ The most reasonable conclusion that can be arrived at is
+ that they were exterminated by the Spaniards upon their
+ reoccupation of the country. Though history is silent as to
+ the complete operations of the Spaniards upon their return
+ to New Mexico, yet it is a fact established by documentary
+ evidence that a relentless war was waged against the
+ Indians, and a number of tribes are spoken of as being
+ engaged in certain battles, of which tribes we know nothing
+ at the present day; and in some instances it is stated that
+ some tribes sued for peace, and promised obedience to the
+ rule of the conquerors, for which they received grants of
+ lands that they at present occupy. The inhabitants of Gran
+ Quivira, Abo, and Quarro would be among the first that the
+ Spaniards would meet on their reoccupation of the country,
+ and there is every reason to believe that they were
+ exterminated by the incensed invaders."
+
+
+
+
+[1] _Las siete cuevas_: in Nahuatl _Chicomoztoc_, from _chicome_, seven,
+and _oztoc_, cave. Alonzo de Molina, _Vocabulario Mexicano_, 1571, parte
+iia. pp. 20 and 78. Fray Juan de Tobar, _Codice Ramirez_, p. 18.
+
+[2] Fray Diego Durn, _Historia de las Yndias de Nueva-Espaa, Islas
+de Tierra Firme_, cap. i. p. 8; _Codex Vaticanus_, Kingsborough, vols.
+i., ii., vi.; _Anales de Cuauhtitlan: Anales del Museo Nacional de
+Mxico_, tom. i. entrega 7, p. 7 of 2d vol., but incorporated in the
+first. "I acatl ipan quizque Chicomoztoc in Chichimeca omitoa moternuh
+in imitoloca."
+
+[3] _Historia de los Indios de la Nueva-Espaa, in Coleccion de
+Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, by J. G. Icazbalceta, vol. i. p.
+7.
+
+[4] _Segunda Relacion Annima de la Jornada de Nuo de Guzman, in
+Coleccion de Documentos_, etc., vol. ii. p. 303.
+
+[5] The early literature on this subject will only be fully known when
+the remarkable collection called _Libro de Oro_ shall have been
+published by Seor Icazbalceta, its meritorious owner. This valuable
+collection of manuscripts dates from the sixteenth century, and
+contains, besides a number of official reports on local matters of
+Mexico and districts pertaining to it, the chronicles of the tezcucan
+Juan Bautista Pomar, a copy of Motolinia, and a number of MSS. written
+between 1529 and 1547 at the instance of the much-abused Bishop
+Zumrraga. These MSS. contain the results of the earliest investigations
+on Mexican history and tradition.
+
+The natives of Mexico appear to have had no knowledge, nay, not even the
+most dim recollection, of the _fauna_ of South-western North America.
+While their so-called calendar, in the graphic tokens used to designate
+each one of the twenty days of their conventional "month," contains the
+forms of all the larger quadrupeds roaming over Mexico and Central
+America, the tapir excepted, we look in vain for the coyote, the bear,
+the mountain-sheep, and the buffalo.
+
+[6] _Popol Vuh_, part iii. cap. iv. p. 216, cap. vi. pp. 226, 228, cap.
+viii. p. 238, etc.
+
+[7] Hernando Corts, _Carta Quarta_, dated Temixtitan, 15 October, 1524,
+Vedia i. p. 102. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valds, _Historia General
+y Natural de las Indias_, lib. xxxiii. cap. xxxvi. vol. iii. p. 447,
+lib. xxxiv. cap. viii. p. 576, Madrid, 1853. The information was derived
+from Gonzalo de Sandoval. See Antonio de Herrera, _Historia General de
+los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar
+Oceano_, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. p. 106, edition of 1726.
+
+[8] _Relacion de las Ceremonias y Ritos, Poblacion y Gobierno de los
+Indios de la Provincia de Mechuacan_, p. 113, from the _Coleccion de
+Documentos para la Historia de la Espaa. Tercera Relacion Annima de la
+Jornada de Nuo de Guzman, Coleccion de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii.
+pp. 443, 449, 451. _Matias de la Mota Padilla, Historia de la
+Nueva-Galicia_, published 1870, cap. iii. p. 27. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap.
+xxxiii. vol. i. pp. 222, 223.
+
+[9] _Quarta Relacion Annima de la Jornada de Nuo de Guzman, Coleccion
+de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii. p. 475. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap. xxxiii.
+vol. i. p. 223.
+
+[10] In 1527, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iv. pp. 26, 27.
+
+[11] He was treasurer of Narvaez' expedition, and subsequently, upon his
+return, or rather in 1541, became _adelantado_ of Paraguay.
+
+[12] He wrote all from memory. The title of his work is _Naufragios de
+Alvar Nuez Cabeza de Vaca, y Relacion de la Jornada que hizo la
+Florida_. It was first printed in 1555, at Valladolid. My references are
+to the reprint in Vedia's _Historiadores Primitivos de Indias_, vol. i.
+
+[13] Cabeza de Vaca, _Naufragios_, etc., cap. xxxvii. p. 548, xxxiv. p.
+545. According to Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 11 and cap.
+viii. p. 11, it might be either 1536 or 1534, "el ao pasado de 1534."
+Oviedo, lib. xxxv. cap. vi. p. 614, intimates as much as 1538. Fray
+Antonio Tello, _Historia de la Nueva-Galicia_, fragment preserved in
+_Coleccion de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii. cap. xii. p. 358, says
+"haban llegado ese ao de treinta y tres aquellas tierras," 1533.
+
+[14] Cabeza de Vaca, cap. xxxi. pp. 542, 543.
+
+[15] Id., p. 543.
+
+[16] He was a native of Savoy, Italy, and was with Sebastian de
+Belalcazar during the latter's conquest of Quito. Juan de Velasco,
+_Histoire du royaume de Quito_, French translation by Ternaux-Compans,
+Introd. p. viii. He wrote the following books: _Conquista de la
+Provincia del Quito: Ritos y Ceremonias de los Indios_; _Las dos Lineas
+de los Incas y de los Scyris en las Provincias del Per y del Quito_;
+_Cartas Informativas de lo Obrado en las Provincias del Per y del
+Cuzco_. These manuscripts may still exist. According to Fray Augustin de
+Vetancurt (Menologio Franciscano, ed. of 1871, pp. 117, 118, 119), he
+was born at Nizza, and in 1531 came to America, being in Peru in 1532.
+Thence he went to Nicaragua and Mexico. He was provincial from 1540 to
+1543, and died at Mexico, March 25, 1558.
+
+[17] Fray Marcos Nizza, _Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades_, p. 329.
+
+[18] Nizza, p. 332. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. vii. p. 156.
+
+[19] In _Documentos para la Historia de Mjico_, 1856, 4 srie, vol. i.
+p. 327. The diary has not even a title. Mentioned by Father Jacob
+Sedelmair, S. J., _Relacion que hizo ... Misionero de Tubatama_, in
+_Documentos para la Historia de Mjico_, 3a srie, vol. ii. pp. 846,
+848, 857, 859.
+
+[20] On the map of Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, in _Der neue
+Weltbott_, by P. Joseph Stcklein, vol. i. 2d edition, 1728, there
+appears St. Ludov. de Bacapa. The diary of Mange, p. 327, is explicit.
+
+[21] Manuel Orozco y Berra, _Geografa de las Lenguas y Carta
+Etnogrfica de Mxico_, part iii. cap. xxiii. pp. 345-353, etc.
+Francisco Pimentel, _Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas
+Indgenas de Mxico_, 1865, vol. ii. pp. 91, 92-116.
+
+[22] The fact that he became the guide of Coronado, and led him to
+Cibola, indicates that Fray Marcos crossed the Gila, since otherwise the
+Spaniards would have traversed the Sierra Madre, and entered New Mexico
+from Chihuahua. It is true that the general direction of Coronado's
+march from Culiacan was from south to north, inclining to the _east_.
+
+[23] The attest of D. Antonio de Mendoza, concerning Nizza's report,
+bears the date, Mexico, 2 Sept., 1539. Consequently, Fray Marcos had
+returned previously. See _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+Ternaux-Compans, Appendix, p. 282.
+
+[24] This word is said to be now found only in the dialect of the pueblo
+of Isleta, south of Santa F, under the form _siblod_, buffalo. Albert
+S. Gatschet, _Zwlf Sprachen aus dem Sdwesten Nord Amerika's_, Weimar,
+1876, p. 106.
+
+[25] Herrera, _Descripcion de las Indias_, cap. ix. p. 17, says that
+Mexico has 4,000 vecinos. This was in 1610, about.
+
+[26] Lewis H. Morgan, _On the Ruins of a Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River_, in _12th Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American
+Archology_, etc., 1880, p. 550.
+
+[27] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, Doylestown, Pa., 1869.
+
+[28] Pedro de Castaeda y Nagera, _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+translation of Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1838, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163.
+
+[29] Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait la Nouvelle-Terre sous
+les Ordres du Gnral Francisco Vasquez de Coronado_, in _Voyage de
+Cibola_, Append. vi. pp. 365, 366, 367.
+
+[30] Castaeda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. p. 162. The word
+is composed of _chichiltic_, a red object, and _calli_, house. Molina,
+ii. pp. 11, 19.
+
+[31] General Simpson locates the "Casas Grandes" on the Gila, in lat.
+33 4' 21" and lon. 111 45' Greenwich. _Coronado's March_, p. 326.
+
+[32] _Relation_, etc., p. 365. "Nous souffrmes quelques fatigues,
+jusqu' ce que nous eussions atteint une chane de montagnes dont
+j'avais entendu parler la Nouvelle-Espagne, plus de trois-cents
+lieues de l. Nous donnmes l'endroit o nous passmes le nom de
+Chichiltic-Calli, parce que nous avions su par des Indiens que nous
+laissions derrire nous, qu'ils l'appelaient ainsi," etc. Id. "On nous
+dit qu'elle se nommait Chichiltic-Calli. Aprs avoir franchi ces
+montagnes." ...
+
+[33] Jaramillo, _Relation_, etc., p. 367. Simpson, p. 325. For
+descriptions of the "Casas Grandes," I refer to Castaeda, i. cap. ix.
+pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. pp. 161, 162, to be compared with Mateo Mange,
+_Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, srie 4, vol. i. cap. v. p.
+282, describing Father Kino's visit there in 1697, cap. x. pp. 362, 363.
+Cristbal Martin Bernal, Francisco de Acua, Eusebio Francisco Kino,
+etc., _Relacion_, in _Documentos_, 3 srie, vol. ii. p. 884; this bears
+date, 4 Dec., 1697. Fray Toms Ignacio Lizazoin, _Informe sobre las
+Provincias de Sonora y Nueva-Vizcaya, Documentos_, 3 srie, ii. p. 698.
+Segundo Media, _Rudo Ensayo Tentativo de una Prevencional Descripcion de
+la Provincia de Sonora, sus Terminos y Confines_, written by a Jesuit
+about 1761 or 1762, and published by Buckingham Smith at S. Augustine in
+1863, cap. ii. sec. 3, p. 18. Padre Font, in _Relation de Cibola_,
+Append, vii. pp. 383-386. Of more recent descriptions, I enumerate
+Lieut. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., Executive
+Documents_, 41, pp. 80, 81; Capt. A. R. Johnston, _Journal_, etc., id.
+pp. 582, 584, 596, 597; John R. Bartlett, _Personal Narrative of
+Explorations and Incidents_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxii. pp. 265-280.
+While we can easily identify the "Casas Grandes," seen in 1846-47 and
+1852, with those described in 1697, 1761, and 1775, in regard to the
+earliest description of "Chichilticalli," we are inclined to agree with
+Mr. L. H. Morgan, _Seven Cities of Cibola_, that "there is no ruin on
+the Gila at the present time that answers the above description."
+
+[34] _Relation de Cibola_, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163, and especially
+part iii. cap. ix. p. 243. "On fit d'abord cent dix lieues vers l'ouest,
+en partant de Mexico; Ton se dirigea ensuite vers le nord-est pendant
+cent lieues; puis pendant six cent cinquante vers le nord, et l'on
+n'tait encore arrive qu'aux ravins des bisons. De sorte qu'aprs avoir
+fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieues, on n'tait pas en dfinitive
+plus de quatre cents de Mexico."
+
+The "Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua are on the river of the same name,
+north-west of the city of Chihuahua, and nearly south of Jnos. I have
+been unable as yet to ascertain when they first came to notice.
+According to Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, _Letter to the General Francisco
+de Gorraez Beaumont_, dated 22 Sept., 1667, in _Mandamiento del Seor
+Virey, Marques de Mancora, sobre las Doctrinas de Casas Grandes, que
+estaban en las Yumas, Jurisdiccion de San Felipe del Parral_, in
+_Documentos_, 4 srie, vol. iii. p. 231, etc., the Padre Pedro de
+Aparicio died there, and the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, 1
+_Letter_, 25 Oct., 1667, p. 234, adds: "Que en este puesto de las Casas
+Grandes era parimo de minria y segun tradicion antigua y ruinas que se
+veian que decian ser del tiempo de Moctezuma." A very good description
+of the ruins has been given by Jos Agustin Escudero, _Noticias
+Estadsticas del Estado de Chihuahua_, Mexico, 1834, cap. viii. pp. 234,
+235, who visited them in 1819. Finally, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, _Personal
+Narrative_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxv., has furnished excellent
+descriptions and plates.
+
+It is hardly possible to determine if these ruins would better
+correspond to "Chichilticalli" than those on the Gila. The fact that the
+former presented, in 1819, the appearance of one solitary building,
+whereas the latter, in 1697, composed a group of _eleven_, is
+noteworthy, but far from being a critical point.
+
+[35] _Relation_, etc, ii. cap. iii. p. 165.
+
+[36] _Relation_, etc., p. 370.
+
+[37] Castaeda, i. cap. xi. pp. 58, 63, 64.
+
+[38] _Relation_, i. cap. xii., pp. 69, 70; ii. cap. iii. p. 166.
+
+[39] _Relation_, p. 370. Castaeda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.
+
+[40] _Relation_, p. 370.
+
+[41] Jaramillo, pp. 370 and 371.
+
+[42] Acoma is always described with particular care by the older Spanish
+authors. Antonio de Espejo, Carta, 23 April, 1584, in _Documentos
+Inditos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xv. p. 179: "Y hallamos un pueblo
+que se llama, Acoma, donde nos pareci, habria mas de seis mil nimas,
+el cual est asentado sobre una pea alta que tiene mas de cincuenta
+estados en alto," etc. Juan de Oate, _Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo
+el Campo de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-Espaa la Provincia de la
+Nueva-Mxico, Documentos Inditos_, vol. xvi. pp. 268, 270: "A quatro de
+Diciembre [1598?], lo mataron en Acoma, los Indios de aquella fortaleza,
+que es la mejor en sitio de toda la cristiandad ..." "dieron el primer
+asalto al Peol de Acma ..." _Obediencia y Vassalaje Su Magestad por
+los Indios del Pueblo de Acma, Documentos Inditos_, xvi. p. 127: "Al
+pi de una pea muy grande sobre la qual en lo alto dlla est fundado y
+poblado el Pueblo que llaman de Acma, ..." dated 27 October, 1598. Fray
+Agustin de Vetancurt, _Crnica de la Provincia del Santo Evanglio de
+Mxico_, trat. iii. cap. vi. p. 319. "Al Oriente del Pueblo de Zia est
+el Peol de Acoma, que tiene una legua en Circuito de treinta Estados de
+alto." _Menologio Franciscano_, p. 247. Both references are taken from
+the edition of 1871. Furthermore, in the anonymous _Relacion del Suceso
+de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento de
+Cibola_, ao de 1531 (should be 1541), in vol. xiv. of the _Documentos
+del Archivo de Indias_, we find Acuco (_east_ of Cibola), "el cual ellos
+llaman en su lengua _Acuco_, y el padre Mrcos le llamaba _Hacs_:" now
+Hacs forcibly recalls the proper name of Acoma, which by the Qq'ures
+Indians, to whose stock its inhabitants belong, is called "go."
+
+[43] _Carta_, 23 April, 1584, _Documentos Inditos_, vol. xv. p. 182.
+
+[44] _Discurso de las Jornadas, etc., Documentos Inditos_, vol. xvi. p.
+274. _Obediencia y Vassallaje Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de
+San Joan Baptista_, id. vol. xv. p. 115. That the "Mohoces" were the
+Moqui is evidenced by Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, _Relacion de
+todas las Provincias que en el Nuevo-Mxico se han visto y sabido as
+por Mar como por Tierra, desde el Ao de 1538, hasta el Ao de 1626.
+Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, srie 3, vol. i. p. 30.
+
+[45] Castaeda, i. cap. x. pp. 49, 50. Melchor Diaz reached the Rio del
+Tizon, starting from Culhuacan and Sonora. This river emptied into the
+Gulf of California, and he found there traces of Fernando de Alarcon.
+The latter went up the Rio Colorado, and learned many details about
+Cibola from Indians living along the river. _Relation de la Navigation
+et de la Dcouverte faite par le Capitaine Fernando Alarcon, Voyage de
+Cibola_, Ternaux-Compans, Append, iv. cap. i. p. 302: "Nous y trouvmes
+un trs grand fleuve dont le courant tait si rapide, qu' peine
+pouvions nous nous y maintenir," cap. v. pp. 324-326; cap. vi. p. 331.
+Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. p. 212. Fray Juan de Torquemada,
+_Monarchia Indiana_, lib. v. cap. xi. p. 609, ed. of 1723. While Alarcon
+was endeavoring to meet Coronado by sailing or boating up the Colorado
+from its mouth, the latter sent Garci-Lopez de Cardenas to explore a
+river which the Indians of "Tusayan" had mentioned to Pedro de Tobar;
+and he reached this river after twenty days' march. It is described as
+follows by Castaeda (i. cap. xi. p. 62): "After these twenty days'
+marching, they indeed reached this river, whose shores are so high that
+they thought themselves at least three or four leagues up in the air.
+The country is covered with low and crippled pines; it is exposed to the
+north, and the cold is so severe that, although it was summer, it could
+hardly be supported. The Spaniards for three days marched along these
+mountains, hoping to find a place where they could reach the river,
+which, from above, appeared to be about one fathom in width, while the
+Indians said it was wider than one-half league; but it was found to be
+impossible," etc. This is a fair picture of the caons of the Colorado
+River of the West, the only one emptying into the head of the Gulf of
+California; and Castaeda adds (p. 65): "This river was the del Tizon."
+
+[46] _Carta, Documentos Inditos_, vol. xv. p. 180: "Una provincia, que
+son seis pueblos, que la provincia llaman Zui, y por otro nombre
+Cibola. Richard Hackluyt, _The Third and last Volume of the Voyages,
+Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_." _El
+Viaie que hizo Antonio de Espeio en el Ao de ochenta y tres_, pp.
+457-464, has "dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra en lengua de los
+naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Espaoles Cibola, ay en ella cantidad de
+Indios ..."
+
+[47] Castaeda, i. cap. xii. pp. 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73.
+
+[48] Jaramillo, pp. 370, 371. Castaeda, p. 69.
+
+[49] Castaeda, p. 71.
+
+[50] _Coronado's March_, pp. 333-336.
+
+[51] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, cap. xxiv. p. 185, note I;
+cap. xxv. p. 198, note I; also p. 199. I attach particular importance to
+the opinions of Mr. Davis. He visited New Mexico at a time when it was
+still "undeveloped," and his writings on the country show thorough
+knowledge, and much documentary information. It is to be regretted that
+he fails absolutely to mention his sources in any satisfactory manner, a
+defect which might deprive his valuable book of much of its
+unquestionable reliability and importance. The attentive student,
+however, finds, after going seriously through the mass of material still
+on hand, that Mr. Davis has been so painstaking and honest, that he is
+very much inclined to forgive the lack of citations.
+
+[52] From Bernalillo or Sandia, the easiest way, and the one which
+Alvarado, by Coronado's order, must certainly have taken, is south of
+Galisteo. This would have led him to Pecos, either by the Caon de San
+Cristbal or, as I presume, to the lower valley, and thence up the river
+to the Pueblo. Castaeda (ii. cap. v. p. 176) speaks of abandoned
+villages along the route. There is a ruin at the place called "Pueblo,"
+one at San Jos, and another at Kingman; all along the line of the
+"Atchison, Topeka, and Santa F Railroad." I presume, therefore, that he
+took this route. At all events, he went _south_ of the Tanos, else he
+would have struck the villages called later San Lzaro and San
+Cristbal, both then occupied.
+
+[53] The belief has been expressed to me at Santa F, by authority which
+I have learned to respect, that on the site of the present city there
+stood the old town of Tiguex. This belief has been strengthened by the
+popular tale, that the old adobe house, of two low stories, adjoining
+the ancient chapel of San Miguel, was an ancient Indian home. Personal
+inspection has, however, satisfied me of the fact that this building,
+while certainly very old, is certainly not one of an Indian "pueblo." It
+forms a rectangle: _Met._ 20.71' from east to west, and 4.80' from north
+to south. Its front has five doors, and the upper story as many windows.
+It is entirely of adobe, and may indeed have been an Indian house, but
+built after their old plan, when Santa F had already been founded.
+There is no notice of any pueblo on this site. Besides, documentary
+evidence regarding the establishment of Santa F absolutely ignores the
+existence of any Indian settlement at that place in 1598. Juan de Oate,
+_Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo el Capitan de Su Magestad desde la
+Nueva-Espaa la Provincia de la Nuevo-Mexico_, in _Coleccion de
+Documentos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xvi. pp. 263-266. _Obediencia y
+Vasallaje Su Magestad por los Indios de San Joan Baptista._ Id., Sept
+9, 1598, pp. 115, 116: "Al Padre Fray Cristbal de Salazar, la Provincia
+de los Tepas (_Tehuas_) con los pueblos de Triap, Trique el de Sant
+Yldefonso y Santa Clara, y este pueblo de Sant Joan Batista y el de Sant
+Gabriele el de Troomaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Comitra, Quiotrac, y
+mas, la Cibdad de Sant Francisco de los Espaoles, que al presente se
+Edifican."
+
+[54] _Obediencia y Vasallaje Su Magestad por los Indios de
+Santo-Domingo._ Id., p. 102. July 7, 1598. _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan
+Baptista_, pp. 112, 115, "los Chiguas Tiguas."
+
+[55] _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el Padre Jos Amando Niel,
+Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, 3a srie, vol. i. pp. 98, 99:
+"Estan pobladas junto la sierra de Puruai que toma el nombre del
+principal pueblo que se llama as, y orilla del gran rio." There were
+then three pueblos: San-Pedro, "rio abajo de Puruai;" Santiago, "rio
+arriba." Puaray was destroyed and in ruins in 1711. It was here that
+Father Augustin Ruiz was killed in 1581. Fray Gernimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., p. 10. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Menologio
+Franciscano_, pp. 412, 413. Jean Blaeu, _Douzime livre de la Gographie
+Blaviane_, Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62, calls the Tiguas "Tebas," and says
+they had "quinze bourgades." Vetancurt, _Menologio_, but principally
+_Crnica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mxico_, gives the
+Tiguas, before 1680, the following stations and pueblos: Isleta,
+Alameda, Puray, and Sandia, pp. 310-313.
+
+[56] _Relacion_, etc., p. 10.
+
+[57] A. S. Gatschet, _Zwlf Sprachen aus dem Sdwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
+Wemar, 1876, p. 41.
+
+[58] Castaeda, i. cap. xix. p. 116.
+
+[59] Simpson, _Coronad's March_, pp. 336.
+
+[60] Castaeda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.
+
+[61] _Spanish Conquest_, cap. xxiii. p. 180, note 5, p. 181, note 6.
+
+[62] Castaeda, p. 76.
+
+[63] Isleta is probably a modern _pueblo_, that is one erected since
+1598 and previous to 1680, and I shall treat it as such till I am better
+informed. The description by Vetancurt ("_Crnica_," etc., trat. iii.
+cap. v. pp. 310 and 311, as in the year 1680) is characteristic:
+"Frmase un rio de la nieve que se derrite, que con el rio Norte cercan
+un campo de cinco leguas ... Es el paso para las provincias de Acoma,
+Zunias, Moqui ..." In a straight line, the distance from Bernalillo is
+about twenty-five miles.
+
+[64] p. 76. "Le gnral remonta ensuite la rivire, et visita toute la
+province jusqu' ce qu'il fut arriv Tiguex."
+
+[65] p. 76. "Ils apprirent qu'en descendant la rivire ils trouveraient
+encore d'autres villages."
+
+[66] Castaeda, ii. cap. iv. p. 168.
+
+[67] Cap. vi. p. 182, part ii. In looking at the map, it will be seen
+that Bernalillo is, indeed, a central point. Along the Rio Grande it is
+almost at equal distances from Taos at the north, and Socorro at the
+south, whereas it is little further (in an east-westerly line) from
+Bernalillo to Zui, than from Bernalillo to the plains. The accuracy of
+Castaeda becomes more and more wonderful, the closer his narrative is
+studied and compared with the country itself. His distance exceeds the
+bee-line regularly almost by one-third; a very natural fact, since he
+computes the lengths from the routes taken.
+
+[68] These facts are taken from the following passages of Castaeda: i.
+cap. xviii., ii. cap. vi., Qures; i. cap. xxii, ii. cap. vi., Hemes and
+Aguas Calientes; ii. cap. iv., Acha; i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Braba;
+i. cap. xviii., Cia; ii. cap. v., Ximera; and i. cap. xxii., ii. cap.
+vi., Yuque-Yunque, perhaps Cuyamunque.
+
+[69] Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa-Ana, and Cia are the
+Qures pueblos near the Rio Grande still remaining. They all then
+existed in 1598. _Obediencia, etc., S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113.
+
+[70] The Jemez or Emmes, in 1598, contained nine "pueblos," or rather
+places of habitation. _Obediencia, etc., de Santo Domingo_, p. 102.
+Niel, p. 99, mentions five.
+
+[71] Castaeda, i. cap. xxii. It is unmistakable. Compare Simpson,
+_Coronado's March_, p. 339. Vetancurt, _Crnica_, etc., p. 319. "Este es
+el ltimo pueblo hcia el norte." Jean Blaeu, _Gographie_, etc., p. 62.
+
+[72] This is equally definite. Castaeda, ii. cap. v. p. 177. "Between
+Cicuy and the province of Quirix, there exists a small very well
+fortified village which the Spaniards have named Ximera, and another one
+which appears to have been very large." This shows that the Spaniards
+went from Pecos by the San Cristbal caon.
+
+[73] To-day Tezuque, Namb, Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso,
+Pojuaque, and, besides, Cuyamunque in ruins.
+
+[74] The Piros were totally dispersed during the intertribal wars of
+1680-89. Niel, p. 104. Senecu, near Mesilla, is a Piros pueblo, founded
+by Fray Antonio de Arteaga in 1630. Fray Balthasar de Medina, _Chrnica
+de la Provincia de S. Diego de Mxico de Religiosos Descalzos de N. S.
+P. S. Francisco de la Nueva-Espaa_, Mxico, 1682, lib. iv. cap. vii.
+fol. 168. Vetancurt, _Crnica_, p. 309. It is therefore a Spanish
+"colony," and not an original pueblo.
+
+[75] Castaeda, i. cap. ix., ii. cap. iii. iv. p. 183, vii. p. 188. Fray
+Marcos de Niza, pp. 274-276, Jaramillo, pp. 368, 369.
+
+[76] Antonio Espejo, _Viaje_, etc. Vetancurt, _Crnica_, etc., pp. 302,
+303.
+
+[77] Vetancurt, _Crnica_, etc., trat. iii. cap. iv. pp. 302, 303-305,
+cap. vi. pp. 324, 325.
+
+[78] Espejo, _Viaje_, etc.
+
+[79] _Coronado's March_, pp. 336-339. Don Jos Cortes, _Memorias sobre
+las Provincias del Norte de Nueva-Espaa_, 1799. MSS. of the library of
+Congress, fol. 87.
+
+[80] Coronado, Letter of Oct. 20, 1541, p. 354. Castaeda, ii. cap.
+viii. p. 194, Jaramillo, pp. 376, 377.
+
+[81] He went from Santa F N.E. and E.N.E., and struck the
+"Escansaques:" might they have been the "Kansas?" Gernimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., pp. 26, 27.
+
+[82] Zarate Salmeron, p. 29.
+
+[83] I append a valuable description of these ruins from the
+Surveyor-General's office at Santa F, communicated to me by Mr. D. J.
+Miller. (See p. 30.)
+
+[84] This is made probable through the statement of Father Jos Amando
+Niel (p. 108), to the effect that the Yutas warred against the Pananas
+and the Jumanas. The latter were about Socorro, therefore the Yutas must
+have descended east to below Pecos. Their arrival east of the Sierra
+Madre is placed, through the reports of the Pecos, about 1530.
+Castaeda, ii. cap. v., p. 178.
+
+[85] _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113, "todos los Apaches
+desde la Sierra Nevada haca la parte del Norte y Poniento," p. 114;
+speaking of the Jemez, "y mas, todos los Apaches y cocoyes de sus
+sierras y comarcas."
+
+[86] In a subsequent paper, I hope to continue this "Historical
+Introduction," in the shape of a discussion of the various expeditions
+into New Mexico, and from it to other points north-west and north-east,
+up to the year 1605.
+
+
+
+
+II.
+
+A VISIT TO THE ABORIGINAL RUINS IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.
+
+
+About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa F, and in the
+western sections of the district of San Miguel (New Mexico), the upper
+course of the Rio Pecos traverses a broad valley, extending in width
+from east to west about six or eight miles, and in length from
+north-west to south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries
+are,--on the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa F, and the
+Sierra de Santa Brbara, or rather their southern spurs; on the west a
+high _mesa_ or table land, extending nearly parallel to the river until
+opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on the east, the Sierra de
+Tecolote. The altitude of this valley is on an average not less than six
+thousand three hundred feet,[87] while the _mesa_ on the right bank of
+the river rises abruptly to nearly two thousand feet higher; the
+Tecolote chain is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of
+the high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at
+least.[88]
+
+The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully five degrees
+more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs, in the upper part of the
+valley, closely to the mountains of Tecolote, and thence runs almost
+directly north and south. The high _mesa_ opposite, known as the Mesa de
+Pecos, sweeps around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction
+from north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore,
+forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be near San Jos:
+whereas its base-line at the north might be indicated as from the Plaza
+de Pecos to Baughl's Sidings; or rather from the Rio Pecos, east of the
+town, to the foot of the _mesa_ on the west, a length of over six miles.
+Nearly in the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river, and
+one and a half miles from Baughl's, there rises a narrow, semicircular
+cliff or _mesilla_, over the bed of a stream known as the Arroyo de
+Pecos.[89] The southern end of this tabular cliff (its highest point as
+well as its most sunny slope) is covered with very extensive ruins,
+representing, as I shall hereafter explain, _three distinct kinds of
+occupation of the place by man_. These ruins are known under the name of
+the Old Pueblo of Pecos.
+
+The tourist who, in order to reach Santa F from the north, takes the
+Atchison, Topeka & Santa F Railroad at La Junta, Colorado,--fascinated
+as he becomes by the beauty as well as by the novelty of the landscape,
+while running parallel with the great Sierra Madre, after he has
+traversed the Ratonis at daybreak,--enters a still more weird country in
+the afternoon. The Rio Pecos is crossed just beyond Bernal, and thence
+on he speeds towards the west and north: to the left, the towering Mesa
+de Pecos, dark pines clambering up its steep sides; to the right, the
+broad valley, scooped out, so to say, between the _mesa_ and the
+Tecolote ridge. It is dotted with green patches and black clusters of
+cedar and pine shooting out of the red and rocky soil. Scarcely a house
+is visible, for the _casitas_ of adobe and wood nestle mostly in
+sheltered nooks. Beyond Baughl's, the ruins first strike his view; the
+red walls of the church stand boldly out on the barren _mesilla_; and to
+the north of it there are two low brown ridges, the remnants of the
+Indian houses. The bleak summits of the high northern chain seem to rise
+in height as he advances; even the distant Trout mountains (Sierra de la
+Trucha) loom up solemnly towards the head-waters of the Pecos. About
+Glorieta the vale disappears, and through the shaggy crests of the Caon
+del Apache, which overlooks the track in awful proximity, he sallies out
+upon the central plain of northern New Mexico, six thousand eight
+hundred feet above the sea-level. To the south-west the picturesque
+Sandia mountains;[90] to the west, far off, the Heights of Jemez and the
+Sierra del Valle, bound the level and apparently barren table-land. An
+hour more of fearfully rapid transit with astonishing curves, and, at
+sunset, he lands at La Villa Real de Santa-F.
+
+Starting back from Santa F towards Pecos on a dry, sandy wagon-road, we
+lose sight of the table-land and its environing mountain-chain, when
+turning into the ridges east of Manzanares. Vegetation, which has been
+remarkably stunted until now, improves in appearance. However rocky the
+slopes are, tall pines grow on them sparsely: the Encina appears in
+thickets; _Opuntia arborescens_ bristles dangerously as a large shrub;
+mammillary cactuses hide in the sand; even an occasional patch of Indian
+corn is found in the valleys. It is stunted in growth,[91] flowering as
+late as the last days of the month of August, and poorly cultivated. The
+few adobe buildings are mostly recent. Over a high granitic ridge, grown
+over with _pion_ (all the trees inclined towards the north-east by the
+fierce winds that blow along its summit), and from which the Sierra de
+Sandia for the last time appears, we plunge into a deep valley, emptying
+into the Caoncito, and thence follow the railroad track again through a
+deep gorge and pleasant bottom, overgrown with pines and cedars, past
+Glorieta to Baughl's.[92] It required all the skill and firmness of my
+friend and companion, Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, of the Indian Bureau at
+Santa F, to pilot our vehicle over the steep and rocky ledges. From
+Baughl's, where I took quarters at the temporary boarding-house of Mrs.
+Root (to whose kindness and motherly solicitude I owe a tribute of
+sincere gratitude), a good road leads to the east and south-east along
+the Arroyo de Pecos. In a direct line the distance to the ruins is
+but a mile and a half; but after nearing the banks of the stream (which
+there are grassy levels), one is kept at a distance from it by deep
+parallel gulches. So we have to follow the _arroyo_ downwards, keeping
+about a quarter of a mile to the west of it, till, south of the old
+church itself, the road at last crosses the wide and gravelly bed, in
+which a fillet of clear water is running. Then we ascend a gradual slope
+of sandy and micaceous soil, thinly covered by tufts of _grama_; a wide,
+circular depression strikes our eye; beyond it flat mounds of scarcely
+0.50 m.--20 in.--elevation are covered extensively with scattered and
+broken stones. Further on distinct foundations appear, rectangles
+enclosed by, or founded originally upon, thick walls of stone, sunk into
+the ground and much worn,--sometimes divided into small compartments,
+again forming large enclosures. To the south a conspicuous, though
+small, mound is visible. Immediately before us, due north, are distinct
+though broken walls of stones; and above them, on a broad terrace of red
+earth, completely shutting off the _mesilla_ or tabulated cliff, on
+which the Indian houses stand, there arises the massive former Catholic
+temple of Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VI
+VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+The building forms a rectangle, about 46 m.--150 ft.--long, from east to
+west, and 18 m.--60 ft.--from north to south. The entrance was to the
+west, the eastern wall being still solid and standing. Plate I., Fig. 2,
+gives an idea of its form: __ _a_ are gateways, each capped by a heavy
+lintel of hewn cedar; _b_, carved beam of wood across.
+
+The roof of the building is gone, and on the south side a part of the
+walls themselves are reduced to a few metres elevation. The church may
+originally have been not less than 10 m.--33 ft.--perhaps higher. It
+had, according to tradition, but one belfry and a single bell,--a very
+large one at that. The Indians carried it off, it is said, to the top of
+the _mesa_, where it broke. It is certain that a very large bell, of
+which I saw one fragment, now in possession of Mr. E. K. Walters, of
+Pecos, was found on the western slope of the Mesa de Pecos, about three
+miles from its eastern rim, in a _caada_ of the Ojo de Vacas stream,
+towards San Cristbal. Mr. Thomas Munn, of Baughl's, took the pains of
+piloting me a whole day (6th of September) through the wilderness of the
+_mesa_, and showing me the place where this interesting relic was
+finally deposited. I shall return to this by and by.
+
+Mrs. Kozlowski (wife of a Polish gentleman, living two miles south on
+the _arroyo_) informed me that in 1858, when she came to her present
+home with her husband, the roof of the church was still in existence.
+Her husband tore it down, and used it for building out-houses; he also
+attempted to dig out the corner-stone, but failed. In general, the
+vandalism committed in this venerable relic of antiquity defies all
+description. It is only equalled by the foolishness of such as, having
+no other means to secure immortality, have cut out the ornaments from
+the sculptured beams in order to obtain a surface suitable to carve
+their euphonious names. All the beams of the old structure are quaintly,
+but still not tastelessly, carved; there was, as is shown in Plate VII.,
+much scroll-work terminating them. Most of this was taken away, chipped
+into uncouth boxes, and sold, to be scattered everywhere. Not content
+with this, treasure-hunters, inconsiderate amateurs, have recklessly and
+ruthlessly disturbed the abodes of the dead. "After becoming
+Christians," said to me Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the only remaining 'son of the
+tribe' of Pecos, still settled near to its site, "they buried their dead
+within the church." These dead have been dug out regardless of their
+position relative to the walls of the building, and their remains have
+been scattered over the surface, to become the prey of relic-hunters.
+The Roman Catholic Archbishop of New Mexico has finally stopped such
+abuses by asserting his title of ownership; but it was far too late. It
+cannot be denied, besides, that his concession to Kozlowski to use some
+of the timber for his own purposes was subsequently interpreted by
+others in a manner highly prejudicial to the preservation of the
+structure.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VIII
+INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+What alone has saved the old church of Pecos from utter ruin has been
+its solid mode of construction. Entirely of adobe, its walls have an
+average thickness of 1.5 m.--5 ft. The adobe is made like that now used,
+wheat-straw entering into it occasionally; but it also contains small
+fragments of obsidian,--minute chips of that material and broken
+pottery. This makes it evident that the soil for its construction must
+have been gathered somewhere near the _mesilla_; and the suspicion is
+very strong on my part that it was the right bank of the _arroyo_ which
+furnished the material.[93] It is self-evident that the grounds which
+were used for that purpose must have antedated, in point of occupation,
+the date of the construction of the church by a very long period. I have
+measured all the adobe bricks of the church that are within easy reach,
+at various places, and found them alike. They all measure .55 m. .28
+m.--22 in. 11 in.--and .08 m.--3 in.--in thickness. They are laid as
+shown in Plate I., Fig. 4.
+
+The mortar is, as the specimen sent by me will prove, of the same
+composition as the brick itself.
+
+The regularity with which these courses are laid is very striking. The
+timbers, besides, are all well squared; the ornaments, scrolls, and
+friezes are quaint, but not uncouth; there is a deficiency in
+workmanship, but great purity in outline and in design.
+
+To the south of the old church, at a distance of 4 m.--13 ft.--there is
+another adobe wall, rising in places a few metres above the soil; which
+wall, with that of the church, seems to have formed a covered
+passage-way. Adjoining it is a rectangular terrace of red earth,
+extending out to the west as far as the church front. A valuable record
+of the manner in which this terrace was occupied is preserved to us in
+the drawing of the Pecos church given by Lieutenant W. H. Emory in 1846.
+It appears that south of the church there was a convent;[94] and this is
+stated also by Sr. Ruiz. In fact, the walls, whether enclosures or
+buildings, which appear to have adjoined the church, extend south from
+it 74 m.--250 ft. Plate I., Fig. 2, gives an idea of their relative
+position, etc.: _c_ is 4 m.--13 ft.--wide; _d_ is 21 m. 46 m.--70 ft.
+ 156 ft.; _e_ is 25 m. 46 m.--82 ft. 150 ft.; _f_ is 24 m. 46
+m.--78 ft. 150 ft.
+
+The divisions are not strictly marked, and I forbear giving any lengths,
+since there is great uncertainty about them.
+
+The foundation walls, where visible, are generally about 0.60 m. to 0.75
+m.--23 in. to 30 in.--wide, and composed of three rows of stones, set
+lengthwise, selected for size, and probably broken to fit.[95]
+
+[Illustration: PLATE I
+GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.]
+
+Looking northward from the church, a wall of broken stones, similar to
+the one we already noticed at the south, meets the eye. The _mesilla_
+itself terminates east and west in rocky ledges of inconsiderable
+height, and the wall stretches across its entire width of 39 m.--129 ft.
+Its distance from the church is 10 m.--33 ft.; and it thus forms, with
+the northern church wall, a trapezium of 10 m.--33 ft. This enclosure is
+said to have been the church-yard.[96] Beyond it the mesilla and its
+ruined structures appear in full view; and from the church to the
+northern end, which is also its highest point, it has exactly the form
+of an elongated pear or parsnip. Hence the name given to it by Spanish
+authors of the eighteenth century, "el Navon de los Pecos."[97] This
+fruit-like shape is not limited to the outline: it also extends to the
+profile. Starting from the church, there is a curved neck, convex to the
+east, and retreating in a semicircle from the stream on the west. At the
+end of this neck, about 200 m.--660 ft.--north of the church, there is a
+slight depression, terminating in a dry stream-bed emptying into the
+bottom of the Arroyo de Pecos south-westward; and beyond this depression
+the rocks bulge up to an oblong mound, nearly 280 m.--920 ft.--long from
+north to south, and at its greatest width 160 m.--520 ft.--from east to
+west. At the northern termination of this mound the _mesilla_ curves to
+the north-east, and finally terminates in a long ledge of tumbled rocks,
+high and abrupt, which gradually merges into the ridges of sandy soil
+towards the little town of Pecos.[98] Pl. I., Fig. 5, gives a tolerably
+fair view of the _mesilla_. Pl. I., Fig. 1, is designed to exhibit its
+appearance as seen from below, the highest elevation above the stream
+being nearly 30 m.--95 ft.
+
+The rock of the _mesilla_ is a compact, brownish-gray limestone. It is
+crystalline, but yet fossiliferous, very hard, and not deteriorating
+much on exposure. Its strata dip perceptibly to the south-west;
+consequently the western rim is comparatively less jagged and rocky than
+the eastern, and the slope towards the stream more gentle, except at the
+north-western corner, where the rocks appear broken and tumbled down
+over the slopes in huge masses.
+
+From the church-yard wall, all along the edge of the _mesilla_,
+descending into the depression mentioned, and again rounding the highest
+northern point, then crossing over transversely from west to east and
+running back south along the opposite edge, there extends a wall of
+circumvallation, constructed, as far as may be seen, of rubble and
+broken stones, with occasional earth flung in between the blocks. This
+wall has, along its periphery, a total length of 983 m.--3,220
+ft.--according to Mr. Thurston's measurement.[99] It was, as far as can
+be seen, 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--high on an average, and about 0.50 m.--20
+in.--thick. There is but one entrance to it visible, on the west side,
+at its lowest level, where the depression already mentioned runs down
+the slope to the south-west as the bed of a rocky streamlet. There a
+gateway of 4 m.--13 ft.--in width is left open; the wall itself thickens
+on each side to a round tower built of stones, mixed with earthy
+fillings. These towers, considerably ruined, are still 2 m.--6 ft. 6
+in.--high, and appear to have been at least 4m.--13 ft.--in diameter; at
+all events the northern one. At the gateway itself the walls curve
+outward,[100] and appear to have terminated in a short passage of
+entering and re-entering lines, between which there was a passage, as
+well for man as for the waters from the _mesilla_ into the bottom and
+the stream below. But these lines can only be surmised from the streaks
+of gravel and stones extending beyond the gateway, as no definite
+foundations are extant. Pl. I., Fig. 3, is a tolerably correct diagram
+of this gateway.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE IX
+VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.]
+
+The face of the wall at each side of the gate is 1.3 m.--4 ft.--wide.
+Whether there was any contrivance to close it or not it is now
+impossible to determine; but there are in the northern wall of the gate
+pieces of decayed wood embedded in and protruding from the stone-work.
+For what purpose they were placed there it is not permitted even to
+conjecture.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Having thus sketched, as far as I am able, the topography of the
+_mesilla_, and described its great wall of circumvallation, I now turn
+to the ruins which cover its upper surface, starting for their survey
+from the transverse wall of the old church-yard, 10 m.--33 ft.--north of
+the church, and proceeding thence northward along the top of the
+tabulated bluff.[101]
+
+Sixty-one metres--200 ft.--north of our point of departure we strike
+stone foundations running about due east and west and resting almost
+directly on the rock, since the soil along the entire plateau which I
+have termed the neck is scarce, and has nowhere more than 1 m.--39
+in.--in depth. The eastern corner of this wall, as far as it can be made
+out, is 12 m.--39 ft.--from the eastern wall of circumvallation. From
+this point on there extends one continuous body of ruins, one half of
+which at least (the southern half), if not two-thirds, as the ground
+plan will show, exhibits nothing else but foundations of small chambers
+indicated by shapeless stone-heaps and depressions. The northern part is
+in a better state of preservation; a number of chambers are more or less
+perfect, the roofs excepted,[102] and we can easily detect several
+stories retreating from east to west. About 9 m.--30 ft.--from its
+northern limits a double wall intersects the pile for one half of its
+width. The ruins beyond it, or rather the addition, is in a state of
+decay equal to that of the southern extremity. The western side is,
+generally, in a better state of preservation than the eastern,
+especially the north-western corner. Along the eastern side upright
+posts of wood, protruding from stone-heaps, often are the only
+indications for the outline of the structure. Along the north-west,
+however, such posts are enclosed in standing walls of stone, at
+distances not quite regularly distributed, but still showing plainly
+that here, at least, the outer wall presented an appearance similar to
+Pl. II., Fig. 4.
+
+At the place where I measured, the upright posts stood at about 1.39
+m.--4 ft. 6 in.--from each other; the projecting wall was 2 m.--6 ft. 6
+in.--long, and 0.63 m.--2 ft.--thick; the retreating wall 1.40 m.--4 ft.
+6 in.--long, and 0.33 m.--13 in.--thick. The posts themselves were
+sometimes, but not always, backed, or even encased in adobe sheaths,
+built up like little chimneys in the wall itself. This mode of
+construction was possibly peculiar to the western side alone, and gives
+it a slight appearance of ornamentation, as well as more strength, the
+projecting walls acting like buttresses.
+
+The whole structure, taking the sides of the _dbris_ as they are now
+scattered, extends nearly north and south 140 m.--460 ft.--and east and
+west about 16 m. to 26 m.--50 ft. to 80 ft.--thus forming a rectangle of
+140 m. 20 m.--460 ft. 65 ft. To determine the exact size of the
+building I proceeded to measure each compartment for itself, judging
+that the total number of these apartments, adding to their sizes the
+thicknesses of the walls, would finally give, within a few decimetres,
+the exact length and width of the house. On the ground plan I have
+numbered this building B.[103]
+
+Beginning at the north-west corner, I ran my line almost due east to
+within 10 m.--33 ft.--of the circumvallation, where I found the
+north-east corner indicated by a broken post of wood. Along this line I
+met the following sections from west to east: 2.92 m.--9 ft. 6 in.; then
+a gangway, 1.55 m.--5 ft.; chamber, 3.22 m.--11 ft.; gangway, 1.21 m.--4
+ft.; and three chambers, 2.09 m., 2.72 m., and 2.72 m.--7 ft., 9 ft.,
+and 9 ft.--respectively, thus giving, adding to it eight walls of a
+uniform thickness of 0.33 m.--13 in.,--a total width of 19.07 m.--63 ft.
+Its length was easily found to be 8.56 m.--28 ft.; the northern
+appendix, therefore, forming a rectangle of 8.5 m. 19 m.--28 ft. 63
+ft.,--and containing, as the ground-plan shows, ten rooms and two
+corridors, the latter running through the structure from north to south.
+It will also be noticed that the two middle rooms are the largest,
+measuring each 4.28 m. 3.22 m.--14 ft. 10 ft. I must also advert,
+here, to the fact that this structure is extremely ruined, and that the
+east part of it exposes the surveyor to dangerous errors.
+
+The line _a b_, and its continuation eastwardly to _c_, appears to form
+the main northern wall of the whole structure. Here the annex, just
+described, terminates. This wall is of unequal thickness. In the
+north-westerly projection from _a_ to _b_, a length of 8 m.--26
+ft.,--its thickness is 0.63 m.--2 ft.; from _b_ to _c_, on the eastern
+line, it is only 0.33 m.--13 in.--thick. This inequality indicates also
+a division of the structure to the southward, as far as the line _d d
+d_, into two longitudinal sections. The western one, whose four corners
+are respectively _a_ _b_ _d_ _d_ in the diagram, contains eighteen rooms
+of equal size, measuring each 3.71 m. 2.25 m.--12 ft. 7 ft.; it is
+consequently, inclusive of the rear wall and the sides, 24.24 m. 8.08
+m.--80 ft. 27 ft. The eastern division, comprised within the area _b_
+_c_ _d_ _d_, has fifteen rooms, or five longitudinal rows of three,
+whereas the western has six rows of three. The rooms east must therefore
+be larger than those west, and we see that they measure from east to
+west respectively, 2.25 m., 2.28 m., and 2.28 m.--7 ft., 7 ft. 6 in.,
+and 7 ft. 6 in.: from north to south, 3.60 m., 5.07 m., 4.43 m., 4.13
+m., and 3.43 m.--12 ft., 17 ft., 15 ft., 14 ft., and 11 ft. It is a
+rectangle, or rather trapezium, 22.31 m. 7.81 m.--70 ft. 25
+ft.,--consequently the width of the building _B_ is somewhat less on the
+line _d d d_ than on the line _a b c_. The cause of this singular
+contraction I have found, and shall afterwards indicate.
+
+Then follows a transverse section (_d d d e e_), containing two rows of
+six rooms each, or twelve in all, of very unequal sizes, as the
+ground-plans show. This entire section appears to be trapezoidal. The
+line _d d d_ is 15.89 m.--52 ft.--long; the line _e e_ 16.33 m.--53 ft.;
+_d e_ measures 7.42 m.--24 ft.--along the west, and 8.04 m.--27
+ft.--along the east. Rooms marked _II_ and _III_ are particularly
+irregular, having, as the diagram shows, not less than six corners.
+
+From _e e_ to _f f_, another transverse section, this time of four rows
+of six each, or twenty-four cells in all, those of each row being of
+equal length, to wit 3.65 m.--12 ft.; and in width from east to west,
+respectively: 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.63 m., and 4.40 m.--7 ft., 9
+ft., 10 ft., 9 ft., and 14 ft. (the last measure being the aggregate of
+the two eastern compartments, the longitudinal partition being nearly
+obliterated). To the south of _f f_ a further slight change occurs,
+inasmuch as the three eastern rooms, instead of being respectively 2.68
+m., 2.20 m., and 2.20 m.--9 ft., 7 ft., and 7 ft.,--now become 2.25 m.,
+2.33 m., and 2.32 m.--7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. From _f f_ to _g g_, the
+southern limits of the structure, the whole structure is badly ruined;
+and while the rooms can be counted, measurements are possible only in a
+few places. Still I am satisfied that no great error lies in the
+assumption that they were, taken longitudinally, all equal to the six
+rooms contained in the transverse row south of the line _f f_, that is,
+3.65 m.--12 ft.--from north to south; and in width, counting the cells
+from west to east, respectively, 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.25 m.,
+2.33 m., and 2.32 m.--7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The
+section, _f f g g_, which forms the southern and largest portion of the
+house (_B_), contains, therefore, twenty-two transverse rows of six
+chambers each, or one hundred and thirty-two apartments on the
+ground-plan; and it forms a rectangle running from north to south and
+east to west respectively of 80.30 m. 15.11 m.--260 ft. 50 ft.
+
+The general dimensions of this building (_B_), therefore appear as
+follows:--
+
+Length from north to south, east side 133.81 m.--440 ft.
+ " " west side 134.92 m.--442 ft.
+Width of northern appendix 19.07 m.-- 63 ft.
+Width along line _a b c_ 19.07 m.-- 63 ft.
+ " " _d d d_ 15.89 m.-- 52 ft.
+ " " _e e_ 16.33 m.-- 53 ft.
+ " " _f f_ 15.24 m.-- 50 ft.
+Width of line _g g_, approximated 15.70 m.-- 51 ft.
+
+From the appearance of the ground-plan, as I have been compelled to give
+it, it would result that the "first floor" contained two hundred and
+eleven cells, or rooms. Such is, however, not the case. The builders of
+this extensive fabric had not the means of preparing the hard rock
+foundation by removing it wherever it protruded over an average level.
+While giving a uniform height to their structure, they accommodated its
+ground-plan to the sinuosities of the rock. Out of this accommodation
+the irregularities noticed in the construction have mainly arisen. Pl.
+II., Figs. 1, 2, 3, will illustrate this statement.
+
+Pl. II., Fig. 1.--Cross-section of _B_ along the line a b c, north end;
+_a b_, actually visible top-line; _c d e f g h_, rock; _i k_, top of
+probable highest story, now destroyed.
+
+I have every reason to assume that this cross-section holds good for the
+entire division (_a b c d d_). From _d d_ on to _f f_ the distance
+between the rim of the _mesilla_ to the east and the house is greatest;
+the top-rock bends also to the west about _e e_, and there the
+irregularities noticed on the diagram about the chambers (_II_ and
+_III_) come in. They evidently result from an effort to conform the
+general plan to both the lateral and vertical deviations of its base.
+About the line _f f_, while the same number of chambers (six) remains in
+every transverse row, there is but one story below the general surface
+to the east. I may safely assume that south of the line _f f_ all the
+rooms of the first floor were on the same level. Pl. II., Figs. 2 and 3
+will illustrate this point. As far as I could detect, the line _e e_ can
+be admitted as the one where one of the two lower stories disappears,
+and but one remains on the east side lower than the rest.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE II
+PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.]
+
+I have everywhere assumed _four_ stories. It is at least certain that
+there were not less than four. When Coronado visited the pueblo in 1540,
+he found "the houses with four stories."[104] Sr. Mariano Ruiz told
+me that "they all were of three stories;" but then he mentioned, below,
+the "casas de comodidad," thus indicating that the lowest story was used
+for store-rooms. It is very apparent from the ruins that, as I have
+indicated in the cross-sections, the western wall was unbroken, whereas
+from the east the stories rose in four retreating terraces. The western
+wall already mentioned was given additional strength, by means of the
+buttresses, of which I have given a small outline. The winds blow very
+fiercely over the _mesilla_, especially from the north-west; there is no
+tree to be seen on or about it, not even a cedar-bush, higher than a
+couple of feet at most. Against such blasts the solid wall was
+necessary, while the many intersecting partitions inside gave additional
+strength. It was a very solid structure as against winds,
+notwithstanding the comparative thinness of the walls,--0.63 m.--2
+ft.--being their greatest width, and 0.33 m.--13 in.--their average.
+
+With reference to the cross-sections, it now becomes possible to
+approximate the total number of chambers, apartments, or cells,
+contained in the entire building; a point impossible even to estimate
+from the ground-plan alone.
+
+Leaving aside the northern appendix, about whose elevation I have not
+even means of conjecture, it becomes evident that the section whose four
+corners are marked respectively _a_, _c_, _d_, _d_, had the following
+number of compartments, starting with the lowest story, and remembering
+that, as above stated, one longitudinal row had six, and the other five,
+rooms:--
+
+ Lowest story 5
+ Second story 5
+ Third story 3 6 + 5 23
+ Fourth story 3 6 18
+ ---
+ Total 51 rooms.
+
+_Brought forward_ 51 rooms.
+
+ The section _d d e e_ had probably the same
+ arrangement, and therefore, there being but two
+ transverse rows, it contained in all 18
+
+ Section _e e f f_ contained on lower story 4
+ Second Story. 5 4 20
+ Third story. 4 4 16
+ Fourth story. 3 4 12
+ -- 52
+
+ Section _f f g g_:--
+ Lower story. 22 6 132
+ Second story. 22 5 110
+ Third story. 22 4 88
+ Fourth story. 22 3 66
+ -- 396
+ ----
+ Total number of rooms contained in building _B_ 517
+
+These rooms are very nearly of equal size, the largest one being _III._
+2.85 m. 4.78 m.--9 ft. 16 ft.--on one side, and 3.71 m.--12 ft-on
+the other, with an entering angle; the smallest room adjoining to it
+measuring 2.25 m. 2.70 m.--7 ft. 9 ft. The entire structure,
+therefore, presents the appearance of a honeycomb, or rather of a
+bee-hive, and perfectly illustrates, among the lower degrees of culture
+of mankind, the prevailing principle of communism in living, which finds
+its parallel in the lower classes of animals. Tradition, historical
+relation, and analogy, tell us that this house was used as a
+dwelling,[105] and that consequently it was, to all intents and
+purposes, a communal house.
+
+The height of the various stories it is almost impossible to determine.
+I have measured walls which appeared to be perfect, and they gave me an
+average of 2.28 m.--7 ft. 6 in.--elevation. Should such be the rule, the
+western wall of the building, at its greatest height south, would have
+risen about 11 m.--36 ft.
+
+The northern appendix I have ignored in the above computation, because
+its whole appearance gives no ground for definitive statements. It seems
+really to be an annex, and in fact the whole building seems to have
+progressed, in its construction, from south to north, in point of date
+and time.
+
+The southern portion of the building--the one which appears to have been
+erected on a plane surface--was, in all probability, the one first
+built. The northern portions were added to it gradually as occasion
+required. This is further shown by the fact that in these northern
+sections, along the line _a, b, c_, parts of the third story wall are
+patched with regular adobe bricks, about half as large as those in the
+church, but still made by the same process.[106] The rest of the
+structure is exclusively composed of stone.
+
+It is to all intents and purposes a stone house. Two kinds of rocks
+predominate among the material; a slaty, gray and red,
+sandstone,--highly tabular, easily broken into plates of any size,--and
+a sandstone conglomerate, containing small pebbles from the size of a
+pea up to that of a small hazel-nut,--the whole rock of a gray color.
+When freshly broken or wetted, this conglomerate becomes very friable,
+and so soft that goats have left the impression of their feet on
+scattered fragments. When dry it becomes hard, and is always very heavy.
+Both kind of rocks are found in the vicinity of the _mesilla_. Besides
+these, loose pieces of stone from the bluff itself, boulders from the
+creek, of convenient size, enter into the composition of the walls.
+Sometimes the latter consist exclusively of slabs of sandstone
+superposed; again there are polygonal fragments of rocks piled upon one
+another, with courses of tabular sandstone, forming, so to say, the
+basis for further piling; the foundations are usually boulders and the
+hardest rocks, also of greater width. There are no walls of dressed
+stone, but the rocks are broken to a suitable size, as may be done with
+any stone maul or sledge, or even by smashing with the hand and another
+rock. In fact the whole stone-work must be termed, not masonry, but
+simply judicious and careful piling.[107] In performing it, great
+attention has been paid to having the vertical surfaces as nearly as
+possible vertical; but this end could be reached without the use of the
+plumb-line, and with the aid of mere ordinary eyesight, for the rooms
+are so small, and the partitions so thin, that anything not "true"
+could, and can yet be, "shoved" into position by a mere steady, slow
+push; carefully watched on the opposite side. The same applies to the
+angles, although they are tolerably accurate. As a general thing, the
+transverse walls appear to be continuous, and the longitudinal
+partitions to have been added afterwards, but there are also instances
+of the contrary. In this respect the sinuosities of the rocky foundation
+seem to have determined the mode of action. To fill up the gaps between
+the stones, and to coat them with a smooth surface within the chambers
+what appears to be earth from the surrounding bottoms has been flung
+into the crevices, thus forming a natural mortar, and at the same time a
+"first coat" of plaster of varying thickness. This in turn is covered
+with a thin white layer (now of course turning into gray, yellow, and
+flesh-red) much resembling our plaster, but whose composition I am
+unable to determine. (Specimens of the mud, containing small gravel and
+minute particles of mica, are sent with the other collections, also
+fragments of the white coating for analysis.[108])
+
+The woodwork proper appears not to have had any connection with the
+strength or support of the walls, but simply to have been erected within
+and among the walls as a scaffold for the ceilings, which are also the
+floors of the higher stories. Upright posts of cedar and pine, stripped
+of their bark, but not squared, are, as I have already shown, set inside
+of the stone wall, at more or less even distances. As far as I could
+ascertain, these distances are regulated by the size of the rooms. These
+posts are coarsely hacked off at the upper end, and over them other
+similar beams are laid longitudinally, sometimes fitted over the posts
+with chips wedged in. Such is the case in a room in the northern wing of
+the building marked _A_, of which I shall hereafter speak.[109]
+
+On these longitudinal beams other ones rest, laid transversely, and
+imbedded in the wall on the opposite side. On these again longitudinal
+poles are placed, also at intervals varying according to the dimensions
+of the chambers, and on them transversely, a layer of brush, or
+splinters of wood, closely overlapping each other; and the whole is
+capped by about .20 m.--8 in.--of common clay or soil. Pl. III., Fig. 1,
+is a front view of the wooden scaffold in a lower story room, and of the
+ceiling which it supports.
+
+_a_, clay and lower seam of brush or splinters.
+
+_b_, transverse poles or beams, in case the beams are lacking.
+
+_c_, longitudinal beam.
+
+_d_, upright posts.
+
+In most cases, however, the beams are transverse and the poles
+longitudinal, and this is where the beam (_c_) is lacking, as in the
+interior apartments, where the ceiling appears as in Pl. III., Fig. 2:
+_a_, clay; _b_, brush or splinters; _c_, poles; _d_, beams; _e_,
+wall.[110]
+
+The diameter of the upright posts is, on an average, 0.28 m.--11
+in.,--but even sometimes as great as 0.33 m.--13 in.,--the longitudinal
+and transverse beams are scarcely less thick, whereas the poles are
+about 0.05 m.--2 in.--across. The splinters seem to have been
+obtained by splitting a middle-sized tree, and tearing out thin
+segments.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE III
+SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.]
+
+Pl. III., Fig. 4, is a ground plan of the floor of room marked _I_ on
+the diagram. This room is on the eastern row of the third floor,
+therefore an outer room.
+
+_c_, longitudinal poles.
+
+_d_, the end of the transverse beams projecting from the other room.
+
+_e_, the transverse beams, resting in the wall on both sides.
+
+On the latter rested a thin layer of brush and a compact mass of clay,
+0.20 m.--8 in.--thick. The clay, or rather soil, is very hard and was
+probably stamped or pounded.
+
+As far as I have been able to detect, the upright posts are not found
+inside of the house, except, perhaps, on the rear wall of the outer
+chamber, as in one room of building _A_, to which I shall hereafter
+refer. If this is the room, then the skeleton of the wood-work (upright
+and transverse posts and beams) would present nearly the appearance
+shown in Pl. III., Fig. 3, when viewed from the side, and admitting the
+house to be four stories high.
+
+_a_, horizontal beams.
+
+_b_, upright posts, along the western wall, and in the three upper
+stories. These posts are hypothetical, and therefore only indicated by
+dotted lines. (It may be also that every cell had its front and its rear
+posts, but I have not been able to detect any except in the outer
+rooms.)
+
+With the exception of one chamber in building _A_, I nowhere met
+anything like a roof. This one appears to be nothing else than a
+ceiling-floor, but of nearly 0.75 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--in thickness. It is,
+as Pl. VIII. shows, much covered by fallen stones, and its original
+height may have been increased by _dbris_; but at all events it was
+thoroughly impermeable, and such as would be required in a climate
+where, indeed, it seldom rains, but "whenever it rains it pours."
+
+There is a certain air of sameness cast over the entire structure which
+has strongly impressed me with the thought that not only was it used as
+a dwelling for a large number (as the reports, indeed, establish), but
+also that all its inhabitants lived on an equal footing,--as far as
+accommodations for living were concerned. There are no special quarters,
+no spacious halls. The few rooms of somewhat larger size are naturally
+explained by the mode of construction, adapting the house to the
+configuration of the rock, and not conversely as we do. It was,
+therefore, a large joint-tenement structure, harboring, perhaps, when
+fully occupied, several hundreds of families.
+
+In regard to ingress and egress, not only have I found no doors in any
+fragments of exterior walls, but the many persons I have asked have
+always assured me that there had been none, that the house was entered
+by means of ladders, ascending to the top of each story in succession,
+and descending into the rooms also by ladders and through trap-doors in
+the roofs. They have also assured me that each room of each story
+communicated with the one above and below, also by means of trap-doors
+and ladders. It is quite certain that there are no staircases nor steps,
+and that consequently ladders were used, in the same manner as they are
+still used by the Indians of the pueblos of Zui, Moqui, Acoma, Taos,
+and others. Ingress and egress, therefore, must have taken place, not
+horizontally "in and out," but vertically "up and down." I have not been
+able to identify any one of the trap-doors referred to, but I should not
+be surprised to hear that they have been subsequently found in the
+north-west corner of each room. By referring to the diagram of the floor
+(Pl. III., Fig. 4), it will be seen that the rectangular spaces between
+the beams and overlying poles are almost everywhere large enough, if
+the superstructure of splinters (or brush) and clay is removed, to give
+passage to any man. The ladders themselves have completely disappeared.
+
+On one and the same floor, I found in the side walls at a few places,
+the remains of low and narrow openings through which a man might pass in
+a stooping position and "sidling." Nowhere could I see the full height
+of these small doorways, so that I do not know whether there was a
+lintel, or whether they terminated in an open angle, like the doorways
+of Yucatan. I have seen openings showing the peculiar so-called
+"aboriginal arch" of Yucatan on a small scale, and I also have seen that
+an accidental "knocking-out" of one or two stones from the walls
+produced a hole or gap very similar in shape to the doorways at Uxmal
+and other pueblos of Southern Mexico, though of course on a small scale.
+It is self-evident that, the coincidence being accidental, I do not
+place any stress upon it in view of "tracing relationships." The
+coincidence is of ethnological, and not of ethnographical, value. As far
+as I could ascertain, they were certainly 1 m.--3 ft. 3 in.--high,
+whereas their average width may have been 0.45 m.--18 in. (Those I
+measured averaged between 0.42 m. and 0.48 m.--16 in. and 19 in.) Their
+appearance is shown in Pl. II., Fig. 5.
+
+_a_ is what might be termed a door-sill, a smooth oval stone, evidently
+from the drift, probably dioritic, at all events a dark-green hornblende
+rock. In the present instance one was not long enough to fill the gap
+left between the walls, and two were superposed. I saw no traces of
+wooden lintels or sills. These doorways appeared to be generally about
+0.50 m.--20 in.--above the floor, but if we deduct 0.20 m.--8 in.--for
+the clay (measure having been taken from the timbers), 0.30 m.--12
+in.--will remain as their approximate height over the chambers.
+
+The few doors that I could observe are all in the longitudinal walls,
+and none of them in the transverse; that is, they all open from east to
+west. But not all the longitudinal partitions have doorways. It cannot,
+therefore, be admitted that every transverse row was occupied by one
+family, still less that the family apartments were arranged
+longitudinally. I rather suspect that this arrangement was vertical, or
+perhaps vertical and transverse. This surmise is given, however, for
+what it may be worth. Windows I could not find, although small apertures
+undoubtedly existed in all the outer walls, both for light and for air.
+
+The chambers being all very much ruined, the lower ones filled with the
+stones and decayed ruins of the superposed stories,--of these stories
+themselves but part of the walls, denuded and often twisted,
+remaining,--I have not been able, with one single exception, to secure
+or even see any of what we would call the "furniture." Small fragments
+of grinding-stones (_metates_) are sparsely scattered over the entire
+ruins, otherwise the only object of daily use as articles of furniture
+met with by me has been a hearth, which I found or dug out _in situ_, in
+room _I_, and which, complete, forms part of the collections sent by me
+to Cambridge.
+
+The place where this hearth was situated is marked on the diagram in
+room _I_. It stood on the floor against the north wall, and is composed
+of three plates of stone, originally ground and polished (as the
+specimen found in building A will show, which is a fragment only), and,
+judging from new fragments found, of diorite or other hornblende rock.
+There are three plates,--a basal one, 40 m.--16 in.--long and 20 m.--8
+in.--wide, and two sides, placed vertically east and west of the
+base,--all three resting against the north wall of the room. Pl. III.,
+Fig. 4, is a diagram of the room, the floor timbers, and the hearth.
+
+The basal plate was covered with 0.10 m.--4 in.--of very white ashes,
+which I have also secured, and the rear of the hearth, which is formed
+by the original "first coat" of earth daubed over the wall, is
+thoroughly baked by the heat produced in front of it, as the samples
+sent will show.[111]
+
+Of course, I looked at once for an opening where the smoke arising from
+the hearth, etc., could have escaped. I am sorry to say, however, that I
+utterly failed in finding anything like a chimney,--not only in _B_, but
+in all the other buildings. Still, in the ruined condition of the place,
+this is no proof of their non-existence.[112]
+
+I will refer to subsequent pages to such articles of mechanical use and
+of wearing apparel which I was fortunate enough to meet. I shall also
+return hereafter to the almost omnipresent pieces of painted pottery, of
+two distinct kinds, and to the very numerous chips of obsidian,
+jet-black on the face, but transparent as smoky glass; of black lava;
+and to the flint, jasper, and moss-agates, broken mechanically by man,
+and scattered over the premises. These premises have been thoroughly
+ransacked by visitors, and every striking object has already been
+carried off. I had heard mentioned, among such samples, flint, agate,
+and obsidian arrow-heads, stone hatchets and hammers, and copper (not
+brass or iron) rings used for ornamental purposes,[113] but my luck it
+was not to find any. Therefore the harvest is perhaps slim in that
+respect. It is beyond all doubt that judicious digging among the lower
+stories of the structures will reveal treasures,--not money, as the tale
+current among the inhabitants has it, but things of archological and
+ethnological value. For such an undertaking I was, as the Institute well
+knows, not prepared. I attempted to dig, indeed, though quite alone, but
+soon came to the conclusion that the time consumed in excavating one
+metre of decayed and crumbling stones and earth would be more
+satisfactorily employed in other directions; paving the way for the
+exhaustive labors of better situated archologists.
+
+I have been very lengthy in my _expos_ of facts and data regarding this
+particular house _B_, for the simple reason that, as far as the
+principles of architecture, based upon a knowledge and want of "how to
+live," are concerned, it is typical of the rest. Many details become
+therefore unnecessary in subsequent descriptions.
+
+To return to the structure itself, its general plan and its mode of
+construction in detail more and more forcibly remind me of an
+extraordinarily large honeycomb. The various walls, a few of the outer
+walls excepted, have little strength in themselves (as the rapid decay
+shows), but combined altogether they oppose to any outside pressure an
+immense amount of "inertia." There is not in the whole building one
+single evidence of any great progress in mechanics. Everything done and
+built within it can be built and made with the use of a good or fair
+eyesight only, and the implements and arts of what was formerly called
+the "stone age." This does not exclude the possibility that they had
+made a certain advance in mechanical agencies. They may have had the
+plummet, or even the square; but such expedients, applied to their
+system of building, might at most have hastened the rapidity of
+construction. Necessary they were not at all, still less indispensable.
+As the bee builds one cell alongside of the other and above the
+other,--the norm of one and the "habitat" impelling the norm of those
+above and alongside,--so the Indians of Pecos aggregated their cells
+according to their wants and the increase of their numbers; their inside
+accommodations, the wood-work, bearing the last trace of the frail
+"lodge" of a former shifting condition.
+
+Leaving _B_ for the present, I turn to the other ruins on the so-called
+"neck" of the _mesilla_.
+
+4 m.--13 ft.--west of the N.W. corner of the northern annex, I struck
+stone foundations indicating a structure (whether enclosure or building
+I do not venture to tell) 10.21 m.--33 ft.--from E. to W., and 6.60
+m.--22 ft.--from N. to S.[114], 49 m.--160 ft.--to the north-west of its
+north-easterly angle there is a mound about 2 m. or 6 ft. in diameter,
+thence 20 m.--65 ft.--further N.W. or N.N.W. the southern ruins of the
+east wing of _A_ are reached.
+
+Parallel to _B_, longitudinally, and at an average distance of 28 m.--90
+ft--to the west from it, there is a row of detached buildings or
+structures, of which only the foundations and shapeless stone heaps
+indicating the corners remain. Pl. I., Fig. 8, conveys an idea of their
+position and size. The walls are reduced to mere foundations, or to
+heaps in the corners; but these remnants indicate that the rocks used
+were similar in kind and shape to those composing the walls of all the
+other kinds of construction in the _mesilla_ north of the church.
+
+For what purpose these buildings were erected, and in what relation they
+stood to _B_, I am unable to determine. Some of them appeared to have
+doors opening to the east.[115] Beyond _f_ the ground rises suddenly.
+The floor of those structures is, in some instances, formed of a black
+or red loam. I excavated one of those, or, rather, dug into it, to the
+depth of one metre. The surface had shown traces of a fire built in the
+centre, and I found also, at the depth of nearly two feet, that the dark
+soil was traversed by a band of charcoal, fragments of burnt and
+blackened pottery, and some splinters of bone. Below it the soil was
+dark red. Whether there was a buried hearth at that depth, or whether
+the traces of fire were due to an original destruction of woodwork
+through combustion, the _dbris_ subsequently covering them with clay, I
+am unable to judge.[116] In all of them, of course, pottery and obsidian
+were found.
+
+I have already stated that the _mesilla_ dips to the south-west; that
+there is a depression along the northern end of its "neck;" and that
+from _f_ the rocks bulge upwards again. All this contributes to
+concentrate the drainage of the entire cliff-top, as far north of the
+church as it was inhabited, in the hollow where the gate of the general
+enclosure is placed. This gate was therefore not only a passage-way, but
+also the water-gap or channel through which the _mesilla_ was finally
+drained into the bottoms of the Arroyo de Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE IV
+PLAN OF BUILDING A.]
+
+20 m.--65 ft.--to the N.N.W. of the mound i, there rises before us the
+huge pile of ruins which, on the plat as well as on the diagram, I have
+designated by _A_. It crowns the highest point of the entire _mesilla_,
+and covers the greatest portion of its top. In ruins like _B_, its
+general aspect is yet somewhat different Instead of forming, like the
+latter, a narrow, solid rectangle of 140 m. 20 m.--460 ft. 65 ft.--,
+the building _A_ is (taking, of course, the outlines of the entire
+_dbris_) a broad hollow rectangle of 150 m. 75 m.--490 ft. 245 ft.
+Its interior is occupied by a vast court or square, containing three
+circular depressions, and surrounded on all four sides by the broad
+ruined heaps of the former dwellings. On the east side, between the
+circumvallation and the eastern line of the structure, there are two
+more circular depressions similar to those within the court. The latter
+is entered by four passageways,--one on the S.E. corner, 4 m.--13
+ft.--wide and about 12 m.--40 ft.--long from S. to N.; one through the
+eastern wing, 3.40 m.--11 ft.--wide and about 14 m.--46 ft.--long from
+E. to W.; one in the N.W. corner and another from the S.W., both 2 m.--6
+ft. 6 in.--across. I have designated these four gateways respectively as
+_R_, _E_, _G_, and _N_. _R_ and _E_ enter straight through the wall; _G_
+forms a semicircle almost from W. through N. to S.; _N_ describes a
+right angle from S. by N. to E. The distribution of decay in this house
+is the same as in _B_,--the southern parts are on all sides almost
+totally obliterated; the N.W. corner is very nearly perfect; the
+northern and western walls are tolerably fairly preserved; but the
+eastern outline of the east wing, the southern outline of the south
+wing, and the southern ends of both east and west have almost completely
+disappeared under hills of rubbish, a few posts alone assisting the
+explorer. The path of destruction has in both buildings lain in the same
+direction,--from S.S.E. to N.N.W.,--and across both its effects have
+decreased from south to north. Still, while the similarity in that
+respect is astonishing, and while there are apparently more walls in _A_
+standing than in _B_, there is, owing to the very uneven surface of the
+rock upon which it is built, much more confusion among the ruins of the
+former than among those of the latter. _B_ is built on a gradual slope
+or ridge; _A_ caps a generally convex surface, scooped out in the
+middle, and sloping eastward.[117] Hence comes the division of the whole
+structure into four separate and distinct buildings, and hence, also,
+the complicated manner in which the whole or each part is ruined, even
+walls still standing being twisted out of shape and out of position.
+Actual measurements were much less efficacious here than in _B_; and,
+although I have worked with not less zeal and conscientiousness, the
+result in neatness and precision is certainly less satisfactory. This
+explanation will, I hope, induce subsequent explorers to look up my
+inaccuracies and correct them.
+
+It is needless, of course, to detail the methods of work. They are on a
+larger scale, and in more tedious ways, a repetition of the proceedings
+in the case of _B_. The results are as follows, starting from the line
+_f f_ northwards: The space comprised between the corners (_e_, _e_,
+_f_, _f_) forms a rectangle, containing 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms
+each. These rows are all on the same level, except the most easterly
+one, which lies on the slope. The cells, as far as measured and still
+measurable, appear to be of the same size in length, namely, 2.87 m.--9
+ft. 6 in.,--and their widths are respectively from W. to E., or 2.83 m.,
+2.00 m., 3.14 m., 2.70 m., 2.53 m., and 2.53 m.--9 ft., 6 ft. 6 in., 10
+ft., 9 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The whole area is therefore 51.66 m.
+15.73 m.--170 ft. 51 ft. Still, I believe that a sensible narrowing
+(possibly of nearly 2.0 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--) may have taken place up to
+_ee_; but this is compensated by the strengthening of the corners,
+which there are rounded outwards, so that the line _e e_ presents about
+the same length as _f f_. Thereupon follows the open passage _E_, which
+is 3.40 m.--11 ft. wide, and north of it a rectangle of 3 longitudinal
+rows of 3 apartments, _two_ of which rows are on the eastern slope. The
+width of the rooms appears to be the same as that in the former section,
+whereas their length from N. to S. is respectively 6.10 m., 4.27 m., and
+5.44 m.--20 ft., 14 ft., and 18 ft. It is therefore a rectangle of 15.81
+m. 15.73 m.--51 ft. 51 ft. North of it is an open space marked C,
+3.13 m.--10 ft.--wide, in which I could detect no longitudinal
+partition, except one closing its western outlet towards the court. I
+have therefore left it an open question, and marked it as an alley or
+corridor. It may yet prove to have contained six rooms on the ground;
+but, as this is uncertain, the rooms that may have existed are not
+included in the computation of cells. North of the line _b b_ begins the
+section _a B b b_, which is very badly ruined. This forms also the
+north-east angle of the whole building, and whose northern line (_a B_)
+shows the partitions of six chambers, each 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in. wide, each
+one indicating a longitudinal row of 4 rooms, respectively 2.83 m.--9
+ft.--each from N. to S. It would indicate a rectangle of 11.32 m.
+12.00 m.--37 ft. 40 ft. Of its six rows of rooms, three are on the
+slope.
+
+From _a_ to A extends the main northern wall of the structure. It is
+very strong, .78 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--wide, and constructed as follows, Pl.
+V., Fig. IX.:--
+
+_a_, the outer wall, is 0.33 m.--13 in.--wide.
+
+_b_, filling of mud, is 0.17 m.--6 in.--wide (this filling is both earth
+and gravel).
+
+_c_, inner wall, is 0.28 m.--11 in.--wide.
+
+The width of the inner wall being the average thickness of all the other
+walls in the whole house, the suggestion is not improbable that it was
+built first, and the outer one, which is made of larger stones, added
+subsequently for additional strength, and the interstice filled up as
+the work rose.
+
+The line _a A_ is 17.28 m.--56 ft.--long. From _A_ it runs down to the
+south for 8.10 m.--27 ft.--, thence east, 17.28 m.--56 ft.--, to connect
+with the north-east corner of the eastern wing. It thus forms an aisle,
+and at the same time closes the court to the north. A rectangle of 8.10
+m. 17.28--27 ft. 56 ft.--consists of 4 longitudinal sections of 3
+rooms each, which, while their length is uniformly 2.70 m.--9 ft.--(from
+N. to S.), have widths from W. to E. of 5.46 m., 3.18 m., and 3.62
+m.--18 ft., 10 ft., and 12 ft. All the rooms are on the same level, and
+they are the largest and best preserved of any in the entire area of
+ruins. Room _I_ has even an unimpaired roof.
+
+The north wall of _a A_ stands out boldly on the highest crest of the
+_mesilla_. Below it northwards, a small hill of stones, from which
+timbers occasionally protrude, forms a tumbled and confused slope of
+inextricable ruin; and beyond this slope there extend the foundations of
+walls on the level _mesilla_ up to 10 m.--33 ft.--from the northern
+transverse part of the general circumvallation, which there is 45
+m.--148 ft.--from _a A_, and 30 m.--100 ft.--long from W. to E. It thus
+appears that the building _A_ had its northern annex as well as the
+house _B_. To this annex I shall hereafter return.
+
+West of line _A n_ there runs alongside of it the interesting gateway
+_G_, 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--wide, its bottom somewhat higher than the floor
+of the adjoining rooms,[118] and forming, as before stated, the
+north-westerly entrance to the great inner court. It is perfectly
+straight on the east as far as _r_; but then a heavy bank of stones and
+gravel starts out like a lower continuation of the wall _a A_, and winds
+down, curving, till close to the western circumvallation on the edge of
+the _mesilla_. It thus forms a northern embankment to the gateway.
+Almost parallel to it, on the opposite side of _n r_, the conical
+mound or tower H constitutes the western and southern wall of the
+passage _G_. This passage is therefore nearly semicircular. It is level
+from _n_ to _r_, and thence descends steeply towards the edge of the
+_mesilla_.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE X
+VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.]
+
+The mound _H_ describes about two-thirds of a circle. Its base at the
+south is 6 m.--20 ft.--from E. to W.; its diameter, 6.85 m.--23 ft; its
+actual height, about 1.5 m.--5 ft. It is conical, and appears to be a
+round heap of earth and rocks encased with neat and judicious piling of
+well-selected stones. This naturally gave the stone-work a slanting
+surface; the higher it reaches, however, the more it becomes vertical,
+until at last it juts out above the surface of the mound like a circular
+breastwork, or a hollow round tower on a conical base. I refer to Pl. X.
+for an excellent view of its vertical aspect and structure. This mound,
+or tower, while it commands an extensive view to the west, north, and
+even north-east, is also the most northerly "spur" of the western wing
+of the great house _A_. This wing extends in an unbroken length of 62
+m.--203 ft.--from the base line of _H_ to the entrance _N_, and is
+divided into 3 transverse sections, all connected, and all having 3
+longitudinal rows of rooms or cells. The width of each cell is the same
+in every section, to wit, from E. to W. 2.58 m., 2.58 m., and 3.22 m.--8
+ft. 6 in., 8 ft. 6 in., and 10 ft. 6 in., respectively.
+
+Section _k l l m_ has 3 5 apartments; in length from N. to S., 2.51
+m., 3.86 m., 2.35 m., 3.71 m., and 3.72 m.--8 ft., 13 ft., 8 ft., 12
+ft., and 12 ft. It was therefore 16.15 m. 8.38 m.--53 ft. 27 ft.
+Probably all the ground-floor cells were on the same level.
+
+Section _l l h h_ has 3 12 apartments, each 2.53 m.--8 ft.--long.
+Consequently, it was a rectangle of 30.36 m. x 8.38 m.--100 ft. 27 ft.
+The eastern row of chambers was on the slope.
+
+Section _h h N_ 3 4 long, respectively 2.77 m.--9 ft. each, therefore
+10.98 m. 8.38 m.--36 ft. 27 ft. There were two eastern rows on the
+slope.
+
+This entire wing (forming a rectangle of 62 m. 8.38 m.--203 ft. 27
+ft., if we add to the spaces given the thicknesses of the transverse
+partitions, this time not included in the measures) has given me more
+trouble than the rest of _A_ and _B_ combined. Nowhere are the walls so
+twisted and out of range as here. Besides, there is an unfinished air
+about it that is almost bewildering. The height of the stories does not
+agree with that of the other sections,--the western wing would be one
+story lower. Furthermore, it contains in several places squared beams of
+wood inserted in the stone-work lengthwise. These beams (of which there
+is also one in the opposite wing similarly embedded) are identical and
+apparently of the same age with the (not sculptured) beams still found
+in and about the old church. Entire walls of chambers, or rather sides,
+appear to be new; the mud or adobe is fresh, whereas almost everywhere
+else it has disappeared, out of the crevices even; the stones are almost
+laid in courses. As I shall hereafter relate, there are at several
+places adobe walls, the adobe containing wheat-straw! And all this right
+among chambers showing sides as uncouth and old as any of the pueblo,
+though still as high as their more recent and better preserved
+neighbors. Here there is evidently patchwork of later date, and
+patchwork executed with material unknown to the Indians previous to the
+advent of the Spaniards. I am even convinced that it was done after
+1680; for the beams evidently came from the church or the convent, which
+buildings we know were sacked and fired by the Indians in the month of
+August of that year. If this conclusion be correct, the south-western
+part of _A_, its entire westerly wall, was somehow destroyed after 1680,
+and partly rebuilt with materials unknown to the Indians at the time
+when Pecos was first erected.
+
+I say partly, because there is evidence that the western wing, from _H_
+to _N_, was originally much broader. As it now appears, the wall _m h_
+presents itself as the western line of the structure. But there are,
+still further out, although distinctly connected with it, remains of
+buildings which were at least attached to it. These are the ruined
+enclosures designated on the ground-plan by _I_, _K_, and _L_.
+
+Nothing besides foundations, heaps of stones defining corners, and
+upright posts protruding along the western limits of _L_ and _K_ inside,
+remain of these structures. _L L_ are of the size of the ordinary
+chambers; _K K_ are four times larger. Their interior shows no partition
+whatever: the soil is level, somewhat depressed in the centre of each
+apartment; and on the whole they present very much the same appearance
+as those structures on the "neck," which lie to the west of B, but are
+not connected with the latter. Besides, the enclosures are on a lower
+level than the two rows of rooms immediately east of the wall _m N_.
+This wall itself is a double wall, each single one being of the size of
+the ordinary partition; the total width is therefore 0.56 m.--22
+in.,--as proven by actual measurement. The idea is therefore
+suggested--very naturally--that the entire western wing of the building
+_A_ was originally a double house,[119] terraced both towards the east
+and the west. In sketching the cross-sections, I have taken due notice
+of this very probable, if not positive, fact.
+
+The double wall _m N_ shows no trace of lateral passages. It therefore
+divides the whole structure from _H_ to _N_ into two longitudinal
+sections. The western one, from _o_ to _p_, consisted of but one row of
+5 rooms; from _p_ to _N_ it had two rows of 16 chambers each. The
+ground slopes still further to the S. and S.W. outside of the
+trapezoidal enclosures, _I I_, and is covered with _dbris_; so that I
+presume that, from _ll_ to _N_, there was an additional row of 3 rooms
+on the outside. The entire division was at one time very completely
+razed to the ground, so that its owners never attempted to rebuild it
+after the original plan.
+
+The western division was also badly damaged in its southern half, but
+the damage was subsequently repaired with the aid of material and
+mechanical arts postdating the Spanish conquest of New Mexico. Pl. V.,
+Fig. 3, gives a view of the western end, along the line _h h_.
+
+I would recall here the fact already noticed, that the northern part of
+building _B_ is also mended in places with adobes of the same make as
+those used in repairing the western wing of _A_, and that, while the
+squared beams are wanting, the stone-work there in places appears also
+of a more recent date. The suggestion may therefore not be uncalled for,
+that the same destroying power which spent its main force on _A_,
+distinct from the general decay, and moving in a direction from S.W. to
+N. E., reflected or glanced off upon the northern portions of _B_. This
+question will, however, be discussed hereafter.
+
+The annexes _I I_ are trapezoidal enclosures of stone-work as high as a
+man's breast, and respectively of the sizes indicated on the
+ground-plan. The northern one is divided lengthwise into two
+compartments; the southern is open to the south. Both appear to be new
+and unfinished. From the centre of the last one protrude two
+well-squared heavy timbers. These timbers are in a singularly unfit
+position; they cannot be accounted for, and convey the impression that
+they were carried hither from some other totally different construction.
+They look almost forlorn. Whence they came, and for what purpose they
+were brought,--what was the object in erecting the enclosures _I I_,--I
+do not intend to speculate upon, unless they are recently constructed
+store-rooms ("Almacenas").
+
+Across the passage-way _N_, both southward from the line _g g_ and
+eastward from _I_, fitting into it to the east and barring access to the
+great court from the "neck," lies the south wing of _A_,--a rectangle of
+27.25 m.--90 ft.--from W. to E., and 13 m.--43 ft.--from N. to S.,
+including the walls. It is much decayed and overturned; the northern
+side is far less so than the southern; nowhere are there any signs of
+repairs. Here the rows of rooms must be taken transversely (from W. to
+E.). There are 5, each with 7 chambers, measuring in succession from N.
+to S. 2.00 m., 2.00 m., 3.09 m., 2.40 m., and 2.00 m.--6 ft. 6 in., 6
+ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 8 ft., and 6 ft. 6 in; and from W. to E. 3.61 m.--12
+ft. each. Two of these transverse rows appear to be on the southern
+slope, and three on the upper level towards the court.
+
+Here I have again reached the passage-way _R_, my original point of
+departure. Before entering into an examination of the other particulars
+of the building, as well as of its annexes and surroundings, I shall
+make once more a rapid circuit, to give an idea of its size, and also
+attempt a rude computation of the number of rooms it contained.
+
+Lengths of the eastern
+wing from _f_ to
+_B_ (E. side N. and
+S.) 51.66 m.--170 ft.
+ 3.40 m.-- 12 ft.
+ 15.81 m.-- 52 ft.
+ 3.13 m.-- 10 ft.
+ 11.32 m.-- 37 ft.
+ 7.84 m.-- 25 ft.
+ -----------------
+Adding 28 walls 0.28
+m.--11 in., total 93.16 m.--306 ft.
+
+_Brought forward_ 93.16 m.--306 ft.
+
+Lengths of the north
+side from _B_ to _a_ 12.00 m.-- 40 ft.
+from _a_ to _A_ 17.28 m.-- 57 ft.
+6 transverse walls .28
+m.--11 in. 1.68 m.-- 6 ft.
+ ----------------
+ 30.96 m.--102 ft.
+
+Length from _A_ to _n_ 8.10 m.-- 27 ft.
+_n_ to _m_ 8.38 m.-- 27 ft.
+_m_ to _o_ 2.51 m.-- 8 ft.
+_o_ to W. corner of _L_
+(estimated) 5.00 m.-- 16 ft.
+W. corner of _L_. to _p_ 16.17 m.-- 53 ft.
+_p_ to _y_ 2.10 m.-- 7 ft.
+_y_, southward, to line
+_g g_ 33.44 m.--110 ft.
+passage-way N .00 m.-- 6 ft. 6 in.
+
+Width of western section
+of W. wing
+(about) 7.48 m.-- 25 ft.
+Length of south wing 13.00 m.-- 43 ft.
+28 transverse walls
+.28 m.--11 in. 7.84 m.-- 26 ft.
+ ----------------
+ 106.02 m.--348 ft. 6 in.
+
+Width of S. wing 27.25 m.-- 90 ft.
+Passage _R_ 4.00 m.-- 13 ft.
+From _R_ to _f_ (about) 4.00 m.-- 13 ft.
+Line _f f_ 15.73 m.-- 52 ft.
+8 longitudinal walls
+.28 m.--11 in. 2.24 m.-- 7 ft.
+ ----------------
+Total length to _f_, my
+point of departure 53.22 m.--175 ft.
+ ------------------
+Entire length of circuit
+of building _A_ 283.36 m.--928 ft.
+
+Adding to this 15 m.--49 ft.--for the probable periphery of mound _H_,
+and 64 m.--210 ft.--for the perimeter of a southern annex to the south
+wing, which I have not yet described, we reach a perimeter of 362
+m.--1,190 ft.--in all. Comparing these figures with those given about
+the great ruins of the Rio Chaco by Dr. W. H. Jackson,[120] and of the
+pueblo of Las Animas River by my friend the Hon. L. H. Morgan,[121] it
+will be seen that this building, _A_, at Pecos is probably the largest
+aboriginal structure of stone within the United States so far described,
+and that it will even bear comparison with many of the aboriginal ruins
+of Mexico and Central America.[122]
+
+The size of the interior court can now be easily determined. It is 64
+m.--210 ft.--from N. to S., and 19.28 m.--63 ft.--from E. to W. Its area
+covers therefore 1,235 sq. m.--13,230 sq. ft.,--or about one fourth of
+an acre; whereas the entire _dbris_, measured as well as possible,
+scatter over more than two acres of ground.
+
+For the computation of the number of rooms in the whole pile,
+cross-sections are necessary. (Pl. V., Figs. 1-8.) The height of each
+story is about the same as in _B_, to wit, 2.28 m.--7 ft. 6 in.
+
+Fig. 1, section of west wing about _l l_, from west to east.
+
+Fig. 2, lines _b b_ and _a B_.
+
+Fig. 3, section of west wing along _h h_.
+
+Fig. 4, line _d d_, north, up to south line of _C_.
+
+Fig. 5, section of west wing along line _g g_.
+
+Fig. 6, line _f f_, southern boundary of east wing, and for the
+entire rectangle up to _E_.
+
+Fig. 7, cross-section of north wing, line _A n_, from north to
+south.
+
+Fig. 8, south wing, from north to south.
+
+It is possible that the second row, from S. to N., had two superposed
+chambers, but I am not positive of it, and therefore do not include it
+in the computation of rooms which will follow.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE V
+SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.]
+
+It will be seen that, according to the ground plan and sections, the
+east wing had five stories, the north wing two, the west wing
+successively two, three, and four, and the south wing four. Looking at
+the buildings from the great court, the south presented an unbroken
+front of a two-story wall, the east successively walls of four,
+three, and two stories; the north side formed two, and the west side,
+from north to south, in succession, two, three, and four terraces. In
+this manner, not only was the building remarkably well accommodated to
+the great irregularities of the surface, but even a tolerably uniform
+height was attained, well agreeing, therefore, with the description of
+"Cicuy," as Castaeda saw it in 1540. "The houses have four stories,
+terraced roofs all of the same height, along which one can make the
+circuit of the entire village without meeting any street to intercept
+the passage.[123] Here we must remember that the widest gateway is 4
+m.--13 ft.--wide,--an expanse easily spanned by common beams used by the
+Indians in their house architecture.
+
+An attempt to compute the number of rooms in _A_ results as follows:--
+
+Rectangle _f f e e_, 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms and 5 stories.
+ 1st story 18
+ 2d story 5 18 90
+ 3d story 4 18 72
+ 4th story 3 18 54
+ 5th story 2 18 36
+ --- 270 rooms.
+
+(_d d c c_) 1st story and 2d story on the slope,
+and 3 rooms per row.
+ 1st story 3
+ 2d story 3
+ 3d story 4 3 12
+ 4th story 3 3 9
+ 5th story 2 3 6
+ -- 33 "
+ ---------
+_Carried forward_ 303 rooms.
+
+_Brought forward_ 303 rooms.
+
+(_b b a B_) 6 rows of 4 rooms, and 3 stories on
+the slope.
+ 1st, 2d, and 3d story, each 4 12
+ 4th story 3 4 12
+ 5th story 2 4 8
+ -- 32 "
+
+(North wing) 2 stories, easily computed as 20 "
+(_k m l l_) 1st story 5 4 20
+ 2d story 5 2 10
+ -- 30 "
+
+(_l l h h K_) Lowest story 12
+ 2d story 12 4 48
+ 3d story 12 2 24
+ -- 84 "
+
+(_h h K g g I_) Lowest story 4
+ 2d story 4
+ 3d story 4 4 16
+ 4th story 4 2 8
+ -- 32 "
+
+(South wing) From E. to W.
+ Lowest story 7
+ 2d story 7
+ 3d story 7 3 21
+ 4th story 7 2 14
+ -- 49 "
+Adding for the southern annex a probable number of 35 "
+ ---------
+Building _A_ contained in all not less than 585 cells.
+
+Turning now to the inside of the building itself, I am compelled to
+acknowledge here an important omission in my survey of _B_. It relates
+to the vertical connection of the walls. They are all, with few
+exceptions, as far as their dilapidated condition admits of observation,
+continuous from bottom to top; that is, the sides were everywhere
+carried up above the ceiling (or floor), and then, after the beams had
+been embedded in the stones, another wall was piled up on it as
+straight as possible. In this manner it became possible to add each
+cell separately.
+
+There are several doors visible in _A_, as marked on the ground-plan.
+Those in the eastern and western wings open from east to west, those in
+the northern wing from north to south; therefore transversely to the
+length of each structure. But I have also seen longitudinal walls
+without passages. The tops of the doors are all gone; the rest is
+everywhere similar to the sample found in _B_, and already figured. In
+some cases even the sills are gone. Windows I could not find, nor
+trap-doors or ladders; there was no trace of steps, and, unfortunately,
+no clew to any chimney or vent. Of furniture I secured pieces of new
+hearth-stones; of other articles, broken "metates," part of a fine maul
+of stone, flint chips, celts, stone skin-scrapers, and, of course,
+painted pottery and obsidian. But not one specimen is entire; every
+striking implement, etc., has been carried off by amateurs, of whose
+presence besides broken beer bottles, with the inscription
+"Anheuser-Busch Brewing Co., St. Louis, Mo.," give occasional notice.
+
+Room _I_, in the S.W. corner of the north wing is very well preserved:
+so well, indeed, that it is nearly certain that there was no entrance to
+it from above. On the contrary, the entrance appears to have been from
+the front, as shown in Pl. VIII., where this room stands in full view.
+It is perfectly plain inside; eight posts of wood, round, and stripped
+of all bark, support the ceiling and roof, whose composition I have
+elsewhere described. These posts (which are also shown in Pl. VIII.) are
+so distributed as to have one in each corner, and two between, on each
+longer side of the room. In the S.E. quarter of the ceiling the
+splinters covering the rafters or poles are removed, and fresh straw (or
+rather very well preserved) protrudes, as having formed a layer with the
+brush. I was at first inclined to take it for wheat-straw, but other
+parties insisted that it was mountain grass. For the latter it appears
+to be very long, and it has a marked head. I have not, as yet, seen any
+wheat-plants grown at these elevations.[124]
+
+Otherwise this chamber appears nearly perfect. In the middle of the
+north wall a hole is knocked out, but the two coats of plaster (dark and
+white) are almost everywhere preserved. Great interest attaches to this
+apartment, from the fact that, according to Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the sacred
+embers ("braza") were kept here until 1840, in which year the five last
+remaining families of Pecos Indians removed to their cognates at Jemez,
+and the "sacred fire" disappeared with them. Sr. Ruiz is good authority
+on that point, since, as a member of the tribe[125] ("hijo del pueblo"),
+he was asked to perform his duty by attending to the embers one year. He
+refused, for reasons which I shall hereafter state. The facts--that the
+fire was kept in a sort of closed oven, and that the front opening
+existed--made it unnecessary to search for any other conduit for smoke
+and ventilation. The fire was kept covered, and not permitted to flame.
+
+I now come to one of the most interesting features of the court,--the
+three circular depressions marked _P_ on the diagram. Two of them are in
+the N. E. corner,--the northern one close to the northern wing, and the
+other 2.65 m.--9 ft.--to the S. S. E. of it. Both are perfect circles,
+and each has a diameter of 7.70 m.--25 ft. In the S.W. corner, near to
+the passage _N_, is the third, with a diameter of only 6 m.--20 ft. They
+look like shallow basins, encased by a rim of stone-work piled up in the
+usual way, and forming a wall of nearly 0.35 m.--14 in.--in thickness.
+This wall is sunk into the ground, but at the northern basin it
+certainly, as former excavations plainly show, did not reach the depth
+of 1 metre; and it appears that at about that depth there were flat
+stones laid, like a rough stone floor. These basins were the "Estufas,"
+or council chambers, where, as late as 1840, the meetings of the poor
+remnants of the tribe were still held. Although an adopted son of Pecos,
+Sr. Ruiz was never permitted to enter the Estufa. Across the northern
+one a very large and very old tree, nearly 0.75 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--in
+diameter, is lying obliquely. Its thick end is towards the N.E. wall. It
+looks as if uprooted and fallen upon the ruins. But how could a tree of
+such dimensions ever have grown there? Again, for what purpose, and how,
+could the Indians of Pecos have carried it hither?
+
+Outside of the building _A_, the narrow ledge separating its rubbish
+from the eastern wall of circumvallation, a rim 150 m.--192 ft.--long by
+32 m.--105 ft.--wide at the south, and 12 m.--40 ft.--at the north,
+shows the basins _D_ and _F_, respectively 10 m.--33 ft.--and 8 m.--26
+ft.--in diameter. They hug the rock of the _mesilla_ very closely, and
+look completely like the estufas in the court. These buildings,
+according to Sr. Epifanio Vigil, of Santa F, were barns or store-houses
+(round towers 10 to 11 feet high), in which the Indians preserved their
+gathered crops, forage, etc. Still, it is not unlikely that they were
+tanks, built for collecting rain-water.
+
+On the south side of the eastern wing, and so close to it that the heaps
+of rubbish touch, are two circular depressions surrounded by large
+masses of stones. They are marked S S on the plan. Their shape and size
+cannot be accurately determined, and their object is unknown.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VIII
+INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+Nearly the same must be said of a rectangular space, dotted
+and intersected with foundations and upright beams marked _T T_, and
+lying out in front of the south wing on the denuded and thinly soiled
+apron forming the southern spur of the "body" of the _mesilla_. Its
+eastern line, a double stone wall sunk 0.50 m.--20 in.--into the soil,
+is 8 m.--26 ft.--long from N. to S. From its southern extremity similar
+foundations run to the west 37 m.--120 ft.,--thence 8 m.--26 ft.--north,
+and 37 m.--120 ft.--east back to the first line. Thus a rectangle of 8
+m. 37 m.--26 ft. 120 ft.--is formed, within whose area, especially
+in the western portion, upright beams start up in something like a
+semicircle, which would indicate that the structure was once a building.
+A metre and a half to the north, a foundation wall runs about 20 m.--66
+ft.--E. and W.; and at both of its extremities a corridor ascends
+towards the south wing of _A_. The nature and object of these fabrics
+are equally a mystery to me.
+
+Attached to the S.W. corner of the south wing is the annex of which I
+have already spoken. It is an elevated rectangle of 24 m. 9 m.--80 ft.
+ 30 ft., and is clearly divided into compartments of 3-1/2 m. 3
+m.--12 ft. 11 ft. The whole is not much more than a stone mound of
+oblong shape, but it contained on its ground-plan 21 chambers. I
+presume, from the mass of _dbris_, that it had an upper story. Its
+eastern row of cells is a direct continuation of the most westerly row
+of the S. wing. Due south of this annex, and almost touching it, there
+are two structures marked _O O_ which are very remarkable. They are
+octagonal. The most easterly one is best preserved, and appears to be
+the largest. Its two lateral walls are each 4 m.--13 ft.--long, the
+transverse 5.34 m.--18 ft.,--and the corners are cut off sharply by
+intersections of 0.86 m.--3 ft.--in length, so as to give the whole
+eight sides. The walls are well defined; the corners sharp and still one
+metre high. They are of the usual thickness. The other structure is so
+ruined that it appears round. These buildings, according to Sr. Vigil,
+were store-houses also; and they favor the suspicion that those marked
+_S S_ south of the east wing had the same shape. As they now appear,
+they look like the ruins of octagonal towers. The stone-work is like
+that of the estufas, but they are erected exclusively above the ground,
+and still cannot have been very high.
+
+I have now reached the utmost south-westerly point of ruins on the
+"body," where its drainage leads us into the often-mentioned depression
+and to the broad gateway of the circumvallation. From this gate the
+enclosure-wall creeps up along the edge of the _mesilla_ N.W. and N., in
+all 104 m.--340 ft.,--to a point 44 m.--144 ft.--due west of the S. W.
+corner of the annex; and here we find a distinct stone enclosure 27
+m.--89 ft.--long from N. to S., and 15 m.--50 ft.--wide, with an
+entrance of 3 m.--10 ft. wide, and terminating at the circumvallation.
+North-east of this, and about 28 m.--92 ft.--west of i on the middle
+wall of western wing, another enclosure begins 20 m. 8 m.--66 ft. 26
+ft.; and 3 m.--10 ft.--south of this a small ruin 10 m. 8 m.--33 ft. x
+26 ft. Adjacent to _L L_, etc., around from o to y, a curved enclosure
+of stone extends, 42 m.--140 ft.--long, and thence east 6 m.--20
+ft.--back to the N.W. corner of K. It appears like a garden, or corral,
+and shows no partitions. These are, as far as I could see, all the
+remains west of the building _A_. The edge of the _mesilla_ rounds into
+the north-western corner of the latter, almost closing up with it; the
+slope is very steep and covered with huge rocks, broken and tumbled down
+along the declivity.
+
+The small northern plateau between the transverse circumvallation and
+the top-wall of _A_ is therefore nearly shut out from communication to
+the S.W. This plateau is a trapezium 45 m.--148 ft.--long from N. to
+S.,--50 m.--164 ft.--wide on the S., and 30 m.--98 ft.--on the N. It
+holds but few ruins; but, among these, a valuable find was made a short
+time ago by Mr. Harry Dent, of Baughls.
+
+These ruins, in the main, can be described as follows: The slope
+descending from the top-wall is a heap of rubbish with shrivelled posts
+of wood, impossible to disentangle without excavations. North of this
+_dbris_, and 29 m.--95 ft.--from _A a B_, stands a knoll, or mound,
+covered with stones. Looking south from this, I thought I noticed that
+it stood in the line of the second row of chambers of the east wing of
+_A_, counting from E. to W.; and retracing my steps in that direction I
+found, indeed, traces of stone foundations disappearing under the great
+_dbris_, which indicated a corridor, or perhaps series of rooms, about
+2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--wide. It therefore looked like a northern annex to A.
+From the mound, which I have designated by _V_ (Pl. I., Fig. 5), other
+foundations radiate to the W. and N.W. Those west soon disappear, but to
+the N.W. they are plainly visible for 14 m.--46 ft.--to another mound,
+or knoll _T_, similar to the first, whence another line of foundations
+vanishes to the west also. This appears to be the utmost limit of
+structures north, except the wall of enclosure, from which to T on the
+south is about 10 m.--33 ft. About the N.W. corner of A large heaps of
+rubbish descend in shapeless terraces outside and merge into the slope
+of the _mesilla_. They are, like the entire slope itself, covered with
+fragmentary pottery. About their eastern declivity, also, I thought I
+saw foundations, but could not be sure whether or not they connected
+with those extending westward from the two mounds just mentioned.
+
+In the eastern section of mound _V_, Mr. Dent has, as I was informed and
+saw, dug down one metre into the dark loamy clay and stones of which the
+knoll is composed, and has thus exposed a small stone chamber, or flue,
+walled in to the north, west, and south in the ordinary manner, and
+closed with earth, etc., at the east. Whether there was any stone top
+other than rocks heaped up above the hillock I could not learn; neither
+did I, in digging down further, find any floor. This chimney-like
+structure is 1.32 m.--3 ft. 8 in.--wide from E. to W., and 0.70 m.--2
+ft. 3 in.--from N. to S. It is therefore too large for a chimney, or
+flue, and too small for a room. Out of it Mr. Dent, whom I could not
+find personally, as he was absent at the time, extracted a human
+skeleton and much fairly preserved pottery. Of course, I was unable to
+see what he carried off (among which was the skull), but I saw and dug
+further in the same excavation, removing out of it bone splinters and
+the best preserved pottery piece of the entire collection. They are, in
+part, very similar to the yellow bowls still made by the Indian pueblo
+of Namb (a Tehua tribe); but many of them have been so charred and
+blackened that it is impossible to make out their color. The pottery is
+all thin. Among it were also bits of charcoal and of rotten wood. The
+structure therefore appears to have been a grave, in which the body was
+placed in a sitting posture with its face to the east. Subsequent
+information and discovery have fully confirmed this view. I shall return
+to this on a subsequent page, and only state here that my efforts to
+find another skeleton in the same location failed.
+
+The aboriginal remains encircled by the great wall of circumvallation
+and north of the old church are now exhausted, so far as my work among
+them goes, and the surroundings of the _mesilla_ shall therefore become
+the subject of report.
+
+The slope towards the east and south-east is rocky on the top, covered
+with sandy soil growing _grama_ and very few cedar bushes, studded with
+ant-hills, and devoid of all remains of human structures so far as I
+could see. Pottery and obsidian are ever present, but become perceptibly
+less and almost disappear further east. The rills which drain the
+eastern slope carry much of this broken stuff into a small arroyo that
+winds to the left of the _mesilla_. About one quarter of a mile east of
+the building _A_, on a bare sunny and grassy level, are, quite alone,
+the foundations of a singular ruin. They run N. and S., consist of three
+rows of stones laid aside of each other longitudinally, and have the
+shape shown in Pl. V., Fig. 10.
+
+Its length from N. to S. is 25 m.--82 ft.,--and its width about 10
+m.--33 ft. From its form I suspect it to have been a Christian chapel,
+erected, or perhaps only in process of erection, before 1680. Not only
+is it completely razed, but even the material of the superstructure
+seems to have been carried off. Stones are scattered about the premises,
+but I found neither obsidian nor pottery. It stands protected from the
+north by the extremely rocky ledge terminating the _mesilla_ towards the
+east, and appears without the least connection with the Indian pueblo
+proper.
+
+It is the almost circular bottom on the west of the _mesilla_,
+encompassed by the north rock of _A_ to the north, by the whole length
+of the _mesilla_ to the east, by the gradual expanse below the church on
+the south, and by the Arroyo de Pecos on the west, that contains the
+aboriginal remains. Much better than a description, a diagram will
+illustrate their extent and shape. Pl. I., Fig. 5.
+
+The distances are not very correctly given, and the shape of _F_ is
+slightly exaggerated in irregularity.
+
+_A_ and _B_ being the respective large buildings, _C_ the church, _D_
+the great gate of the circumvallation; _E_ is a stone or rubble wall of
+undeterminable length running along the foot of the mesilla in a slight
+curve till near the "wash-out" sallying from the gate, and _F_ is an
+irregular lozenge, or trapeze, enclosed by a heavy low stone or rubble
+wall which might in some places be called an embankment. The corner _l_
+is 50 m.--165 ft.--from the border of the creek-bottom, which there is
+cut off abruptly from 1 m. to 3 m.--3 ft. 3 in. to 10 ft.,--presenting a
+section of red clay and gravel with pottery fragments. The line _l r m_
+runs W.N.W. to E.S.E., and is 138 m.--452 ft.--long; the line _m s n_
+measures 121 m.--398 ft.,--_n o p_ 146 m.--480 ft., and _p l_ 100
+m.--330 ft. From _r_ to _s_ an embankment of earth and stone runs almost
+in a circle, and the whole triangle _r m s_ forms a slightly elevated
+platform, in the centre of which is a pond (_estanque_) _t_, which, even
+at the present time, is filled with water. Viewed through the gate from
+above, this pond appears, with a part of the enclosure, as seen in Pl.
+IX. Several gullies (_barrancas_) have cut through the western and
+southern parts of the enclosure.
+
+This enclosed area, now covered with tufts of grama, occasional
+cactuses, knolls and scattered drift and pottery, was according to Sr.
+Ruiz, the former _huerto del pueblo_; that is, the fields of the
+inhabitants of the pueblo, where they planted and raised Indian corn,
+beans, calabashes, squash, and, after the advent of the Spaniards, also
+wheat, melons, and perhaps other fruit. Not a vestige of former
+cultivation is left; but the platform _r m s_, with a pond in the
+centre, at once explains their mode of securing the water for
+irrigation. Through the gateway _D_ the drainage of the _mesilla_ was
+conducted directly to the platform _r m s_, where the pond _t_ acted as
+a reservoir, out of which the fields themselves could be very easily and
+equitably supplied with moisture. Whether this was done by channels
+radiating from below the curve _r s_ over the area _F_, or by carrying
+the water, I cannot tell, neither my informants nor the appearance of
+the area giving any clew. But I could not escape being forcibly struck
+by this plain and still very forcible illustration of communal living.
+Not only did the Pecos Indians live together, and build their houses
+together, but they raised their crops in one common field (though
+divided into individual or rather family plots, according to Ruiz),
+irrigated from one common water source which gathered its contents of
+moisture from the inhabited surface of the pueblo grounds. "The lands,"
+said Mariano Ruiz, "belong to the tribe, but each man can sell his own
+crops." ("Las tierras son del pueblo, pero cada uno puede vender sus
+cosechas.") It forcibly recalls the system of "distribution and tenure
+of lands" among the ancient Mexicans.
+
+I now cross the Arroyo de Pecos, and on its western bank, in the
+triangle formed by the creek with the military road to Santa F, nearly
+opposite the site of the old church, I met with a ruined enclosure and
+with remains of structures whose purposes are yet unexplained to me.
+
+The distance from _M_ to the arroyo is 40 m.--130 ft. Its E. line is 75
+m.--246 ft.,--the S. line 70 m.--230 ft.,--the W., up to where the curve
+begins, 55 m.--180 ft. The distance from _M_ to _N_ is 15 m.--50 ft. At
+the north end of _N_ is a mound of stone and _dbris_, like a conical
+tower, 5 m.--16 ft.--in diameter; the other lines are distinct
+foundations only. Both _M_ and _N_ are scattered over with broken
+pottery, chips of obsidian and flint, and I also found a fragment of a
+stone implement.
+
+Mariano Ruiz told me that the enclosure _M_ was the corral of the
+pueblo; that is, the enclosure where they kept whatever herds they
+possessed. It was at all events but an enclosure, and no building.
+Still, why were their herds, their most valuable property, kept on the
+opposite side of the creek, so far from the dwellings themselves?
+
+There are other ruins yet further south on the western bank of the
+arroyo, which, however, I shall not mention here. They are so important
+as to deserve special discussion in a later portion of this report. I
+therefore cross the creek back again to its eastern shore, and thence to
+the south side of the old church, proceeding thence southwards. From the
+church a grassy slope, very gentle and with almost imperceptible
+undulations, extends to the road which runs almost due W. and E. from
+the creek towards the Rio Pecos. The distance is about 300 m.--1,000
+ft.,--of which 74 m.--240 ft.--are taken up by the embankments, walls,
+and foundation lines already described as pertaining to the church
+building. Plate I. shows the position of this section, its northern
+limit being about 34 m.--112 ft.--N. of the southern lines of the church
+annexes (or 42 m.--138 ft.--S. of the temple itself) the southern limit
+being the road itself, while on the west the creek-bed forms the
+boundary.
+
+_H_, Corral-like structure, very plain, about 50 m. 20 m., or 163 ft.
+ 65 ft. I understood Sr. Ruiz to say that it was the garden of the
+church ("la huerta de la iglesia"), but believe that he probably meant
+_G_, not having my field-notes with me at the time.
+
+_I_, rectangle of foundation lines 30 m.--98 ft.--from _A_; 30 m. 31
+m.--98 ft. 100 ft.--divided into 2 compartments, the western one 9 m.
+ 30 m.--30 ft. 98 ft.
+
+_J_, trapezium, with mound at S.W. corner 18 m. 21 m., or 60 ft. 70
+ft.
+
+_K_, rectangle 25 m. 36 m.--82 ft 118 ft.--open to the west, and
+only recognizable from the semicircular mound of not 0.50 m.--20
+in.--elevation, dotted out as leaving a depression in the centre.
+
+_L_, circular depression 36 m.--118 ft.--in diameter; ground always wet.
+
+_O_, circular mound 10 m.--33 ft.--in diameter, 1.5 m.--5 ft.--high.
+
+_k_, shapeless mound, possibly part of a hollow rectangle.
+
+In many cases the foundations (which are the only remains visible) are
+themselves obliterated,--or at least overgrown. They are sometimes of
+0.27 m.--10 in.--in width; again, two rows, even three rows, of stones
+compose them longitudinally. The mound is regular, but the soil is
+everywhere so hard and gravelly that I desisted from excavating. The
+basin _L_ looks much like an estufa: there are few scattered stones on
+its surface, and this surface is moist; but I did not notice any trace
+of stone encasement. In general, there is no rubbish at all over the
+area. Stones are scattered about, and evidently they were once used for
+building purposes; but they nowhere form heaps. Then there is not the
+slightest trace of pottery or obsidian. In this respect the area just
+described forms a remarkable exception. All around it in every direction
+the painted fragments cover the soil; this particular locality, as far
+as I could find, has none. It only reappears in _I_, opposite the church
+annexes, and also in the enclosure _H_, whereas the church grounds are
+again strewn with handsome pieces, and some of the finest obsidian
+flakes were found on them.
+
+Across the road to the south, the ground becomes covered with shrubs of
+cedar, and the eastern slope hugs the creek-bed. Upon reaching the
+creek, the road divides,--one branch crossing over directly to the west,
+and the other proceeding along the arroyo about 200 m.--630 ft.--to the
+south ere it turns across. The main military line of travel intersects
+there-about the one to the Pecos River, and thence, striking almost due
+south, forms a very acute angle with the creek. In this angle ledges of
+rock protrude, sheltered by a fine group of cedar-shrubs; and here, in
+what may be termed a snug little corner, the rocks bear some Indian
+carvings.
+
+Expecting daily a supply of paper for "squeezes," I have until now
+deferred taking any exact copies of these vestiges. Therefore this
+report contains but superficial notice of them. It would have been
+useless labor to make sketches and take measurements when I knew that,
+within the period of time I shall spend in New Mexico, I should
+certainly be able to secure fac-similes. The carvings are certainly old;
+they are much worn, and represent mainly so-called footprints (of adults
+as well as of children), turkey tracks, a human form, and a circle
+formed by small cup-shaped holes, of the patterns about which I hope
+that my friend Professor C. C. Rau, of Washington, will by this time
+have finished his elaborate and very interesting work. The human figure
+is as rude and childlike an effort as any represented on the plates
+accompanying the reports of General Simpson and of my friend Mr. W. H.
+Holmes; the footmarks are fair, and the circle is rather perfect.
+Something like a "diamond" appears within its periphery, but I am not
+yet quite certain whether it is a carving or the result of decay. Some
+of the tracks seem to point to the high mesa, others to the north.[126]
+By the side of these original efforts there are recent additions,
+destined, perhaps, to become at some future time as successful
+archological frauds as many of the most interesting products of
+excavation in the States of Ohio and Iowa. About the sculptured stones I
+again met with fragments of painted pottery. Still further down, on the
+east bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, about a mile from the church in a
+southerly direction, and on a low promontory of red clay jutting out
+into the creek-bed, there are vestiges of other ruins,--a low, flat
+mound covered with stones. I saw no pottery about it.
+
+Directly opposite the sculptured rocks, on the other bank of the arroyo
+to the west, the cliffs of clay bordering it form a huge cauldron, out
+of which the contents seem to have been originally removed, leaving a
+semicircle of vertical bluffs of clay and drift about 3 m.--10
+ft.--high. It is out of this locality that I suggested the clay for the
+adobe of the church might have been secured. The faces of the slope
+cannot have been washed out, for the creek runs straight far to the
+east, hugging closely that side of its banks; there is no trace of an
+old stream-bed winding to the westward, neither is there any sufficient
+drainage from the west in the shape of gulches or branches. It appears
+as if there had been an original start, at least, given to the present
+basin by a removal of earth in a curve, subsequent wearing and weakening
+enlarging the cauldron to its actual form and size. This size is
+constantly increased by decay and by the work of diggers; for this bluff
+has been of late a favorite resort for them, from the fact that in its
+face human bones--nay, complete graves--have been found.
+
+I consequently started to examine the bluff, and finally noticed a plain
+wall jutting out at about one fourth of the length of the western curve
+from N. to S. This wall seemed at first to be a corner. It is well made,
+and its stone-work is much like that figured by Mr. Holmes from the
+cliff-dwellings on the Rio Mancos in South-western Colorado. Still the
+stones are not hewn, but only were carefully broken, the rock itself
+having a tabular cleavage. The surface is true. I am unable to say
+whether it was a corner or not; the thickness of the side (east) is 0.65
+m.--2 ft.,--and it looks like a strong outside line running almost due
+N. and S., perhaps a little to the E.
+
+The height of the wall is 0.94 m.--3 ft.; its depth beneath the surface,
+0.52 m.--21 in. The sod (covered with grama) looks undisturbed; it is
+hard and coarsely sandy on the top, but beneath the clay is softer and
+loamy. Under the wall there is red clay to the bottom of the bluff with
+bands of drift. Clambering along the cliff to the northward, I soon
+perceived, at a depth nearly agreeing with the base of the wall, a layer
+of white ashes, similar to those found over the hearthstone in building
+_B_, mixed with charcoal and charred pottery. This layer was continuous
+along the exposure of the bluff; it formed a regular seam, intersected
+horizontally by bands of charcoal, and, at the lower end, a continuous
+stratum of pottery totally different from that found hitherto, except
+one fragment in the drift of the creek and another one among the adobe
+rubbish of the church. Instead of being painted, it was corrugated and
+indented, and identical with the corrugated and indented ware from the
+Rio Mancos and from South-eastern Utah, so beautifully figured by Mr. W.
+H. Holmes. There were also a very few pieces of painted pottery: but
+these, which became more numerous towards the top of the bluff, or
+cliff, appeared to have been washed in; whereas the corrugated fragments
+were a distinct, continuous band, most of the convex surfaces being
+downwards; and this band, except where ledges of the cliff projected far
+out into the bottom, or where the clay had tumbled down recently in
+front of the exposure, was visible from 50 m.--165 ft.--N. of the wall
+to 62 m.--203 ft.--S. of it on a line of 110 m.--360 ft. It was
+everywhere accompanied by the ashes and charcoal.
+
+_A_, little barranca, exposing ashes, etc., which contained corncobs,
+and, in the upper parts of the clay, human bones.
+
+_a_, grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos; obliterated now.
+
+_B_, wall.
+
+_b_, place where skeleton of child was partly secured, five metres S. of
+_B_.
+
+_C_, southern barranca; no remains found.
+
+_c_, last sign south of pottery, ashes, and charcoal.
+
+_W_, rock carvings on west bank of the arroyo.
+
+The following are sections at four different places:--
+
+[Illustration: Clay Pit Area]
+
+Specimens of every section have been sent with the collection. It has
+struck me that the stratum of ashes, charcoal, and pottery, while
+visible always inside,--that is, to the west of a supposed lateral
+extension of the wall from _B_,--still appears to run below it. The
+human remains, however, protrude about at heights where the wall, if in
+existence, might have been in front of them. There were bones lying on
+rubbish in front of _C_,--there were also bones within the ashes, even
+at _A_; but the action of wear and washing being everywhere visible and
+very complicated, I do not venture any surmise in these cases beyond
+expressing the conviction that the human remains originally rested above
+the layers of charcoal, ashes, corncobs, and corrugated pottery.
+
+While at Sr. Ruiz's, I had diligently inquired of the old gentleman
+about the graves of the Pecos Indians. He finally replied (after he had
+for a time insisted upon it that they were at the church) that before
+they became Christians ("antes que furon cristianos") they buried their
+dead on the right bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, where he had often seen
+the skeletons (las calaveras, the corpses) washed out of the cliffs and
+strewn about. At Mrs. Kozlowski's, this also appeared to be a known
+fact; but an examination of the creek banks showed no trace of bones,
+and showed no other structures except the mound already mentioned on the
+left shore. In the cliffs of the basin which I have now described I met
+with the first sign of what Sr. Ruiz called "El Campo-Santo de los
+Indios, antes que furon Cristianos." Still it is not at all positive,
+because the surface of the level west of the bluff shows extensive but
+flat and low mounds, covered with stones used for building, and with
+painted pottery, showing that at least adjoining the human remains a
+very large building, if not several, had stood at some very remote time.
+The wall would then stand towards that ancient structure in the same
+relation as the mound or chamber _V_ stands towards the ruin _A_ on the
+_mesilla_; and it would indicate the custom on the part of their
+inhabitants of burying their dead around their houses, or at least in
+sight of the rising sun, and in little chambers of stone. This view is
+corroborated by the statement of Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos, that at a
+place which I have marked _a_ (therefore to the north of the wall) he
+dug out, very near the edge of the bluff, a stone grave, and with it a
+human skeleton. The grave was a rectangle, walled up on four sides, with
+stones on the top and no floor. The western side was rounded, so as to
+present the following plan:--
+
+[Illustration: Grave]
+
+In it lay the skeleton, two feet below the soil, the feet pointing
+eastward. The length of the chamber was about one third of a large man's
+body; the head lay at the west end, amongst the bones of the chest. It
+had therefore been buried in a sitting posture facing the rising
+sun.[127] Along with the body arrow-heads were found, and pieces of
+tanned deerskin, such as are still worn by the Indians. Of course, all
+traces of the skull, etc., have since disappeared.
+
+While this conversation was taking place, the partner of Mr. Walters,
+Sr. Juan Basa y Salazar, came in, and the question of the great bell
+(which I have already mentioned) came up for discussion. All the parties
+assured me that this bell formerly belonged to the church of Pecos, and
+that after the outbreak of 1680 the Indians carried it up into their
+winter pueblo, on the top of the high mesa, where it broke and they left
+it. The positive assertion that the winter pueblo of the Pecos tribe was
+about 2,000 feet higher than the great ruins on the _mesilla_--that
+these ruins themselves were but their summer houses--was very startling.
+It appeared incredible that the Indians should have left their
+comfortable quarters in the coldest season to look for shelter in the
+highest and coldest places of the whole region. Still, my informants
+being old residents and candid men, with certainly no intention to
+deceive me, and there being besides confused reports of the existence of
+ruins on the mesa current among the people of the valley, I resolved to
+devote my last day to a rapid reconnoissance of the elevated plateau.
+Therefore, after a visit to the Plaza de Pecos, on the 5th of September,
+where the Rev. Father Lon Mailluchet confirmed the reports about the
+winter houses on the mesa, I set out (always on foot) on the morning of
+the 6th, Mr. Thomas Munn having volunteered to be my guide.
+
+We followed the railroad track downwards, and about a mile and a half
+south of Baughl's, east of the track, met a tolerably large mound. At
+the station of Kingman, four miles from Baughl's, there is also a ruined
+stone house, rectangular, but smaller than any one of those on the
+_mesilla_.[128] I had no time to make any survey. We went along the
+railroad for one mile farther, then struck to the S. W. across a
+recently cultivated but abandoned field, and finally reached the apron
+of gravelly clay and locas skirting the high mesa. Here Mr. Munn assured
+me were the remains of stone structures all along for miles, and
+especially stone graves. Of the latter he had seen "hundreds." He
+described them exactly as Mr. Walters had, and as I had found the pit in
+mound V, and described the position of the skeleton also as if sitting
+with the face to the east. We soon came to a walled ruin 6 m. 6 m. or
+20 ft. 20 ft., the walls composed of sandstone,--a range of rubble
+blocks very much ruined,--a _pion_ having a diameter of 0.45 m.--18
+in.--shooting up from the interior. 50 m.--165 ft.--further north a
+clearly defined estufa is seen, 4 m.--13 ft.--across, with stone walls 1
+m.--3 ft. 3 in.--in width. The apron of the mesa is overgrown with fine
+pines. Thence, following a tie-shoot, we ascended very nearly
+vertically, about 1,000 feet at least, to the top. Here already the view
+to the E. and S. was magnificent; but the air was light and chilly.
+Thunder-clouds were hovering N. and E., rain-streaks pouring down on the
+Sierra de Tecolote, and soon a heavy cloud formed south of us, while
+others were slowly nearing from the N.E. The mesa dips or slants
+decidedly to the W. and S.W.; the strata on its surface are tilted up to
+a high pitch, and appear to be almost vertical. The ground is very
+rocky, covered with high _pion_.
+
+Notwithstanding the steadily nearing thunder, we plunged to the S.W.,
+past the tie-camp of Mr. Keno, and soon struck the source of an arroyo
+in a rocky, desolate hollow, pines shooting up in and around it. There,
+on its left bank, were the foundations of a stone structure 11 m. 3
+m.--36 ft. 10 ft. About three miles from the edge of the mesa, in a
+still wilder _caada_, where there is no space nor site for any abode
+around, the bell was found. There is no trace of any "winter house"
+here,--not even on the entire mesa; and the bell was left there, not
+because its carriers there remained, but because it dropped there and
+broke. Who these carriers were I shall discuss further on; at all
+events, they were not the Indians of Pecos. This _caada_ is the
+entrance to a gorge descending directly towards the pueblo of
+Galisteo.[129] Meanwhile the clouds had accumulated over our heads,
+sharp thunder-claps and icy blasts preceding the storm. It was of short
+duration, but as the hail fell thickly we were thoroughly pelted and wet
+before again reaching the camp, glad to enjoy the hospitality and hot
+coffee of its inmates. At one P.M. the sun shone again, and we started
+(this time to the north) along the border of the mesa. Vegetation is
+here more exuberant than in the valley of Pecos. Not only do tall pines
+grow everywhere, but there is a thick undergrowth of _encina_; the Yucca
+is large and green, mountain sage covers the soil, and grassy levels are
+dotted with flowers. Animal life, also, is more vigorous and more
+varied. Whereas in the valley crows and turkey-buzzards alone enliven
+the air, and there are scarcely any beetles; up here there is deer and
+turkey, and the gray wolf; jays and magpies flutter through the
+thickets, and the horned lizard is met with occasionally. The pith of
+the pine-trees attracts a large species of buprestis, and lepidopter
+are quite common. But there is not the least vestige of former human
+dwellings, so far as I could see: the top of the mesa of Pecos is, and
+was, a wilderness. It may have been the hunting-grounds of the tribe
+even in winter, but as for their exchanging their large pueblo at the
+bottom for a residence on the top it is very much as if the good people
+of New York City should spend Christmas week on the Catskill Range, or
+the Bostonians take winter quarters on Mount Monadnock. We followed the
+crest of the mesa for nearly four miles, ascending two of its highest
+tops. They are steep, denuded, and craggy. Beneath them vertical ledges
+descend in amphitheatres. From the highest point the horizon to the
+south appears unbounded. Like a small cone, the peak of Bernal seems to
+guard the lowest end of the Valley of Pecos. Over this vale rain-clouds
+still cast their shadows, and distant thunder muttered behind the Owl
+Mountains and the high Sierras in the north. To the west and south-west
+are almost unlimited expanses of slope, dark green pineries, and grassy
+spots. The bold outline of the Sandia Mountains looms up stately beyond
+it. Even the distant Sierra de Jemez protrudes. Between it and the
+northern limits of the mesa lies, far off yet, the city of Santa F.
+
+The mesa is mostly yellow sandstone, but its highest points are capped
+with red; therefore the name of "Cerro amarillo" often applied to it.
+Through a gorge worn in the rock, and on an almost perpendicular
+"burro-trail," we finally descended to the apron of the plateau,
+surrounded during our descent by scenery as weird and wild as any of the
+lower Alps of Switzerland. On the lower edge of the apron, a mile and a
+half north of Kingman, and half a mile from the railroad track, we
+struck again several ruins. They were partitioned rectangles, very
+similar in size and in condition to the foundations seen south of the
+old church of Pecos, and, like those, utterly devoid of fragments of
+pottery. Along their eastern line, and inside of the walls, there
+appeared little square heaps of stones. These were the graves of which
+my guide had spoken, and their position is exactly similar to that of
+those near and at the pueblo itself.[130]
+
+My time was up, however, and I could not stop to explore them. I
+therefore returned to Baughl's, and thence to Santa F, with the firm
+determination to revisit Pecos at a future day, and then do what I was
+compelled reluctantly to leave undone this time. Should, in the mean
+time, some archologist explore the same locality, correct my errors,
+and unravel the mysteries hovering about the place, I heartily wish him
+as much pleasure and quiet enjoyment as I have had during my ten days'
+work, in which the dream of a life has at last begun its realization.
+Before, however, turning to the close of my report, which will embody
+scraps of history gathered about the place, remarks on the customs and
+arts of its former inhabitants, and general reflections, I must express
+my thanks here to a few gentlemen not yet named in this "personal
+narrative." Besides Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, who kindly assisted me for
+the first two days, Mr. G. C. Bennet, the skilful photographer, of whose
+ability his work is telling, has been for two days a pleasant and
+welcome companion. Last, but certainly not least, I thank Mr. John D.
+McRae, not only for his assistance free of expense to the Institute in
+many important mechanical matters, but especially for the solicitude
+with which he has watched my work and looked to my comforts, and for the
+great store of information I have gathered from his conversation.
+
+
+HISTORY.
+
+My survey of the grounds occupied by the aboriginal ruins in the valley
+of the Pecos indicates, as I have already stated, three epochs,
+successive probably in time, in which they have been occupied by man;
+that is, I have noticed these, and beyond these I have not been able to
+go as yet. Subsequent explorers may be more fortunate. This distinction,
+or rather classification, is very imperfect in the two earlier stages,
+and even arbitrary; but between the second and the last there is a
+marked break,--not in time, but in ethnological development. I shall
+term the three epochs as follows:--
+
+1. Pre-traditional. (Indicated by the presence of the corrugated and
+indented pottery as its most conspicuous "land-mark.")
+
+2. Traditional and documentary. (Documents in the sense of written
+records.)
+
+3. Documentary period.
+
+
+THE PRE-TRADITIONAL PERIOD.
+
+I have not been able to detect as yet among the confused traditions
+current about the pueblo of Pecos any tale concerning occupation of
+their grounds by human beings prior to the settlement of which the ruins
+now bear testimony. It is true that the proper traditions of the tribe
+of Pecos are now preserved only at the pueblo of Jemez, about eighty
+miles N.W. of Pecos and fifty miles W. of Santa F, and that I have not
+as yet visited that place.[131] But it must be remembered that I now
+report "up to date," and that subsequent information will, or at least
+should, come in time.
+
+My reason for admitting a pre-traditional period is, then, simply that I
+have found human remains at Pecos older than those of the present ruins
+and different in kind. These remains, as it may already have been
+inferred from the "personal narrative," are those found on the west side
+of the arroyo, in the basin (or rather the bank encircling it) opposite
+the rock carvings.
+
+One fact is certain, the human bones, the walls protruding from the
+banks, and the grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, are all above the layer
+of white ashes, charcoal, corncobs, and corrugated pottery found as a
+continuous seam along an extent of over 100 m.--327 ft.--from N. to S.
+Consequently, the walls and graves must have been built over these
+remains of a people which appears to have made indented and corrugated
+pottery alone, and consequently also the latter must be older in time
+than the former. It does not appear that the sedentary Indians of New
+Mexico ever made, within traditional and documentary times, any other
+than the painted pottery in greater or less degree of perfection. Even
+Gaspar Castao de la Sosa, when he made his inroad into New Mexico in
+1590, mentions at the first pueblo which he conquered: "They have much
+pottery,--red, figured, and black,--platters, caskets, salters,
+bowls.... Some of the pottery was glazed."[132] The corrugated and
+indented pottery, as I am assured by Sr. Vigil, is rarely met with over
+New Mexico, except at old ruined pueblos, and only when digging (en
+cavando).[133] I feel, therefore, justified in assuming it to have been
+the manufactured ware of a people distinct from the Pecos tribe or the
+pueblo Indians of New Mexico in general, and their predecessors in point
+of time. This pottery, however, is frequently met with among the cliff
+dwellings of the Rio Mancos and in Utah.[134] Its relation, then, to the
+painted pottery has, as far as I know, not yet been investigated.
+
+But what could have been the purpose in covering originally a space of
+over 100 m.--327 ft.--in length with the products of combustion and
+fragments of one and the same industry in such a manner as to form an
+uninterrupted layer of 0.45 m.--18 in.--at least in thickness? Those who
+subsequently buried their dead over the seam certainly did not collect
+these ashes and spread them there as a floor on which they rested their
+structures afterwards. The combustion of a large wooden building would
+not have given the same uniformity on such a large scale. Sr. Vigil has
+suggested to me the following very plausible explanation: In order to
+burn or bake their pottery, the present pueblo Indians of New Mexico
+build large but low hearths on the ground of small wood, sticks, and
+other inflammable rubbish and refuse, on which they place the newly
+formed articles, and then set the floor on fire, until the whole is
+thoroughly burnt. Fragments of broken objects, etc., are not removed.
+The combustible material is thus reduced to ashes, and the broken pieces
+remain within them; their convex surfaces, of course, falling outwards,
+and thus resting on the floor. In this manner a thick layer of ashes
+and charcoal, with pottery, is easily formed. These "hogueras" are still
+from 20 to 40 feet in diameter; but, as they accommodate themselves to
+the size of the pueblo, it is certain that they were formerly much
+larger. The analogy between such a "potters'-field" and the layer in
+question is very striking, and the inference appears likely that the
+people who made this corrugated and indented pottery made it in the same
+manner as the pueblo Indians now make their painted ware, and as they
+made it at the time of the conquest.
+
+These very old manufacturers of indented ceramics were also a
+horticultural people, for they raised Indian corn. The cob found in the
+ashes, or rather cut out with the knife at some distance inside the
+bluff, is charred and small. To what variety of Zea it belongs the
+specialist must decide.
+
+I hold it to be utterly useless, and even improper, on my part to
+speculate any further on these "pre-traditional" people. Perhaps I have
+already said too much. Excavations alone can throw further light on the
+subject.
+
+
+THE TRADITIONAL AND DOCUMENTARY PERIOD.
+
+The term "traditional" is applied to this period, because the people
+occupying the site of Old Pecos have left some traditions behind them,
+and not because we know when it commenced. In fact, I am much inclined
+to divide it, for the sake of convenience, into two periods again, one
+of which includes the occupation of the area within the circumvallation
+and its necessary annexes (field, etc.), whereas the other includes the
+area without. Of the former, we have definite knowledge in regard to its
+inhabitants; of the latter, we have none whatever. It is therefore also
+pre-traditional as yet. Nevertheless, I have included it in the second
+epoch, as its ruins indicate that its people possessed arts identical
+with those of the present pueblo Indians. Their pottery, wherever
+exposed, was painted, figured, and vitrified in places; its
+ornamentation is exactly similar to that of the pottery of the interior
+area, and different from that of Zui. They used flint, but no trace of
+obsidian is found. This may be purely accidental; still, why should it
+occur at three places so totally different in regard to erosion and
+abrasion as the slope south of the church, the west bank of the creek
+directly opposite, and, if thorough examination should confirm the
+results of my cursory observations, the apron of the high mesa? The
+graves, wherever found, are identical with those of the _mesilla_; the
+plan of building, and consequently of living,[135] appears similar to
+that exhibited in houses _A_ and _B_; the material used is the same, but
+the walls are more ruinous, and apparently of a much older date. The
+inference is therefore not unreasonable, that the inhabitants of the
+three areas named, as outside of the great circumvallation, were of the
+kind now called "pueblo Indians," who preceded the tribe of Pecos proper
+in point of time. It is not improbable that one or the other of these
+ruins may have been erected by the Pecos themselves before they settled
+on the mesilla. Still, there is neither proof nor disproval of this
+surmise extant.
+
+There appears to be also a slight difference between the different ruins
+of this period themselves. The ruins south of the church and those along
+the mesa are similar, in that they are more ruined, and not covered with
+_dbris_, and in that their surfaces are also devoid of pottery. The
+space west of the creek has pottery and also heaps of rubbish, and I
+therefore conclude that it was the most recent of the three
+locations,--or at least the one last abandoned. To it must be added the
+small mound or promontory found further south on the east bank of the
+arroyo. One fact is certain: all these places were deserted, and perhaps
+as badly ruined as now, at the time when Coronado first visited
+Pecos.[136] (The partial removal of the surface material may have been
+effected by the Pecos Indians themselves in order to build their own
+houses.)
+
+Referring now to the inhabitants of the two houses, whose ruins are
+situated on the mesilla, north of the church, it is a thoroughly
+well-authenticated fact that they spoke the same language as the Indians
+of the pueblo of Jemez. Jemez lies 80 miles N.W. of Pecos, beyond the
+Rio Grande. It is possible that the Pecos Indians came to the valley
+from that direction. But it is singular that, while there are no other
+settlements speaking this same idiom but Jemez and Pecos, these two
+pueblos should be separated, as early as at Coronado's time (1540), by
+three distinct linguistical stocks, different from theirs and lying
+across, intervening between them. Directly W. of Pecos the Queres, S.W.
+the Tanos, N.W. the Tehuas--all at war with the Jemez and the Pecos, and
+often with each other--lay like a barrier between the latter two. The
+point is an interesting one, as the pueblo of Pecos defines (together
+with Taos at the north) the utmost easterly limit to which the pueblo
+Indians seem to have penetrated.
+
+Who were first in the valley of the Rio Grande? Did the Queres, Tanos,
+Tehuas, etc., drive out the Pecos, then already settled to the S.W.,
+into the Sierra, or did the Pecos, migrating from Jemez, force their
+passage through the other tribes? I conjecture that the Jemez, etc.,
+were the first; that they migrated down the Rio Grande, and on the same
+area, between Sanda to the S. and Santa F, were gradually displaced by
+the others successively coming in,--one branch, the Jemez, recoiling
+into the mountains towards San Diego;[137] the other, the Pecos, driven
+up the caon of San Cristbal,[138] and finally, when the Tanos moved up
+into that valley, crossing over to the valley of Pecos.
+
+This is to a great extent conjecture; still there are other singular
+indications. I give them with due reserve, however, formally protesting
+against any imputation that they are intended for anything else than to
+suggest problems for future study.
+
+According to my friend Mr. A. S. Gatchet, of Washington, D. C., an
+excellent linguist, the Tanos and the inhabitants of Isleta, the most
+southerly pueblo on the Rio Grande still occupied, speak the same
+language.[139] The same is asserted here, as a known fact, to be the
+case with the Taos and the Picuries in the north, and the Isletas at the
+south. If this be true, then the supposition that the Queres and Tehuas
+are the latest intrusive stock would become a certainty. More than that:
+the Tanos prior to 1680, had their chief pueblo at San Cristbal, N. E.
+of Galisteo, on the slope of the mesa of Pecos. They also had become
+dispossessed of the Rio Grande valley, and divided into (originally)
+two branches,--the Picuries and Taos north, and the Tanos, of Galisteo,
+east. Isleta itself is a later agglomeration.[140] There being no pueblo
+E. and S. E. of Pecos, then it appears that the Jemez, or rather Emmes,
+were the first migration, the Tanos the second, and the Queres and
+Tehuas the last.
+
+The earliest traditions of the Pecos are preserved to us by Pedro de
+Castaeda, one of the eye-witnesses and chroniclers of Coronado's
+"march" in 1540. They told him that, five or six years (?) before the
+arrival of the Spaniards, a roaming tribe called the "Teyas" (Yutas) had
+ravaged the surroundings of their pueblo, and even, though fruitlessly,
+attempted to capture it.[141] This tribe was afterwards met by Coronado
+in the plains to the N.E. and E.[142]
+
+Another tradition, very well known,--so well, indeed, that it has given
+to the name of the unlucky "capitan de la guerra" of the ancient
+Mexicans the honorific title of an aboriginal "cultus-hero,"--is that of
+Montezuma.
+
+I hope, at some future time, to be able to give some further information
+on this Spanish-Mexican importation. Suffice it to say for the present,
+that not a single one of the numerous chronicles and reports about New
+Mexico, up to the year 1680, mentions the Montezuma story! The word
+itself, Mon-te-zuma, is a corruption of the Mexican word
+"Mo-tecu-zoma,"--literally, "my wrathy chief,"--which corruption that
+eminently "reliable gentleman," Bernal Diez de Castillo, is to be
+thanked for. He wrote in 1568.[143]
+
+What the Indians themselves say of this tale I have not as yet
+ascertained; but the people of the valley all assert that the people of
+the pueblo believe in it,--that they even affirmed that Montezuma was
+born at Pecos; that he wore golden shoes, and left for Mexico, where,
+for the sake of these valuable brogans, he was ruthlessly slaughtered.
+They further say that, when he left Pecos, he commanded that the holy
+fire should be kept burning till his return, in testimony whereof the
+sacred embers were kept aglow till 1840, and then transferred to Jemez.
+
+There is one serious point in the whole story, and that is the
+illustration how an evident mixture of a name with the Christian faith
+in a personal redeemer, and dim recollections of Coronado's presence and
+promise to return,[144] could finally take the form of a mythological
+personage. In this respect, for the study of mythology in general, it is
+of great importance. That the sacred fire had, originally, nothing at
+all to do with the Montezuma legend is amply proven by the earliest
+reports.
+
+It will also become interesting to ascertain in the future how many
+pueblos, and which, concede to Pecos the honor of being the birthplace
+of that famed individual, and how many, as is the case with other great
+folks in more civilized communities, claim the same honor for
+themselves.
+
+I cannot, therefore, attach to the Montezuma tale any historical
+importance whatever,--not even a traditional value.
+
+Of course, Castaeda reports the story which every Indian tribe tells
+of themselves; namely, that the Pecos Indians were the bravest and the
+most warlike of the pueblos, and that in every encounter they were
+always victorious.[145]
+
+Historical data, founded upon positive written records, begin for Pecos
+towards the fall of the year 1540, when Francisco Vasquez de Coronado,
+then at Zui or Cibola, sent the Captain Hernando de Alvarado with
+twenty men to visit a village called "Cicuy."[146] Indians from that
+village, "situated seventy leagues towards the east"[147] from Zui, had
+visited the latter town, and offered to the Spanish leader "tanned
+hides, shields, and helmets." The hides were buffalo-robes, for the
+woolly hair was still on them.[148] Alvarado reached Cicuy, passing, as
+I have elsewhere stated, through Acoma and Bernalillo. I have already
+identified Cicuy with Pecos. Besides the proofs already given, a few
+descriptive abstracts from the report of Castaeda will add to the
+strength of the evidence:--
+
+(p. 71.) "Five days' journeys further, Alvarado reached Cicuy, a
+well-fortified village, whose houses are four stories high."
+
+(p. 176.) "It is built on the summit of a rock. It forms a great square,
+in the centre of which are the _estufas_." (Compare general description
+and diagrams.)
+
+(p. 177) "The village is surrounded besides by a stone wall of rather
+low height. There is a spring which might be cut off."
+
+In regard to the wall, I refer to the plans and descriptions; as for the
+spring, it trickles out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west
+side of the arroyo, nearly opposite to the field. Its water, slightly
+alkaline, is still limpid and cool, and a great source of comfort. The
+sketch upon the next page will give an idea of its appearance.
+
+[Illustration: Spring]
+
+There is no trace of work about it. At sunset of the 3d of September,
+Mr. Bennet and I saw a herd of many hundred sheep and goats driven to
+this spring by Mexicans for water, although the creek still had a fillet
+of clear water running, and the pond in the old field was filled nearly
+to its brim; they still preferred the old source.
+
+Finally, it must be borne in mind, that the name of Pecos, in the
+language of its former inhabitants and of those of Jemez, is "qiu," and
+that, in an anonymous report of the expedition of Coronado from the year
+1541, Cicuy is spelt Acuique.[149]
+
+Castaeda gives some few details concerning the mode of life and the
+customs of the inhabitants. Aside from those which I have already
+mentioned, he notices the ladders (p. 176); that at night the
+inhabitants kept watch on the walls, the guard calling each other by
+means of "trumpets" (p. 179); that the unmarried females went naked
+until their marriage (p. 177); that the pueblo could muster 500 warriors
+(p. 176); and finally, that it was situated in a narrow valley in the
+midst of mountains covered with pines, and traversed by a small river
+where excellent trout is caught; very large otters, bears, and good
+hawks are found there (p. 179). The inhabitants received Alvarado with
+the sound of "drums and flutes, similar to fifes, which they use often."
+They presented to him a great quantity of cloth and turquoises, which
+are common in this province (p. 72). I must here add that the turquoise
+mines of "Serrillos" are, in a direct line, only about twenty miles
+nearly west of Pecos, in a country between the former pueblos of the
+Tanos and those of the Tehuas. I have seen splendid specimens of the
+mineral from that locality, and Mr. Thurston found and I have sent on a
+perforated bead of bluish color which he picked up among the rubbish of
+the house _B_.
+
+When, in 1543, Coronado left Nuevo Mxico with his whole army to return
+to Mexico, two ecclesiastics remained there,--Fray Juan de Padilla, who
+was subsequently killed by the Indians near Gran Quivira,[150] and a lay
+brother called Luis, who took up his abode at Pecos. Before Coronado
+left Bernalillo ("Tiguex"), he sent to brother Luis the remainder of the
+sheep. He was then of good cheer, but still expected to be killed some
+day by the old men of the tribe, who hated him, although the people were
+friendly to him in general.[151] Nothing was afterward heard of him.
+Thus Pecos was the first "mission" in New Mexico; perhaps, also, the
+first place where domestic quadrupeds became introduced.
+
+Forty years elapse before we again hear of Pecos. The unfortunate
+father, Augustin Ruiz, who, in 1581, attempted to convert the pueblos,
+did not reach further north than Puaray, where the Tiguas killed him,
+with his two companions.[152] But Antonio de Espejo, who, with fourteen
+soldiers, explored New Mexico in 1582 and 1583, visited Pecos. There can
+be no doubt but that the pueblos of the "Hubates"--two journeyings of
+six leagues to the east of the "Quires"--are the Pecos and the "Tamos,"
+the Tanos.[153] Espejo is very liberal in his estimates: he gives to the
+"Hubates" five towns with 25,000 inhabitants, and to the "Tamos" even
+40,000 souls. He says they had cotton cloth; he also says there was much
+good pine and cedar in their country, and that their houses were four
+and five stories high. His visit to the pueblo was of very short
+duration.
+
+In 1590, Gaspar Castao de la Sosa, "being then Lieutenant-Governor and
+Captain-General of the kingdom of New Leon," made a raid into New
+Mexico. It is possible that the pueblo which he came to on the 11th
+January, 1591, may have been Pecos.[154]
+
+The "Spanish conquest of New Mexico" proper took place in the years 1597
+and 1598, under Don Juan de Oate. He met with little opposition, and
+his conquest amounted to little else than a military occupation,
+followed by the foundation of Santa F. On the 25th of July, 1598, he
+went to "the great pueblo of Pecos,"[155] and on the 9th of September,
+1598, in the "principal _estufa_" of the pueblo of San Juan, the Pecos
+pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain. On the same occasion, Fray
+Francisco de San Miguel became the first regular priest of the
+pueblo.[156] Here terminates the second period of the second epoch; and
+the last one begins where the history of the Pecos tribe, whatever is
+left of it, becomes almost exclusively documentary.[157]
+
+Before, however, leaving this period, I must recall here two facts
+elicited by the reports of the forays and travels above mentioned. One
+is, that the Pecos Indians, however warlike they may have been towards
+outsiders, still were of an orderly, gentle disposition in every-day
+intercourse. This is a natural consequence of their organization and
+degree of development. The other and more important one is, that Pecos
+was the most easterly pueblo in existence in 1540, and that even at that
+time it was quite alone.
+
+Castaeda says (p. 188): "In order to understand how the country is
+inhabited in the centre of the mountains, we must remember that from
+Chichilticah, where they begin, there are eighty leagues; thence to
+Cicuy, which is the last village, they reckon seventy leagues, and
+thirty from Cicuy to the beginning of the plains."
+
+Juan Jaramillo, another eye-witness of "Coronado's march," intimates a
+similar fact.[158]
+
+In regard to Pecos being "quite alone," Castaeda is positive; so is
+Juan de Oate, who received and registered its submission. It is true,
+however, that Castaeda mentions a small pueblo as subject to Cicuy,
+which pueblo, however, he says was half destroyed at his time. He
+locates it "between the road and the Sierra Nevada."[159] This may have
+been the small ruin noticed near Kingman.
+
+These facts are very interesting in their bearings upon the older ruins
+of Pecos. It goes far towards furnishing additional proof that they were
+indeed abandoned and decayed already in 1540. In regard to building _B_,
+it is ignored in the reports, _A_, with its vast court and its
+_estufas_, claiming exclusive attention. Still there is no room left for
+doubt that _B_ was occupied during this period. But it is evident, from
+the statements of the eye-witnesses, that _A_ was the principal abode of
+the Pecos tribe in 1540 and afterwards.
+
+
+THE DOCUMENTARY PERIOD,
+
+commencing in 1598, and running up to the present time. Here we should
+be entitled to find, of course, ample and detailed documentary evidence.
+Two unfortunate occurrences, however, have contributed to destroy the
+records of the territory of New Mexico.
+
+In the month of August, 1680, when the pueblo Indians rose in successful
+revolt against the Spanish rule, and captured the "villa" of Santa F,
+they brought the archives, ecclesiastical and civil, into the plaza, and
+made a bonfire of the entire pile. This was an act of barbarous warfare.
+But few papers escaped the general destruction; these were saved by
+Governor Don Antonio de Otermin, and sent to El Paso del Norte, where
+they are still supposed to remain. We are, therefore, as far as the
+period of 1598-1680 is concerned, almost exclusively reduced to general
+works like the "Teatro Mexicano" of Fray Augustin de Vetancurt, and to
+the collections of documents published at Mexico and at Madrid. That,
+nevertheless, some documents were saved, and subsequently carried back
+to Santa F, is proved by the fact that Mr. Louis Felsenthal, of this
+city, has recovered one, a copy of which it is hoped will appear in the
+Journal of the Institute in time.
+
+Subsequent to the return of the Spaniards, the archives of Santa F
+were kept in good order by its administrators, the last revision thereof
+being made by Governor Donaciano Vigil. In 1870, however, the man who
+then acted as Governor of the Territory, although otherwise of
+irreproachable character, permitted an act of vandalism almost without
+its parallel. The archives had accumulated in the palace to a vast
+extent: the original good order in which they were kept had been totally
+neglected during and since the war of secession; there was not even a
+custodian for them. So the head of the executive of this territory
+suffered its archives to be sold as waste paper, even sometimes used as
+kindling in the offices. Of the entire carefully nursed documentary
+treasures, the accumulation of 190 years, the Hon. Samuel Ellison, of
+this city (notwithstanding his feeble health), has been able to register
+about fifty bundles (_legajos_), whereas wagon-loads were scattered or
+sold for wrapping.
+
+Many of the intelligent inhabitants attempted to save what they could,
+and there are some who succeeded to a limited extent; but of what yet
+remained in the palace, reduced to a sufficiently small bulk as not to
+be "in the way" any longer, even the valuable journals of Otermin and
+Vargas were considerably reduced through further decay.
+
+This has been, in times of profound peace and in the nineteenth century,
+the fate of the archives of New Mexico.
+
+Ever since, the legislature of the territory has been, in fact, utterly
+neglectful of its public documents. Each and every reminder in the shape
+of a petition has been disregarded, and only Governor L. Wallace has at
+last succeeded in having them overhauled. Hon. W. G. Ritch effected
+their removal to a suitable place, and it is to the acts of these
+gentlemen, and to the labor of love of Mr. Ellison, that we owe the
+preservation of what now remains.
+
+What little documentary evidence has, therefore, been left at my
+disposal, contains, as might be supposed, meagre information concerning
+the pueblo of Pecos. The older church annals I have not been able to
+find, for those at the Plaza de Pecos date back only to 1862. Whither
+they have gone I am unable to tell, except that they are not at Santa
+F.
+
+About the year 1628, through the action of Fray Francisco de
+Apodaca,[160] then Commissary-General of the Franciscan order in Mexico,
+religious life in this territory obtained a new impulse. Until then the
+work performed had been almost exclusively missionary work; the priests
+had (and still have) enormous districts to visit. Thus: that of the
+first priest of Pecos embraced from N. to S. a country of over 60 miles
+long, and 30 to 50 wide from E. to W. However, after Fray Gernimo de
+Zarate Salmeron had addressed to his superior at Mexico his remarkable
+report in the year 1626,[161] a new life began. It is therefore after
+1629 that the large church at Pecos was erected, but I am as yet unable
+to give the exact dates. This church and the "convent" were both built
+by Indians, whom the fathers had taught to square timbers, to ornament
+them with simple friezes and scroll-work, and to make adobe in the
+manner now practised, namely, mixing straw with the clay and moulding it
+in boxes. They were also taught to grow wheat and oats, and their flocks
+increased. In addition to being a horticultural people they became
+herders, and the pueblo was prosperous. Its church was renowned as the
+finest in New Mexico.[162] Whereas Santa F, in 1667, had but 250
+inhabitants,[163] Pecos, as late as 1680, sheltered 2,000 Indians.[164]
+
+Still, during this very time of comparative prosperity, a storm was
+brewing in New Mexico, from whose effects its sedentary Indians never
+recovered. This was the great rebellion of 1680. The Indians of Pecos
+claim to have remained neutral during that bloody massacre, and I am
+inclined to believe their statements. Nevertheless, it is a positive
+fact that, on the 10th of August of the aforesaid year, their priest,
+Fray Fernando de Velasco, was murdered and their church sacked.[165] By
+whom, then, was it done? The reply is intimated by the place where the
+great bell was found, and by the events intervening between 1680 and
+1692, when Diego de Vargas recaptured Santa F. It will be remembered
+that the bell was left on the slope of the high mesa towards the S.W.,
+in the rocky and desolate gorge descending towards the pueblo San
+Cristbal, the old home of the Tanos tribe.[166] Father Jos Amanda Niel
+writes, about twenty-five or thirty years after the rebellion, that the
+Tanos secured the greatest part of the booty, among which were bells
+(_campanas_).[167] That this bell was not carried to the high _mesa_ by
+the Pecos I believe I have proved; its proximity to the Tanos village,
+and its actual position in the _caada_ leading towards the latter,
+shows that it was either to be carried down to it or carried up from it.
+If it is (as current report has it) the bell of Pecos, then it was a
+trophy which the Tanos secured when they, on the 10th of August, 1680,
+committed the atrocities at the pueblo of Pecos; and this would make it
+extremely probable, also, that the slaughter of Father Velasco was
+accompanied by that partial destruction of the buildings _A_ and B_,_
+which I have described, and which appears to have been partly repaired
+by means of material taken from the church, and of adobe containing
+wheat-straw. This is rendered more likely by the events subsequent to
+the driving out of the Spaniards, and it does not appear that the Pecos
+Indians took any part even in their expulsion.
+
+After the victorious aborigines had returned from their pursuit of
+Otermin, dissensions arose among them, and intertribal warfare, in
+conformity with their pristine condition, set in. The Pecos, aided by
+the Queres, made a violent onslaught on the Tanos, compelling them to
+abandon San Cristbal and San Lzaro.[168] This looks very much like an
+act of retaliation. During that time the Spaniards were not idle. In
+1682, Governor Otermin penetrated as far as Cochiti,[169] but appears to
+have taken no notice of Pecos. In 1689, however, Don Domingo Gironza
+Petroz de Cruzate made a successful raid into New Mexico, in which raid
+the warriors of Pecos assisted him against the other tribes. In reward
+of their services he, on the 25th of September, 1689, after his return
+to El Paso del Norte, executed there the document a copy of which is
+hereto appended, and for which I am indebted to the kindness of my
+friend David J. Miller, Esq., chief clerk of the Surveyor General's
+Office at Santa F. It is a grant to the tribe of Pecos of all the lands
+one league north, south, east, and west from their pueblo ("una legua en
+cuadro"), therefore four square leagues, or 18,763-33/100 acres, to be
+therefore their joint and common property. When, therefore, in the
+afternoon of the 17th of October, 1692, Diego de Vargas Zapata, having
+recaptured Santa F from the Tanos who then held its ruins,[170] moved
+upon Pecos, he was received by the whole tribe with demonstrations of
+joy,[171] and the "capitan de la guerra" of the pueblo afterwards
+assisted him in subduing a second outbreak in 1694.[172]
+
+The result for the pueblos of the great revolt in New Mexico was a
+gradual diminution in the numbers of their inhabitants. It was the
+beginning of decline. The Tanos had been in some places nearly
+exterminated, and all the others more or less weakened.[173] The distant
+Moqui, far off in Arizona, were the sole gainers by the occurrence,
+receiving accessions from fugitives of New Mexico.[174] But it would be
+incorrect to attribute this weakening of the pueblos during that time to
+the warfare with the Spaniards, or to the latter's retaliatory measures
+after final triumph. Vargas was energetic in action, but not cruel. A
+few of those who had committed peculiar atrocities were executed, but
+the remnants of the pueblos were reestablished in their franchises and
+privileges as autonomous communities. It is the intertribal warfare,
+which commenced again as soon as the aborigines were left to themselves,
+and drouth accompanying the bitter and bloody feuds, which destroyed the
+pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley.[175] The Pecos, isolated and therefore
+less exposed, suffered proportionately less; still, their time was come
+also, though in a different way.[176]
+
+I have already stated that, in the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+the Utes introduced near the pueblo of Taos another branch of the great
+Shoshone stock,--the _Comanches_. This tribe soon expelled the
+Apaches,[177] who had not been exceedingly troublesome to the pueblos,
+and, a vigorous northern stock, became that fearful scourge of all the
+surrounding settlements, which they have continued to be for 150 years.
+Their efforts were mainly directed against the pueblo of Pecos, as the
+most south-easterly village exposed to their attacks. On one occasion
+the Comanches slaughtered all the "young men" of Pecos but one,--a blow
+from which the tribe never recovered. Thus, when the Indians of the Rio
+Grande rose in arms against the Mexicans in 1837, as has been so ably
+described by Mr. D. J. Miller,[178] the Pecos did not take any part, for
+there were only eighteen adults left, huddled together in the northern
+wing of the huge building _A_, and watching the sacred embers in the
+face of slow, inevitable destruction.
+
+Then, in the following year, 1838, an event took place which, simple and
+natural as it is, still illustrates forcibly the powerful link which the
+bond of language creates between distant Indian communities. The pueblos
+of Pecos and Jemez had been almost without intercourse for centuries;
+but in the year 1838, says Mariano Ruiz, the principal men of Jemez
+appeared in person on the site of Pecos and held a talk with its
+occupants. They had heard of the weakness of their brethren, of their
+forlorn condition, and now came to offer them a new home within the
+walls of their own pueblo. The Pecos took the proposal under
+consideration, but were loth to leave the home where they had lived for
+so many centuries. In the following year "mountain fever" broke out
+among them, and only five adults remained alive. These, by joint
+indentures, sold the majority of the lands granted to them in 1689 by
+Cruzate.[179] Another portion was left to Ruiz as "son of the tribe." In
+1840 these five men, named respectively Antonio (_gobernador_, and still
+living at Jemez), Gregorio, Goya, Juan Domingo, and Francisco, appeared
+before Don Manuel Armijo, then Mexican governor of the territory, and
+declared to him their intention to abandon their home and to seek refuge
+among their kindred at Jemez. Soon after, the _gobernador_, the _capitan
+de la guerra_ and the _cacique_ of Jemez, with several other Indians of
+that tribe, appeared at Pecos. The sacred embers disappeared, tradition
+being, according to the Hon. W. G. Ritch, Secretary of the Territory,
+that they were returned to Montezuma.[180] The remnants of the tribe
+moved on with their chattels, and guided by their friends, to Jemez,
+where, in a few months, I hope to visit "the last of the Pecos."
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.
+
+About the mythology of the Pecos Indians, aside from the Montezuma story
+and the sacred embers, the tale of the _Great Snake_ ("la vvora
+grande") appears to be widely circulated. It is positively asserted[181]
+that the Pecos adored, and the Jemez and Taos still adore, an enormous
+rattlesnake, which they keep alive in some inaccessible and hidden
+mountain recess. It is even dimly hinted at that human sacrifices might
+be associated with this already sufficiently hideous cult. I give these
+facts as they were given to me, and shall not believe them until I am
+compelled. It has always been the natural tendency in everything which
+(like the idolatrous practices still existing among the pueblos, of
+which there is no doubt) we do not positively know, to make bad look
+worse and good better than it actually is. The prospect of securing a
+knowledge of it is, however, not very good. The Indians themselves
+appear to deny it, and are generally very reticent about their
+aboriginal beliefs.
+
+I have previously mentioned that Ruiz had been called upon by the
+Indians of Pecos to do his duty by attending to the sacred fire for one
+year, and that he refused. The reason for his refusal appears to have
+been that there was a belief to the effect that any one who had ever
+attended to the embers would, if he left the tribe, die without fail,
+and he did not wish to expose himself to such a fate.
+
+About the social organization of the Pecos Indians, it has not been
+possible, of course, to ascertain anything as yet. That they lived on
+the communal plan is plainly shown by the construction of their houses.
+That they were originally, at least, organized into clans or _gentes_,
+can be inferred; but here I must remark that it may be difficult to
+trace those clusters among the Rio Grande pueblos, on account of their
+weakness in numbers, and of the intermixture of the Tehua, Tanos, and
+Queres stocks resulting from the convulsion of 1680. It may be possible,
+however, to find them at Jemez. They exist at Laguna and among the
+Moquis, according to Mr. Morgan, and I do not doubt but that Mr.
+Cushing, who is so thoroughly studying the Zui Indians, has by this
+time settled the question for that tribe. One fact, however, I consider
+to be ascertained; namely, that there were neither castes nor classes
+among the pueblos, therefore not at Pecos. At the head of their communal
+government were the usual three officers,--the _gobernador_, the
+_capitan de la guerra_, and the _cacique_. I am not quite clear yet as
+to the proper functions of each, except that the first two are both
+warriors ("ambos son guerreros," Ruiz); that the _capitan_ has also the
+supervision of the lands of the tribe; and that the _cacique_ is more or
+less a religious functionary. Mr. D. J. Miller states that the latter
+very seldom leaves the pueblo. It was therefore an unusual act when the
+_cacique_ of Jemez came to Pecos in 1840, and I presume it was brought
+about through his connection with the holy fire. I asked Sr. Ruiz very
+distinctly as to whether these three officers were elective or not, and
+he promptly affirmed that they were ("son elegidos por el pueblo"). I
+then inquired if the sons succeeded to the fathers in office, and his
+reply was that there was no objection to their being elected thereto if
+they were qualified ("si son buenos"). This disposes of the question of
+heredity in office, rank, and title, and it is almost identical with the
+customs found by Alonzo de Zuevita among the Indians of Mexico in the
+middle of the sixteenth century. How the presumable "gentes" of the
+Pecos might have localized for dwelling in the great communal houses I
+am, of course, unable to conjecture.
+
+In regard to their marriage customs, their mode of naming children,
+etc., I have not been able to gather much information as yet. The old
+marriage customs are supplanted by those of the church. Still, they may
+be traced up eventually. Every Pecos Indian had, besides his Spanish
+name, an Indian name; and there is, according to Mr. Ritch, still a
+Pecos Indian at Jemez whose aboriginal appellation is "Huaja-toya"
+(Spanish pronunciation). I heard of him this morning (Sept. 17) through
+an Indian of Jemez. What I know of their burials is already stated.
+
+Of their agriculture, or rather horticulture, I have also spoken; the
+modes of cultivation have not been explained to me as yet. Irrigation is
+therefore the only part of their tillage system upon which I have been
+able to gather any information. In addition to what the preceding pages
+may contain, Sr. Vigil has assured me that they also irrigated their
+_huerta_ from the _arroyo_. This thin fillet of clear water, now
+scarcely 0.50 m.--20 in.--in width, fills at times its entire gravelly
+bed, 100 m. to 150 m.--327 ft. to 490 ft.--from bank to bank. This does
+not occur annually, but at irregular intervals. Sr. Ruiz said that while
+the Pecos Indians were living at their pueblo the streams were filled
+with water ("en ese tiempo, corrieron los arroyos con agua, muy
+abundante"). It is further said that the tribe worked other "gardens"
+besides, on the banks of the river Pecos, two miles to the east.
+
+For their arts and industry I must refer to the collections, however
+meagre and unsatisfactory they are; a condition for which I have already
+apologized. Nowhere did I find a trace of iron nor of copper, although
+they used the latter for ornaments (bracelets, etc.), and there can be
+no doubt that they had the former metal also,--after the Spanish
+conquest, of course. The squaring of timbers, the scroll-work and
+friezes in the church, could only be done with instruments of iron. But
+all traces of these implements have disappeared from the ruins, as far
+as the surface is concerned. I cannot refrain, however, from dwelling
+at greater length upon two products of industry, so common among the
+ruins as hardly to attract the attention of curiosity-hunters any more.
+These are the flakes of obsidian and lava and the painted pottery.
+
+I have called these flakes a product of industry; while the material
+itself is of course a mineral, the fragments scattered about are
+undoubted products of skill. They are chips and splinters. There is
+neither lava nor obsidian cropping out in or about the valley,[182] but
+highly volcanic formations are abundantly found to the north, within
+fifty miles from Pecos, in the high Sierra de Mora; perhaps, also,
+nearer yet. At all events, the mineral has been brought to the pueblo
+and chipped there. The same is the case with the flint flakes, agates,
+jaspers, and moss-agates, with the difference, however, that, in the
+case of these, water has done a great part of the carrying, if not all;
+whereas the drift of the _arroyo_ contains no obsidian nor lava, except
+such as has clearly been washed into it from the ruins. Among the flakes
+there will be noticed several which may have been used for knives,
+whereas still others approximate to the arrow-head. A small perfect
+arrow-head was found and transmitted by me to the Institute,--the only
+one I met with on the premises.[183]
+
+The fact that several localities at Pecos are completely devoid of
+obsidian has already been mentioned. These are the oldest ruins. In the
+case of the ruins along the mesa and those south of the church, I can
+only speak of the surface; but where the corrugated pottery was found
+the whole section of the bluff was exposed for more than 100 m.--327
+ft.,--and still not a trace of the mineral appeared, while flint, agate,
+and jasper were rather conspicuous.[184] This may be accidental, but it
+is certainly suspicious and suggestive.
+
+The painted pottery is scattered in wagon-loads of fragments over the
+ruins. There are two places, however, where, as already stated, the
+surface is utterly devoid of them. Whether or not this deficiency
+extends to the soil, I cannot tell. I doubt it, however. These
+localities are, again, the apron along the _mesa_ and the ruins south of
+the church. For the rest, it is very equally distributed everywhere.
+Still there are two distinct kinds at least. One is exactly similar to
+the kind now made and sold: it is coarse, soft; the ground is painted
+gray or yellow; the ornaments show, in few instances, traces of animal
+shapes (they are either black or brown); and the vessels must have been
+thick, and with a thicker coarse rim. Out of the grave in the mound _V_,
+the pottery was more perfect. There are pieces of a _tinaja_ (bowl) with
+a vertical rim, yellow outside, white inside, with black geometrical
+ornamentation, not vitrified. This kind of pottery is still made by the
+Indians of Namb, of Tezuque, and of Cochiti. (The former two are
+Tehuas, the latter is Queres.) But there I also found fragments of a
+plain black pottery, of dark red, and of dark red with black ornaments,
+which are thinner and much superior in "ring," and therefore in quality,
+to any now made. This pottery is older in date, and appears to be almost
+a lost art. There was, however, no distinction in distribution. Both
+kinds have one point in common, namely, the varnishing of the
+ornamental surfaces. I say varnishing,[185] and not "glazing;" for,
+although I believe the glassy appearance of the painted lines to be due
+to some admixture of the coloring material, and not to a separate glossy
+exterior coating, I do not as yet find a reason for admitting that the
+Indians knew the process of vitrification.
+
+Of the military manufactures of the Pecos, a small arrow-head of
+obsidian found near the church is the only trace. It is even too small
+for a war-arrow. They had stone hatchets, and may have had the dart,
+and, later on, the spear. Pebbles convenient for hurling are
+promiscuously observed on the _mesilla_, but they are not numerous; and
+nowhere along the circumvallation did I notice any trace of heaps.[186]
+The military constructions, however, become very interesting through
+their connection with the system of drainage and a comparison with the
+ancient Mexicans. Around the ancient pueblo of Mexico ("Tenuchtitlan")
+the water formed the protective circumvallation; at Pecos, the defensive
+wall collected the water and conducted it where it was needed for
+subsistence for the irrigation of crops.
+
+That this great circumvallation, 983 m.--3,225 ft.--in circuit, was a
+wall for protection also there is no doubt, although the main strength
+of the pueblo lay in the construction of its houses, where the
+inhabitants could simply shut themselves in and await quietly until the
+enemy was tired of prowling around it. By Indians it could only be
+carried by surprise or treachery.[187] Hence it was customary for the
+young men to leave the pueblo at times in a body, abandoning it to the
+old men and women, etc., without concern.[188] As long as these kept
+good watch they were safe, even if the Comanches should appear. Roaming
+Indians cannot break open a pueblo house if well guarded. For that
+purpose alone the mounds near the great gate, and the mound _H_, Pl.
+IV., were erected. They were watch-towers for special purposes, for
+particular sections, where the lookouts from the wall-tops were not
+sufficient.[189] These two mounds--one on each side of the
+gateway--overlooked the fields and the creek-bank: in the morning, when
+the people went out to work, or to carry drinking water from the spring
+opposite; during the day, while they attended to their simple labor of
+tillage.
+
+The mound and tower _H_ performed a similar office towards the steep
+ledge of rocks there descending, among whose fragments Indians could
+hide for hours from the scouts on the house tops. Thus the great
+enclosure with its details served a triple purpose. It was the reservoir
+which held and conducted the waters precipitated on the _mesilla_ to the
+useful purpose of irrigation. It was a preliminary defensive line,--a
+first obstruction to a storming foe, and a shelter for its defenders.
+But it was also in places an admirable post of observation. It formed
+the necessary complement to the houses themselves,[190] and both
+together composed a system of defences which, inadequate against the
+military science of civilization, was still wonderfully adapted for
+protection against the stealthy, lurking approach, the impetuous but
+"short-winded" dash, of Indian warfare.
+
+In conclusion of this lengthy report, I may be permitted to add a few
+lines concerning the great houses themselves. Their mode and manner of
+construction and occupation I have already discussed; it is their
+abandonment and decay to which I wish to refer. This decay is the same
+in both houses; the path of ruin from S.S.E. to N.N.W. indicates its
+progress. It shows clearly that, as section after section had been
+originally added as the tribe increased in number, so cell after cell
+(or section after section) was successively vacated and left to ruin as
+their numbers waned, till at last the northern end of the building alone
+sheltered the poor survivors. They receded from south to north; for the
+church, despoiled and partly destroyed in 1680, was no protection to
+them. Its own ruin kept pace with that of the tribe.[191] The northern
+extremity of the pueblo was their best stronghold, and thither they
+retired step by step in the face of inevitable doom.
+
+A. F. BANDELIER.
+
+SANTA F, Sept. 17, 1880.
+
+To PROFESSOR C. E. NORTON, _President of the Archological Institute of
+America, Cambridge, Mass._
+
+
+
+
+GRANT OF 1689 TO THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The following is a literal copy of the original grant, now (Sept. 25,
+1880) on file at the United States Surveyor-General's office at Santa
+F, made to the inhabitants of the Indian pueblo of Pecos in New Mexico.
+The language of the document is not altogether clear, but the essential
+terms are distinct:--
+
+[Sidenote: Ao de 1689]
+
+[Sidenote: MERCED CONCEDIDA PECOS.]
+
+En el Pueblo de nu. S.^a de Guadalupe del Paso del Rio del Norte en
+veinte y cinco dias del mes de Sep.^te de mil seiscientos y ochenta y
+nueve aos el Seor Gov.^or y Cap.^n Gen.^l D.^a Domingo Jironza Petroz
+de Cruzate dijo que por quanto en el alcanze que se dio en los de la
+Nueva Mex.^co de los Yndios Queres y los Apostatas y los Teguas y de la
+nacion Thanos y despues de haber peleado con todos los demas Yndios de
+todos Pueblos un Yndio del Pueblo de Zia llamado Bartolom de Ojeda que
+fue el que mas se seal en la vatalla acudiendo todas partes se
+rindio viendose herido de un balazo y un flechaso lo cual como dicho es
+mando que debajo de juram.^to declare como se halla el Pu.^o de Pecos
+aunque queda muy metido donde el sol sale y fueron unos Yndios
+Apostatas de aquel Reyno de la Nueva Mexico.
+
+Preguntado que si este Pu.^o volver en algun tiempo como ha sido
+constumbre en ellos y dice el confesante que no que ya est muy metido
+en terror que aunque estaban abilantados con lo que les habia susedido
+los de el Pu.^o de Zia el ao pasado juzgaba que era un imposible que
+dejaran de dar la obediencia; por lo cual se concedieron por el Seor
+Governador y Capitan General D.^a Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate los
+linderos que aqui anoto; para el. Norte una legua; y para el Oriente una
+legua; y para el Poniente una legua; y para el Sur una legua; y medidas
+estas cuatro lineas de las cuatro esquinas del Pu.^o dejando salvo el
+templo que queda al medio dia del Pu.^o y asi lo proveyo mando y firmo
+susc^a [?] mi el presente Secretario de Gov.^on y Guerra que de ello
+doy f.
+
+ D.^a Domingo Jironza
+ Petroz de Cruzate.
+
+Ante mi
+ Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara
+ Sc.^o de G.^n y Gu.^a
+
+[TRANSLATION.]
+
+[Sidenote: In the year 1689.]
+
+[Sidenote: GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS.]
+
+In the Pueblo of Our Lady of Guadalupe of El Paso del Rio del Norte, on
+the twenty-fifth day of the month of September, in the year sixteen
+hundred and eighty nine, the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo
+Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, said that inasmuch as during the pursuit of
+the men of New Mexico, [namely], of the Queres Indians, and the
+Renegades, and the Teguas, and those of the Thanos nation, and after the
+fight with all the rest of the Indians of all the Pueblos--an Indian of
+the Pueblo of Zia, named Bartholom de Ojeda, who had greatly
+distinguished himself in the fight, assisting at every point,
+surrendered, having been wounded by a bullet and by an arrow; he [the
+Governor] ordered that he should declare, under oath, how the Pueblo of
+Pecos is disposed, although it lies far off toward the sunrise, and [its
+people] are renegade Indians of that kingdom of New Mexico.
+
+Being asked whether [the inhabitants of] this Pueblo will ever return to
+their old ways, he, the deponent, says that they will not, since they
+are now in great terror, and though they were very much emboldened by
+what had happened to those of the Pueblo of Zia the year before, he
+thought it was impossible that they should fail to give in their
+submission. Wherefore there were granted by the Governor and
+Captain-General, Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, the boundaries
+here noted: to the north a league, and to the east a league, and to the
+west a league, and to the south a league; and these four lines measured
+from the four corners of the Pueblo, reserving the temple, which lies to
+the south of the Pueblo; and thus did his Excellency provide, command,
+and sign before me, the present Secretary of the Interior and of War,
+who attest it.
+
+ DON DOMINGO JIRONZA
+ PETROZ DE CRUZATE.
+
+Before me,
+ Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara,
+ Secretary of the Interior and of War.
+
+
+
+
+[87] Lieut.-Col. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from
+Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, Executive
+Document_ 41, Washington, 1848. _Meteorological Observations_, p. 163.
+Camp 44, half-mile south of the Pecos, Aug. 17, 1846, altitude six
+thousand three hundred and forty-six feet. Camp 45, on the Pecos, near
+Pecos village, August 18, six thousand three hundred and sixty-six feet.
+
+[88] This is the lowest height of the peaks seen from the valley. Some
+of the other tops are much higher yet. The altitude of Santa F Baldy,
+for instance, exceeds twelve thousand feet.
+
+[89] Not to be confounded with the Rio de Pecos proper. The _arroyo_ is
+not found on most of the maps. Its width is about 100 m.--330 ft.--but
+there is scarcely ever more than a mere fillet of very clear, limpid
+water in it.
+
+[90] This is, however, only accidental, and exclusively due to nine
+months of consecutive drouth. Generally the strips of bottom-land have a
+rich soil, and grow fine corn, wheat, and oats.
+
+[91] They are very picturesque objects, and stand out boldly, appearing
+to rise directly from the plain. Their height is stated to be about
+thirteen thousand feet. In this vicinity are the Placitas, now famous
+for mineral wealth (gold and silver), and the Cerrillos, also rich in
+ore, and containing beautiful green and blue turquoises, of which I saw
+excellent specimens in possession of His Excellency Governor L. Wallace.
+
+[92] Baughl's Sidings is a switch and large storing-place for ties. Even
+the Spaniards call it La Switcha. It is about 800 m.--2,620 ft.--from
+the foot of the _mesa_, in a belt of fine large pine timber, very high,
+and gives glimpses of splendid views over the valley of Pecos to the
+Sierras beyond. Climate fine, but nights very cold. The buildings are as
+yet nearly all temporary; it is more a camp than a place as is it now. I
+spent ten very happy days here, from the 28th of August to the 6th of
+September,--or rather nights, since the days were, with two exceptions
+(5th and 6th of September, when I visited Pecos town and explored the
+high _mesa_), devoted to the study of the ruins. I shall always
+gratefully remember the uniform kindness and attention with which its
+inhabitants and transient guests have treated me, and assisted me in my
+work. Aside of those whom I shall have occasion to name in the body of
+my report, I take occasion to express my thanks here to Messrs.
+McPherson & Co., and to their obliging manager, Mr. Wright; also to the
+station agent.
+
+[93] On the right side of the Arroyo de Pecos, there is a wide
+amphitheatre bottom, which was filled with red clay, like that of which
+the adobe at the church is made, and which appears to have been partly
+dug out. The place is to the right of the road also, which there crosses
+the creek. The only objection to the surmise is in the fact that along
+this entire bottom I found not the slightest trace of obsidian. Pottery,
+however, is scattered everywhere. On the left side of the creek, unless
+more than a mile below, there is no place where the soil is sufficiently
+thick or sufficiently free from ruins and scattered stones, to permit
+the enormous quantity of clay needed for the church to be secured.
+
+[94] Lieut.-Col. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance_, p. 30, and
+two plates.
+
+[95] The walls, or foundations rather, appear as follows:--The
+interstices are often filled with tufts of _grama_, and the stones
+themselves look very old and worn, covered with lichens and moss.
+
+[Illustration: Stone Wall]
+
+[96] According to Mariano Ruiz and to Mrs. Kozlowski. The former has
+lived in Pecos since 1837. But few, if any, of the dead are buried
+there; the majority were entombed within the church itself.
+
+[97] P. Jos Amando Niel, _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el
+... Annotations to the history of_ Fray Gronimo Zarate Salmeron, in
+_Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, 3 series, vol. i. p. 99.
+
+[98] Called by the Spaniards Plaza de Pecos. It is a comparatively new
+place, the only church-book still in possession of Rev. Father Lon
+Mailluchet, the present priest, commences in 1862. Including the
+scattered _casitas_ several miles around, its population is not over
+five hundred souls. It is situated in a narrow vale or hollow, not far
+west from the Rio Pecos itself, and has a modest but clean and tidy
+church, with a small belfry. All the houses are of adobe.
+Lieutenant-Colonel Emory (_Notes, Executive Document_ 41, p. 30) speaks
+of it in 1846 as "the modern village of Pecos, ... with a very
+inconsiderable population." As yet there are but very few Americans in
+the plaza. My recollections of Pecos are highly pleasant (5th
+September), owing to the friendly reception tendered me by Mr. E. K.
+Walters, Sr. Juan Bacay Salazar, and Father L. Mailluchet. According to
+Colonel Emory, its altitude is nearly 6,366 ft. (p. 163). Lat. about 35
+30' N.
+
+[99] See Plate I.
+
+[100] See Plate IX.
+
+[101] See Plate I., Fig. 5.
+
+[102] When Mr. Louis Felsenthal of Santa-F came to New Mexico in 1855,
+and still later, in 1858, the time of the arrival of Mrs. Kozlowski, the
+roofs were still perfect in part.
+
+[103] Pl. II., Fig. 6.
+
+[104] Pedro de Castaeda de Nagera, _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+French translation, by Ternaux-Compans, 1838. Original written about
+1560. Introduction, p. ix; part ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+
+[105] Castaeda, _Relation_, i. cap. xii. p. 71; ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait la Nouvelle Terre_, app. vi.
+to _Voyage de Cibola_, p. 371. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Crnica de la
+Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mxico_ (edition of 1871), p. 323.
+Gaspar Castao de la Sosa, _Memoria del Descubrimiento que ... hizo en
+el Nuevo Mxico, siendo teniente del Gobernador y Capitan General del
+Nuevo-Reino de Leon_, July 27, 1590, in vol. xv. of _Documentos Inditos
+de los Archivos de Indias_, p. 244. The latter though, as well as
+Castaeda and Jaramillo, mentions evidently building _A_, but there
+cannot be the slightest doubt that _B_ was erected for the same purpose;
+to wit, as a dwelling.
+
+[106] They are evidently moulded. Their size is about 0.28 m. 15
+m.--11 in. 6 in.--and straw is mixed with the soil. The appearance is
+very much as if the adobe had been put in as a "mending;" and I am
+decidedly of the opinion that the northern section is the latest, and
+erected after 1540.
+
+[107] It is very much like the stone-work of the Moqui Pueblos in
+Arizona, according to the photographs in possession of the Bureau of
+Ethnology at Washington, D. C.; and in some respects to the walls of the
+great house described by the Hon. L. H. Morgan, _On the Ruins of an
+Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River, Eleventh and Twelfth Reports
+of the Peabody Museum of Archology_, etc.; also to those figured by Dr.
+William H. Jackson, _Tenth Annual Report of the United States Geological
+and Geographical Survey of the Territories_, 1878, plate lxii. fig. 1,
+from the Ruins of the Rio Chaco. Compare photograph No. 6. I am led to
+suspect that the greater or less regularity of the courses was entirely
+dependent upon the kind of stone on hand, and not upon the mechanical
+skill employed.
+
+[108] I am just (Sept. 9) informed by Governor Wallace, that the Sierra
+de Tecolote, east of the ruins, contains probably gypsum, even in the
+form of alabaster. It is certain that nothing like lime-kilns or places
+where lime might have been burnt are found at any moderate distance from
+the ruins. The surrounding rocks, up to head of the valley and to the
+_mesa_, contain deposits of white, yellow, and red carbonates of lead,
+often copper-stained, and very impure, therefore proportionately light
+in weight. However, we have very positive information as to how they
+made their plaster, etc., in Castaeda, _Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. iv.
+pp. 168, 169. He says: "They have no lime, but make a mixture of ashes,
+soil, and of charcoal, which replace it very well; for although they
+raise their houses to four stories, the walls have not more than half an
+ell in width. They form great heaps of pine [thym] and reeds, and set
+fire to them; whenever this mass is reduced to ashes and charcoal, they
+throw over it a large quantity of soil and water, and mix it all
+together. They knead it into round blocks, which they dry, and of which
+they make use in lieu of stones, coating the whole with the same
+mixture." Substituting for the "round blocks" the stones found at Pecos,
+we have the whole process thoroughly explained, for indeed the mud
+contains bits of charcoal, as the specimens sent prove. The white coat,
+however, is not explained. I must state here, however, that I found the
+latter only in such parts of _A_, as well as of _B_, as appeared to be
+most recent in occupation and in construction. Further investigations at
+other pueblos may yet solve the mystery.
+
+[109] See Plate VIII.
+
+[110] Compare, in regard to the outer (western) wall of B, and also in
+regard to the inner wall, Lieut. James H. Simpson, _Journal of a
+Military Reconnoissance from Santa F, New-Mexico, to the Navajo
+Country, Executive Document 64_, 31st Congress, 1st section, 1850; plate
+41, no. 5. Also, L. H. Morgan, _On an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River, Peabody Museum Reports_, 1880. The latter is particularly
+suggestive.
+
+[111] Compare Castaeda, _Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. iv. pp. 171, 172.
+"There is a piece reserved for the kitchen, and another one for to grind
+the corn. This last one is apart; in it is found an oven and three
+stones sealed in masonry." Simpson, _Journal_, etc, p. 62, description
+of a fireplace.
+
+[112] Simpson, p. 62, _Fireplace and Smoke-escape at the Pueblo of Santo
+Domingo_. The vent was directly over the hearth. I expect to visit Santo
+Domingo shortly.
+
+[113] Mr. Thomas Munn found about the church a stone hatchet, a fragment
+of a stone pipe (?), and many arrow-heads. These he kindly promised to
+me, even authorizing me to get them at the place where he had deposited
+them, and which lay on the line of my daily tramp to the ruins.
+Unfortunately, when I reached the place, the objects were already gone.
+
+Mrs. Kozlowski informed me that copper rings (bracelets) were of very
+common occurrence among the ruins. Her statement was fully confirmed by
+Sr. Baca and others. She also spoke of "the heads of little idols"
+having been plentiful at one time. Gaspar Castao de la Sosa, _Memoria
+del Descubrimiento_, etc., _Documentos Inditos_, vol. xv. p. 244,
+speaking of a pueblo which is evidently Pecos, says: "Porque tiene
+muchos dolos que atras nos olvidaba de declarar." Antonio de Espejo,
+_El Viaje que hizo_ ... in Hackluyt's _Voyages, Navigations, and
+Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1600 A.D., pp. 457-464. A somewhat
+abbreviated and frequently unreliable copy of Espejo's letter, dated
+"Sant Salvador de la Nueva-Espaa, 23 April, 1584," mentions a district
+two days east from Bernalillo, inhabited by pueblo Indians: "Los quales
+tienen y adoran dolos."
+
+[114] On first sight this building appears circular, but I soon became
+satisfied that it was a rectangle.
+
+[115] They may have been the "almacenas", or granaries (storage-rooms),
+of which I speak further on. "Outhouses" are referred to by Castaeda.
+(Part ii. cap. iv. p. 172.)
+
+[116] One or the other may also have been an Estufa, for I saw no round
+structures about _B_. Castaeda (part ii. cap. iv. p. 169) says: "There
+are square and round ones." It is true that the Estufas are usually in
+the courts; but when there was no court, as in this case, there could be
+no Estufa inside.
+
+[117] Pl. I., Fig. 5, shows cross-sections of the "body" of the
+_mesilla_ on which _A_ stands, along the lines indicated. The surface of
+_A_ was therefore very irregular and difficult to build upon for people
+who could not remove and fit the hard rock.
+
+[118] This may have been caused, in part, by filling with rubbish from
+the surrounding walls.
+
+[119] Such double houses are mentioned by Castaeda (part ii. cap. v. p.
+177). Speaking of "Cicuy," he says: "Those houses fronting outwards
+('du cot de la campagne') are backed up ('adosses') against those
+which stand towards the court."
+
+[120] The dimensions given by Gen. J. H. Simpson, _Reconnoissance_,
+etc., pp. 79-82, of the pueblos--"Pintado," "Bonito," and "Peasca
+blanca"--on the Rio Chaco vary, as far as the circuit is concerned,
+between 1,200 and 1,700 feet, "about." Dr. W. H. Jackson, _Geographical
+Survey_, etc., 1876, has measured these ruins, and gives the following
+dimensions: "Pueblo Bonito," 544 314; "Peasca blanca," 499 363
+(only 3 sides of the rectangle being built up); "Pueblo Pintado" (2
+sides), 238 174; "Pueblo Alto" (3 wings), 360 200 and 170. "Pueblo
+Bonito" therefore alone comes up to the standard of Pecos. The latter,
+however, is larger still, as, by adding to the perimeter given that of
+the northern annex (about 90 m.--295 ft.), we obtain a total of 450
+metres, or 1,480 feet. The difference, if any, is not considerable; and
+I merely advert to the fact to show that the old ruins of New Mexico,
+comparatively neglected, are fully as important in size as any of those
+further north, besides being completely identical in plan, structure,
+and material. Furthermore, the pottery is identical. This was already
+recognized in 1776 by Father Silvestre Velez Escalante, _Diario y
+Derrotero de los Nuevos Descubrimientos de Tierras Rumbos N. N. Oe.
+Oe. del Nuevo Mxico_, MSS. at the Library of Congress, fol. 118, on the
+San Buenaventura (Green River), and in his letter, dated Santa F, 2
+April, 1778, _Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, 3a srie, vol. i.
+p. 124.
+
+[121] _On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River_,
+Peabody Reports, 11 and 12.
+
+[122] I must here call attention to a singular coincidence. Among the
+ruins of Uxmal in Yucatan there are, aside from the "Teocalli," or
+medicine mound, two general forms of structure,--one narrow rectangle
+like _B_, and hollow rectangles like _A_. The "Casa del Gobernador"
+would correspond to the former, and the "Casa de las Monjas" to the
+latter. Of course, there is dissimilarity between the house of the
+"Governor" and _B_, in so far as the former contains halls and the
+latter but cells. Still the fact is interesting that, whereas the great
+northern pueblos have each but one house alone, here, for the south, we
+have already two buildings within one and the same enclosure, similar in
+form and size to those of Central America. I call attention to this
+fact, though well remembering at the same time the friendly advice of
+Major J. W. Powell, the distinguished chief of the Bureau of Ethnology
+at Washington, "not to attempt to trace relationships."
+
+[123] _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+
+[124] I am informed by Governor Wallace, and have permission to quote
+him, that these elevated plateaux grow exceedingly tall wheat, rye, and
+oats. He has seen oats whose stalks were 6 feet long and 1-3/4 inches in
+diameter. The heads were proportionally large.
+
+[125] He became adopted, as I am told, from being, as a boy, assistant
+to the sacristan of the church of Pecos.
+
+[126] It was Mr. John D. McRae who, together with Mr. Thomas Munn, led
+me to this spot. Subsequently the former, who has been for nearly twenty
+years among the northern Indians (in Canada and Oregon), gave me some
+valuable information in regard to their sign-language. He affirms that
+it is very highly developed and extensively practised by them; that
+tribes of entirely different stock-languages can converse with each
+other freely; and that he was himself present at one time when the Crees
+and the Blackfeet arranged for a pitched fight on the day to follow, the
+parley consisting almost exclusively of signs. Thus, killing is
+indicated by the spanning of a bow and the motion of throwing down;
+walking, by shoving both hands forwards successively, etc.; the time of
+day is very correctly given by describing an arc from E. to W. (facing
+S.) up to the point where the sun stands at the specified hour. These
+signs are not new to my distinguished friend, Lieutenant-Colonel G.
+Mallery, to whom science owes the gift of this new branch of inquiry,
+but still they are interesting to those who may be less familiar with
+it. In regard to connection of this "sign-language" and Indian
+"pictography," Mr. McRae has told me the following: Whenever an Indian
+breaks up his camp, and wishes to leave behind him information in what
+direction and how far he is going, he plants into the ground near the
+fire a twig or stick, and breaks it so that it forms an acute angle,
+planting the other end in the ground also in the direction in which he
+intends to camp the following evening. The following would very well
+give the appearance of this little mark, assuming the Indian to travel
+from N. to S.:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+If he intends to go S. for three days it will look thus:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Fractional days are indicated by corresponding shorter limbs. If his
+direction is first S. and then E., this would be a top view of the bent
+twig, assuming that he travels two days S. and three days W.:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+The connection between this expedient and sign-language, knowing that,
+as Dr. W. J. Hoffmann, of Washington City, has informed me, the sign for
+"lodge" is an imitation of the tent,--that is, holding both hands up and
+the tips of the fingers together at a steep angle,--becomes very
+apparent. Through it pictography is easily reached.
+
+[127] Sr. E. Vigil has just informed me that the notion is current that
+all the Indians of the New Mexican pueblos buried their dead in this
+manner. Among the Mexicans and the Christianized Indians it is the rule
+to bury the dead around the church or in sight of it.
+
+[128] There is still another ruin much farther down the railroad, near
+to a place called "El Pueblo." I was informed of its existence, but have
+not as yet been able to visit it.
+
+[129] Or rather towards the pueblo of San Cristval. The latter was the
+chief place of the Tanos Indians, of which stock there are still a few
+left at the town of Galisteo.
+
+[130] The following is an approximate sketch of these structures. This
+sketch is made without reference to size or plan, merely in order to
+show the relative position of the graves (_a_, _a_, _a_, _a_). It will
+be seen that the analogy with the grave of mound _V_, building _A_, is
+very striking; also with the grave discovered by Mr. Walters, and the
+wall above the corrugated pottery west of the Arroyo de Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: Graves]
+
+[131] To judge from the report of General Simpson (p. 68), these early
+traditions must be very meagre. His informant, the celebrated
+"Hoosta-Nazl," is now dead. Of the Pecos adults then living at Santo
+Domingo, a daughter is still alive, and married to an Indian of the
+latter pueblo. General (then lieutenant) Simpson was at Jemez in 1849.
+
+[132] _Memoria del Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 238. "Tienen mucha loza de
+los colorados y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros, almoficos,
+xicaras muy galanas, alguna de la loza esta vidriada."
+
+[133] W. H. Holmes, _Geographical Survey_, part iii., p. 404, plate
+xliv. "This plate is intended to illustrate the corrugated and indented
+ware. Heretofore specimens of this class have been quite rare, as it is
+not made by any of the modern tribes."
+
+[134] Holmes, pp. 404, 405.
+
+[135] Even the _estufa_ and the _almacena_ are found. The round
+depression near the road to the Rio Pecos (marked _L_ on the general
+plan) is evidently an Estufa, while the circular ruin which I met upon
+the apron of the mesa during my ascent appears very much like a
+storehouse.
+
+[136] House _A_ alone appears in these reports; but from the statement
+that the tribe mustered 500 warriors, it seems probable that _B_ was
+also inhabited. 2,500 souls could hardly have found room in the 585
+cells of _A_, The number of warriors given is doubtless a loose
+estimate.
+
+[137] San Diego, now in ruins, about 13 miles N. of the pueblo Jemez,
+was the old pueblo of that tribe. It was the scene of a bloody struggle
+in 1692, according to the story of Hoosta-Nazl, given to General
+Simpson in 1849. _Reconnoissance_, etc., p. 68. Diego de Vargas
+(_Carta_, Oct. 16, 1692), _Documentos para la Historia de Mxico_, 3a
+sries, i. p. 131. "Los Gemex y los de Santo-Domingo se hallaban en otro
+tambien nuevo, dentro de la Sierra, tres leguas del pueblo antiguo de
+Gemex." Nearly all the pueblos, upon the approach of the Spaniards, fled
+to steep and high mesas.
+
+[138] This is the same caon whose source on the "Mesa de Pecos" I have
+visited, and where the great bell was found. It is the natural pathway,
+from the W. and S. W., up to the heights overlooking the valley of
+Pecos.
+
+[139] A. S. Gatchet, _Zwlf Sprachen aus dem Sdwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
+Weimar, 1876, p. 41.
+
+[140] I infer it from the fact that it is not noticed previous to 1680.
+Agustin de Vetancurt, _Crnica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio en
+Mxico_, edition of 1871, pp. 310, 311. It then contained 2,000
+"Tiguas;" but the church dedicated to San Antonio de Padua had just been
+brought under cover when the rebellion broke out.
+
+[141] Castaeda, ii. cap. v. pp. 178, 179.
+
+[142] Castaeda, pp. 189, 190. Jaramillo, pp. 372-382. Francisco Vasquez
+de Coronado, _Letter to Charles V._, dated Tigues, Oct. 20, 1541.
+Appendix to _Voyage de Cibola_, pp. 356-359.
+
+[143] _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva Espaa_. Very
+valuable, but much influenced by personal views and prejudice.
+
+[144] Fray Luis Descalona, a lay brother, who remained at Pecos in 1543,
+may have had a hand in this report. Castaeda, iii. cap. iv. pp. 214,
+215. Jaramillo, p. 380.
+
+[145] Castaeda, pp. 176, 177.
+
+[146] Id., xii. p. 68.
+
+[147] Id., i. p. 68; ii. cap. vii. p. 188.
+
+[148] Id., i. p. 69.
+
+[149] _Relation del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en
+el Descubrimiento de Cibola_, in vol. xiv. of the Documentos del Archivo
+de Indias, p. 325. "De unos Indios que se hallaron en este pueblo de
+Acuique" This would make it very important to consult the original
+manuscript of Castaeda in order to ascertain if "Cicuy" is not really
+"Acuy." The latter word would be identical almost with "qiu." The name
+Pecos itself belongs to the Qq'ures language of New Mexico, and is
+pronounced "Pae-qo." It is applied to the inhabitants of the pueblo, the
+place itself being called "Pae-yoq'ona." The first mention of it under
+the name of Pecos is found in the documents of the year 1598, after the
+general meeting of Juan de Oate with the pueblo Indians in the _estufa_
+of Santo Domingo (a Qq'ures village).
+
+[150] Castaeda, ii. cap. viii. pp. 194, 195; iii. cap. iv. p. 214.
+Jaramillo, p. 380. Vetancurt, _Menologio Franciscano_, Nov. 30, p. 386.
+Juan de Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, first edition, 1614, lib. xxi.
+p. 689.
+
+[151] Castaeda, ii. pp. 194, 195.
+
+[152] Vetancurt, _Menologio_, pp. 412-422. He calls him Rodriguez.
+Espejo, _Viaje_, etc., Hackluyt, iii. Gernimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 9.
+
+[153] This is plain from the description, although Juan de Oate
+(_Discurso de la Jornada que hizo el Capitan de su Magestad desde la
+Nueva-Espaa la Provincia de la Nueva-Mxico, Archivos de Indias_,
+vol. xvi. p. 258) says of the "gran pueblo de los Peccos, y es el que
+Espejo llama la provincia de Tamos."
+
+[154] Castao, _Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 244. The "vigas grandes," in
+the _estufa_, recalls the great tree across the northern _estufa_ in the
+court of A.
+
+[155] Oate, _Jornada_, p. 244.
+
+[156] _Obediencia_, etc., _Archivos_, xvi. p. 113.
+
+[157] pp. 371, 372.
+
+[158] pp. 371, 372.
+
+[159] p. 179.
+
+[160] Fray Francisco de Apodaca, native of Cantabria, was commissary
+from 1627 till 1633. Vetancurt, _Menologio_, p. 464. Davis, _Conquest of
+New Mexico_, cap. xxxv. p. 278.
+
+[161] Published in vol. i. of 3a sries of _Documentos para la Historia
+de Mxico_. In consequence of it, Fray Estiban de Perea came to New
+Mexico with thirty priests. Vetancurt, _Crnica_, p. 300. "Con cuyo
+ejemplo y enseanza se poblaron treinta y siete casas de diferentes
+naciones," among which the Pecos.
+
+[162] Jean Blaeu, _Douzime Volume de la Gographie Blaviane, contenant
+l'Amrique_, etc., Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62. He says Picuries, but it must
+be Pecos. "Avec un seul bourg, mais grandement peupl, o il y a un
+temple somptueux." Vetancurt, Crnica, etc., p. 323. "Tenia nuestra
+Seora de los Angeles de Porcincula un templo magnfico, con seis
+torres, tres de cada lado, adornado; las paredes tan anchas que en sus
+concavidades estaban hechas oficinas." There are still, in the church of
+the plaza of Pecos, three paintings out of that church,--one on
+buffalo-hide, representing Nra. Sra. de Guadalupe, and two on cloth,
+with Our Lady of the Angels painted on it. The last two are very good.
+
+[163] Blaeu, p. 62.
+
+[164] Vetancurt, _Crnica_, p. 323.
+
+[165] Ibid.
+
+[166] Oate, p. 258.
+
+[167] _Apuntamientos_, etc., p. 104.
+
+[168] "Este Cuaderno se cree ser de un Religioso de la Provincia del
+Santo Evangelio" (_Anonymous Report on New Mexico_), Documentos, 3a
+srie, vol. i. p. 127.
+
+[169] Davis, cap. xlii. p. 329.
+
+[170] Escalante, _Letter_, p. 123. Diego de Vargas, _Carta S. E._,
+etc., p. 129.
+
+[171] Davis, cap. xlv. pp. 348, 349.
+
+[172] Davis, cap. l. p. 396; cap. li. p. 402.
+
+[173] Niel, p. 104. Escalante, p. 123.
+
+[174] Niel, pp. 104-106. Escalante, p. 122. Gobierno de Don Francisco
+Cubero y Valdes, _Documentos_, 3a srie, vol. i. p. 194.
+
+[175] Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero y Valdes, p. 195. In 1712 the
+pueblo of Pojuaque (north of Santa F) contained but seventy-nine
+inhabitants,--all Tehuas.
+
+[176] Niel, p. 104. "De los Pecos quedaron mas."
+
+[177] The Apaches were in intercourse with Taos until 1700 A.D. _Sesto
+Cuaderno, Documentos_, 3a srie, i. p. 180.
+
+[178] _Historical Sketch of Santa F_, pp. 22, 23, in the pamphlet on
+_Centennial Celebration_, 1876. It is the only printed report in
+existence, except a very short one by Judge K. Benedict, on the revolt
+of 1837.
+
+[179] I have not as yet been able to consult the archives of San Miguel
+County, at Las Vegas, in regard to the different "Deeds" then executed.
+Therefore I forbear mentioning even the names of the grantees of which I
+was informed.
+
+[180] The Hon. W. G. Ritch is in possession of a number of highly
+interesting data gathered from the Indians in relation to the sacred
+fire. All of these he has, in the kindest manner, placed at my disposal.
+I, however, defer their mention for a future report, in connection, as I
+hope, with the pueblo of Jemez. I shall but refer here to a single one.
+There were, formerly, several fires burning. One of these, that of the
+_cacique_, was never permitted to go out, so that, in case one of the
+others should accidentally become extinguished, it could always be
+rekindled from the "extra-holy" one.
+
+[181] Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, as far as the Pecos were
+concerned, was certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile,
+however. It is a rattlesnake (_cascabel_).
+
+[182] I am informed by Mr. Miller that blocks or "chunks" of obsidian,
+as large as a fist or larger, are found in the Arroyo de Taos. This
+would be about 60 miles north of Santa F.
+
+[183] In regard to the regular indentation of arrow-heads, I was
+informed by Mr. Debrant, then incidentally at Baughl's (on the 4th of
+September), that these were produced by contact with fire. Applying a
+glowing coal (the end of a burning stick) to the edge of the flint, and
+blowing on it steadily, after a few seconds a speck of the mineral will
+fly off, leaving a groove or indentation proportionate in size to the
+coal used and to the length of time applied. Thus, an arrow-head may be
+indented in a very short time, which would be impossible by chipping.
+
+[184] Moss-agate is also found, but rarely.
+
+[185] Compare W. H. Holmes, _U. S. Geographical Survey_, 1876, p. 404.
+
+[186] That stones were used, both in offensive as well as in defensive
+warfare, is proven by Castaeda, ii. cap. v. p. 178; i. cap. xii. p. 69.
+It is possible that the pebbles used were kept on the roofs, as was the
+custom among the ancient Mexicans.
+
+[187] Thus the probability of the destruction of a part of Pecos by the
+Tanos, on the 10th of August, 1680, is still further increased.
+
+[188] Therefore the massacre of all their available men by the
+Comanches, already mentioned. I could not as yet find the date of the
+event. It is a well-known tradition, however. It occurred in the _moro_.
+
+[189] That constant guard was kept on the housetops is stated by
+Castaeda, ii. p. 179.
+
+[190] The defensive constructions of the pueblos, as late as 1540, were
+the houses. The wall of Pecos is an exception. Castaeda says (i. cap.
+xiv. p. 80): "As these villages have no streets, that all the houses are
+of the same height and common to all the inhabitants, these large houses
+must be captured first, because they are the points of defence."
+
+[191] The church of Pecos, although it had lost all its former splendor,
+still was used till about 1840. Afterwards it was abandoned.
+
+
++--------------------------------------------------------------------+
+| Transcriber's Note |
+| Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as |
+| possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other |
+| inconsistencies. |
+| |
+| Minor punctuation and printing errors have been corrected. |
+| |
+| The Google Print source suffers from numerous gaps in the text. |
+| A copy of the original text obtained from the library at the |
+| College of Santa Fe (New Mexico) enabled the transcriber to include|
+| all omitted pages and plates for this complete transcription. |
+| |
+| Footnotes occurring on each page of the original text are grouped |
+| at the end of the two major sections of the transcribed text, |
+| |
+| Hyphen use in directional terms is now consistent throughout the |
+| author's text. For example, occurrences of 'northeast' are now |
+| 'north-east', matching the predominant usage in the text. |
++--------------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
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+ <meta name="DC.title" content="Papers Of The Archological Institute Of America, American Series, Vol. I" />
+ <meta name="DC.title" content="Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos" />
+ <meta name="DC.date" content="2007" />
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Historical Introduction to Studies Among
+the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos, by Adolphus Bandelier
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos
+ Papers Of The Archological Institute Of America, American
+ Series, Vol. I
+
+Author: Adolphus Bandelier
+
+Release Date: October 27, 2007 [EBook #23224]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joe Longo and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
+produced from scanned images of public domain material
+from the Google Print project.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+<div class="center" style="margin-top:3em">
+<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:90%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="center">
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;">
+<img src="images/illus-paia.png" width="450" height="48" alt="Papers of the Arch&aelig;ological Institute of America." title="Papers of the Arch&aelig;ological Institute of America." />
+</div>
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:145%"><i>AMERICAN SERIES.</i></p>
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:145%;margin-top:3em;margin-bottom:3em"><b>Volume I.</b></p>
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 423px;">
+<a name="pXI" id="pXI" href="images/illus-platexi-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-platexi.png" width="423" height="744"
+alt="PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA F&Eacute;." title="PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA F&Eacute;." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA F&Eacute;.</span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;margin-top:3em;margin-bottom:.5em">
+<img src="images/illus-paia.png" width="450" height="48" alt="Papers of the Arch&aelig;ological Institute of America." title="Papers of the Arch&aelig;ological Institute of America." />
+</div>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:90%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="center">
+
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:125%"><i>AMERICAN SERIES.</i></p>
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:125%"><b>I.</b></p>
+<hr class='minor' />
+
+<div style="text-align:left">
+<ol style="text-align:left">
+<li style="font-size:110%;margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:.5em">
+<a href="#I">HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO STUDIES
+AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO.</a>
+</li>
+<li style="font-size:110%;margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:.5em">
+<a href="#II">REPORT ON THE RUINS OF THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.</a>
+</li>
+</ol>
+</div>
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:90%;margin-top:3em;margin-bottom:.5em">BY</p>
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:125%;margin-bottom:2.5em">A. F. BANDELIER.</p>
+<br />
+<br />
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:110%">BOSTON:</p>
+<p class="titleblock">PUBLISHED BY A. WILLIAMS AND CO.</p>
+<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:90%">LONDON: N. TR&Uuml;BNER AND CO.</p>
+<p class="titleblock">1881.</p>
+
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:90%;margin-top:4em;margin-bottom:3em">
+<span class="smcap">University Press:<br />
+John Wilson and Son, Cambridge.</span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:120%;margin-top:4em;page-break-before: always">
+ARCH&AElig;OLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA.</p>
+
+<hr class='minor' />
+
+<p class="center">Executive Committee, 1880-81.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 108px;">
+<img src="images/illus-line.png" width="108" height="10" alt="decorative line" />
+</div>
+
+<p style="margin-left:20%;margin-right:20%">
+CHARLES ELIOT NORTON, <i>President</i>.<br />
+
+MARTIN BRIMMER, <i>Vice-President</i>.<br />
+
+FRANCIS PARKMAN.<br />
+
+W. W. GOODWIN.<br />
+
+H. W. HAYNES.<br />
+
+ALEXANDER AGASSIZ.<br />
+
+WILLIAM R. WARE.<br />
+
+O. W. PEABODY, <i>Treasurer</i>.<br />
+
+E. H. GREENLEAF, <i>Secretary</i>.<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+
+<div class="center">
+<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:90%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="center">
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">I.</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">TO</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">STUDIES AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">OF</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">NEW MEXICO.</p>
+<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Part</span> I.</p>
+<p class="center"><span class="smcap">By</span> AD. F. BANDELIER.</p>
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+
+<h4 class="sect"><a name="ToI" id="ToI"></a><span class="smcap">List of Plates and Illustrations</span></h4>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" width="76%" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:75%;" /><col style="width:15%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right" style="font-size: small;">Plate</td>
+ <td class="imgr">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="pr" style="font-size: small;">Page</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">XI.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA F.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pXI">frontispiece</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">VI.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pVI">41</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">VII.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pVII">43</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">I.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pI">44</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">IX.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pIX">47</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">II.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pII">52</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">III.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pIII">58</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">IV.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">PLAN OF BUILDING A.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pIV">66</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">X.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pX">71</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">V.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pV">78</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">VIII.</td>
+ <td class="imgr">INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#pVIII">84</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right" style="font-size: small;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="pr" style="font-size: small;">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">Stone Wall</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#i44">44</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">Clay Pit Area</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#i97">97</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">Grave</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#i98">98</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">Graves</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#i103">103</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">Spring</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#i114">114</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right" style="font-size: small;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="pr" style="font-size: small;">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+<h4 class="sect"><span class="smcap">Appendix</span></h4>
+
+<table border="0" width="76%" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:75%;" /><col style="width:15%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="right">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="imgr">Grant of 1689 to the Pueblo Of Pecos</td>
+ <td class="pr"><a href="#GRANT_OF_1689_TO_THE_PUEBLO_OF_PECOS">134</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+<h2 style="font-size:125%;font-weight:normal"><a name="I" id="I"></a>I.</h2>
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:125%">HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.</p>
+
+<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Part I.</span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 108px;">
+<img src="images/illus-line.png" width="108" height="10" alt="decorative line" />
+</div>
+
+<p>The earliest knowledge of the existence of the sedentary
+Indians in New Mexico and Arizona reached Europe
+by way of Mexico proper; but it is very doubtful whether or
+not the aborigines of Mexico had any <i>positive</i> information to
+impart about countries lying north of the present State of
+Quer&eacute;taro. The tribes to the north were, in the language of
+the valley-confederates, "Chichimecas,"&mdash;a word yet undefined,
+but apparently synonymous, in the conceptions of the
+"Nahuatl"-speaking natives, with fierce savagery, and ultimately
+adopted by them as a warlike title.</p>
+
+<p>Indistinct notions, indeed, of an original residence, during
+some very remote period of time, at the distant north, have
+been found among nearly all the tribes of Mexico which speak
+the Nahuatl language. These notions even assume the form
+of tradition in the tale of the <i>Seven Caves</i>,<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> whence the Mexicans
+and the Tezcucans, as well as the Tlaxcaltecans, are said
+to have emigrated to Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Perhaps the earliest mention
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">p. 4</a></span>of this tradition may be found in the writings of Fray Toribio
+de Paredes, surnamed Motolinia. It dates back to 1540 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span><a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+But it is not to be overlooked that ten years previously, in
+1530, the story of the <i>Seven Cities</i>, which was the form in
+which the first report concerning New Mexico and its sedentary
+Indians came to the Spaniards, had already been told to
+Nu&ntilde;o Beltran de Guzman in Sinaloa.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The parallelism between
+the two stories is striking, although we are not authorized
+to infer that the so-called seven <i>cities</i> gave rise to what
+appeared as an aboriginal myth of as many <i>caves</i>.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>The tale of the Seven Caves, as the original home of the
+Mexicans and their kindred, prevailed to such an extent that,
+as early as 1562, in a collection of picture-sheets executed in
+aboriginal style, the so-called "Codex Vaticanus," "Chicomoztoc,"
+and the migrations thence, were graphically represented.
+All the important Indian writers of Mexico between
+1560 and 1600, such as Dur&aacute;ro, Camargo, Tezozomoc, and
+Ixtlilxochitl, refer to it as an ancient legend, and they locate
+the site of the story, furthermore, very distinctly in New Mex<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">p. 5</a></span>ico.
+Even the "Popol-Vuh," in its earliest account of the
+Quich&eacute; tribe of Guatemala, mentions "Tulan-Zuiva, the seven
+caves or seven ravines."<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>While it is impossible as yet to determine whether or not
+this legend exercised any direct influence on the extension
+of Spanish power into Northern Mexico, another myth, well
+known to eastern continents from a remote period, became
+directly instrumental in the discovery of New Mexico. This
+is the tale of the <i>Amazons</i>.</p>
+
+<p>About 1524 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, Cortes was informed by one of his officers
+(then on an expedition about Michhuacan) that towards
+the north there existed a region called Ciguatan ("Cihuatlan"&mdash;place
+of women), near to which was an island inhabited
+by warlike females exclusively.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The usual exaggerations
+about metallic wealth were added to this report; and when, in
+1529, Nu&ntilde;o de Guzman governed Mexico he set out northwards,
+first to conquer the sedentary Indians of Michhuacan,
+and then to search for the gold and jewels of the Amazons.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+It was while on this foray that he heard of the Seven Cities in
+connection with Ciguatan. This latter place was reached;
+and, while the fancies concerning it were speedily dispelled
+by reality, those concerning the Seven Cities flitted further
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">p. 6</a></span>north.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Guzman overran, laid waste, and finally colonized
+Sinaloa. He sent parties into Sonora; but, after his recall,
+slow colonization superseded military forays on a large scale,
+at least for a few years.</p>
+
+<p>During this time, Pamfilo de Narvaez had undertaken the
+colonization of Florida.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> His scheme failed, and cost him
+his life. Of the few survivors of his expedition, four only
+remained in the American continent, wandering to and fro
+among the tribes of the south-west. After nine years of untold
+hardships, these four men finally reached Sonora, having
+traversed the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the
+coast of the Pacific. The name of the leader and subsequent
+chronicler of their adventures was Alvar Nu&ntilde;ez Cabeza de
+Vaca.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is not possible to follow and to trace, geographically,
+the erratic course of Cabeza de Vaca with any degree of certainty.
+His own tale, however authentic, is so confused<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> that
+it becomes utterly impossible to establish any details of location.
+We only know that, in the year <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1536, he and
+his associates finally met with their own countrymen about
+Culiacan.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">p. 7</a></span></p>
+
+<p>They reported that, when their shiftings had cast them far
+to the west of the sinister coast of what was then called "Florida,"
+settlements of Indians were reached which presented a
+high degree of culture.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> These settlements they described as
+having a character of permanence, but we look in vain for any
+accurate description of the buildings, or of the material of
+which they were composed.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> For such a report of important
+settlements in the north, the mind of the Spanish conquerors
+in Mexico was, as we have already intimated, well prepared.</p>
+
+<p>During their stay among the nondescript tribes of South-western
+North America, Cabeza de Vaca and his companions
+had tried to scatter the seeds of Christianity,&mdash;at least, they
+claimed to have done so. The monks of the order of St.
+Francis then represented the "working church" in Mexico.
+One of their number, Fray Marcos de Nizza, who had joined
+Pedro de Alvarado upon his return from his adventurous tour
+to Quito in Ecuador, and who was well versed in Indian lore,<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
+at once entered upon a voyage of discovery, determining to
+go much farther north than any previous expedition from the
+colonies in Sinaloa. He took as his companion the negro
+Estevanico, who had been with Cabeza de Vaca on his marvellous
+journey.</p>
+
+<p>Leaving San Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">p. 8</a></span>1539,<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
+ and traversing Petatlan, Father Marcos reached Vacapa.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+If we compare his statements about this place with
+those contained in the diary of Mateo Mange,<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> who went
+there with Father Kino in 1701, we are tempted to locate it
+in Southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson, in the "Pim&eacute;ria
+alta,"<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> at a place now inhabited by the Pima Indians,
+whose language is also called "Cora" and "Nevome."<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Vacapa
+was then "a reasonable settlement" of Indians. Thence
+he travelled in a northerly direction, probably parallel to the
+coast at some distance from it. It is impossible to trace his
+route with any degree of certainty: we cannot even determine
+whether he crossed the Gila at all; since he does not mention
+any considerable river in his report, and fails to give
+even the direction in which he travelled, beyond stating at
+the outset that he went northward. Still we may suppose,
+from other testimony on the subject, that he went beyond
+the Rio Gila,<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> and finally he came in sight of a great Indian
+pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"&mdash;the houses
+of stone and several stories high. The negro Estevanico had
+been killed at this pueblo previous to the arrival of Fray Mar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">p. 9</a></span>cos,
+so the latter only gazed at it from a safe distance, and
+then hastily retired to Culiacan. While the date of his departure
+is known, we are in the dark concerning the date of
+his return, except that it occurred some time previous to the
+2d of September, 1539.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>To this great pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"
+Fray Marcos was induced to give the name of Cibola.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The
+comparison with Mexico shows a lively imagination; still, we
+must reflect that in 1539 Mexico was not a large town,<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and
+the startling appearance of the many-storied pueblo-houses
+should also be taken into account.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+
+<p>With the report about Cibola came the news that the said
+pueblo was only one of seven, and the "Seven Cities of Cibola"
+became the next object of Spanish conquest.</p>
+
+<p>It is not our purpose here to describe the events of this
+conquest, or rather series of conquests, beginning with the
+expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 1540, and
+ending in the final occupation of New Mexico by Juan de
+O&ntilde;ate in 1598. For the history of these enterprises, we refer
+the reader to the attractive and trustworthy work of Mr.
+W. W. H. Davis.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> But the numerous reports and other documents
+concerning the conquest enable us to form an idea
+of the ethnography and linguistical distribution of the In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">p. 10</a></span>dians
+of New Mexico in the sixteenth century. Upon this
+knowledge alone can a study of the present ethnography
+and ethnology of New Mexico rest on a solid historical foundation.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that Cibola is to be looked for in
+New Mexico. From the vague indications of Fray Marcos,
+we are at least authorized to place it within the limits of New
+Mexico or Arizona, and the subsequent expedition of Coronado
+furnishes more positive information.</p>
+
+<p>Coronado marched&mdash;"leaving north slightly to the left"<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>&mdash;from
+Culiacan on. In other words, he marched east of
+north. Hence it is to be inferred that Cibola lay nearly north
+of Culiacan in Sinaloa. Juan Jaramillo has left the best itinerary
+of this expedition. We can easily identify the following
+localities: Rio Cinaloa, upper course, Rio Yaquimi, and upper
+course of the Rio Sonora.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Thence a mountain chain was
+crossed called "Chichiltic-Calli,"<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> or "Red-house" (a Mexican
+name), and a large ruined structure of the Indians was
+found there.</p>
+
+<p>Within the last forty years at least, this "Red house" has
+been repeatedly identified with the so-called "Casas Grandes,"
+lying to the south of the Rio Gila in Arizona.<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> It should not
+be forgotten that from the upper course of the Rio Sonora
+<i>two</i> groups of Indian pueblos in ruins were within reach of
+the Spaniards. One of these were the ruins on the Gila, the
+other lay to the right, across the Sierra Madre, in the pres<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">p. 11</a></span>ent
+district of Bravos, State of Chihuahua, Mexico. Jaramillo
+states that Coronado crossed the mountains to the <i>right</i>.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Now,
+whether the "Nexpa," whose stream the expedition descended
+for two days, is the Rio Santa Cruz or the Rio San Pedro, their
+course after they once crossed the Sierra could certainly not
+have led them to the "great houses" on the Rio Gila, but
+much farther east. The query is therefore permitted, whether
+Coronado did not perhaps descend into Chihuahua, and thence
+move up due north into South-western New Mexico. In any
+case,&mdash;whether he crossed the Gila and then turned north-eastward,
+as Jaramillo intimates,<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> or whether he perhaps struck
+the small "Rio de las Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua, and
+then travelled due north to Cibola, according to Pedro de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">p. 12</a></span>
+Casta&ntilde;eda,<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>&mdash;the lines of march necessarily met the first sedentary
+Indians living in houses of stone or adobe about the
+region in which the pueblo of Zu&ntilde;i exists. It is not to be
+wondered at, therefore, if all the writers on New Mexico, from
+Antonio de Espejo (1584) down to General J. H. Simpson
+(1871), with very few exceptions, have identified Zu&ntilde;i with
+Cibola.</p>
+
+
+<p>There are numerous other indications in favor of this assumption.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">1. Thus Casta&ntilde;eda says: "Twenty leagues to the north-west,
+there is another province which contains seven villages.
+The inhabitants have the same costumes, the same customs,
+and the same religion as those of Cibola."<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> This district is the
+one called "Tusayan" by the same author, who places it at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">p. 13</a></span>
+twenty-five leagues also; and "Tucayan" by Jaramillo, "to
+the left of Cibola, distant about five days' march."<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> These
+seven villages of "Tusayan" were visited by Pedro de Tobar.
+West of them is a broad river, which the Spaniards called
+"Rio del Tizon."<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<p class="indentp">2. Five days' journey from Cibola to the east, says Casta&ntilde;eda,
+there was a village called "Acuco," erected on a rock. "This
+village is very strong, because there was but one path leading
+to it. It rose upon a precipitous rock on all sides, etc."<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>
+Jaramillo mentions, at one or two days' march from Cibola
+to the east, "a village in a very strong situation on a precipitous
+rock; it is called Tutahaco."<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>
+
+<p class="indentp">3. According to Jaramillo: "All the water-courses which
+we met, whether they were streams or rivers, until that of
+Cibola, and I even believe one or two journeyings beyond,
+flow in the direction of the South Sea; further on they take
+the direction of the Sea of the North."<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>
+
+<p class="indentp">4. The village called "Acuco," or "Tutahaco," lay between
+Cibola and the streams running to the south-east, "entering
+the Sea of the North."<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p>
+
+<p>It results from points 3 and 4, that the region of Cibola
+lay at all events <i>west of the present grants to the pueblo of
+Acoma</i>. There are watercourses in their north-western corner,
+and through the western half thereof, which become
+tributaries to the Rio Grande del Norte. The only settled
+region, or rather the region containing the remains of large
+settlements, lying west of the water-shed between the Colorado
+of the West and the Rio Grande, is much farther north.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">p. 14</a></span>
+It is the so-called San Juan district, where extensive ruins are
+still found, for the description of which we are indebted to
+General Simpson, to Messrs. Jackson and Holmes, and to Mr.
+Lewis H. Morgan. To reach this region, Coronado had to
+pass either between Acoma and Zu&ntilde;i, or between the Zu&ntilde;i
+and the Moqui towns. In either case he could not have
+failed to notice one or the other of these pueblos; whereas
+Nizza, as well as the reports of Coronado's march, particularly
+insist upon the fact that Cibola lay on the borders of
+a great uninhabited waste.</p>
+
+<p>Our choice is therefore limited between Zu&ntilde;i and the
+Moqui towns themselves; for there can be no doubt as to the
+identity of the rock of Acuco or Tutahaco, east of Cibola,
+with the pueblo of Acoma, whose remarkable situation, on
+the top of a high, isolated rock, has made it the most conspicuous
+object in New Mexico for nearly three centuries.<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">p. 15</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But there can be as little doubt, also, in regard to the identity
+of the Moqui district with the "Tusayan" of Casta&ntilde;eda
+and of Jaramillo. When the Moqui region first was made
+known under that name ("Mohoce," "Mohace") in 1583,
+by Antonio de Espejo, it lay westward from Cibola "four
+journeys of seven leagues each." One of its pueblos was
+called "Aguato" ("Aguatobi").<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Fifteen years later (1598),
+Juan de O&ntilde;ate found the first pueblo of "Moh&oacute;ce," twenty
+leagues of the first one of "Ju&ntilde;i" ("Zu&ntilde;i") to the westward.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
+Besides, the "Rio del Tizon" was, at an early day,
+distinctly identified with the Colorado River of the West.<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">p. 16</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Finally, we must notice here that the text of Hackluyt's
+version of Espejo's report is in so far incorrect as it leads to
+the inference that Espejo only admitted Cibola to be a
+Spanish name for Zu&ntilde;i, therefore making it doubtful whether
+or not it was the original place ("y la llaman los Espa&ntilde;oles
+Cibola"). The original text of Espejo's report distinctly
+says, however, "a province of six pueblos, called Zu&ntilde;i,
+and by another name, Cibola," thus positively identifying
+the place.<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p>
+
+<p>We cannot, therefore, refuse to adopt the views of General
+Simpson and of Mr. W. W. H. Davis, and to look to the
+pueblo of Zu&ntilde;i as occupying, if not the actual site, at least
+one of the sites within the tribal area of the "Seven cities of
+Cibola." Nor can we refuse to identify Tusayan with the
+Moqui district, and Acuco with Acoma.</p>
+
+<p>This investigation has so far enabled us to locate, at the
+time of their first discovery, <i>three</i> of the principal pueblos or
+groups of pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona. The pueblo
+of Acoma appears to have occupied at that time the identical
+striking position in which it is found to-day. The pueblo of
+Zu&ntilde;i, while it undoubtedly occupies the ground once claimed
+by the cluster to which the name of Cibola was given, is but
+the remaining one of six or seven villages then forming that
+group, or a recent construction sheltering the remnants of
+their former occupants. The Moqui towns appear to be the
+same which the Spaniards found three hundred and forty
+years ago, though additions from other tribes have, as we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">p. 17</a></span>
+shall subsequently establish, modified the character of their
+dwellers.</p>
+
+<p>But the information to be derived from Coronado's march,
+on the ethnography of New Mexico, is not confined to the
+above. While at Cibola, Indians from a tribe or region called
+"Cicuy&eacute;," which was said to be found far to the east, came to
+see him. They brought with them buffalo-hides, prepared
+and manufactured into shields and "helmets." Although
+the Spaniards had heard of the buffalo before reaching Zu&ntilde;i,
+the animal itself had not been met with, and accordingly
+Coronado sent Hernando de Alvarado to Cicuy&eacute;, and in quest
+of the "buffalo country."<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p>
+
+<p>Cicuy&eacute; is the "Cicuique" of Juan Jaramillo, and the "Acuique"
+of an anonymous relation of the year 1541: it lay to
+the east of Acoma, through which the Spaniards passed.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
+Between it and Acoma was the pueblo of "Tiguex," at a distance
+of three days' march, while Cicuy&eacute; was five days from
+Tiguex.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> General Simpson identifies the latter with a point
+on the Rio Grande del Norte, "at the foot of the Socorro
+Mountains," and then places Cicuy&eacute; at "Pecos."<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Between
+Acoma and the Rio Grande there lies the Rio Puerco; and
+on its banks other authorities, conspicuous among whom
+is Mr. W. W. H. Davis, have located Tiguex, while Cicuy&eacute;,
+according to them, was on the Rio Grande, somewhere
+near the valley of Guadalupe.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Both conclusions have their
+strong points; but both of them have also their weak sides.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">p. 18</a></span></p>
+
+<p>If it took five days of march from Zu&ntilde;i to Acoma, three
+days more, in a <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeasterly'">north-easterly</ins> direction, would have brought
+the Spaniards to the Rio Grande, and certainly much beyond
+the Rio Puerco; and then Pecos could easily be reached in
+five days.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p>
+
+<p>But we are unable to guess, even, at the length of each
+journey. From Zu&ntilde;i to Acoma the country was uninhabited;
+therefore the length of each journey may have been great,
+because there was nothing to attract the attention of the
+Spaniards,&mdash;nothing to prevent them from hastening their
+progress in order to reach their point of destination. From
+Acoma on, the ethnographical character changed. The actual
+distance to the Rio Grande may be shorter; but pueblos
+sprung up at small intervals of space, which necessitated
+greater caution, and therefore greater delay, in the movements
+of the advancing party. Still, we have a guide of
+great efficiency in another branch of information. The pueblo
+of "Tiguex," mentioned as lying three days from Acoma,
+indicates, seemingly, a settlement of <i>Tehua</i>-speaking Indians.
+Now, the "Tehua" idiom is spoken in those pueblos which lie
+directly north of Santa F&eacute;. San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa
+Clara, Pohuaque, Namb&eacute;, and Tesuque. But it is quite ap<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">p. 19</a></span>parent
+that, considering the great distance of Santa F&eacute; from
+Acoma, the journeys, as indicated in Casta&ntilde;eda, would fall
+very short of any of the pueblos mentioned.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Tehua, like all the tribes along the Rio Grande,
+suffered vicissitudes and consequent displacements; and
+it might be advanced that one or the other of the Tehua
+villages, formerly known as Tiguex, might now be destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunately, we need not resort to such hypotheses. It appears,
+from documentary evidence of the year 1598, that there
+was, distinct from the Tehua or Tegua, a tribe of "Chiguas,"
+or "Tiguas;"<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> and, from the notes of Father Juan Amando
+Niel (written between 1703 and 1710), it results that their
+settlements were near Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande; there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">p. 20</a></span>
+being at that time three villages, the most northern of which
+was Santiago, the central one Puaray, near Bernalillo, and
+the most southern one San Pedro.<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> The distance between the
+first two pueblos, according to Fray Zarate Salmeron, in 1626,
+was about one and a half leagues, or five and a half English
+miles.<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Tiguex, therefore, must be located on or near the
+site of Bernalillo. The "Rio Tiguex" of Casta&ntilde;eda is the
+Rio Grande del Norte, and the Indians of Tiguex belonged to
+the stock of the "Tanos" language, now spoken still by a
+few Indians at Galisteo, and by the inhabitants of the pueblos
+of Sandia and Isleta.<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> Even the direction in which the Spaniards
+moved from Acoma&mdash;that is, to the north-east&mdash;perfectly
+agrees with that in which Bernalillo lies, whereas the
+mouth of the Rio Puerco, below which General Simpson locates
+Tiguex, lies <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'southeast'">south-east</ins> of the pueblo of Acoma.</p>
+
+<p>Having thus, as we believe, satisfactorily located Tiguex, it
+is easy to locate Cicuy&eacute;. It can be nothing else than Pecos,
+whose aboriginal Indian name, in the Jemez language, is
+"&Acirc;gin," whereas Pecos is the "Paego" of the Qq'u&ecirc;res idiom.
+There is no other Indian pueblo answering to its description
+and geographical location as given by the chroniclers of
+Coronado. The fact that "when the army quitted Cicuy&eacute; to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">p. 21</a></span>
+go to Quivira, we entered the mountains, which it was necessary
+to cross to reach the plains, and on the fourth day we
+arrived at a great river, very deep, which passes also near
+Cicuy&eacute;,"<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> does not at all militate against it. The easiest passage,
+and the most accessible one from Pecos eastward, leads
+directly to the slopes between the Rio Gallinas and the Rio
+Pecos; and either of these two streams could be, and had to
+be, met with very near to the confluence of both.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> For other
+proof, and very conclusive too, I refer to my detailed description
+of the Ruins of the Pueblo de Pecos.</p>
+
+<p>I repeat, it is not to our purpose to describe the "faits et
+gestes" of Coronado and of his men, but only to discuss the results
+of his march for the Ethnography of New Mexico. I even
+exclude Ethnology in as far as it does not include language.
+The distribution of tribes and stocks of tribes designated by
+idioms, as Coronado revealed it in 1540 to 1543, is to be the
+final result of the discussion. Therefore, I leave the acts of the
+Spaniards aside everywhere, when they are not essential to the
+object, and do not even follow a strict chronological sequence.</p>
+
+<p>After Alvarado had left Cibola for Tiguex, Coronado himself
+followed him; and, "taking the road to Tiguex," he crossed
+a range of mountains where snow impeded his march,&mdash;and
+during which march he and his men were once two and a half
+days without water,&mdash;until finally he reached a pueblo called
+"Tutahaco."<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> General Simpson has not paid any attention
+to this place. Mr. Davis places it near Laguna.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> This author
+has forgotten that Tutahaco was further from Zu&ntilde;i than
+Tiguex itself, since it took Coronado more than eleven days
+to reach it.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> This could not have been the case, had he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">p. 22</a></span>
+passed <i>north</i> of Acoma; he must consequently have passed
+<i>south</i> of it, and, while originally following the trail to Tiguex,
+deviated in a direction from N.E. to E.S.E., crossing the
+mountains, and then finally struck the "Tiguex" pueblos,
+but in their southern limits, on the Rio Grande about "Isleta."<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
+Casta&ntilde;eda is very positive in regard to the fact that
+"Tutahaco" was on the same river as "Tiguex," and that
+from the former Coronado <i>ascended</i> the stream to the latter.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>
+This river was the Rio Grande; and, consequently, "Tutahaco"
+was south of "Puaray" or Bernalillo. There, he heard
+of other pueblos further south still.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> "Tutahaco" was "four
+leagues to the south of Tiguex."<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p>When Coronado reached "Tiguex" at last, it thereafter
+became the centre of his operations. Casta&ntilde;eda very justly
+remarks: "Tiguex is the central point;"<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> and a glance at the
+map, substituting Bernalillo for it, will at once satisfy the reader
+of the accuracy of this statement.</p>
+
+<p>From Tiguex an expedition was sent along the Rio Grande<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">p. 23</a></span>
+and west of it. It discovered in succession: Quirix on the
+river, with seven villages; Hemes with seven villages; Aguas
+Calientes, three; Acha to the north-east; and, furthest in a
+<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeasterly'">north-easterly</ins> direction, Braba. Four leagues west of the
+river, Cia was met with; and, between Quirix and Cicuy&eacute;,
+Ximera. Further north of Quirix, Yuque-Yunque was found
+on the Rio Grande. An officer was also despatched to the
+south beyond Tutahaco, and he indeed discovered "four villages"
+at a great distance from the latter, and beyond these a
+place where the Rio Grande "disappeared in the ground, like
+the Guadiana in Estremadura."<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>
+
+<p>Through our identifications of "Tiguex" with <i>Bernalillo</i>,
+of "Cicuy&eacute;" with <i>Pecos</i>, and "Tutahaco" with <i>near Isleta</i>, it
+becomes now extremely easy to locate all these pueblos in
+the most satisfactory manner. "Quirix" is the <i>Queres</i> district
+Santo-Domingo, Cochit&iacute;, etc.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> "Hemes" and "Aguas
+Calientes," together form the <i>Jemez</i> and <i>San Diego</i> clusters
+of pueblos,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> "Acha" is <i>Picuries</i>, "Braba," <i>Taos</i>.<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The pueblo
+of "Ximera" between Pecos and Queres is the <i>Tanos</i> pueblo of
+<i>San Crist&oacute;bal</i>.<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> "Yuque-Yunque" are the <i>Tehuas</i>, north of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">p. 24</a></span>
+Santa F&eacute;,<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> and the four villages on the Rio Grande far south
+of Isleta, naturally are found in the now deserted towns of
+the "Piros" near Socorro, the most southerly and the least
+known of the linguistical stocks of sedentary Indians in New
+Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+<p>In sending the officers mentioned along the Rio Grande, as
+far south as Mesilla probably, Coronado explored the territory
+beyond the range of the pueblos, and he thus secured information
+also concerning the roaming tribes. It is essential that
+I should touch these here also, because the subsequent history
+of the village Indians cannot be understood without connection
+with their savage surroundings. I might as well state
+here, that west of the Rio Grande and south of Zu&ntilde;i, the entire
+south-west corner of New Mexico, appears to have been uninhabited
+in 1540. Stray hunting parties may have visited
+it, though there was hardly any inducement, since the buffalo
+was found east of the Rio Grande only, as far as New
+Mexico is concerned.<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p>
+
+<p>The country visited along the Rio Grande, as far as Mesilla,
+appears not to have given any occasion for its explorers, to
+mention any wild tribes as its occupants. Still we know that,
+east of Socorro and south-east, not forty years after Coronado,
+the "Jumanas" Indians claimed the Eastern portions of
+Valencia and Socorro counties; the regions of Abo, Quarac,
+and Gran Quivira.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> These savages, also called "Rayados"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">p. 25</a></span>
+("Striated" from their custom of painting or cutting their
+faces and breasts for the sake of ornament), were reduced to
+villages in 1629 only, by the Franciscans; and the ruins which
+are now called Gran Quivira date from that time.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Dona
+Ana county was (from later reports which I shall discuss in
+a subsequent paper), roamed over, towards the Rio Grande,
+by equally savage hordes, to which Antonio de Espejo and
+others give the name of "Tobosas."<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> It is, of course,
+impossible to assign boundaries to the Ranges of such
+tribes.</p>
+
+<p>Very distinct ethnographic information, however, is given
+by Coronado himself, as well as by Casta&ntilde;eda and by Jaramillo,
+in regard to north-eastern New Mexico. This information
+was secured in the year 1542, during his adventurous expedition
+in search of Quivira.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the route followed by him, I can but, in
+a general way, heartily accept the conclusions of General
+Simpson.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> If, in some details, we may have some doubts
+yet, I gladly bow to his superior knowledge of the country
+and to his experience of travelling in the plains, in the
+latter of which I am totally deficient. Coronado started
+from Pecos, he crossed, probably, the Tecolote chain, threw
+a bridge over the Rio Gallinas, and then moved on to the
+<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeast'">north-east</ins> at an unknown distance. Although not as yet
+satisfied that he reached as far north-east as General Simpson
+states, and believing that he moved more in a <i>circle</i> (as
+men wandering astray in the plains are apt to do), there is
+no doubt but that he went far into the "Indian territory,"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">p. 26</a></span>
+and that Quivira&mdash;which, by the way, is plainly described
+as an agglomeration of Indian "lodges" inhabited, not by
+sedentary Indians of the pueblo type, but by a tribe exactly
+similar in culture to the corn-raising aborigines of the Mississippi
+valley<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>&mdash;was situated at all events somewhere between
+the Indian territory and the State of Nebraska. This
+is plainly confirmed by the reports of Juan de O&ntilde;ate's fruitless
+search of Quivira in 1599,<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and principally by the
+statements of the Indians of Quivira themselves, when
+they visited that governor at Santa F&eacute; thereafter.<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> They
+told him that the direct route to Quivira was by the pueblo
+of Taos.</p>
+
+<p>The Quivira of Coronado and of O&ntilde;ate has therefore not
+the slightest connection,&mdash;and never had, with the Gran
+Quivira of this day, situated east of Alamillo, near the
+boundaries of Socorro and Lincoln Counties, New Mexico,
+and the ruins there;<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> which ruins are those of a Franciscan
+mission founded after 1629, around whose church a village of
+"Jumanas" and probably "Piros" Indians had been established
+under direction of the fathers.</p>
+
+<p>The reports of Coronado, and others, reveal to us the east
+and north-east of New Mexico as the "Buffalo Country," and
+consequently as inhabited or roamed over by hunting savages.
+Of these, two tribes were the immediate neighbors
+of the Pueblos,&mdash;the "Teyas" to the north-east, and the
+"Querechos" more to the east, south of the former probably.
+The Ranges intermingled, and both tribes were at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">p. 27</a></span>
+war with each other. The "Teyas" were possibly Yutas,<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>
+as these occupied the region latterly held by the Comanches.
+About the "Querechos" I have, as yet, and at this distance
+from all documentary evidence, not a trace of information.</p>
+
+<p>On the ethnographical map accompanying this sketch, I
+have indicated the <i>Apaches</i> as occupying <i>North-western New
+Mexico</i>. In this locality they were found by Juan de O&ntilde;ate
+in 1598-99.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p>
+
+<p>Coronado's homeward march offering no new points of
+interest, I shall, in conclusion, briefly survey the Ethnography
+of New Mexico, as it is sketched on the map, and
+as established by the preceding investigation of the years
+1540-43.</p>
+
+<p>We find the sedentary Indians of New Mexico agglomerated
+in the following clusters:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="indent">1. Between the frontier of Arizona and the Rio Grande,
+from west to east: <i>Zu&ntilde;i</i>, <i>Acoma</i>, with possibly <i>Laguna</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">2. Along the Rio Grande, from north to south, between
+"Sangre de Cristo" and Mesilla: <i>Taos</i>, <i>Picuries</i>, <i>Tehua</i>,
+<i>Queres</i>, <i>Tiguas</i> (branch of the <i>Tanos</i>), <i>Piros</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">3. West of the Rio Grande valley: <i>Jemez</i>, including <i>San
+Diego</i> and <i>Cia</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">4. East of the Rio Grande: <i>Tanos</i>, <i>Pecos</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Around these "pueblos," then, ranged the following wild
+tribes.</p>
+<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">p. 28</a></span></p>
+<p class="indent">1. In the north-west: <i>Apaches</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">2. In the north-east: <i>Teyas</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">3. North-east and east: <i>Querechos</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">4. South-east and south: <i>Jumanas</i>, <i>Tobosas</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The south-west of the territory appears to have been completely
+uninhabited, and also devoid of the buffalo. The
+innumerable herds of this quadruped roamed over the plains
+occupying the eastern third of New Mexico and extending
+into Texas.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Moqui</i> of Arizona, clearly identified with Coronado's
+"Tusayan" are not noticed on the map, of course.</p>
+
+<p>If now we compare these localities in 1540 with the present
+sites of the pueblos of New Mexico, it is self-evident that the
+Zu&ntilde;i, Acoma, Tiguas, Queres, Jemez, Tehua, and Taos still
+occupy (Acoma excepted), if not the identical houses, at
+least the same tribal grounds. The Piros have removed
+to the frontier of Mexico, the Pecos are extinct as a tribe;
+of the Tanos and Picuries, a few remain on their ancient
+soil. Their fate is not a matter of conjecture, but of historical
+record.</p>
+
+<p>While this discussion has proved, we believe, the truthfulness
+and reliability of the chroniclers of Coronado's expedition,
+and their great importance for the history of American
+aborigines, it establishes at the same time the superior
+advantages of New Mexico as a field for arch&aelig;ological and
+ethnological study. It is the only region on the whole continent
+where the highest type of culture attained by its aborigines&mdash;the
+village community in stone or adobe buildings&mdash;has
+been preserved on the respective territories of the tribes.
+These tribes have shrunk, the purity of their stock has been
+affected, their customs and beliefs encroached upon by civilization.
+Still enough is left to make of New Mexico the objective
+point of serious, practical arch&aelig;ologists; for, besides the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">p. 29</a></span>
+living pueblo Indians, besides the numerous ruins of their
+past, the very history of the changes they have undergone is
+partly in existence, and begins three hundred and forty years
+ago, with Coronado's adventurous march.<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
+
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Ad. F. Bandelier.</span></p>
+
+<p class="indent" style="font-size:80%"><span class="smcap">Santa F&eacute;, N. M.</span>, Sept. 19, 1880.</p>
+
+<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">p. 30</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:125%;margin-top:4em;page-break-before: always">NOTE.</p>
+
+<p class="center">THE GRAND QUIVIRA. See p. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The following extract is from the "General Description" in the
+field-notes of the survey in 1872 of the base line of the public surveys
+in New Mexico by United States Deputy Surveyor Willison, taken
+from the original notes on file at the United States Surveyor General's
+office at Santa F&eacute;:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"The Gran Quivira, about which so much has been written and so
+many attempts made to reconcile with the city of that name spoken of
+by the early Spanish explorers, and which was said by them to be the
+seat of immense wealth, is passed through by the line in Sec. 34, range
+8 East. The most prominent building is the church, which, as well as
+all the other buildings, is of limestone laid in mortar. The ground
+plan presents the form of a cross. The dimensions of the buildings
+are as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"Width of short arm of cross, 33 feet; width of long arm of cross,
+42 feet. Their axes are respectively 48 feet long and 140.5 feet long,
+and their intersection 35 feet from the head of the cross. The walls
+have a thickness of 6 feet, and a height of about 30 feet. The main
+entrance has a height of 11 feet, an outside width of 11 feet, and an
+inside width of 16.5 feet. The church is situated due east and west,
+having its front to the east.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"Extending south from the church a distance of 160 feet, and connected
+with it by a door in the short arm of the cross, is a building
+containing a number of apartments. On the window-frames of this
+building the mark of the carpenter's scribe is still plainly visible, though
+doubtless exposed to the action of the atmosphere for nearly two centuries.
+The carved timbers in the church are still in a good state of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">p. 31</a></span>
+preservation; a portion of the roof still remains; some of the timbers
+must have weighed 3,000 pounds at the time they were brought to this
+place, and they could not have been procured within a less distance
+than sixteen miles.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"The site of the ruins is elevated about one hundred feet above the
+surrounding country, and embraces an area of about eighteen acres.
+The town has been well and compactly built, and probably contained
+a population approaching five thousand souls. Numerous excavations
+have been made by the Mexicans in search of the treasures said
+to have been left by the Jesuits when they were expelled by the Indians.
+In one of these excavations I found a large quantity of human
+bones, including a skull. From the formation of the latter, and
+its thickness, it was undoubtedly that of an Indian.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"The questions that arise in contemplating these ruins are, how was
+it possible for such a number of people not only to exist, but to build a
+town of such superior construction at a point which is now entirely
+destitute of water, and to which water cannot be brought from any
+present source, the nearest water being fifteen miles distant? what was
+their occupation? and what has become of them?</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"That this town was the abode of Jesuit [Franciscan?] priests, and
+a tribe of Indians under their control, the architecture of the buildings
+conclusively shows.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"That they were there for agricultural and pastoral purposes I consider
+certain, from the fact that there are no evidences of mines, or
+any mineral indications of any kind in the surrounding country, and
+that the country, with the single exception of the absence of water, is
+well adapted to the mode of cultivation pursued and crops raised by
+the Indians.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"That water was brought there from some distant point&mdash;and distant
+it would have been&mdash;cannot be the case, as the face of the
+country would have required the construction of numerous aqueducts
+for its conveyance, remains of which would be found at the present
+time; and why would a people bring water a long distance for the purpose
+of working lands no more valuable than such as could have
+been had at the water?</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"Where, then, did the inhabitants get the water necessary for their
+subsistence? There are two arroyos between the ruins and the Mesa
+Jumanes, within a mile of the town, having well-defined watercourses,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">p. 32</a></span>
+which might have contained permanent water at the time that the town
+was inhabited. Even at the present time, the drainage from these
+arroyos furnishes water for a laguna some five miles below that lasts during
+about one half the year. Again, springs may have existed around
+the rise upon which the town is situated that, from natural causes, have
+become dry.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"The phenomenon of the failures of water is no uncommon one in
+this region, as is evidenced by the numerous vents where the surrounding
+rocks show the action of running water.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"A case directly supporting the assumption of the failure of the water
+is furnished at a place about thirty-five miles northerly from the Gran
+Quivira, known as 'La Cienega.' At this point a stream of water, furnished
+by two springs, and running to a distance of about a mile at all
+seasons of the year, which has never been known to be dry within the
+memory of the oldest inhabitant, has, within the last year, entirely disappeared;
+and even digging to a considerable depth in the bed of the
+late springs fails to find the stream, or the channel by which it has so
+mysteriously disappeared.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"To those at all familiar with the cretaceous formation of the south-eastern
+portion of New Mexico, and who have seen the numerous rivers
+that flow hundreds of inches of water within a few yards of where
+they make their first appearance, and the total disappearance of these
+streams within a few miles, who have seen the water flowing in caves
+and subterraneous streams, and the fact that the whole country is cavernous,
+can easily imagine the possibility of a stream acting upon its
+cretaceous bed, and eventually wearing a channel, to connect with some
+immense cavern, and disappearing at once from the surface beyond all
+reach of human power.</p>
+
+<p class="quote">"To the south of the Gran Quivira, at a distance of about twenty
+miles, commences a <i>mal pais</i>, an immense bed of lava, sixty miles in
+length from north to south, and covering an area of five hundred
+square miles. To the south-west of this commences a salt marsh,
+which has an area of fifty square miles, and which is fed entirely by
+subterranean streams from the Sacramento and White Mountains, receiving
+without doubt by the same means the drainage of this plain
+for a hundred miles to the north. The above facts are, I think, sufficient
+to account for the absence of water at the present time near
+Gran Quivira.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">p. 33</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="quote">"As to what became of the inhabitants of this place, as well as those
+of Abo and Quarr&aacute; to the north-west,&mdash;towns that are coeval with the
+Gran Quivira,&mdash;we can only conjecture. The most reasonable conclusion
+that can be arrived at is that they were exterminated by the Spaniards
+upon their reoccupation of the country. Though history is silent
+as to the complete operations of the Spaniards upon their return to
+New Mexico, yet it is a fact established by documentary evidence that
+a relentless war was waged against the Indians, and a number of tribes
+are spoken of as being engaged in certain battles, of which tribes we
+know nothing at the present day; and in some instances it is stated
+that some tribes sued for peace, and promised obedience to the rule
+of the conquerors, for which they received grants of lands that they at
+present occupy. The inhabitants of Gran Quivira, Abo, and Quarro
+would be among the first that the Spaniards would meet on their reoccupation
+of the country, and there is every reason to believe that
+they were exterminated by the incensed invaders."</p>
+
+
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<h3 class="footnotes"><a name="FNI" id="FNI"></a>FOOTNOTES</h3>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label1">[1]</span></a> <i>Las siete cuevas</i>: in Nahuatl <i>Chicomoztoc</i>, from <i>chicome</i>, seven, and <i>oztoc</i>,
+cave. Alonzo de Molina, <i>Vocabulario Mexicano</i>, 1571, parte iia. pp. 20 and 78.
+Fray Juan de Tobar, <i>Codice Ramirez</i>, p. 18.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label1">[2]</span></a> Fray Diego Dur&aacute;n, <i>Historia de las Yndias de Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a, &eacute; Islas de Tierra
+Firme</i>, cap. i. p. 8; <i>Codex Vaticanus</i>, Kingsborough, vols. i., ii., vi.; <i>Anales de
+Cuauhtitlan: Anales del Museo Nacional de M&eacute;xico</i>, tom. i. entrega 7, p. 7 of 2d
+vol., but incorporated in the first. "I acatl ipan quizque Chicomoztoc in Chichimeca
+omitoa moternuh in imitoloca."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label1">[3]</span></a> <i>Historia de los Indios de la Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a, in Coleccion de Documentos para la
+Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>, by J. G. Icazbalceta, vol. i. p. 7.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label1">[4]</span></a> <i>Segunda Relacion An&oacute;nima de la Jornada de Nu&ntilde;o de Guzman, in Coleccion
+de Documentos</i>, etc., vol. ii. p. 303.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label1">[5]</span></a> The early literature on this subject will only be fully known when the remarkable
+collection called <i>Libro de Oro</i> shall have been published by Se&ntilde;or Icazbalceta,
+its meritorious owner. This valuable collection of manuscripts dates
+from the sixteenth century, and contains, besides a number of official reports on
+local matters of Mexico and districts pertaining to it, the chronicles of the tezcucan
+Juan Bautista Pomar, a copy of Motolinia, and a number of MSS. written
+between 1529 and 1547 at the instance of the much-abused Bishop Zum&aacute;rraga.
+These MSS. contain the results of the earliest investigations on Mexican history
+and tradition.</p>
+<p class="footnote">
+The natives of Mexico appear to have had no knowledge, nay, not even the
+most dim recollection, of the <i>fauna</i> of South-western North America. While
+their so-called calendar, in the graphic tokens used to designate each one of the
+twenty days of their conventional "month," contains the forms of all the larger
+quadrupeds roaming over Mexico and Central America, the tapir excepted, we
+look in vain for the coyote, the bear, the mountain-sheep, and the buffalo.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label1">[6]</span></a> <i>Popol Vuh</i>, part iii. cap. iv. p. 216, cap. vi. pp. 226, 228, cap. viii. p. 238, etc.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label1">[7]</span></a> Hernando Cort&eacute;s, <i>Carta Quarta</i>, dated Temixtitan, 15 October, 1524, Vedia
+i. p. 102. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Vald&eacute;s, <i>Historia General y Natural
+de las Indias</i>, lib. xxxiii. cap. xxxvi. vol. iii. p. 447, lib. xxxiv. cap. viii. p. 576,
+Madrid, 1853. The information was derived from Gonzalo de Sandoval. See
+Antonio de Herrera, <i>Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas
+y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano</i>, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. p. 106, edition of
+1726.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label1">[8]</span></a> <i>Relacion de las Ceremonias y Ritos, Poblacion y Gobierno de los Indios de la Provincia
+de Mechuacan</i>, p. 113, from the <i>Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de
+la Espa&ntilde;a. Tercera Relacion An&oacute;nima de la Jornada de Nu&ntilde;o de Guzman, Coleccion
+de Documentos</i>, Icazbalceta, ii. pp. 443, 449, 451. <i>Matias de la Mota Padilla,
+Historia de la Nueva-Galicia</i>, published 1870, cap. iii. p. 27. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap.
+xxxiii. vol. i. pp. 222, 223.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label1">[9]</span></a> <i>Quarta Relacion An&oacute;nima de la Jornada de Nu&ntilde;o de Guzman, Coleccion de
+Documentos</i>, Icazbalceta, ii. p. 475. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap. xxxiii. vol. i. p. 223.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label2">[10]</span></a> In 1527, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iv. pp. 26, 27.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label2">[11]</span></a> He was treasurer of Narvaez' expedition, and subsequently, upon his return,
+or rather in 1541, became <i>adelantado</i> of Paraguay.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label2">[12]</span></a> He wrote all from memory. The title of his work is <i>Naufragios de Alvar
+Nu&ntilde;ez Cabeza de Vaca, y Relacion de la Jornada que hizo &aacute; la Florida</i>. It was first
+printed in 1555, at Valladolid. My references are to the reprint in Vedia's <i>Historiadores
+Primitivos de Indias</i>, vol. i.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label2">[13]</span></a> Cabeza de Vaca, <i>Naufragios</i>, etc., cap. xxxvii. p. 548, xxxiv. p. 545. According
+to Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 11 and cap. viii. p. 11, it
+might be either 1536 or 1534, "el a&ntilde;o pasado de 1534." Oviedo, lib. xxxv.
+cap. vi. p. 614, intimates as much as 1538. Fray Antonio Tello, <i>Historia de la
+Nueva-Galicia</i>, fragment preserved in <i>Coleccion de Documentos</i>, Icazbalceta, ii.
+cap. xii. p. 358, says "hab&iacute;an llegado ese a&ntilde;o de treinta y tres &aacute; aquellas tierras,"
+1533.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label2">[14]</span></a> Cabeza de Vaca, cap. xxxi. pp. 542, 543.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label2">[15]</span></a> Id., p. 543.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label2">[16]</span></a> He was a native of Savoy, Italy, and was with Sebastian de Belalcazar during
+the latter's conquest of Quito. Juan de Velasco, <i>Histoire du royaume de Quito</i>,
+French translation by Ternaux-Compans, Introd. p. viii. He wrote the following
+books: <i>Conquista de la Provincia del Quito: Ritos y Ceremonias de los Indios</i>;
+<i>Las dos Lineas de los Incas y de los Scyris en las Provincias del Per&uacute; y del
+Quito</i>; <i>Cartas Informativas de lo Obrado en las Provincias del Per&uacute; y del Cuzco</i>.
+These manuscripts may still exist. According to Fray Augustin de Vetancurt
+(Menologio Franciscano, ed. of 1871, pp. 117, 118, 119), he was born at Nizza, and in
+1531 came to America, being in Peru in 1532. Thence he went to Nicaragua
+and Mexico. He was provincial from 1540 to 1543, and died at Mexico, March
+25, 1558.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label2">[17]</span></a> Fray Marcos Nizza, <i>Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades</i>, p. 329.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label2">[18]</span></a> Nizza, p. 332. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. vii. p. 156.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label2">[19]</span></a> In <i>Documentos para la Historia de M&eacute;jico</i>, 1856, 4 s&eacute;rie, vol. i. p. 327. The
+diary has not even a title. Mentioned by Father Jacob Sedelmair, S. J., <i>Relacion
+que hizo ... Misionero de Tubatama</i>, in <i>Documentos para la Historia de M&eacute;jico</i>,
+3a s&eacute;rie, vol. ii. pp. 846, 848, 857, 859.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label2">[20]</span></a> On the map of Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, in <i>Der neue Weltbott</i>, by P.
+Joseph St&ouml;cklein, vol. i. 2d edition, 1728, there appears St. Ludov. de Bacapa.
+The diary of Mange, p. 327, is explicit.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label2">[21]</span></a> Manuel Orozco y Berra, <i>Geograf&iacute;a de las Lenguas y Carta Etnogr&aacute;fica de M&eacute;xico</i>,
+part iii. cap. xxiii. pp. 345-353, etc. Francisco Pimentel, <i>Cuadro Descriptivo
+y Comparativo de las Lenguas Ind&iacute;genas de M&eacute;xico</i>, 1865, vol. ii. pp. 91, 92-116.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label2">[22]</span></a> The fact that he became the guide of Coronado, and led him to Cibola, indicates
+that Fray Marcos crossed the Gila, since otherwise the Spaniards would
+have traversed the Sierra Madre, and entered New Mexico from Chihuahua.
+It is true that the general direction of Coronado's march from Culiacan was from
+south to north, inclining to the <i>east</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label2">[23]</span></a> The attest of D. Antonio de Mendoza, concerning Nizza's report, bears
+the date, Mexico, 2 Sept., 1539. Consequently, Fray Marcos had returned
+previously. See <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, Ternaux-Compans, Appendix,
+p. 282.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label2">[24]</span></a> This word is said to be now found only in the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta,
+south of Santa F&eacute;, under the form <i>sib&uacute;lod&aacute;</i>, buffalo. Albert S. Gatschet, <i>Zw&ouml;lf
+Sprachen aus dem S&uuml;dwesten Nord Amerika's</i>, Weimar, 1876, p. 106.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label2">[25]</span></a> Herrera, <i>Descripcion de las Indias</i>, cap. ix. p. 17, says that Mexico has 4,000
+vecinos. This was in 1610, about.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label2">[26]</span></a> Lewis H. Morgan, <i>On the Ruins of a Stone Pueblo on the Animas River</i>, in
+<i>12th Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American Arch&aelig;ology</i>, etc., 1880,
+p. 550.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label2">[27]</span></a> <i>The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico</i>, Doylestown, Pa., 1869.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label2">[28]</span></a> Pedro de Casta&ntilde;eda y Nagera, <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, translation of
+Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1838, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label2">[29]</span></a> Juan Jaramillo, <i>Relation du Voyage fait &agrave; la Nouvelle-Terre sous les Ordres
+du G&eacute;n&eacute;ral Francisco Vasquez de Coronado</i>, in <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, Append. vi. pp. 365,
+366, 367.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label2">[30]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. p. 162. The word is composed
+of <i>chichiltic</i>, a red object, and <i>calli</i>, house. Molina, ii. pp. 11, 19.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label2">[31]</span></a> General Simpson locates the "Casas Grandes" on the Gila, in lat. 33&deg; 4' 21"
+and lon. 111&deg; 45' Greenwich. <i>Coronado's March</i>, p. 326.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label2">[32]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, etc., p. 365. "Nous souffr&icirc;mes quelques fatigues, jusqu'&agrave; ce que
+nous eussions atteint une cha&icirc;ne de montagnes dont j'avais entendu parler
+&agrave; la Nouvelle-Espagne, &agrave; plus de trois-cents lieues de l&agrave;. Nous donn&acirc;mes &agrave;
+l'endroit o&ugrave; nous pass&acirc;mes le nom de Chichiltic-Calli, parce que nous avions
+su par des Indiens que nous laissions derri&egrave;re nous, qu'ils l'appelaient ainsi,"
+etc. Id. "On nous dit qu'elle se nommait Chichiltic-Calli. Apr&egrave;s avoir franchi
+ces montagnes." ...</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label2">[33]</span></a> Jaramillo, <i>Relation</i>, etc., p. 367. Simpson, p. 325. For descriptions of the
+"Casas Grandes," I refer to Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. pp. 161,
+162, to be compared with Mateo Mange, <i>Documentos para la Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>,
+s&eacute;rie 4, vol. i. cap. v. p. 282, describing Father Kino's visit there in 1697, cap. x.
+pp. 362, 363. Crist&oacute;bal Martin Bernal, Francisco de Acu&ntilde;a, Eusebio Francisco
+Kino, etc., <i>Relacion</i>, in <i>Documentos</i>, 3 s&eacute;rie, vol. ii. p. 884; this bears date, 4 Dec.,
+1697. Fray Tom&aacute;s Ignacio Lizazoin, <i>Informe sobre las Provincias de Sonora y
+Nueva-Vizcaya, Documentos</i>, 3 s&eacute;rie, ii. p. 698. Segundo Media, <i>Rudo Ensayo
+Tentativo de una Prevencional Descripcion de la Provincia de Sonora, sus Terminos
+y Confines</i>, written by a Jesuit about 1761 or 1762, and published by Buckingham
+Smith at S. Augustine in 1863, cap. ii. sec. 3, p. 18. Padre Font, in <i>Relation de
+Cibola</i>, Append, vii. pp. 383-386. Of more recent descriptions, I enumerate
+Lieut. W. H. Emory, <i>Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., Executive Documents</i>,
+41, pp. 80, 81; Capt. A. R. Johnston, <i>Journal</i>, etc., id. pp. 582, 584, 596,
+597; John R. Bartlett, <i>Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents</i>, etc., vol.
+ii. cap. xxxii. pp. 265-280. While we can easily identify the "Casas Grandes,"
+seen in 1846-47 and 1852, with those described in 1697, 1761, and 1775, in regard
+to the earliest description of "Chichilticalli," we are inclined to agree with Mr.
+L. H. Morgan, <i>Seven Cities of Cibola</i>, that "there is no ruin on the Gila at the
+present time that answers the above description."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label2">[34]</span></a> <i>Relation de Cibola</i>, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163, and especially part iii. cap. ix. p. 243.
+"On fit d'abord cent dix lieues vers l'ouest, en partant de Mexico; Ton se dirigea
+ensuite vers le nord-est pendant cent lieues; puis pendant six cent cinquante
+vers le nord, et l'on n'&eacute;tait encore arrive qu'aux ravins des bisons. De sorte
+qu'apr&egrave;s avoir fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieues, on n'&eacute;tait pas en d&eacute;finitive
+&agrave; plus de quatre cents de Mexico."
+</p><p class="footnote">
+The "Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua are on the river of the same name, north-west
+of the city of Chihuahua, and nearly south of J&aacute;nos. I have been unable as
+yet to ascertain when they first came to notice. According to Antonio de Oca
+Sarmiento, <i>Letter to the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont</i>, dated 22 Sept.,
+1667, in <i>Mandamiento del Se&ntilde;or Virey, Marques de Mancora, sobre las Doctrinas de
+Casas Grandes, que estaban en las Yumas, Jurisdiccion de San Felipe del Parral</i>, in
+<i>Documentos</i>, 4 s&eacute;rie, vol. iii. p. 231, etc., the Padre Pedro de Aparicio died there, and
+the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, 1 <i>Letter</i>, 25 Oct., 1667, p. 234, adds:
+"Que en este puesto de las Casas Grandes era parimo de min&eacute;ria y segun tradicion
+antigua y ruinas que se veian que decian ser del tiempo de Moctezuma." A
+very good description of the ruins has been given by Jos&eacute; Agustin Escudero,
+<i>Noticias Estad&iacute;sticas del Estado de Chihuahua</i>, Mexico, 1834, cap. viii. pp. 234,
+235, who visited them in 1819. Finally, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, <i>Personal Narrative</i>,
+etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxv., has furnished excellent descriptions and plates.
+</p><p class="footnote">
+It is hardly possible to determine if these ruins would better correspond to
+"Chichilticalli" than those on the Gila. The fact that the former presented, in
+1819, the appearance of one solitary building, whereas the latter, in 1697, composed
+a group of <i>eleven</i>, is noteworthy, but far from being a critical point.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label2">[35]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, etc, ii. cap. iii. p. 165.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label2">[36]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, etc., p. 370.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label2">[37]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. xi. pp. 58, 63, 64.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label2">[38]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, i. cap. xii., pp. 69, 70; ii. cap. iii. p. 166.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label2">[39]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, p. 370. Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label2">[40]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, p. 370.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label2">[41]</span></a> Jaramillo, pp. 370 and 371.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label2">[42]</span></a> Acoma is always described with particular care by the older Spanish authors.
+Antonio de Espejo, Carta, 23 April, 1584, in <i>Documentos In&eacute;ditos del
+Archivo de Indias</i>, vol. xv. p. 179: "Y hallamos un pueblo que se llama, Acoma,
+donde nos pareci&oacute;, habria mas de seis mil &aacute;nimas, el cual est&aacute; asentado sobre
+una pe&ntilde;a alta que tiene mas de cincuenta estados en alto," etc. Juan de O&ntilde;ate,
+<i>Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo el Campo de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a
+&aacute; la Provincia de la Nueva-M&eacute;xico, Documentos In&eacute;ditos</i>, vol. xvi. pp. 268,
+270: "A quatro de Diciembre [1598?], lo mataron en Acoma, los Indios de aquella
+fortaleza, que es la mejor en sitio de toda la cristiandad ..." "dieron el primer
+asalto al Pe&ntilde;ol de Ac&oacute;ma ..." <i>Obediencia y Vassalaje &aacute; Su Magestad por los
+Indios del Pueblo de Ac&oacute;ma, Documentos In&eacute;ditos</i>, xvi. p. 127: "Al pi&eacute; de una
+pe&ntilde;a muy grande sobre la qual en lo alto d&eacute;lla est&aacute; fundado y poblado el Pueblo
+que llaman de Ac&oacute;ma, ..." dated 27 October, 1598. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt,
+<i>Cr&oacute;nica de la Provincia del Santo Evang&eacute;lio de M&eacute;xico</i>, trat. iii. cap. vi.
+p. 319. "Al Oriente del Pueblo de Zia est&aacute; el Pe&ntilde;ol de Acoma, que tiene una
+legua en Circuito de treinta Estados de alto." <i>Menologio Franciscano</i>, p. 247.
+Both references are taken from the edition of 1871. Furthermore, in the anonymous
+<i>Relacion del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento
+de Cibola</i>, a&ntilde;o de 1531 (should be 1541), in vol. xiv. of the <i>Documentos del
+Archivo de Indias</i>, we find Acuco (<i>east</i> of Cibola), "el cual ellos llaman en su lengua
+<i>Acuco</i>, y el padre M&aacute;rcos le llamaba <i>Hac&uacute;s</i>:" now Hac&uacute;s forcibly recalls the
+proper name of Acoma, which by the Qq'u&ecirc;res Indians, to whose stock its inhabitants
+belong, is called "&Acirc;go."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label2">[43]</span></a> <i>Carta</i>, 23 April, 1584, <i>Documentos In&eacute;ditos</i>, vol. xv. p. 182.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label2">[44]</span></a> <i>Discurso de las Jornadas, etc., Documentos In&eacute;ditos</i>, vol. xvi. p. 274. <i>Obediencia
+y Vassallaje &aacute; Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de San Joan Baptista</i>,
+id. vol. xv. p. 115. That the "Mohoces" were the Moqui is evidenced by Padre
+Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, <i>Relacion de todas las Provincias que en el Nuevo-M&eacute;xico
+se han visto y sabido as&iacute; por Mar como por Tierra, desde el A&ntilde;o de 1538, hasta
+el A&ntilde;o de 1626. Documentos para la Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>, s&eacute;rie 3, vol. i. p. 30.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label2">[45]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. x. pp. 49, 50. Melchor Diaz reached the Rio del Tizon,
+starting from Culhuacan and Sonora. This river emptied into the Gulf of California,
+and he found there traces of Fernando de Alarcon. The latter went up the
+Rio Colorado, and learned many details about Cibola from Indians living along
+the river. <i>Relation de la Navigation et de la D&eacute;couverte faite par le Capitaine Fernando
+Alarcon, Voyage de Cibola</i>, Ternaux-Compans, Append, iv. cap. i. p. 302:
+"Nous y trouv&acirc;mes un tr&egrave;s grand fleuve dont le courant &eacute;tait si rapide, qu'&agrave;
+peine pouvions nous nous y maintenir," cap. v. pp. 324-326; cap. vi. p. 331.
+Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. p. 212. Fray Juan de Torquemada, <i>Monarchia
+Indiana</i>, lib. v. cap. xi. p. 609, ed. of 1723. While Alarcon was endeavoring to
+meet Coronado by sailing or boating up the Colorado from its mouth, the latter
+sent Garci-Lopez de Cardenas to explore a river which the Indians of "Tusayan"
+had mentioned to Pedro de Tobar; and he reached this river after twenty days'
+march. It is described as follows by Casta&ntilde;eda (i. cap. xi. p. 62): "After
+these twenty days' marching, they indeed reached this river, whose shores are so
+high that they thought themselves at least three or four leagues up in the air.
+The country is covered with low and crippled pines; it is exposed to the north,
+and the cold is so severe that, although it was summer, it could hardly be supported.
+The Spaniards for three days marched along these mountains, hoping to
+find a place where they could reach the river, which, from above, appeared to be
+about one fathom in width, while the Indians said it was wider than one-half league;
+but it was found to be impossible," etc. This is a fair picture of the ca&ntilde;ons
+of the Colorado River of the West, the only one emptying into the head of the
+Gulf of California; and Casta&ntilde;eda adds (p. 65): "This river was the del Tizon."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label2">[46]</span></a> <i>Carta, Documentos In&eacute;ditos</i>, vol. xv. p. 180: "Una provincia, que son seis
+pueblos, que la provincia llaman Zu&ntilde;i, y por otro nombre Cibola. Richard
+Hackluyt, <i>The Third and last Volume of the Voyages, Navigations, Traffiques, and
+Discoveries of the English Nation</i>." <i>El Viaie que hizo Antonio de Espeio en el
+A&ntilde;o de ochenta y tres</i>, pp. 457-464, has "dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra
+en lengua de los naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Espa&ntilde;oles Cibola, ay en
+ella cantidad de Indios ..."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label2">[47]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. xii. pp. 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label2">[48]</span></a> Jaramillo, pp. 370, 371. Casta&ntilde;eda, p. 69.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label2">[49]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, p. 71.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label2">[50]</span></a> <i>Coronado's March</i>, pp. 333-336.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label2">[51]</span></a> <i>The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico</i>, cap. xxiv. p. 185, note I; cap. xxv.
+p. 198, note I; also p. 199. I attach particular importance to the opinions of Mr.
+Davis. He visited New Mexico at a time when it was still "undeveloped," and
+his writings on the country show thorough knowledge, and much documentary
+information. It is to be regretted that he fails absolutely to mention his sources
+in any satisfactory manner, a defect which might deprive his valuable book of
+much of its unquestionable reliability and importance. The attentive student,
+however, finds, after going seriously through the mass of material still on hand,
+that Mr. Davis has been so painstaking and honest, that he is very much inclined
+to forgive the lack of citations.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label2">[52]</span></a> From Bernalillo or Sandia, the easiest way, and the one which Alvarado,
+by Coronado's order, must certainly have taken, is south of Galisteo. This
+would have led him to Pecos, either by the Ca&ntilde;on de San Crist&oacute;bal or, as I presume,
+to the lower valley, and thence up the river to the Pueblo. Casta&ntilde;eda (ii.
+cap. v. p. 176) speaks of abandoned villages along the route. There is a ruin
+at the place called "Pueblo," one at San Jos&eacute;, and another at Kingman; all
+along the line of the "Atchison, Topeka, and Santa F&eacute; Railroad." I presume,
+therefore, that he took this route. At all events, he went <i>south</i> of the Tanos,
+else he would have struck the villages called later San L&aacute;zaro and San Crist&oacute;bal,
+both then occupied.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label2">[53]</span></a> The belief has been expressed to me at Santa F&eacute;, by authority which I have
+learned to respect, that on the site of the present city there stood the old
+town of Tiguex. This belief has been strengthened by the popular tale, that
+the old adobe house, of two low stories, adjoining the ancient chapel of San
+Miguel, was an ancient Indian home. Personal inspection has, however, satisfied
+me of the fact that this building, while certainly very old, is certainly not
+one of an Indian "pueblo." It forms a rectangle: <i>Met.</i> 20.71' from east to west,
+and 4.80' from north to south. Its front has five doors, and the upper story as
+many windows. It is entirely of adobe, and may indeed have been an Indian
+house, but built after their old plan, when Santa F&eacute; had already been founded.
+There is no notice of any pueblo on this site. Besides, documentary evidence
+regarding the establishment of Santa F&eacute; absolutely ignores the existence of
+any Indian settlement at that place in 1598. Juan de O&ntilde;ate, <i>Discurso de las
+Jornadas que hizo el Capitan de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a &aacute; la
+Provincia de la Nuevo-Mexico</i>, in <i>Coleccion de Documentos del Archivo de Indias</i>,
+vol. xvi. pp. 263-266. <i>Obediencia y Vasallaje &aacute; Su Magestad por los Indios de San
+Joan Baptista.</i> Id., Sept 9, 1598, pp. 115, 116: "Al Padre Fray Crist&oacute;bal de
+Salazar, la Provincia de los Tep&uacute;as (<i>Tehuas</i>) con los pueblos de Triap&eacute;,
+Tri&aacute;que el de Sant Yldefonso y Santa Clara, y este pueblo de Sant Joan Batista
+y el de Sant Gabriele el de Troomaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Comitr&iacute;a, Quiotrac&oacute;,
+y mas, la Cibdad de Sant Francisco de los Espa&ntilde;oles, que al presente se
+Edifican."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label2">[54]</span></a> <i>Obediencia y Vasallaje &aacute; Su Magestad por los Indios de Santo-Domingo.</i> Id.,
+p. 102. July 7, 1598. <i>Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista</i>, pp. 112, 115, "los
+Chiguas &oacute; Tiguas."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label2">[55]</span></a> <i>Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el Padre Jos&eacute; Amando Niel, Documentos
+para la Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>, 3a s&eacute;rie, vol. i. pp. 98, 99: "Estan pobladas
+junto &aacute; la sierra de Puruai que toma el nombre del principal pueblo que se llama
+as&iacute;, y orilla del gran rio." There were then three pueblos: San-Pedro, "rio
+abajo de Puruai;" Santiago, "rio arriba." Puaray was destroyed and in ruins
+in 1711. It was here that Father Augustin Ruiz was killed in 1581. Fray
+Ger&oacute;nimo de Zarate Salmeron, <i>Relacion</i>, etc., p. 10. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt,
+<i>Menologio Franciscano</i>, pp. 412, 413. Jean Blaeu, <i>Douzi&egrave;me livre de la G&eacute;ographie
+Blaviane</i>, Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62, calls the Tiguas "Tebas," and says they had
+"quinze bourgades." Vetancurt, <i>Menologio</i>, but principally <i>Cr&oacute;nica de la provincia
+del Santo Evangelio de M&eacute;xico</i>, gives the Tiguas, before 1680, the following
+stations and pueblos: Isleta, Alameda, Puray, and Sandia, pp. 310-313.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label2">[56]</span></a> <i>Relacion</i>, etc., p. 10.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label2">[57]</span></a> A. S. Gatschet, <i>Zw&ouml;lf Sprachen aus dem S&uuml;dwesten Nord-Amerika's</i>,
+We&iacute;mar, 1876, p. 41.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label2">[58]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. xix. p. 116.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label2">[59]</span></a> Simpson, <i>Coronad&oacute;'s March</i>, pp. 336.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label2">[60]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label2">[61]</span></a> <i>Spanish Conquest</i>, cap. xxiii. p. 180, note 5, p. 181, note 6.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label2">[62]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, p. 76.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label2">[63]</span></a> Isleta is probably a modern <i>pueblo</i>, that is one erected since 1598 and
+previous to 1680, and I shall treat it as such till I am better informed. The
+description by Vetancurt ("<i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>," etc., trat. iii. cap. v. pp. 310 and 311, as
+in the year 1680) is characteristic: "F&oacute;rmase un rio de la nieve que se derrite,
+que con el rio Norte cercan un campo de cinco leguas ... Es el paso para las
+provincias de Acoma, Zunias, Moqui ..." In a straight line, the distance from
+Bernalillo is about twenty-five miles.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label2">[64]</span></a> p. 76. "Le g&eacute;n&eacute;ral remonta ensuite la rivi&egrave;re, et visita toute la province
+jusqu'&agrave; ce qu'il fut arriv&eacute; &agrave; Tiguex."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label2">[65]</span></a> p. 76. "Ils apprirent qu'en descendant la rivi&egrave;re ils trouveraient encore
+d'autres villages."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label2">[66]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. iv. p. 168.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label2">[67]</span></a> Cap. vi. p. 182, part ii. In looking at the map, it will be seen that Bernalillo
+is, indeed, a central point. Along the Rio Grande it is almost at equal
+distances from Taos at the north, and Socorro at the south, whereas it is little
+further (in an east-westerly line) from Bernalillo to Zu&ntilde;i, than from Bernalillo
+to the plains. The accuracy of Casta&ntilde;eda becomes more and more wonderful, the
+closer his narrative is studied and compared with the country itself. His distance
+exceeds the bee-line regularly almost by one-third; a very natural fact,
+since he computes the lengths from the routes taken.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label2">[68]</span></a> These facts are taken from the following passages of Casta&ntilde;eda: i. cap. xviii.,
+ii. cap. vi., Qu&eacute;res; i. cap. xxii, ii. cap. vi., Hemes and Aguas Calientes; ii.
+cap. iv., Acha; i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Braba; i. cap. xviii., Cia; ii. cap. v.,
+Ximera; and i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Yuque-Yunque, perhaps Cuyamunque.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label2">[69]</span></a> Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa-Ana, and Cia are the Qu&eacute;res
+pueblos near the Rio Grande still remaining. They all then existed in 1598.
+<i>Obediencia, etc., &aacute; S. Joan Baptista</i>, p. 113.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label2">[70]</span></a> The Jemez or Emmes, in 1598, contained nine "pueblos," or rather places
+of habitation. <i>Obediencia, etc., de Santo Domingo</i>, p. 102. Niel, p. 99, mentions
+five.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label2">[71]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. xxii. It is unmistakable. Compare Simpson, <i>Coronado's
+March</i>, p. 339. Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>, etc., p. 319. "Este es el &uacute;ltimo pueblo h&aacute;cia
+el norte." Jean Blaeu, <i>G&eacute;ographie</i>, etc., p. 62.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label2">[72]</span></a> This is equally definite. Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. v. p. 177. "Between Cicuy&eacute;
+and the province of Quirix, there exists a small very well fortified village which
+the Spaniards have named Ximera, and another one which appears to have been
+very large." This shows that the Spaniards went from Pecos by the San Crist&oacute;bal
+ca&ntilde;on.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label2">[73]</span></a> To-day Tezuque, Namb&eacute;, Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Pojuaque,
+and, besides, Cuyamunque in ruins.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label2">[74]</span></a> The Piros were totally dispersed during the intertribal wars of 1680-89.
+Niel, p. 104. Senecu, near Mesilla, is a Piros pueblo, founded by Fray Antonio
+de Arteaga in 1630. Fray Balthasar de Medina, <i>Chr&oacute;nica de la Provincia de S.
+Diego de M&eacute;xico de Religiosos Descalzos de N. S. P. S. Francisco de la Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a</i>,
+M&eacute;xico, 1682, lib. iv. cap. vii. fol. 168. Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>, p. 309. It
+is therefore a Spanish "colony," and not an original pueblo.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label2">[75]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, i. cap. ix., ii. cap. iii. iv. p. 183, vii. p. 188. Fray Marcos de
+Niza, pp. 274-276, Jaramillo, pp. 368, 369.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label2">[76]</span></a> Antonio Espejo, <i>Viaje</i>, etc. Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>, etc., pp. 302, 303.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label2">[77]</span></a> Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>, etc., trat. iii. cap. iv. pp. 302, 303-305, cap. vi. pp. 324,
+325.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label2">[78]</span></a> Espejo, <i>Viaje</i>, etc.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label2">[79]</span></a> <i>Coronado's March</i>, pp. 336-339. Don Jos&eacute; Cortes, <i>Memorias sobre las Provincias
+del Norte de Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a</i>, 1799. MSS. of the library of Congress,
+fol. 87.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label2">[80]</span></a> Coronado, Letter of Oct. 20, 1541, p. 354. Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. viii. p. 194,
+Jaramillo, pp. 376, 377.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label2">[81]</span></a> He went from Santa F&eacute; N.E. and E.N.E., and struck the "Escansaques:"
+might they have been the "Kansas?" Ger&oacute;nimo de Zarate Salmeron, <i>Relacion</i>,
+etc., pp. 26, 27.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label2">[82]</span></a> Zarate Salmeron, p. 29.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label2">[83]</span></a> I append a valuable description of these ruins from the Surveyor-General's
+office at Santa F&eacute;, communicated to me by Mr. D. J. Miller. (See p. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.)</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label2">[84]</span></a> This is made probable through the statement of Father Jos&eacute; Amando
+Niel (p. 108), to the effect that the Yutas warred against the Pananas and the
+Jumanas. The latter were about Socorro, therefore the Yutas must have
+descended east to below Pecos. Their arrival east of the Sierra Madre is
+placed, through the reports of the Pecos, about 1530. Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. v.,
+p. 178.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label2">[85]</span></a> <i>Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista</i>, p. 113, "todos los Apaches desde
+la Sierra Nevada hac&iacute;a la parte del Norte y Poniento," p. 114; speaking of the
+Jemez, "y mas, todos los Apaches y cocoyes de sus sierras y comarcas."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label2">[86]</span></a> In a subsequent paper, I hope to continue this "Historical Introduction,"
+in the shape of a discussion of the various expeditions into New Mexico, and
+from it to other points north-west and north-east, up to the year 1605.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+<div class="center">
+<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:90%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="center">
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">II.</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">A VISIT </p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">TO THE</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">ABORIGINAL RUINS</p>
+<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">IN THE</p>
+<p class="center">VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.</p>
+ </td>
+ </tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+<h2 style="font-size:125%;font-weight:normal"><a name="II" id="II"></a>II.</h2>
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size:125%">A VISIT TO THE ABORIGINAL RUINS IN THE<br />
+VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 108px;">
+<img src="images/illus-line.png" width="108" height="10" alt="decorative line" />
+</div>
+
+<p>About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa
+F&eacute;, and in the western sections of the district of San
+Miguel (New Mexico), the upper course of the Rio Pecos
+traverses a broad valley, extending in width from east to west
+about six or eight miles, and in length from north-west to
+south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries are,&mdash;on
+the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa F&eacute;, and the
+Sierra de Santa B&aacute;rbara, or rather their southern spurs; on
+the west a high <i>mesa</i> or table land, extending nearly parallel
+to the river until opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on
+the east, the Sierra de Tecolote. The altitude of this valley
+is on an average not less than six thousand three hundred
+feet,<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> while the <i>mesa</i> on the right bank of the river rises abruptly
+to nearly two thousand feet higher; the Tecolote chain
+is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of the
+high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at
+least.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">p. 38</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully
+five degrees more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs,
+in the upper part of the valley, closely to the mountains of
+Tecolote, and thence runs almost directly north and south.
+The high <i>mesa</i> opposite, known as the Mesa de Pecos, sweeps
+around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction from
+north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore,
+forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be
+near San Jos&eacute;: whereas its base-line at the north might be
+indicated as from the Plaza de Pecos to Baughl's Sidings; or
+rather from the Rio Pecos, east of the town, to the foot of
+the <i>mesa</i> on the west, a length of over six miles. Nearly in
+the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river, and
+one and a half miles from Baughl's, there rises a narrow,
+semicircular cliff or <i>mesilla</i>, over the bed of a stream known
+as the Arroyo de Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> The southern end of this tabular
+cliff (its highest point as well as its most sunny slope) is covered
+with very extensive ruins, representing, as I shall hereafter
+explain, <i>three distinct kinds of occupation of the place by
+man</i>. These ruins are known under the name of the Old
+Pueblo of Pecos.</p>
+
+<p>The tourist who, in order to reach Santa F&eacute; from the
+north, takes the Atchison, Topeka &amp; Santa F&eacute; Railroad
+at La Junta, Colorado,&mdash;fascinated as he becomes by the
+beauty as well as by the novelty of the landscape, while running
+parallel with the great Sierra Madre, after he has traversed
+the Ratonis at daybreak,&mdash;enters a still more weird
+country in the afternoon. The Rio Pecos is crossed just
+beyond Bernal, and thence on he speeds towards the west
+and north: to the left, the towering Mesa de Pecos, dark<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">p. 39</a></span>
+pines clambering up its steep sides; to the right, the broad
+valley, scooped out, so to say, between the <i>mesa</i> and the
+Tecolote ridge. It is dotted with green patches and black
+clusters of cedar and pine shooting out of the red and rocky
+soil. Scarcely a house is visible, for the <i>casitas</i> of adobe
+and wood nestle mostly in sheltered nooks. Beyond
+Baughl's, the ruins first strike his view; the red walls of
+the church stand boldly out on the barren <i>mesilla</i>; and to
+the north of it there are two low brown ridges, the remnants
+of the Indian houses. The bleak summits of the high northern
+chain seem to rise in height as he advances; even the
+distant Trout mountains (Sierra de la Trucha) loom up solemnly
+towards the head-waters of the Pecos. About Glorieta
+the vale disappears, and through the shaggy crests of
+the Ca&ntilde;on del Apache, which overlooks the track in awful
+proximity, he sallies out upon the central plain of northern
+New Mexico, six thousand eight hundred feet above the sea-level.
+To the south-west the picturesque Sandia mountains;<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>
+to the west, far off, the Heights of Jemez and the Sierra del
+Valle, bound the level and apparently barren table-land. An
+hour more of fearfully rapid transit with astonishing curves,
+and, at sunset, he lands at La Villa Real de Santa-F&eacute;.</p>
+
+<p>Starting back from Santa F&eacute; towards Pecos on a dry, sandy
+wagon-road, we lose sight of the table-land and its environing
+mountain-chain, when turning into the ridges east of Manzanares.
+Vegetation, which has been remarkably stunted until
+now, improves in appearance. However rocky the slopes are,
+tall pines grow on them sparsely: the Encina appears in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">p. 40</a></span>
+thickets; <i>Opuntia arborescens</i> bristles dangerously as a large
+shrub; mammillary cactuses hide in the sand; even an occasional
+patch of Indian corn is found in the valleys. It is
+stunted in growth,<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> flowering as late as the last days of the
+month of August, and poorly cultivated. The few adobe
+buildings are mostly recent. Over a high granitic ridge, grown
+over with <i>pi&ntilde;on</i> (all the trees inclined towards the north-east
+by the fierce winds that blow along its summit), and from
+which the Sierra de Sandia for the last time appears, we
+plunge into a deep valley, emptying into the Ca&ntilde;oncito, and
+thence follow the railroad track again through a deep gorge
+and pleasant bottom, overgrown with pines and cedars,
+past Glorieta to Baughl's.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> It required all the skill and
+firmness of my friend and companion, Mr. J. D. C. Thurston,
+of the Indian Bureau at Santa F&eacute;, to pilot our vehicle over
+the steep and rocky ledges. From Baughl's, where I took
+quarters at the temporary boarding-house of Mrs. Root (to
+whose kindness and motherly solicitude I owe a tribute of
+sincere gratitude), a good road leads to the east and south-east
+along the Arroyo de Pecos. In a direct line the distance
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">p. 41</a></span>
+to the ruins is but a mile and a half; but after nearing the
+banks of the stream (which there are grassy levels), one is
+kept at a distance from it by deep parallel gulches. So
+we have to follow the <i>arroyo</i> downwards, keeping about
+a quarter of a mile to the west of it, till, south of the old
+church itself, the road at last crosses the wide and gravelly
+bed, in which a fillet of clear water is running. Then we
+ascend a gradual slope of sandy and micaceous soil, thinly
+covered by tufts of <i>grama</i>; a wide, circular depression
+strikes our eye; beyond it flat mounds of scarcely 0.50 m.&mdash;20
+in.&mdash;elevation are covered extensively with scattered and
+broken stones. Further on distinct foundations appear, rectangles
+enclosed by, or founded originally upon, thick walls
+of stone, sunk into the ground and much worn,&mdash;sometimes
+divided into small compartments, again forming large enclosures.
+To the south a conspicuous, though small, mound
+is visible. Immediately before us, due north, are distinct
+though broken walls of stones; and above them, on a broad
+terrace of red earth, completely shutting off the <i>mesilla</i> or
+tabulated cliff, on which the Indian houses stand, there arises
+the massive former Catholic temple of Pecos.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 710px;">
+<a name="pVI" id="pVI" href="images/illus-platevi-large.jpg">
+<img src="images/illus-platevi.png" width="710" height="408"
+alt="PLATE VI: VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH." title="PLATE VI: VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE VI:<br />VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The building forms a rectangle, about 46 m.&mdash;150 ft.&mdash;long,
+from east to west, and 18 m.&mdash;60 ft.&mdash;from north to
+south. The entrance was to the west, the eastern wall being
+still solid and standing. <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 2, gives an idea of its
+form: <i>&aacute;</i> <i>a</i> are gateways, each capped by a heavy lintel of
+hewn cedar; <i>b</i>, carved beam of wood across.</p>
+
+<p>The roof of the building is gone, and on the south side a
+part of the walls themselves are reduced to a few metres
+elevation. The church may originally have been not less
+than 10 m.&mdash;33 ft.&mdash;perhaps higher. It had, according to
+tradition, but one belfry and a single bell,&mdash;a very large one
+at that. The Indians carried it off, it is said, to the top of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">p. 42</a></span>
+<i>mesa</i>, where it broke. It is certain that a very large bell, of
+which I saw one fragment, now in possession of Mr. E. K.
+Walters, of Pecos, was found on the western slope of the
+Mesa de Pecos, about three miles from its eastern rim, in a
+<i>ca&ntilde;ada</i> of the Ojo de Vacas stream, towards San Crist&oacute;bal.
+Mr. Thomas Munn, of Baughl's, took the pains of piloting me
+a whole day (6th of September) through the wilderness of the
+<i>mesa</i>, and showing me the place where this interesting relic
+was finally deposited. I shall return to this by and by.</p>
+
+<p>Mrs. Kozlowski (wife of a Polish gentleman, living two
+miles south on the <i>arroyo</i>) informed me that in 1858, when
+she came to her present home with her husband, the roof of
+the church was still in existence. Her husband tore it down,
+and used it for building out-houses; he also attempted to dig
+out the corner-stone, but failed. In general, the vandalism
+committed in this venerable relic of antiquity defies all description.
+It is only equalled by the foolishness of such as,
+having no other means to secure immortality, have cut out
+the ornaments from the sculptured beams in order to obtain
+a surface suitable to carve their euphonious names. All the
+beams of the old structure are quaintly, but still not tastelessly,
+carved; there was, as is shown in <a href="#pVII">Plate VII.</a>, much
+scroll-work terminating them. Most of this was taken away,
+chipped into uncouth boxes, and sold, to be scattered everywhere.
+Not content with this, treasure-hunters, inconsiderate
+amateurs, have recklessly and ruthlessly disturbed the
+abodes of the dead. "After becoming Christians," said to
+me Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the only remaining 'son of the tribe' of
+Pecos, still settled near to its site, "they buried their dead within
+the church." These dead have been dug out regardless
+of their position relative to the walls of the building, and
+their remains have been scattered over the surface, to become
+the prey of relic-hunters. The Roman Catholic Archbishop
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">p. 43</a></span>
+of New Mexico has finally stopped such abuses by asserting
+his title of ownership; but it was far too late. It cannot be
+denied, besides, that his concession to Kozlowski to use some
+of the timber for his own purposes was subsequently interpreted
+by others in a manner highly prejudicial to the preservation
+of the structure.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 656px;">
+<a name="pVII" id="pVII" href="images/illus-platevii-large.jpg">
+<img src="images/illus-platevii.png" width="656" height="406" alt="PLATE VII: WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST." title="PLATE VII: WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE VII:<br />WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>What alone has saved the old church of Pecos from utter
+ruin has been its solid mode of construction. Entirely of
+adobe, its walls have an average thickness of 1.5 m.&mdash;5 ft.
+The adobe is made like that now used, wheat-straw entering
+into it occasionally; but it also contains small fragments of
+obsidian,&mdash;minute chips of that material and broken pottery.
+This makes it evident that the soil for its construction must
+have been gathered somewhere near the <i>mesilla</i>; and the
+suspicion is very strong on my part that it was the right
+bank of the <i>arroyo</i> which furnished the material.<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> It is self-evident
+that the grounds which were used for that purpose
+must have antedated, in point of occupation, the date of the
+construction of the church by a very long period. I have
+measured all the adobe bricks of the church that are within
+easy reach, at various places, and found them alike. They
+all measure .55 m. &times; .28 m.&mdash;22 in. &times; 11 in.&mdash;and .08 m.&mdash;3
+in.&mdash;in thickness. They are laid as shown in <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 4.</p>
+
+<p>The mortar is, as the specimen sent by me will prove, of
+the same composition as the brick itself.</p>
+
+<p>The regularity with which these courses are laid is very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">p. 44</a></span>
+striking. The timbers, besides, are all well squared; the ornaments,
+scrolls, and friezes are quaint, but not uncouth; there
+is a deficiency in workmanship, but great purity in outline
+and in design.</p>
+
+<p>To the south of the old church, at a distance of 4 m.&mdash;13
+ft.&mdash;there is another adobe wall, rising in places a few
+metres above the soil; which wall, with that of the church,
+seems to have formed a covered passage-way. Adjoining it
+is a rectangular terrace of red earth, extending out to the
+west as far as the church front. A valuable record of the
+manner in which this terrace was occupied is preserved to us
+in the drawing of the Pecos church given by Lieutenant W.
+H. Emory in 1846. It appears that south of the church there
+was a convent;<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> and this is stated also by Sr. Ruiz. In fact,
+the walls, whether enclosures or buildings, which appear to
+have adjoined the church, extend south from it 74 m.&mdash;250 ft.
+<a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 2, gives an idea of their relative position, etc.:
+<i>c</i> is 4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;wide; <i>d</i> is 21 m. &times; 46 m.&mdash;70 ft. &times; 156
+ft.; <i>e</i> is 25 m. &times; 46 m.&mdash;82 ft. &times; 150 ft.; <i>f</i> is 24 m. &times; 46
+m.&mdash;78 ft. &times; 150 ft.</p>
+
+<p>The divisions are not strictly marked, and I forbear giving
+any lengths, since there is great uncertainty about them.</p>
+
+<p>The foundation walls, where visible, are generally about
+0.60 m. to 0.75 m.&mdash;23 in. to 30 in.&mdash;wide, and composed of
+three rows of stones, set lengthwise, selected for size, and
+probably broken to fit.<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 418px;">
+<a name="pI" id="pI" href="images/illus-platei-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-platei.png" width="418" height="712" alt="PLATE I: GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS." title="PLATE I: GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE I:<br />GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.</span></div>
+<p>Looking northward from the church, a wall of broken
+stones, similar to the one we already noticed at the south,
+meets the eye. The <i>mesilla</i> itself terminates east and west
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">p. 45</a></span>
+in rocky ledges of inconsiderable height, and the wall stretches
+across its entire width of 39 m.&mdash;129 ft. Its distance from
+the church is 10 m.&mdash;33 ft.; and it thus forms, with the
+northern church wall, a trapezium of 10 m.&mdash;33 ft. This enclosure
+is said to have been the church-yard.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Beyond it the
+mesilla and its ruined structures appear in full view; and from
+the church to the northern end, which is also its highest point,
+it has exactly the form of an elongated pear or parsnip.
+Hence the name given to it by Spanish authors of the
+eighteenth century, "el Navon de los Pecos."<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> This fruit-like
+shape is not limited to the outline: it also extends to the
+profile. Starting from the church, there is a curved neck,
+convex to the east, and retreating in a semicircle from the
+stream on the west. At the end of this neck, about 200 m.&mdash;660
+ft.&mdash;north of the church, there is a slight depression,
+terminating in a dry stream-bed emptying into the bottom of
+the Arroyo de Pecos south-westward; and beyond this depression
+the rocks bulge up to an oblong mound, nearly
+280 m.&mdash;920 ft.&mdash;long from north to south, and at its greatest
+width 160 m.&mdash;520 ft.&mdash;from east to west. At the northern
+termination of this mound the <i>mesilla</i> curves to the north-east,
+and finally terminates in a long ledge of tumbled rocks, high
+and abrupt, which gradually merges into the ridges of sandy
+soil towards the little town of Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5, gives a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">p. 46</a></span>
+tolerably fair view of the <i>mesilla</i>. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 1, is designed
+to exhibit its appearance as seen from below, the highest
+elevation above the stream being nearly 30 m.&mdash;95 ft.</p>
+
+<p>The rock of the <i>mesilla</i> is a compact, brownish-gray limestone.
+It is crystalline, but yet fossiliferous, very hard, and
+not deteriorating much on exposure. Its strata dip perceptibly
+to the south-west; consequently the western rim is
+comparatively less jagged and rocky than the eastern, and the
+slope towards the stream more gentle, except at the north-western
+corner, where the rocks appear broken and tumbled
+down over the slopes in huge masses.</p>
+
+<p>From the church-yard wall, all along the edge of the
+<i>mesilla</i>, descending into the depression mentioned, and again
+rounding the highest northern point, then crossing over
+transversely from west to east and running back south along
+the opposite edge, there extends a wall of circumvallation,
+constructed, as far as may be seen, of rubble and broken
+stones, with occasional earth flung in between the blocks.
+This wall has, along its periphery, a total length of 983 m.&mdash;3,220
+ft.&mdash;according to Mr. Thurston's measurement.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> It
+was, as far as can be seen, 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in.&mdash;high on an
+average, and about 0.50 m.&mdash;20 in.&mdash;thick. There is but
+one entrance to it visible, on the west side, at its lowest level,
+where the depression already mentioned runs down the slope
+to the south-west as the bed of a rocky streamlet. There a
+gateway of 4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;in width is left open; the wall
+itself thickens on each side to a round tower built of stones,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">p. 47</a></span>
+mixed with earthy fillings. These towers, considerably ruined,
+are still 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in.&mdash;high, and appear to have been at
+least 4m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;in diameter; at all events the northern
+one. At the gateway itself the walls curve outward,<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> and
+appear to have terminated in a short passage of entering and
+re-entering lines, between which there was a passage, as well
+for man as for the waters from the <i>mesilla</i> into the bottom
+and the stream below. But these lines can only be surmised
+from the streaks of gravel and stones extending beyond the
+gateway, as no definite foundations are extant. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 3,
+is a tolerably correct diagram of this gateway.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 654px;">
+<a name="pIX" id="pIX" href="images/illus-plateix-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-plateix.png" width="654" height="386" alt="PLATE IX: VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST."
+title="PLATE IX: VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE IX:<br />
+VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The face of the wall at each side of the gate is 1.3 m.&mdash;4
+ft.&mdash;wide. Whether there was any contrivance to close it
+or not it is now impossible to determine; but there are in the
+northern wall of the gate pieces of decayed wood embedded
+in and protruding from the stone-work. For what purpose
+they were placed there it is not permitted even to conjecture.</p>
+
+<hr class="minor" />
+
+<p>Having thus sketched, as far as I am able, the topography
+of the <i>mesilla</i>, and described its great wall of circumvallation,
+I now turn to the ruins which cover its upper surface, starting
+for their survey from the transverse wall of the old church-yard,
+10 m.&mdash;33 ft.&mdash;north of the church, and proceeding
+thence northward along the top of the tabulated bluff.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p>
+
+<p>Sixty-one metres&mdash;200 ft.&mdash;north of our point of departure
+we strike stone foundations running about due east and
+west and resting almost directly on the rock, since the soil
+along the entire plateau which I have termed the neck is
+scarce, and has nowhere more than 1 m.&mdash;39 in.&mdash;in depth.
+The eastern corner of this wall, as far as it can be made out,
+is 12 m.&mdash;39 ft.&mdash;from the eastern wall of circumvallation.
+From this point on there extends one continuous body of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">p. 48</a></span>
+ruins, one half of which at least (the southern half), if not
+two-thirds, as the ground plan will show, exhibits nothing
+else but foundations of small chambers indicated by shapeless
+stone-heaps and depressions. The northern part is in a better
+state of preservation; a number of chambers are more or less
+perfect, the roofs excepted,<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> and we can easily detect several
+stories retreating from east to west. About 9 m.&mdash;30 ft.&mdash;from
+its northern limits a double wall intersects the pile for
+one half of its width. The ruins beyond it, or rather the
+addition, is in a state of decay equal to that of the southern
+extremity. The western side is, generally, in a better state of
+preservation than the eastern, especially the north-western
+corner. Along the eastern side upright posts of wood, protruding
+from stone-heaps, often are the only indications for
+the outline of the structure. Along the <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northwest'">north-west</ins>, however,
+such posts are enclosed in standing walls of stone, at distances
+not quite regularly distributed, but still showing plainly that
+here, at least, the outer wall presented an appearance similar
+to <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 4.</p>
+
+<p>At the place where I measured, the upright posts stood at
+about 1.39 m.&mdash;4 ft. 6 in.&mdash;from each other; the projecting
+wall was 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in.&mdash;long, and 0.63 m.&mdash;2 ft.&mdash;thick;
+the retreating wall 1.40 m.&mdash;4 ft. 6 in.&mdash;long, and 0.33 m.&mdash;13
+in.&mdash;thick. The posts themselves were sometimes, but
+not always, backed, or even encased in adobe sheaths, built
+up like little chimneys in the wall itself. This mode of construction
+was possibly peculiar to the western side alone, and
+gives it a slight appearance of ornamentation, as well as more
+strength, the projecting walls acting like buttresses.</p>
+
+<p>The whole structure, taking the sides of the <i>d&eacute;bris</i> as they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">p. 49</a></span>
+are now scattered, extends nearly north and south 140 m.&mdash;460
+ft.&mdash;and east and west about 16 m. to 26 m.&mdash;50 ft. to
+80 ft.&mdash;thus forming a rectangle of 140 m. &times; 20 m.&mdash;460
+ft. &times; 65 ft. To determine the exact size of the building I
+proceeded to measure each compartment for itself, judging
+that the total number of these apartments, adding to their
+sizes the thicknesses of the walls, would finally give, within a
+few decimetres, the exact length and width of the house. On
+the ground plan I have numbered this building B.<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>
+
+<p>Beginning at the north-west corner, I ran my line almost
+due east to within 10 m.&mdash;33 ft.&mdash;of the circumvallation,
+where I found the north-east corner indicated by a broken
+post of wood. Along this line I met the following sections
+from west to east: 2.92 m.&mdash;9 ft. 6 in.; then a gangway,
+1.55 m.&mdash;5 ft.; chamber, 3.22 m.&mdash;11 ft.; gangway, 1.21 m.&mdash;4
+ft.; and three chambers, 2.09 m., 2.72 m., and 2.72 m.&mdash;7
+ft., 9 ft., and 9 ft.&mdash;respectively, thus giving, adding to it
+eight walls of a uniform thickness of 0.33 m.&mdash;13 in.,&mdash;a total
+width of 19.07 m.&mdash;63 ft. Its length was easily found to be
+8.56 m.&mdash;28 ft.; the northern appendix, therefore, forming a
+rectangle of 8.5 m. &times; 19 m.&mdash;28 ft. &times; 63 ft.,&mdash;and containing,
+as the ground-plan shows, ten rooms and two corridors,
+the latter running through the structure from north to south.
+It will also be noticed that the two middle rooms are the
+largest, measuring each 4.28 m. &times; 3.22 m.&mdash;14 ft. &times; 10 ft.
+I must also advert, here, to the fact that this structure is
+extremely ruined, and that the east part of it exposes the
+surveyor to dangerous errors.</p>
+
+<p>The line <i>a b</i>, and its continuation eastwardly to <i>c</i>, appears
+to form the main northern wall of the whole structure.
+Here the annex, just described, terminates. This wall
+is of unequal thickness. In the north-westerly projection<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">p. 50</a></span>
+from <i>a</i> to <i>b</i>, a length of 8 m.&mdash;26 ft.,&mdash;its thickness is
+0.63 m.&mdash;2 ft.; from <i>b</i> to <i>c</i>, on the eastern line, it is only
+0.33 m.&mdash;13 in.&mdash;thick. This inequality indicates also a
+division of the structure to the southward, as far as the line
+<i>d d d</i>, into two longitudinal sections. The western one, whose
+four corners are respectively <i>a</i> <i>b</i> <i>d</i> <i>d</i> in the diagram, contains
+eighteen rooms of equal size, measuring each 3.71 m. &times; 2.25
+m.&mdash;12 ft. &times; 7 ft.; it is consequently, inclusive of the rear
+wall and the sides, 24.24 m. &times; 8.08 m.&mdash;80 ft. &times; 27 ft.
+The eastern division, comprised within the area <i>b</i> <i>c</i> <i>d</i> <i>d</i>, has
+fifteen rooms, or five longitudinal rows of three, whereas the
+western has six rows of three. The rooms east must therefore
+be larger than those west, and we see that they measure
+from east to west respectively, 2.25 m., 2.28 m., and 2.28 m.&mdash;7
+ft., 7 ft. 6 in., and 7 ft. 6 in.: from north to south, 3.60 m., 5.07
+m., 4.43 m., 4.13 m., and 3.43 m.&mdash;12 ft., 17 ft., 15 ft., 14 ft., and
+11 ft. It is a rectangle, or rather trapezium, 22.31 m. &times; 7.81
+m.&mdash;70 ft. &times; 25 ft.,&mdash;consequently the width of the building
+<i>B</i> is somewhat less on the line <i>d d d</i> than on the line <i>a b c</i>.
+The cause of this singular contraction I have found, and shall
+afterwards indicate.</p>
+
+<p>Then follows a transverse section (<i>d d d e e</i>), containing
+two rows of six rooms each, or twelve in all, of very unequal
+sizes, as the ground-plans show. This entire section appears
+to be trapezoidal. The line <i>d d d</i> is 15.89 m.&mdash;52 ft.&mdash;long;
+the line <i>e e</i> 16.33 m.&mdash;53 ft.; <i>d e</i> measures 7.42 m.&mdash;24 ft.&mdash;along
+the west, and 8.04 m.&mdash;27 ft.&mdash;along the east. Rooms
+marked <i>II</i> and <i>III</i> are particularly irregular, having, as the
+diagram shows, not less than six corners.</p>
+
+<p>From <i>e e</i> to <i>f f</i>, another transverse section, this time of four
+rows of six each, or twenty-four cells in all, those of each row
+being of equal length, to wit 3.65 m.&mdash;12 ft.; and in width
+from east to west, respectively: 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.63<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">p. 51</a></span>
+m., and 4.40 m.&mdash;7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 9 ft., and 14 ft. (the last
+measure being the aggregate of the two eastern compartments,
+the longitudinal partition being nearly obliterated).
+To the south of <i>f f</i> a further slight change occurs, inasmuch
+as the three eastern rooms, instead of being respectively 2.68
+m., 2.20 m., and 2.20 m.&mdash;9 ft., 7 ft., and 7 ft.,&mdash;now become
+2.25 m., 2.33 m., and 2.32 m.&mdash;7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. From <i>f f</i>
+to <i>g g</i>, the southern limits of the structure, the whole structure
+is badly ruined; and while the rooms can be counted,
+measurements are possible only in a few places. Still I am
+satisfied that no great error lies in the assumption that they
+were, taken longitudinally, all equal to the six rooms contained
+in the transverse row south of the line <i>f f</i>, that is,
+3.65 m.&mdash;12 ft.&mdash;from north to south; and in width, counting
+the cells from west to east, respectively, 2.25 m., 2.78 m.,
+3.18 m., 2.25 m., 2.33 m., and 2.32 m.&mdash;7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 7 ft.,
+8 ft., and 8 ft. The section, <i>f f g g</i>, which forms the southern
+and largest portion of the house (<i>B</i>), contains, therefore,
+twenty-two transverse rows of six chambers each, or
+one hundred and thirty-two apartments on the ground-plan;
+and it forms a rectangle running from north to south and
+east to west respectively of 80.30 m. &times; 15.11 m.&mdash;260 ft. &times;
+50 ft.</p>
+
+<p>The general dimensions of this building (<i>B</i>), therefore
+appear as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building B dimensions">
+ <col style="width:85%;" /><col style="width:15%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Length from north to south, east side</td>
+ <td class="rj">133.81 m.&mdash;440 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Length</ins>"<ins class="blank">from nort</ins>"<ins class="blank"> to south,</ins> west side</td>
+ <td class="rj">134.92 m.&mdash;442 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Width of northern appendix</td>
+ <td class="rj">19.07 m.&mdash;&nbsp;63 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Width along line <i>a b c</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">19.07 m.&mdash;&nbsp;63 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Wi</ins>"<ins class="blank">th along</ins>"<ins class="blank"> line </ins><i>d d d</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">15.89 m.&mdash;&nbsp;52 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Wi</ins>"<ins class="blank">th along</ins>"<ins class="blank"> line </ins><i>e e</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">16.33 m.&mdash;&nbsp;53 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Wi</ins>"<ins class="blank">th along</ins>"<ins class="blank"> line </ins><i>f f</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">15.24 m.&mdash;&nbsp;50 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Width of line <i>g g</i>, approximated</td>
+ <td class="rj">15.70 m.&mdash;&nbsp;51 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="pn">
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">p. 52</a></span></p>
+
+<p>From the appearance of the ground-plan, as I have been
+compelled to give it, it would result that the "first floor"
+contained two hundred and eleven cells, or rooms. Such is,
+however, not the case. The builders of this extensive fabric
+had not the means of preparing the hard rock foundation by
+removing it wherever it protruded over an average level.
+While giving a uniform height to their structure, they accommodated
+its ground-plan to the sinuosities of the rock. Out
+of this accommodation the irregularities noticed in the construction
+have mainly arisen. <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Figs. 1, 2, 3, will illustrate
+this statement.</p>
+
+<p><a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 1.&mdash;Cross-section of <i>B</i> along the line a b c,
+north end; <i>a b</i>, actually visible top-line; <i>c d e f g h</i>, rock;
+<i>i k</i>, top of probable highest story, now destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>I have every reason to assume that this cross-section holds
+good for the entire division (<i>a b c d d</i>). From <i>d d</i> on to <i>f f</i>
+the distance between the rim of the <i>mesilla</i> to the east and
+the house is greatest; the top-rock bends also to the west
+about <i>e e</i>, and there the irregularities noticed on the diagram
+about the chambers (<i>II</i> and <i>III</i>) come in. They evidently
+result from an effort to conform the general plan to both the
+lateral and vertical deviations of its base. About the line <i>f f</i>,
+while the same number of chambers (six) remains in every
+transverse row, there is but one story below the general surface
+to the east. I may safely assume that south of the line
+<i>f f</i> all the rooms of the first floor were on the same level.
+<a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Figs. 2 and 3 will illustrate this point. As far as I
+could detect, the line <i>e e</i> can be admitted as the one where one
+of the two lower stories disappears, and but one remains on
+the east side lower than the rest.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 414px;">
+<a name="pII" id="pII" href="images/illus-plateii-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-plateii.png" width="414" height="711"
+alt="PLATE II: PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." title="PLATE II: PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE II:<br />
+PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>I have everywhere assumed <i>four</i> stories. It is at least certain
+that there were not less than four. When Coronado
+visited the pueblo in 1540, he found "the houses with four
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">p. 53</a></span>
+stories."<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Sr. Mariano Ruiz told me that "they all were
+of three stories;" but then he mentioned, below, the
+"casas de comodidad," thus indicating that the lowest story
+was used for store-rooms. It is very apparent from the ruins
+that, as I have indicated in the cross-sections, the western
+wall was unbroken, whereas from the east the stories rose in
+four retreating terraces. The western wall already mentioned
+was given additional strength, by means of the buttresses, of
+which I have given a small outline. The winds blow very
+fiercely over the <i>mesilla</i>, especially from the <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northwest'">north-west</ins>; there
+is no tree to be seen on or about it, not even a cedar-bush,
+higher than a couple of feet at most. Against such blasts
+the solid wall was necessary, while the many intersecting partitions
+inside gave additional strength. It was a very solid
+structure as against winds, notwithstanding the comparative
+thinness of the walls,&mdash;0.63 m.&mdash;2 ft.&mdash;being their greatest
+width, and 0.33 m.&mdash;13 in.&mdash;their average.</p>
+
+<p>With reference to the cross-sections, it now becomes possible
+to approximate the total number of chambers, apartments,
+or cells, contained in the entire building; a point
+impossible even to estimate from the ground-plan alone.</p>
+
+<p>Leaving aside the northern appendix, about whose elevation
+I have not even means of conjecture, it becomes evident that
+the section whose four corners are marked respectively <i>a</i>, <i>c</i>,
+<i>d</i>, <i>d</i>, had the following number of compartments, starting with
+the lowest story, and remembering that, as above stated, one
+longitudinal row had six, and the other five, rooms:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building B rooms">
+ <col style="width:85%;" /><col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:10%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Lowest story</td>
+ <td class="rj">5</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Second story</td>
+ <td class="rj">5</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Third story. 3 &times; 6 + 5</td>
+ <td class="rj">23</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">Fourth story. 3 &times; 6</td>
+ <td class="rj">18</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><span style="margin-left: 4em">Total</span></td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">51</td>
+ <td class="lj">rooms.</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">p. 54</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+<table class="BldgBRooms" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" style="margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:1em">
+ <tr>
+<td class="ljw"><i>Brought forward</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">51 rooms.</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<table class="BldgBRooms" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Building B rooms">
+ <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:80%;" /> <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:5%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">The section</td>
+ <td class="ljw"><i>d d e e</i> had probably the same arrangement, and therefore, there being but two transverse rows, it contained in all</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="ljb">18</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">Section</td>
+ <td class="lj"><i>e e f f</i> contained on lower story</td>
+ <td class="rj">4</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Second Story. 5 &times; 4</td>
+ <td class="rj">20</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Third Story. 4 &times; 4</td>
+ <td class="rj">6</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Fourth Story. 3 &times; 4</td>
+ <td class="rj">12</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">52</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">Section</td>
+ <td class="lj"><i>f f g g</i>:&mdash;</td>
+ <td class="rj">4</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Lower Story. 22 &times; 6</td>
+ <td class="rj">132</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Second Story. 22 &times; 5</td>
+ <td class="rj">110</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Third Story. 22 &times; 4</td>
+ <td class="rj">88</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Fourth Story. 22 &times; 3</td>
+ <td class="rj">66</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">396</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljw" colspan="3">Total number of rooms contained in building <i>B</i></td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">517</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>These rooms are very nearly of equal size, the largest one
+being <i>III.</i> 2.85 m. &times; 4.78 m.&mdash;9 ft. &times; 16 ft.&mdash;on one side, and
+3.71 m.&mdash;12 ft-on the other, with an entering angle; the smallest
+room adjoining to it measuring 2.25 m. &times; 2.70 m.&mdash;7 ft. &times;
+9 ft. The entire structure, therefore, presents the appearance
+of a honeycomb, or rather of a bee-hive, and perfectly illustrates,
+among the lower degrees of culture of mankind, the
+prevailing principle of communism in living, which finds its
+parallel in the lower classes of animals. Tradition, historical
+relation, and analogy, tell us that this house was used as a
+dwelling,<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> and that consequently it was, to all intents and purposes,
+a communal house.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">p. 55</a></span></p>
+<p>The height of the various stories it is almost impossible to
+determine. I have measured walls which appeared to be
+perfect, and they gave me an average of 2.28 m.&mdash;7 ft. 6 in.&mdash;elevation.
+Should such be the rule, the western wall of the
+building, at its greatest height south, would have risen about
+11 m.&mdash;36 ft.</p>
+
+<p>The northern appendix I have ignored in the above computation,
+because its whole appearance gives no ground for
+definitive statements. It seems really to be an annex, and in
+fact the whole building seems to have progressed, in its construction,
+from south to north, in point of date and time.</p>
+
+<p>The southern portion of the building&mdash;the one which appears
+to have been erected on a plane surface&mdash;was, in all
+probability, the one first built. The northern portions were
+added to it gradually as occasion required. This is further
+shown by the fact that in these northern sections, along the
+line <i>a, b, c</i>, parts of the third story wall are patched with
+regular adobe bricks, about half as large as those in the church,
+but still made by the same process.<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> The rest of the structure
+is exclusively composed of stone.</p>
+
+<p>It is to all intents and purposes a stone house. Two kinds of
+rocks predominate among the material; a slaty, gray and red,
+sandstone,&mdash;highly tabular, easily broken into plates of any
+size,&mdash;and a sandstone conglomerate, containing small pebbles
+from the size of a pea up to that of a small hazel-nut,&mdash;the
+whole rock of a gray color. When freshly broken or wetted,
+this conglomerate becomes very friable, and so soft that goats
+have left the impression of their feet on scattered fragments.
+When dry it becomes hard, and is always very heavy. Both
+kind of rocks are found in the vicinity of the <i>mesilla</i>. Besides<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">p. 56</a></span>
+these, loose pieces of stone from the bluff itself, boulders from
+the creek, of convenient size, enter into the composition of the
+walls. Sometimes the latter consist exclusively of slabs of
+sandstone superposed; again there are polygonal fragments of
+rocks piled upon one another, with courses of tabular sandstone,
+forming, so to say, the basis for further piling; the foundations
+are usually boulders and the hardest rocks, also of greater
+width. There are no walls of dressed stone, but the rocks
+are broken to a suitable size, as may be done with any stone
+maul or sledge, or even by smashing with the hand and another
+rock. In fact the whole <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'stonework'">stone-work</ins> must be termed, not
+masonry, but simply judicious and careful piling.<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> In performing
+it, great attention has been paid to having the vertical
+surfaces as nearly as possible vertical; but this end could be
+reached without the use of the plumb-line, and with the aid
+of mere ordinary eyesight, for the rooms are so small, and the
+partitions so thin, that anything not "true" could, and can
+yet be, "shoved" into position by a mere steady, slow push;
+carefully watched on the opposite side. The same applies to
+the angles, although they are tolerably accurate. As a general
+thing, the transverse walls appear to be continuous, and
+the longitudinal partitions to have been added afterwards, but
+there are also instances of the contrary. In this respect the
+sinuosities of the rocky foundation seem to have determined
+the mode of action. To fill up the gaps between the stones,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">p. 57</a></span>
+and to coat them with a smooth surface within the chambers
+what appears to be earth from the surrounding bottoms has
+been flung into the crevices, thus forming a natural mortar,
+and at the same time a "first coat" of plaster of varying
+thickness. This in turn is covered with a thin white layer
+(now of course turning into gray, yellow, and flesh-red) much
+resembling our plaster, but whose composition I am unable to
+determine. (Specimens of the mud, containing small gravel
+and minute particles of mica, are sent with the other collections,
+also fragments of the white coating for analysis.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>)</p>
+
+
+<p>The woodwork proper appears not to have had any connection
+with the strength or support of the walls, but simply
+to have been erected within and among the walls as a scaffold
+for the ceilings, which are also the floors of the higher
+stories. Upright posts of cedar and pine, stripped of their
+bark, but not squared, are, as I have already shown, set inside
+of the stone wall, at more or less even distances. As far as I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">p. 58</a></span>
+could ascertain, these distances are regulated by the size of
+the rooms. These posts are coarsely hacked off at the upper
+end, and over them other similar beams are laid longitudinally,
+sometimes fitted over the posts with chips wedged in. Such
+is the case in a room in the northern wing of the building
+marked <i>A</i>, of which I shall hereafter speak.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>
+
+
+<p>On these longitudinal beams other ones rest, laid transversely,
+and imbedded in the wall on the opposite side. On
+these again longitudinal poles are placed, also at intervals
+varying according to the dimensions of the chambers, and on
+them transversely, a layer of brush, or splinters of wood,
+closely overlapping each other; and the whole is capped by
+about .20 m.&mdash;8 in.&mdash;of common clay or soil. <a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 1,
+is a front view of the wooden scaffold in a lower story room,
+and of the ceiling which it supports.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>a</i>, clay and lower seam of brush or splinters.</p>
+<p class="indent"><i>b</i>, transverse poles or beams, in case the beams are lacking.</p>
+<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, longitudinal beam.</p>
+<p class="indent"><i>d</i>, upright posts.</p>
+
+<p>In most cases, however, the beams are transverse and the
+poles longitudinal, and this is where the beam (<i>c</i>) is lacking,
+as in the interior apartments, where the ceiling appears as in
+<a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 2: <i>a</i>, clay; <i>b</i>, brush or splinters; <i>c</i>, poles;
+<i>d</i>, beams; <i>e</i>, wall.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
+
+<p>The diameter of the upright posts is, on an average, 0.28 m.&mdash;11
+in.,&mdash;but even sometimes as great as 0.33 m.&mdash;13 in.,&mdash;the
+longitudinal and transverse beams are scarcely less thick,
+whereas the poles are about 0.05 m.&mdash;2 in.&mdash;across. The
+splinters seem to have been obtained by splitting a middle-sized
+tree, and tearing out thin segments.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 396px;">
+<a name="pIII" id="pIII" href="images/illus-plateiii-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-plateiii.png" width="396" height="700" alt="PLATE III: SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." title="PLATE III: SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE III:<br />SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</span>
+</div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">p. 59</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 4, is a ground plan of the floor of room marked
+<i>I</i> on the diagram. This room is on the eastern row of the
+third floor, therefore an outer room.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, longitudinal poles.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>d</i>, the end of the transverse beams projecting from the
+other room.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>e</i>, the transverse beams, resting in the wall on both sides.</p>
+
+<p>On the latter rested a thin layer of brush and a compact
+mass of clay, 0.20 m.&mdash;8 in.&mdash;thick. The clay, or rather
+soil, is very hard and was probably stamped or pounded.</p>
+
+<p>As far as I have been able to detect, the upright posts are
+not found inside of the house, except, perhaps, on the rear
+wall of the outer chamber, as in one room of building <i>A</i>, to
+which I shall hereafter refer. If this is the room, then the
+skeleton of the wood-work (upright and transverse posts and
+beams) would present nearly the appearance shown in Pl.
+III., Fig. 3, when viewed from the side, and admitting the
+house to be four stories high.</p>
+
+<p><i>a</i>, horizontal beams.</p>
+
+<p><i>b</i>, upright posts, along the western wall, and in the three upper
+stories. These posts are hypothetical, and therefore only
+indicated by dotted lines. (It may be also that every cell had
+its front and its rear posts, but I have not been able to detect
+any except in the outer rooms.)</p>
+
+<p>With the exception of one chamber in building <i>A</i>, I
+nowhere met anything like a roof. This one appears to
+be nothing else than a ceiling-floor, but of nearly 0.75 m.&mdash;2
+ft. 6 in.&mdash;in thickness. It is, as <a href="#pVIII">Pl. VIII.</a> shows, much
+covered by fallen stones, and its original height may have
+been increased by <i>d&eacute;bris</i>; but at all events it was thoroughly
+impermeable, and such as would be required in a climate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">p. 60</a></span>
+where, indeed, it seldom rains, but "whenever it rains it
+pours."</p>
+
+<p>There is a certain air of sameness cast over the entire structure
+which has strongly impressed me with the thought that
+not only was it used as a dwelling for a large number (as
+the reports, indeed, establish), but also that all its inhabitants
+lived on an equal footing,&mdash;as far as accommodations for living
+were concerned. There are no special quarters, no spacious
+halls. The few rooms of somewhat larger size are naturally
+explained by the mode of construction, adapting the house to
+the configuration of the rock, and not conversely as we do.
+It was, therefore, a large joint-tenement structure, harboring,
+perhaps, when fully occupied, several hundreds of families.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to ingress and egress, not only have I found no
+doors in any fragments of exterior walls, but the many persons
+I have asked have always assured me that there had
+been none, that the house was entered by means of ladders,
+ascending to the top of each story in succession, and descending
+into the rooms also by ladders and through trap-doors in
+the roofs. They have also assured me that each room of each
+story communicated with the one above and below, also by
+means of trap-doors and ladders. It is quite certain that
+there are no staircases nor steps, and that consequently ladders
+were used, in the same manner as they are still used by
+the Indians of the pueblos of Zu&ntilde;i, Moqui, Acoma, Taos, and
+others. Ingress and egress, therefore, must have taken place,
+not horizontally "in and out," but vertically "up and down."
+I have not been able to identify any one of the trap-doors referred
+to, but I should not be surprised to hear that they have
+been subsequently found in the north-west corner of each
+room. By referring to the diagram of the floor (<a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>,
+Fig. 4), it will be seen that the rectangular spaces between the
+beams and overlying poles are almost everywhere large<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">p. 61</a></span>
+enough, if the superstructure of splinters (or brush) and clay
+is removed, to give passage to any man. The ladders themselves
+have completely disappeared.</p>
+
+<p>On one and the same floor, I found in the side walls at a
+few places, the remains of low and narrow openings through
+which a man might pass in a stooping position and "sidling."
+Nowhere could I see the full height of these small doorways,
+so that I do not know whether there was a lintel, or whether
+they terminated in an open angle, like the doorways of
+Yucatan. I have seen openings showing the peculiar so-called
+"aboriginal arch" of Yucatan on a small scale, and I
+also have seen that an accidental "knocking-out" of one or
+two stones from the walls produced a hole or gap very similar
+in shape to the doorways at Uxmal and other pueblos of
+Southern Mexico, though of course on a small scale. It is
+self-evident that, the coincidence being accidental, I do not
+place any stress upon it in view of "tracing relationships."
+The coincidence is of ethnological, and not of ethnographical,
+value. As far as I could ascertain, they were certainly 1 m.&mdash;3
+ft. 3 in.&mdash;high, whereas their average width may have
+been 0.45 m.&mdash;18 in. (Those I measured averaged between
+0.42 m. and 0.48 m.&mdash;16 in. and 19 in.) Their appearance is
+shown in <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 5.</p>
+
+<p><i>a</i> is what might be termed a door-sill, a smooth oval
+stone, evidently from the drift, probably dioritic, at all events
+a dark-green hornblende rock. In the present instance one
+was not long enough to fill the gap left between the walls, and
+two were superposed. I saw no traces of wooden lintels or
+sills. These doorways appeared to be generally about
+0.50 m.&mdash;20 in.&mdash;above the floor, but if we deduct 0.20 m.&mdash;8
+in.&mdash;for the clay (measure having been taken from the
+timbers), 0.30 m.&mdash;12 in.&mdash;will remain as their approximate
+height over the chambers.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">p. 62</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The few doors that I could observe are all in the longitudinal
+walls, and none of them in the transverse; that is, they
+all open from east to west. But not all the longitudinal partitions
+have doorways. It cannot, therefore, be admitted that
+every transverse row was occupied by one family, still less that
+the family apartments were arranged longitudinally. I rather
+suspect that this arrangement was vertical, or perhaps vertical
+and transverse. This surmise is given, however, for what it
+may be worth. Windows I could not find, although small
+apertures undoubtedly existed in all the outer walls, both for
+light and for air.</p>
+
+<p>The chambers being all very much ruined, the lower ones
+filled with the stones and decayed ruins of the superposed
+stories,&mdash;of these stories themselves but part of the walls, denuded
+and often twisted, remaining,&mdash;I have not been able,
+with one single exception, to secure or even see any of what
+we would call the "furniture." Small fragments of grinding-stones
+(<i>metates</i>) are sparsely scattered over the entire ruins,
+otherwise the only object of daily use as articles of furniture
+met with by me has been a hearth, which I found or dug out
+<i>in situ</i>, in room <i>I</i>, and which, complete, forms part of the
+collections sent by me to Cambridge.</p>
+
+<p>The place where this hearth was situated is marked on the
+diagram in room <i>I</i>. It stood on the floor against the north
+wall, and is composed of three plates of stone, originally
+ground and polished (as the specimen found in building A
+will show, which is a fragment only), and, judging from new
+fragments found, of diorite or other hornblende rock. There
+are three plates,&mdash;a basal one, 40 m.&mdash;16 in.&mdash;long and
+20 m.&mdash;8 in.&mdash;wide, and two sides, placed vertically east and
+west of the base,&mdash;all three resting against the north wall of
+the room. <a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 4, is a diagram of the room, the floor
+timbers, and the hearth.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">p. 63</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The basal plate was covered with 0.10 m.&mdash;4 in.&mdash;of very
+white ashes, which I have also secured, and the rear of the
+hearth, which is formed by the original "first coat" of earth
+daubed over the wall, is thoroughly baked by the heat produced
+in front of it, as the samples sent will show.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of course, I looked at once for an opening where the smoke
+arising from the hearth, etc., could have escaped. I am sorry
+to say, however, that I utterly failed in finding anything like
+a chimney,&mdash;not only in <i>B</i>, but in all the other buildings.
+Still, in the ruined condition of the place, this is no proof of
+their non-existence.<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p>
+
+<p>I will refer to subsequent pages to such articles of mechanical
+use and of wearing apparel which I was fortunate
+enough to meet. I shall also return hereafter to the almost
+omnipresent pieces of painted pottery, of two distinct kinds,
+and to the very numerous chips of obsidian, jet-black on the
+face, but transparent as smoky glass; of black lava; and to the
+flint, jasper, and moss-agates, broken mechanically by man,
+and scattered over the premises. These premises have been
+thoroughly ransacked by visitors, and every striking object
+has already been carried off. I had heard mentioned, among
+such samples, flint, agate, and obsidian arrow-heads, stone
+hatchets and hammers, and copper (not brass or iron) rings
+used for ornamental purposes,<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> but my luck it was not to find<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">p. 64</a></span>
+any. Therefore the harvest is perhaps slim in that respect.
+It is beyond all doubt that judicious digging among the lower
+stories of the structures will reveal treasures,&mdash;not money, as
+the tale current among the inhabitants has it, but things of
+arch&aelig;ological and ethnological value. For such an undertaking
+I was, as the Institute well knows, not prepared. I attempted
+to dig, indeed, though quite alone, but soon came to
+the conclusion that the time consumed in excavating one metre
+of decayed and crumbling stones and earth would be more
+satisfactorily employed in other directions; paving the way
+for the exhaustive labors of better situated arch&aelig;ologists.</p>
+
+<p>I have been very lengthy in my <i>expos&eacute;</i> of facts and data
+regarding this particular house <i>B</i>, for the simple reason that,
+as far as the principles of architecture, based upon a knowledge
+and want of "how to live," are concerned, it is typical
+of the rest. Many details become therefore unnecessary in
+subsequent descriptions.</p>
+
+<p>To return to the structure itself, its general plan and its mode
+of construction in detail more and more forcibly remind me of
+an extraordinarily large honeycomb. The various walls, a few
+of the outer walls excepted, have little strength in themselves
+(as the rapid decay shows), but combined altogether they oppose
+to any outside pressure an immense amount of "inertia."
+There is not in the whole building one single evidence of any
+great progress in mechanics. Everything done and built with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">p. 65</a></span>in
+it can be built and made with the use of a good or fair eyesight
+only, and the implements and arts of what was formerly
+called the "stone age." This does not exclude the possibility
+that they had made a certain advance in mechanical agencies.
+They may have had the plummet, or even the square; but
+such expedients, applied to their system of building, might at
+most have hastened the rapidity of construction. Necessary
+they were not at all, still less indispensable. As the bee builds
+one cell alongside of the other and above the other,&mdash;the
+norm of one and the "habitat" impelling the norm of those
+above and alongside,&mdash;so the Indians of Pecos aggregated
+their cells according to their wants and the increase of their
+numbers; their inside accommodations, the wood-work, bearing
+the last trace of the frail "lodge" of a former shifting
+condition.</p>
+
+<p>Leaving <i>B</i> for the present, I turn to the other ruins on the
+so-called "neck" of the <i>mesilla</i>.</p>
+
+<p>4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;west of the N.W. corner of the northern annex,
+I struck stone foundations indicating a structure (whether
+enclosure or building I do not venture to tell) 10.21 m.&mdash;33
+ft.&mdash;from E. to W., and 6.60 m.&mdash;22 ft.&mdash;from N. to S.<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>, 49
+m.&mdash;160 ft.&mdash;to the north-west of its north-easterly angle
+there is a mound about 2 m. or 6 ft. in diameter, thence 20
+m.&mdash;65 ft.&mdash;further N.W. or N.N.W. the southern ruins of
+the east wing of <i>A</i> are reached.</p>
+
+<p>Parallel to <i>B</i>, longitudinally, and at an average distance of
+28 m.&mdash;90 ft&mdash;to the west from it, there is a row of detached
+buildings or structures, of which only the foundations and
+shapeless stone heaps indicating the corners remain. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>,
+Fig. 8, conveys an idea of their position and size. The walls
+are reduced to mere foundations, or to heaps in the corners;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">p. 66</a></span>
+but these remnants indicate that the rocks used were similar
+in kind and shape to those composing the walls of all the
+other kinds of construction in the <i>mesilla</i> north of the church.</p>
+
+<p>For what purpose these buildings were erected, and in what
+relation they stood to <i>B</i>, I am unable to determine. Some of
+them appeared to have doors opening to the east.<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> Beyond
+<i>f</i> the ground rises suddenly. The floor of those structures
+is, in some instances, formed of a black or red loam. I excavated
+one of those, or, rather, dug into it, to the depth of
+one metre. The surface had shown traces of a fire built in
+the centre, and I found also, at the depth of nearly two feet,
+that the dark soil was traversed by a band of charcoal, fragments
+of burnt and blackened pottery, and some splinters of
+bone. Below it the soil was dark red. Whether there was
+a buried hearth at that depth, or whether the traces of fire
+were due to an original destruction of woodwork through
+combustion, the <i>d&eacute;bris</i> subsequently covering them with clay,
+I am unable to judge.<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> In all of them, of course, pottery
+and obsidian were found.</p>
+
+<p>I have already stated that the <i>mesilla</i> dips to the south-west;
+that there is a depression along the northern end of its
+"neck;" and that from <i>f</i> the rocks bulge upwards again. All
+this contributes to concentrate the drainage of the entire cliff-top,
+as far north of the church as it was inhabited, in the hollow
+where the gate of the general enclosure is placed. This
+gate was therefore not only a passage-way, but also the water-gap
+or channel through which the <i>mesilla</i> was finally drained
+into the bottoms of the Arroyo de Pecos.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 419px;">
+<a name="pIV" id="pIV" href="images/illus-plateiv-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-plateiv.png" width="419" height="714" alt="PLATE IV: PLAN OF BUILDING A." title="PLATE IV: PLAN OF BUILDING A." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE IV:<br />PLAN OF BUILDING A.</span>
+</div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">p. 67</a></span></p>
+
+<p>20 m.&mdash;65 ft.&mdash;to the N.N.W. of the mound i, there rises
+before us the huge pile of ruins which, on the plat as well as
+on the diagram, I have designated by <i>A</i>. It crowns the highest
+point of the entire <i>mesilla</i>, and covers the greatest portion
+of its top. In ruins like <i>B</i>, its general aspect is yet somewhat
+different Instead of forming, like the latter, a narrow, solid
+rectangle of 140 m. &times; 20 m.&mdash;460 ft. &times; 65 ft.&mdash;, the building
+<i>A</i> is (taking, of course, the outlines of the entire <i>d&eacute;bris</i>) a
+broad hollow rectangle of 150 m. &times; 75 m.&mdash;490 ft. &times; 245 ft.
+Its interior is occupied by a vast court or square, containing
+three circular depressions, and surrounded on all four sides by
+the broad ruined heaps of the former dwellings. On the east
+side, between the circumvallation and the eastern line of the
+structure, there are two more circular depressions similar to
+those within the court. The latter is entered by four passageways,&mdash;one
+on the S.E. corner, 4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;wide and about
+12 m.&mdash;40 ft.&mdash;long from S. to N.; one through the eastern
+wing, 3.40 m.&mdash;11 ft.&mdash;wide and about 14 m.&mdash;46 ft.&mdash;long
+from E. to W.; one in the N.W. corner and another from the
+S.W., both 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in.&mdash;across. I have designated these
+four gateways respectively as <i>R</i>, <i>E</i>, <i>G</i>, and <i>N</i>. <i>R</i> and <i>E</i> enter
+straight through the wall; <i>G</i> forms a semicircle almost from
+W. through N. to S.; <i>N</i> describes a right angle from S. by N.
+to E. The distribution of decay in this house is the same as
+in <i>B</i>,&mdash;the southern parts are on all sides almost totally obliterated;
+the N.W. corner is very nearly perfect; the northern
+and western walls are tolerably fairly preserved; but the
+eastern outline of the east wing, the southern outline of the
+south wing, and the southern ends of both east and west have
+almost completely disappeared under hills of rubbish, a few
+posts alone assisting the explorer. The path of destruction
+has in both buildings lain in the same direction,&mdash;from S.S.E.
+to N.N.W.,&mdash;and across both its effects have decreased from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">p. 68</a></span>
+south to north. Still, while the similarity in that respect is
+astonishing, and while there are apparently more walls in <i>A</i>
+standing than in <i>B</i>, there is, owing to the very uneven surface
+of the rock upon which it is built, much more confusion among
+the ruins of the former than among those of the latter. <i>B</i> is
+built on a gradual slope or ridge; <i>A</i> caps a generally convex
+surface, scooped out in the middle, and sloping eastward.<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>
+Hence comes the division of the whole structure into four separate
+and distinct buildings, and hence, also, the complicated
+manner in which the whole or each part is ruined, even walls
+still standing being twisted out of shape and out of position.
+Actual measurements were much less efficacious here than in
+<i>B</i>; and, although I have worked with not less zeal and conscientiousness,
+the result in neatness and precision is certainly
+less satisfactory. This explanation will, I hope, induce subsequent
+explorers to look up my inaccuracies and correct them.</p>
+
+<p>It is needless, of course, to detail the methods of work.
+They are on a larger scale, and in more tedious ways, a repetition
+of the proceedings in the case of <i>B</i>. The results are as
+follows, starting from the line <i>f f</i> northwards: The space comprised
+between the corners (<i>e</i>, <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, <i>f</i>) forms a rectangle, containing
+18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms each. These rows
+are all on the same level, except the most easterly one,
+which lies on the slope. The cells, as far as measured and
+still measurable, appear to be of the same size in length, namely,
+2.87 m.&mdash;9 ft. 6 in.,&mdash;and their widths are respectively from
+W. to E., or 2.83 m., 2.00 m., 3.14 m., 2.70 m., 2.53 m., and
+2.53 m.&mdash;9 ft., 6 ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 9 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The whole
+area is therefore 51.66 m. &times; 15.73 m.&mdash;170 ft. &times; 51 ft. Still,
+I believe that a sensible narrowing (possibly of nearly 2.0 m.&mdash;6
+ft. 6 in.&mdash;) may have taken place up to <i>ee</i>; but this is com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">p. 69</a></span>pensated
+by the strengthening of the corners, which there are
+rounded outwards, so that the line <i>e e</i> presents about the same
+length as <i>f f</i>. Thereupon follows the open passage <i>E</i>, which
+is 3.40 m.&mdash;11 ft. wide, and north of it a rectangle of 3 longitudinal
+rows of 3 apartments, <i>two</i> of which rows are on the
+eastern slope. The width of the rooms appears to be the same
+as that in the former section, whereas their length from N. to
+S. is respectively 6.10 m., 4.27 m., and 5.44 m.&mdash;20 ft., 14 ft.,
+and 18 ft. It is therefore a rectangle of 15.81 m. &times; 15.73 m.&mdash;51
+ft. &times; 51 ft. North of it is an open space marked C, 3.13 m.&mdash;10
+ft.&mdash;wide, in which I could detect no longitudinal partition,
+except one closing its western outlet towards the court.
+I have therefore left it an open question, and marked it as an
+alley or corridor. It may yet prove to have contained six
+rooms on the ground; but, as this is uncertain, the rooms that
+may have existed are not included in the computation of cells.
+North of the line <i>b b</i> begins the section <i>a B b b</i>, which is very
+badly ruined. This forms also the north-east angle of the
+whole building, and whose northern line (<i>a B</i>) shows the
+partitions of six chambers, each 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in. wide, each one
+indicating a longitudinal row of 4 rooms, respectively 2.83 m.&mdash;9
+ft.&mdash;each from N. to S. It would indicate a rectangle of
+11.32 m. &times; 12.00 m.&mdash;37 ft. &times; 40 ft. Of its six rows of
+rooms, three are on the slope.</p>
+
+<p>From <i>a</i> to A extends the main northern wall of the structure.
+It is very strong, .78 m.&mdash;2 ft. 6 in.&mdash;wide, and constructed
+as follows, <a href="#pV">Pl. V.</a>, Fig. IX.:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>a</i>, the outer wall, is 0.33 m.&mdash;13 in.&mdash;wide.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>b</i>, filling of mud, is 0.17 m.&mdash;6 in.&mdash;wide (this filling is
+both earth and gravel).</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, inner wall, is 0.28 m.&mdash;11 in.&mdash;wide.</p>
+
+<p>The width of the inner wall being the average thickness of all
+the other walls in the whole house, the suggestion is not improbable
+that it was built first, and the outer one, which is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">p. 70</a></span>
+made of larger stones, added subsequently for additional
+strength, and the interstice filled up as the work rose.</p>
+
+<p>The line <i>a A</i> is 17.28 m.&mdash;56 ft.&mdash;long. From <i>A</i> it runs
+down to the south for 8.10 m.&mdash;27 ft.&mdash;, thence east, 17.28 m.&mdash;56
+ft.&mdash;, to connect with the north-east corner of the eastern
+wing. It thus forms an aisle, and at the same time closes the
+court to the north. A rectangle of 8.10 m. &times; 17.28&mdash;27 ft.
+&times; 56 ft.&mdash;consists of 4 longitudinal sections of 3 rooms each,
+which, while their length is uniformly 2.70 m.&mdash;9 ft.&mdash;(from
+N. to S.), have widths from W. to E. of 5.46 m., 3.18 m., and
+3.62 m.&mdash;18 ft., 10 ft., and 12 ft. All the rooms are on the same
+level, and they are the largest and best preserved of any in the
+entire area of ruins. Room <i>I</i> has even an unimpaired roof.</p>
+
+<p>The north wall of <i>a A</i> stands out boldly on the highest crest
+of the <i>mesilla</i>. Below it northwards, a small hill of stones,
+from which timbers occasionally protrude, forms a tumbled
+and confused slope of inextricable ruin; and beyond this
+slope there extend the foundations of walls on the level <i>mesilla</i>
+up to 10 m.&mdash;33 ft.&mdash;from the northern transverse part of the
+general circumvallation, which there is 45 m.&mdash;148 ft.&mdash;from
+<i>a A</i>, and 30 m.&mdash;100 ft.&mdash;long from W. to E. It thus appears
+that the building <i>A</i> had its northern annex as well as
+the house <i>B</i>. To this annex I shall hereafter return.</p>
+
+<p>West of line <i>A n</i> there runs alongside of it the interesting gateway
+<i>G</i>, 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in.&mdash;wide, its bottom somewhat higher
+than the floor of the adjoining rooms,<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> and forming, as before
+stated, the north-westerly entrance to the great inner court. It
+is perfectly straight on the east as far as <i>r</i>; but then a heavy
+bank of stones and gravel starts out like a lower continuation of
+the wall <i>a A</i>, and winds down, curving, till close to the western
+circumvallation on the edge of the <i>mesilla</i>. It thus forms a
+northern embankment to the gateway. Almost parallel to it, on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">p. 71</a></span>
+the opposite side of <i>n r</i>, the conical mound or tower H constitutes
+the western and southern wall of the passage <i>G</i>. This
+passage is therefore nearly semicircular. It is level from <i>n</i> to <i>r</i>,
+and thence descends steeply towards the edge of the <i>mesilla</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 701px;">
+<a name="pX" id="pX" href="images/illus-platex-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-platex.png" width="701" height="437" alt="PLATE X: VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH." title="PLATE X: VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE X:<br />VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>The mound <i>H</i> describes about two-thirds of a circle. Its
+base at the south is 6 m.&mdash;20 ft.&mdash;from E. to W.; its diameter,
+6.85 m.&mdash;23 ft; its actual height, about 1.5 m.&mdash;5 ft. It
+is conical, and appears to be a round heap of earth and rocks
+encased with neat and judicious piling of well-selected stones.
+This naturally gave the stone-work a slanting surface; the
+higher it reaches, however, the more it becomes vertical, until
+at last it juts out above the surface of the mound like a circular
+breastwork, or a hollow round tower on a conical base. I refer
+to <a href="#pX">Pl. X.</a> for an excellent view of its vertical aspect and structure.
+This mound, or tower, while it commands an extensive view to
+the west, north, and even north-east, is also the most northerly
+"spur" of the western wing of the great house <i>A</i>. This wing
+extends in an unbroken length of 62 m.&mdash;203 ft.&mdash;from the
+base line of <i>H</i> to the entrance <i>N</i>, and is divided into 3 transverse
+sections, all connected, and all having 3 longitudinal rows
+of rooms or cells. The width of each cell is the same in every
+section, to wit, from E. to W. 2.58 m., 2.58 m., and 3.22 m.&mdash;8
+ft. 6 in., 8 ft. 6 in., and 10 ft. 6 in., respectively.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">Section <i>k l l m</i> has 3 &times; 5 apartments; in length from N. to
+S., 2.51 m., 3.86 m., 2.35 m., 3.71 m., and 3.72 m.&mdash;8 ft., 13 ft.,
+8 ft., 12 ft., and 12 ft. It was therefore 16.15 m. &times; 8.38 m.&mdash;53
+ft. &times; 27 ft. Probably all the ground-floor cells were on
+the same level.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">Section <i>l l h h</i> has 3 &times; 12 apartments, each 2.53 m.&mdash;8 ft.&mdash;long.
+Consequently, it was a rectangle of 30.36 m. x
+8.38 m.&mdash;100 ft. &times; 27 ft. The eastern row of chambers was
+on the slope.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">Section <i>h h N</i> 3 &times; 4 long, respectively 2.77 m.&mdash;9 ft.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">p. 72</a></span> each,
+therefore 10.98 m. &times; 8.38 m.&mdash;36 ft. &times; 27 ft. There
+were two eastern rows on the slope.</p>
+
+<p>This entire wing (forming a rectangle of 62 m. &times; 8.38 m.&mdash;203
+ft. &times; 27 ft., if we add to the spaces given the thicknesses
+of the transverse partitions, this time not included in the measures)
+has given me more trouble than the rest of <i>A</i> and <i>B</i>
+combined. Nowhere are the walls so twisted and out of range
+as here. Besides, there is an unfinished air about it that is
+almost bewildering. The height of the stories does not agree
+with that of the other sections,&mdash;the western wing would
+be one story lower. Furthermore, it contains in several places
+squared beams of wood inserted in the stone-work lengthwise.
+These beams (of which there is also one in the opposite wing
+similarly embedded) are identical and apparently of the same
+age with the (not sculptured) beams still found in and about
+the old church. Entire walls of chambers, or rather sides,
+appear to be new; the mud or adobe is fresh, whereas almost
+everywhere else it has disappeared, out of the crevices even;
+the stones are almost laid in courses. As I shall hereafter
+relate, there are at several places adobe walls, the adobe containing
+wheat-straw! And all this right among chambers
+showing sides as uncouth and old as any of the pueblo, though
+still as high as their more recent and better preserved neighbors.
+Here there is evidently patchwork of later date, and
+patchwork executed with material unknown to the Indians
+previous to the advent of the Spaniards. I am even convinced
+that it was done after 1680; for the beams evidently came
+from the church or the convent, which buildings we know were
+sacked and fired by the Indians in the month of August of
+that year. If this conclusion be correct, the south-western
+part of <i>A</i>, its entire westerly wall, was somehow destroyed
+after 1680, and partly rebuilt with materials unknown to the
+Indians at the time when Pecos was first erected.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">p. 73</a></span></p>
+
+<p>I say partly, because there is evidence that the western wing,
+from <i>H</i> to <i>N</i>, was originally much broader. As it now appears,
+the wall <i>m h</i> presents itself as the western line of the
+structure. But there are, still further out, although distinctly
+connected with it, remains of buildings which were at least
+attached to it. These are the ruined enclosures designated
+on the ground-plan by <i>I</i>, <i>K</i>, and <i>L</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing besides foundations, heaps of stones defining corners,
+and upright posts protruding along the western limits of
+<i>L</i> and <i>K</i> inside, remain of these structures. <i>L L</i> are of the
+size of the ordinary chambers; <i>K K</i> are four times larger.
+Their interior shows no partition whatever: the soil is level,
+somewhat depressed in the centre of each apartment; and on
+the whole they present very much the same appearance as
+those structures on the "neck," which lie to the west of B,
+but are not connected with the latter. Besides, the enclosures
+are on a lower level than the two rows of rooms immediately
+east of the wall <i>m N</i>. This wall itself is a double wall, each
+single one being of the size of the ordinary partition; the total
+width is therefore 0.56 m.&mdash;22 in.,&mdash;as proven by actual
+measurement. The idea is therefore suggested&mdash;very naturally&mdash;that
+the entire western wing of the building <i>A</i> was
+originally a double house,<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> terraced both towards the east and
+the west. In sketching the cross-sections, I have taken due
+notice of this very probable, if not positive, fact.</p>
+
+<p>The double wall <i>m N</i> shows no trace of lateral passages.
+It therefore divides the whole structure from <i>H</i> to <i>N</i> into two
+longitudinal sections. The western one, from <i>o</i> to <i>p</i>, consisted
+of but one row of 5 rooms; from <i>p</i> to <i>N</i> it had two rows of 16<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">p. 74</a></span>
+chambers each. The ground slopes still further to the S. and
+S.W. outside of the trapezoidal enclosures, <i>I I</i>, and is covered
+with <i>d&eacute;bris</i>; so that I presume that, from <i>ll</i> to <i>N</i>, there was an
+additional row of 3 rooms on the outside. The entire division
+was at one time very completely razed to the ground, so that its
+owners never attempted to rebuild it after the original plan.</p>
+
+<p>The western division was also badly damaged in its southern
+half, but the damage was subsequently repaired with the
+aid of material and mechanical arts postdating the Spanish
+conquest of New Mexico. <a href="#pV">Pl. V.</a>, Fig. 3, gives a view of the
+western end, along the line <i>h h</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I would recall here the fact already noticed, that the northern
+part of building <i>B</i> is also mended in places with adobes of
+the same make as those used in repairing the western wing of
+<i>A</i>, and that, while the squared beams are wanting, the stone-work
+there in places appears also of a more recent date. The
+suggestion may therefore not be uncalled for, that the same destroying
+power which spent its main force on <i>A</i>, distinct from
+the general decay, and moving in a direction from S.W. to
+N. E., reflected or glanced off upon the northern portions of
+<i>B</i>. This question will, however, be discussed hereafter.</p>
+
+<p>The annexes <i>I I</i> are trapezoidal enclosures of stone-work
+as high as a man's breast, and respectively of the sizes indicated
+on the ground-plan. The northern one is divided lengthwise
+into two compartments; the southern is open to the
+south. Both appear to be new and unfinished. From the
+centre of the last one protrude two well-squared heavy timbers.
+These timbers are in a singularly unfit position; they
+cannot be accounted for, and convey the impression that they
+were carried hither from some other totally different construction.
+They look almost forlorn. Whence they came, and for
+what purpose they were brought,&mdash;what was the object in
+erecting the enclosures <i>I I</i>,&mdash;I do not intend to speculate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">p. 75</a></span>
+upon, unless they are recently constructed store-rooms ("Almacenas").</p>
+
+<p>Across the passage-way <i>N</i>, both southward from the line
+<i>g g</i> and eastward from <i>I</i>, fitting into it to the east and barring
+access to the great court from the "neck," lies the south wing
+of <i>A</i>,&mdash;a rectangle of 27.25 m.&mdash;90 ft.&mdash;from W. to E., and
+13 m.&mdash;43 ft.&mdash;from N. to S., including the walls. It is much
+decayed and overturned; the northern side is far less so than
+the southern; nowhere are there any signs of repairs. Here
+the rows of rooms must be taken transversely (from W. to
+E.). There are 5, each with 7 chambers, measuring in succession
+from N. to S. 2.00 m., 2.00 m., 3.09 m., 2.40 m., and
+2.00 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in., 6 ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 8 ft., and 6 ft. 6 in;
+and from W. to E. 3.61 m.&mdash;12 ft. each. Two of these transverse
+rows appear to be on the southern slope, and three on
+the upper level towards the court.</p>
+
+<p>Here I have again reached the passage-way <i>R</i>, my original
+point of departure. Before entering into an examination of
+the other particulars of the building, as well as of its annexes
+and surroundings, I shall make once more a rapid circuit, to
+give an idea of its size, and also attempt a rude computation
+of the number of rooms it contained.</p>
+
+
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+<table class="BldgA" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A dimensions">
+ <col style="width:33%;" /><col style="width:34%;" /> <col style="width:33%;" />
+<tbody valign="bottom">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Lengths of the eastern wing from <i>f</i> to <i>B</i> (E. side N. and S.)</td>
+ <td class="rj">51.66 m.&mdash;170 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljw">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">3.40 m.&mdash; 12 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljw">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">15.81 m.&mdash; 52 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljw">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">11.32 m.&mdash; 37 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljw">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">7.84 m.&mdash; 25 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Adding 28 walls &agrave; 0.28m.&mdash;11 in., total </td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj"> 93.16 m.&mdash;306 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">p. 76</a></span></p>
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+
+<table class="BldgA" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" style="margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:1em">
+ <tr>
+<td class="ljw"><i>Brought forward</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">93.16 m.&mdash;306 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+<table class="BldgA" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A dimensions">
+ <col style="width:33%;" /><col style="width:34%;" /> <col style="width:33%;" />
+<tbody valign="bottom">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Lengths of the north side from <i>B</i> to <i>a</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">12.00 m.&mdash; 40 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; from <i>a</i> to <i>A</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">17.28 m.&mdash; 57 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">6 transverse walls &agrave; .28m.&mdash;11 in.</td>
+ <td class="rj">1.68 m.&mdash;&nbsp; 6 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">30.96 m.&mdash;102 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Length from <i>A</i> to <i>n</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">8.10 m.&mdash; 27 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; <i>n</i> to <i>m</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">8.38 m.&mdash; 27 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; <i>m</i> to <i>o</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">2.51 m.&mdash;&nbsp;8 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; <i>o</i> to W. corner of <i>L</i> (estimated) </td>
+ <td class="rj">5.00 m.&mdash; 16 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; W. corner of <i>L</i>. to <i>p</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">16.17 m.&mdash; 53 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; <i>p</i> to <i>y</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">2.10 m.&mdash;&nbsp; 7 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; <i>y</i>, southward, to line <i>g g</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj"> 33.44 m.&mdash;110 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp; passage-way N </td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;2.00 m.&mdash;&nbsp; 6 ft.</td>
+ <td class="ljwi">6 in.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Width of western section of W. wing (about)</td>
+ <td class="rj">7.48 m.&mdash; 25 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Length of south wing </td>
+ <td class="rj">13.00 m.&mdash; 43 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">28 transverse walls &agrave; .28 m.&mdash;11 in. </td>
+ <td class="rj">7.84 m.&mdash; 26 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi" style="margin-top:.3em">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">106.02 m.&mdash;348 ft. 6 in.</td>
+ </tr>
+
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Width of S. wing </td>
+ <td class="rj">27.25 m.&mdash; 90 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Passage <i>R</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">4.00 m.&mdash; 13 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">From <i>R</i> to <i>f</i> (about) </td>
+ <td class="rj">4.00 m.&mdash; 13 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">Line <i>f f</i> </td>
+ <td class="rj">15.73 m.&mdash; 52 ft.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi">8 longitudinal walls &agrave; .28 m.&mdash;11 in. </td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp; 2.24 m.&mdash;&nbsp; 7 ft.</td>
+ <td class="ljwi">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi" style="padding-top:.4em">Total length to <i>f</i>, my point of departure</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj"> 53.22 m.&mdash;175 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi" style="padding-top:.4em">Entire length of circuit of building <i>A</i></td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;padding-top:.3em">283.36 m.&mdash;928 ft.</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Adding to this 15 m.&mdash;49 ft.&mdash;for the probable periphery
+of mound <i>H</i>, and 64 m.&mdash;210 ft.&mdash;for the perimeter of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">p. 77</a></span>
+southern annex to the south wing, which I have not yet described,
+we reach a perimeter of 362 m.&mdash;1,190 ft.&mdash;in all.
+Comparing these figures with those given about the great
+ruins of the Rio Chaco by Dr. W. H. Jackson,<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> and of the
+pueblo of Las Animas River by my friend the Hon. L. H.
+Morgan,<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> it will be seen that this building, <i>A</i>, at Pecos is
+probably the largest aboriginal structure of stone within the
+United States so far described, and that it will even bear
+comparison with many of the aboriginal ruins of Mexico and
+Central America.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">p. 78</a></span></p><p>The size of the interior court can now be easily determined.
+It is 64 m.&mdash;210 ft.&mdash;from N. to S., and 19.28 m.&mdash;63 ft.&mdash;from
+E. to W. Its area covers therefore 1,235 sq. m.&mdash;13,230
+sq. ft.,&mdash;or about one fourth of an acre; whereas the entire
+<i>d&eacute;bris</i>, measured as well as possible, scatter over more than
+two acres of ground.</p>
+
+<p>For the computation of the number of rooms in the whole
+pile, cross-sections are necessary. (<a href="#pV">Pl. V.</a>, Figs. 1-8.) The
+height of each story is about the same as in <i>B</i>, to wit, 2.28 m.&mdash;7
+ft. 6 in.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 1, section of west wing about <i>l l</i>, from west to east.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 2, lines <i>b b</i> and <i>a B</i>.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 3, section of west wing along <i>h h</i>.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 4, line <i>d d</i>, north, up to south line of <i>C</i>.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 5, section of west wing along line <i>g g</i>.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 6, line <i>f f</i>, southern boundary of east wing, and for the
+entire rectangle up to <i>E</i>.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 7, cross-section of north wing, line <i>A n</i>, from north to
+south.</p>
+<p class="indent">
+Fig. 8, south wing, from north to south.</p>
+
+<p>It is possible that the second row, from S. to N., had two
+superposed chambers, but I am not positive of it, and therefore
+do not include it in the computation of rooms which will
+follow.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 426px;">
+<a name="pV" id="pV" href="images/illus-platev-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-platev.png" width="426" height="733" alt="PLATE V: SECTIONS OF BUILDING A." title="PLATE V: SECTIONS OF BUILDING A." />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE V:<br />SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>It will be seen that, according to the ground plan and sections,
+the east wing had five stories, the north wing two, the
+west wing successively two, three, and four, and the south wing
+four. Looking at the buildings from the great court, the south
+presented an unbroken front of a two-story wall, the east
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">p. 79</a></span>
+successively walls of four, three, and two stories; the north side
+formed two, and the west side, from north to south, in succession,
+two, three, and four terraces. In this manner, not only
+was the building remarkably well accommodated to the great
+irregularities of the surface, but even a tolerably uniform height
+was attained, well agreeing, therefore, with the description of
+"Cicuy&eacute;," as Casta&ntilde;eda saw it in 1540. "The houses have
+four stories, terraced roofs all of the same height, along which
+one can make the circuit of the entire village without meeting
+any street to intercept the passage.<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> Here we must remember
+that the widest gateway is 4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;wide,&mdash;an expanse
+easily spanned by common beams used by the Indians
+in their house architecture.</p>
+
+<p>An attempt to compute the number of rooms in <i>A</i> results
+as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A rooms">
+ <col style="width:15%;" /><col style="width:65%;" />
+ <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="ljwi" colspan="4">Rectangle <i>f f e e</i>, 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms and 5 stories.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">1st story </td>
+ <td class="rj">18</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">2d story 5 &times; 18</td>
+ <td class="rj">90</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">3d story 4 &times; 18</td>
+ <td class="rj">72</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">4th story 3 &times; 18 </td>
+ <td class="rj">54</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">5th story 2 &times; 18 </td>
+ <td class="rj">36</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">270 rooms.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">(<i>d d c c</i>)</td>
+ <td class="ljwi">1st story and 2d story on the slope,
+and 3 rooms per row.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">1st story </td>
+ <td class="rj">3</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">2d story</td>
+ <td class="rj">3</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">3d story 4 &times; 3</td>
+ <td class="rj">12</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">4th story 3 &times; 3 </td>
+ <td class="rj">9</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">5th story 2 &times; 6 </td>
+ <td class="rj">6</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">33 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+
+<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"
+ style="margin-top: 0em;margin-bottom:1em">
+ <col style="width:20%;" /><col style="width:60%;" />
+ <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" />
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><i>Carried forward</i></td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">303 rooms.</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">p. 80</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<div class="block">
+
+<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"
+ style="margin-top: 1em;margin-bottom:0em">
+ <col style="width:20%;" /><col style="width:60%;" />
+ <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" />
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj"><i>Brought forward</i></td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">303 rooms.</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A rooms">
+ <col style="width:15%;" /><col style="width:65%;" />
+ <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">(<i>b b a B</i>)</td>
+ <td class="lj">6 rows of 4 rooms, and 3 stories on the slope.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">1st, 2d, 3d story, each 4 </td>
+ <td class="rj">12</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">4th story 3 &times; 4 </td>
+ <td class="rj">12</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">5th story 2 &times; 4 </td>
+ <td class="rj">8</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">32 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">(North wing)</td>
+ <td class="lj">2 stories, easily computed as </td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">20 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">(<i>k m l l</i>)</td>
+ <td class="lj">1st story 5 &times; 4 </td>
+ <td class="rj">20</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">2d story 5 &times; 2 </td>
+ <td class="rj">10</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">30 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">(<i>l l h h K</i>)</td>
+ <td class="lj">Lowest story </td>
+ <td class="rj">12</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">2d story 12 &times; 4 </td>
+ <td class="rj">48</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">3d story 12 &times; 2 </td>
+ <td class="rj">24</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">84 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">(<i>h h K g g I</i>)</td>
+ <td class="lj">Lowest story </td>
+ <td class="rj">4</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">2d story </td>
+ <td class="rj">4</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">3d story 4 &times; 4 </td>
+ <td class="rj">16</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">4th story 4 &times; 2 </td>
+ <td class="rj">8</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">32 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">(South wing)</td>
+ <td class="lj">From E. to W.</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">Lowest story </td>
+ <td class="rj">7</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">2d story </td>
+ <td class="rj">7</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">3d story 7 &times; 3 </td>
+ <td class="rj">21</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">4th story 7 &times; 2 </td>
+ <td class="rj">14</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">49 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj" colspan="2">Adding for the southern annex a probable number of</td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj" style="border-bottom:1px solid black;">35 &nbsp;&nbsp;"&nbsp;&nbsp;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="lj" colspan="2">Building <i>A</i> contained in all not less than </td>
+ <td class="rj">&nbsp;</td>
+ <td class="lj">585 cells.</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Turning now to the inside of the building itself, I am compelled
+to acknowledge here an important omission in my survey
+of <i>B</i>. It relates to the vertical connection of the walls.
+They are all, with few exceptions, as far as their dilapidated
+condition admits of observation, continuous from bottom to
+top; that is, the sides were everywhere carried up above the
+ceiling (or floor), and then, after the beams had been embedded
+in the stones, another wall was piled up on it as straight<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">p. 81</a></span>
+as possible. In this manner it became possible to add each
+cell separately.</p>
+
+<p>There are several doors visible in <i>A</i>, as marked on the
+ground-plan. Those in the eastern and western wings open
+from east to west, those in the northern wing from north to
+south; therefore transversely to the length of each structure.
+But I have also seen longitudinal walls without passages. The
+tops of the doors are all gone; the rest is everywhere similar
+to the sample found in <i>B</i>, and already figured. In some
+cases even the sills are gone. Windows I could not find, nor
+trap-doors or ladders; there was no trace of steps, and, unfortunately,
+no clew to any chimney or vent. Of furniture I
+secured pieces of new hearth-stones; of other articles, broken
+"metates," part of a fine maul of stone, flint chips, celts,
+stone skin-scrapers, and, of course, painted pottery and obsidian.
+But not one specimen is entire; every striking implement,
+etc., has been carried off by amateurs, of whose presence
+besides, broken beer bottles, with the inscription "Anheuser-Busch
+Brewing Co., St. Louis, Mo.," give occasional notice.</p>
+
+<p>Room <i>I</i>, in the S.W. corner of the north wing is very well
+preserved: so well, indeed, that it is nearly certain that there
+was no entrance to it from above. On the contrary, the entrance
+appears to have been from the front, as shown in Pl.
+VIII., where this room stands in full view. It is perfectly plain
+inside; eight posts of wood, round, and stripped of all bark,
+support the ceiling and roof, whose composition I have elsewhere
+described. These posts (which are also shown in Pl.
+VIII.) are so distributed as to have one in each corner, and
+two between, on each longer side of the room. In the S.E.
+quarter of the ceiling the splinters covering the rafters or
+poles are removed, and fresh straw (or rather very well preserved)
+protrudes, as having formed a layer with the brush.
+I was at first inclined to take it for wheat-straw, but other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">p. 82</a></span>
+parties insisted that it was mountain grass. For the latter it
+appears to be very long, and it has a marked head. I have
+not, as yet, seen any wheat-plants grown at these elevations.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p>
+
+<p>Otherwise this chamber appears nearly perfect. In the
+middle of the north wall a hole is knocked out, but the two
+coats of plaster (dark and white) are almost everywhere preserved.
+Great interest attaches to this apartment, from the
+fact that, according to Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the sacred embers
+("braza") were kept here until 1840, in which year the five
+last remaining families of Pecos Indians removed to their cognates
+at Jemez, and the "sacred fire" disappeared with them.
+Sr. Ruiz is good authority on that point, since, as a member
+of the tribe<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> ("hijo del pueblo"), he was asked to perform
+his duty by attending to the embers one year. He refused,
+for reasons which I shall hereafter state. The facts&mdash;that
+the fire was kept in a sort of closed oven, and that the front
+opening existed&mdash;made it unnecessary to search for any
+other conduit for smoke and ventilation. The fire was kept
+covered, and not permitted to flame.</p>
+
+<p>I now come to one of the most interesting features of the
+court,&mdash;the three circular depressions marked <i>P</i> on the diagram.
+Two of them are in the N. E. corner,&mdash;the northern
+one close to the northern wing, and the other 2.65 m.&mdash;9 ft.&mdash;to
+the S. S. E. of it. Both are perfect circles, and each has a
+diameter of 7.70 m.&mdash;25 ft. In the S.W. corner, near to the
+passage <i>N</i>, is the third, with a diameter of only 6 m.&mdash;20 ft.
+They look like shallow basins, encased by a rim of stone-work
+piled up in the usual way, and forming a wall of nearly 0.35<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">p. 83</a></span>
+m.&mdash;14 in.&mdash;in thickness. This wall is sunk into the ground,
+but at the northern basin it certainly, as former excavations
+plainly show, did not reach the depth of 1 metre; and it appears
+that at about that depth there were flat stones laid, like
+a rough stone floor. These basins were the "Estufas," or
+council chambers, where, as late as 1840, the meetings of the
+poor remnants of the tribe were still held. Although an
+adopted son of Pecos, Sr. Ruiz was never permitted to enter
+the Estufa. Across the northern one a very large and very
+old tree, nearly 0.75 m.&mdash;2 ft. 6 in.&mdash;in diameter, is lying
+obliquely. Its thick end is towards the N.E. wall. It looks
+as if uprooted and fallen upon the ruins. But how could a
+tree of such dimensions ever have grown there? Again, for
+what purpose, and how, could the Indians of Pecos have
+carried it hither?</p>
+
+<p>Outside of the building <i>A</i>, the narrow ledge separating its
+rubbish from the eastern wall of circumvallation, a rim 150 m.&mdash;192
+ft.&mdash;long by 32 m.&mdash;105 ft.&mdash;wide at the south, and
+12 m.&mdash;40 ft.&mdash;at the north, shows the basins <i>D</i> and <i>F</i>, respectively
+10 m.&mdash;33 ft.&mdash;and 8 m.&mdash;26 ft.&mdash;in diameter.
+They hug the rock of the <i>mesilla</i> very closely, and look
+completely like the estufas in the court. These buildings,
+according to Sr. Epifanio Vigil, of Santa F&eacute;, were barns or
+store-houses (round towers 10 to 11 feet high), in which the
+Indians preserved their gathered crops, forage, etc. Still, it
+is not unlikely that they were tanks, built for collecting rain-water.</p>
+
+<p>On the south side of the eastern wing, and so close to it
+that the heaps of rubbish touch, are two circular depressions
+surrounded by large masses of stones. They are marked S S
+on the plan. Their shape and size cannot be accurately determined,
+and their object is unknown.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 721px;">
+<a name="pVIII" id="pVIII" href="images/illus-plateviii-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-plateviii.png" width="721" height="449" alt="PLATE VIII: INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH." title="PLATE VIII: INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUT" />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">PLATE VIII:<br />INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>Nearly the same must be said of a rectangular space, dotted
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">p. 84</a></span>
+and intersected with foundations and upright beams marked
+<i>T T</i>, and lying out in front of the south wing on the denuded
+and thinly soiled apron forming the southern spur of the
+"body" of the <i>mesilla</i>. Its eastern line, a double stone wall
+sunk 0.50 m.&mdash;20 in.&mdash;into the soil, is 8 m.&mdash;26 ft.&mdash;long
+from N. to S. From its southern extremity similar foundations
+run to the west 37 m.&mdash;120 ft.,&mdash;thence 8 m.&mdash;26 ft.&mdash;north,
+and 37 m.&mdash;120 ft.&mdash;east back to the first line. Thus
+a rectangle of 8 m. &times; 37 m.&mdash;26 ft. &times; 120 ft.&mdash;is formed,
+within whose area, especially in the western portion, upright
+beams start up in something like a semicircle, which would
+indicate that the structure was once a building. A metre and
+a half to the north, a foundation wall runs about 20 m.&mdash;66
+ft.&mdash;E. and W.; and at both of its extremities a corridor
+ascends towards the south wing of <i>A</i>. The nature and object
+of these fabrics are equally a mystery to me.</p>
+
+<p>Attached to the S.W. corner of the south wing is the annex
+of which I have already spoken. It is an elevated rectangle
+of 24 m. &times; 9 m.&mdash;80 ft. &times; 30 ft., and is clearly divided into
+compartments of 3&frac12; m. &times; 3 m.&mdash;12 ft. &times; 11 ft. The whole
+is not much more than a stone mound of oblong shape, but it
+contained on its ground-plan 21 chambers. I presume, from
+the mass of <i>d&eacute;bris</i>, that it had an upper story. Its eastern
+row of cells is a direct continuation of the most westerly
+row of the S. wing. Due south of this annex, and almost
+touching it, there are two structures marked <i>O O</i> which are
+very remarkable. They are octagonal. The most easterly
+one is best preserved, and appears to be the largest. Its two
+lateral walls are each 4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;long, the transverse 5.34
+m.&mdash;18 ft.,&mdash;and the corners are cut off sharply by intersections
+of 0.86 m.&mdash;3 ft.&mdash;in length, so as to give the whole
+eight sides. The walls are well defined; the corners sharp
+and still one metre high. They are of the usual thickness.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">p. 85</a></span>
+The other structure is so ruined that it appears round. These
+buildings, according to Sr. Vigil, were store-houses also; and
+they favor the suspicion that those marked <i>S S</i> south of the
+east wing had the same shape. As they now appear, they
+look like the ruins of octagonal towers. The stone-work is
+like that of the estufas, but they are erected exclusively above
+the ground, and still cannot have been very high.</p>
+
+<p>I have now reached the utmost south-westerly point of
+ruins on the "body," where its drainage leads us into the
+often-mentioned depression and to the broad gateway of the
+circumvallation. From this gate the enclosure-wall creeps up
+along the edge of the <i>mesilla</i> N.W. and N., in all 104 m.&mdash;340
+ft.,&mdash;to a point 44 m.&mdash;144 ft.&mdash;due west of the S. W.
+corner of the annex; and here we find a distinct stone enclosure
+27 m.&mdash;89 ft.&mdash;long from N. to S., and 15 m.&mdash;50 ft.&mdash;wide,
+with an entrance of 3 m.&mdash;10 ft. wide, and terminating at
+the circumvallation. North-east of this, and about 28 m.&mdash;92
+ft.&mdash;west of i on the middle wall of western wing, another
+enclosure begins 20 m. &times; 8 m.&mdash;66 ft. &times; 26 ft.; and 3 m.&mdash;10
+ft.&mdash;south of this a small ruin 10 m. &times; 8 m.&mdash;33 ft. x
+26 ft. Adjacent to <i>L L</i>, etc., around from o to y, a curved
+enclosure of stone extends, 42 m.&mdash;140 ft.&mdash;long, and thence
+east 6 m.&mdash;20 ft.&mdash;back to the N.W. corner of K. It appears
+like a garden, or corral, and shows no partitions. These
+are, as far as I could see, all the remains west of the building
+<i>A</i>. The edge of the <i>mesilla</i> rounds into the north-western
+corner of the latter, almost closing up with it; the slope is
+very steep and covered with huge rocks, broken and tumbled
+down along the declivity.</p>
+
+<p>The small northern plateau between the transverse circumvallation
+and the top-wall of <i>A</i> is therefore nearly shut out
+from communication to the S.W. This plateau is a trapezium
+45 m.&mdash;148 ft.&mdash;long from N. to S.,&mdash;50 m.&mdash;164 ft.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">p. 86</a></span>&mdash;wide
+on the S., and 30 m.&mdash;98 ft.&mdash;on the N. It holds
+but few ruins; but, among these, a valuable find was made a
+short time ago by Mr. Harry Dent, of Baughls.</p>
+
+<p>These ruins, in the main, can be described as follows: The
+slope descending from the top-wall is a heap of rubbish with
+shrivelled posts of wood, impossible to disentangle without
+excavations. North of this <i>d&eacute;bris</i>, and 29 m.&mdash;95 ft.&mdash;from
+<i>A a B</i>, stands a knoll, or mound, covered with stones. Looking
+south from this, I thought I noticed that it stood in the
+line of the second row of chambers of the east wing of <i>A</i>,
+counting from E. to W.; and retracing my steps in that direction
+I found, indeed, traces of stone foundations disappearing
+under the great <i>d&eacute;bris</i>, which indicated a corridor, or perhaps
+series of rooms, about 2 m.&mdash;6 ft. 6 in.&mdash;wide. It therefore
+looked like a northern annex to A. From the mound, which
+I have designated by <i>V</i> (<a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5), other foundations
+radiate to the W. and N.W. Those west soon disappear, but
+to the N.W. they are plainly visible for 14 m.&mdash;46 ft.&mdash;to
+another mound, or knoll <i>T</i>, similar to the first, whence another
+line of foundations vanishes to the west also. This appears to
+be the utmost limit of structures north, except the wall of
+enclosure, from which to T on the south is about 10 m.&mdash;33
+ft. About the N.W. corner of A large heaps of rubbish
+descend in shapeless terraces outside and merge into the slope
+of the <i>mesilla</i>. They are, like the entire slope itself, covered
+with fragmentary pottery. About their eastern declivity, also,
+I thought I saw foundations, but could not be sure whether
+or not they connected with those extending westward from
+the two mounds just mentioned.</p>
+
+<p>In the eastern section of mound <i>V</i>, Mr. Dent has, as I was
+informed and saw, dug down one metre into the dark loamy
+clay and stones of which the knoll is composed, and has thus
+exposed a small stone chamber, or flue, walled in to the north,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">p. 87</a></span>
+west, and south in the ordinary manner, and closed with earth,
+etc., at the east. Whether there was any stone top other than
+rocks heaped up above the hillock I could not learn; neither
+did I, in digging down further, find any floor. This chimney-like
+structure is 1.32 m.&mdash;3 ft. 8 in.&mdash;wide from E. to W.,
+and 0.70 m.&mdash;2 ft. 3 in.&mdash;from N. to S. It is therefore too
+large for a chimney, or flue, and too small for a room. Out
+of it Mr. Dent, whom I could not find personally, as he was
+absent at the time, extracted a human skeleton and much
+fairly preserved pottery. Of course, I was unable to see what
+he carried off (among which was the skull), but I saw and dug
+further in the same excavation, removing out of it bone splinters
+and the best preserved pottery piece of the entire collection.
+They are, in part, very similar to the yellow bowls still
+made by the Indian pueblo of Namb&eacute; (a Tehua tribe); but
+many of them have been so charred and blackened that it is
+impossible to make out their color. The pottery is all thin.
+Among it were also bits of charcoal and of rotten wood. The
+structure therefore appears to have been a grave, in which the
+body was placed in a sitting posture with its face to the east.
+Subsequent information and discovery have fully confirmed
+this view. I shall return to this on a subsequent page, and
+only state here that my efforts to find another skeleton in the
+same location failed.</p>
+
+<p>The aboriginal remains encircled by the great wall of circumvallation
+and north of the old church are now exhausted,
+so far as my work among them goes, and the surroundings of
+the <i>mesilla</i> shall therefore become the subject of report.</p>
+
+<p>The slope towards the east and south-east is rocky on the
+top, covered with sandy soil growing <i>grama</i> and very few
+cedar bushes, studded with ant-hills, and devoid of all remains
+of human structures so far as I could see. Pottery and
+obsidian are ever present, but become perceptibly less and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">p. 88</a></span>
+almost disappear further east. The rills which drain the eastern
+slope carry much of this broken stuff into a small arroyo
+that winds to the left of the <i>mesilla</i>. About one quarter of a
+mile east of the building <i>A</i>, on a bare sunny and grassy level,
+are, quite alone, the foundations of a singular ruin. They
+run N. and S., consist of three rows of stones laid aside of
+each other longitudinally, and have the shape shown in Pl.
+V., Fig. 10.</p>
+
+<p>Its length from N. to S. is 25 m.&mdash;82 ft.,&mdash;and its width
+about 10 m.&mdash;33 ft. From its form I suspect it to have been
+a Christian chapel, erected, or perhaps only in process of erection,
+before 1680. Not only is it completely razed, but even
+the material of the superstructure seems to have been carried
+off. Stones are scattered about the premises, but I found
+neither obsidian nor pottery. It stands protected from the
+north by the extremely rocky ledge terminating the <i>mesilla</i>
+towards the east, and appears without the least connection
+with the Indian pueblo proper.</p>
+
+<p>It is the almost circular bottom on the west of the <i>mesilla</i>,
+encompassed by the north rock of <i>A</i> to the north, by the
+whole length of the <i>mesilla</i> to the east, by the gradual expanse
+below the church on the south, and by the Arroyo de Pecos
+on the west, that contains the aboriginal remains. Much better
+than a description, a diagram will illustrate their extent and
+shape. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5.</p>
+
+<p>The distances are not very correctly given, and the shape
+of <i>F</i> is slightly exaggerated in irregularity.</p>
+
+<p><i>A</i> and <i>B</i> being the respective large buildings, <i>C</i> the church,
+<i>D</i> the great gate of the circumvallation; <i>E</i> is a stone or rubble
+wall of undeterminable length running along the foot of
+the mesilla in a slight curve till near the "wash-out" sallying
+from the gate, and <i>F</i> is an irregular lozenge, or trapeze, enclosed
+by a heavy low stone or rubble wall which might in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">p. 89</a></span>
+some places be called an embankment. The corner <i>l</i> is
+50 m.&mdash;165 ft.&mdash;from the border of the creek-bottom, which
+there is cut off abruptly from 1 m. to 3 m.&mdash;3 ft. 3 in. to 10
+ft.,&mdash;presenting a section of red clay and gravel with pottery
+fragments. The line <i>l r m</i> runs W.N.W. to E.S.E., and is
+138 m.&mdash;452 ft.&mdash;long; the line <i>m s n</i> measures 121 m.&mdash;398
+ft.,&mdash;<i>n o p</i> 146 m.&mdash;480 ft., and <i>p l</i> 100 m.&mdash;330 ft.
+From <i>r</i> to <i>s</i> an embankment of earth and stone runs almost in
+a circle, and the whole triangle <i>r m s</i> forms a slightly elevated
+platform, in the centre of which is a pond (<i>estanque</i>) <i>t</i>,
+which, even at the present time, is filled with water. Viewed
+through the gate from above, this pond appears, with a part
+of the enclosure, as seen in <a href="#pIX">Pl. IX.</a> Several gullies (<i>barrancas</i>)
+have cut through the western and southern parts of the enclosure.</p>
+
+<p>This enclosed area, now covered with tufts of grama, occasional
+cactuses, knolls and scattered drift and pottery, was
+according to Sr. Ruiz, the former <i>huerto del pueblo</i>; that is,
+the fields of the inhabitants of the pueblo, where they planted
+and raised Indian corn, beans, calabashes, squash, and, after
+the advent of the Spaniards, also wheat, melons, and perhaps
+other fruit. Not a vestige of former cultivation is left; but
+the platform <i>r m s</i>, with a pond in the centre, at once explains
+their mode of securing the water for irrigation. Through the
+gateway <i>D</i> the drainage of the <i>mesilla</i> was conducted directly
+to the platform <i>r m s</i>, where the pond <i>t</i> acted as a reservoir,
+out of which the fields themselves could be very easily and
+equitably supplied with moisture. Whether this was done by
+channels radiating from below the curve <i>r s</i> over the area <i>F</i>,
+or by carrying the water, I cannot tell, neither my informants
+nor the appearance of the area giving any clew. But I could
+not escape being forcibly struck by this plain and still very
+forcible illustration of communal living. Not only did the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">p. 90</a></span>
+Pecos Indians live together, and build their houses together, but
+they raised their crops in one common field (though divided
+into individual or rather family plots, according to Ruiz),
+irrigated from one common water source which gathered its
+contents of moisture from the inhabited surface of the pueblo
+grounds. "The lands," said Mariano Ruiz, "belong to the
+tribe, but each man can sell his own crops." ("Las tierras
+son del pueblo, pero cada uno puede vender sus cosechas.")
+It forcibly recalls the system of "distribution and tenure of
+lands" among the ancient Mexicans.</p>
+
+<p>I now cross the Arroyo de Pecos, and on its western bank,
+in the triangle formed by the creek with the military road to
+Santa F&eacute;, nearly opposite the site of the old church, I met
+with a ruined enclosure and with remains of structures whose
+purposes are yet unexplained to me.</p>
+
+<p>The distance from <i>M</i> to the arroyo is 40 m.&mdash;130 ft. Its
+E. line is 75 m.&mdash;246 ft.,&mdash;the S. line 70 m.&mdash;230 ft.,&mdash;the
+W., up to where the curve begins, 55 m.&mdash;180 ft. The distance
+from <i>M</i> to <i>N</i> is 15 m.&mdash;50 ft. At the north end of <i>N</i>
+is a mound of stone and <i>d&eacute;bris</i>, like a conical tower, 5 m.&mdash;16
+ft.&mdash;in diameter; the other lines are distinct foundations
+only. Both <i>M</i> and <i>N</i> are scattered over with broken pottery,
+chips of obsidian and flint, and I also found a fragment of a
+stone implement.</p>
+
+<p>Mariano Ruiz told me that the enclosure <i>M</i> was the corral
+of the pueblo; that is, the enclosure where they kept whatever
+herds they possessed. It was at all events but an enclosure,
+and no building. Still, why were their herds, their most valuable
+property, kept on the opposite side of the creek, so far
+from the dwellings themselves?</p>
+
+<p>There are other ruins yet further south on the western bank
+of the arroyo, which, however, I shall not mention here. They
+are so important as to deserve special discussion in a later<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">p. 91</a></span>
+portion of this report. I therefore cross the creek back again
+to its eastern shore, and thence to the south side of the old
+church, proceeding thence southwards. From the church a
+grassy slope, very gentle and with almost imperceptible undulations,
+extends to the road which runs almost due W. and E.
+from the creek towards the Rio Pecos. The distance is about
+300 m.&mdash;1,000 ft.,&mdash;of which 74 m.&mdash;240 ft.&mdash;are taken up
+by the embankments, walls, and foundation lines already described
+as pertaining to the church building. <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a> shows
+the position of this section, its northern limit being about
+34 m.&mdash;112 ft.&mdash;N. of the southern lines of the church annexes
+(or 42 m.&mdash;138 ft.&mdash;S. of the temple itself) the
+southern limit being the road itself, while on the west the
+creek-bed forms the boundary.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>H</i>, Corral-like structure, very plain, about 50 m. &times; 20 m., or
+163 ft. &times; 65 ft. I understood Sr. Ruiz to say that it was the
+garden of the church ("la huerta de la iglesia"), but believe
+that he probably meant <i>G</i>, not having my field-notes with me
+at the time.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>I</i>, rectangle of foundation lines 30 m.&mdash;98 ft.&mdash;from <i>A</i>;
+30 m. &times; 31 m.&mdash;98 ft. &times; 100 ft.&mdash;divided into 2 compartments,
+the western one 9 m. &times; 30 m.&mdash;30 ft. &times; 98 ft.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>J</i>, trapezium, with mound at S.W. corner 18 m. &times; 21 m.,
+or 60 ft. &times; 70 ft.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>K</i>, rectangle 25 m. &times; 36 m.&mdash;82 ft &times; 118 ft.&mdash;open to
+the west, and only recognizable from the semicircular mound
+of not 0.50 m.&mdash;20 in.&mdash;elevation, dotted out as leaving a
+depression in the centre.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>L</i>, circular depression 36 m.&mdash;118 ft.&mdash;in diameter; ground
+always wet.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>O</i>, circular mound 10 m.&mdash;33 ft.&mdash;in diameter, 1.5 m.&mdash;5
+ft.&mdash;high.</p>
+
+<p class="indentp"><i>k</i>, shapeless mound, possibly part of a hollow rectangle.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">p. 92</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In many cases the foundations (which are the only remains
+visible) are themselves obliterated,&mdash;or at least overgrown.
+They are sometimes of 0.27 m.&mdash;10 in.&mdash;in width; again,
+two rows, even three rows, of stones compose them longitudinally.
+The mound is regular, but the soil is everywhere so
+hard and gravelly that I desisted from excavating. The basin
+<i>L</i> looks much like an estufa: there are few scattered
+stones on its surface, and this surface is moist; but I did not
+notice any trace of stone encasement. In general, there is no
+rubbish at all over the area. Stones are scattered about, and
+evidently they were once used for building purposes; but
+they nowhere form heaps. Then there is not the slightest
+trace of pottery or obsidian. In this respect the area just
+described forms a remarkable exception. All around it in
+every direction the painted fragments cover the soil; this
+particular locality, as far as I could find, has none. It only
+reappears in <i>I</i>, opposite the church annexes, and also in the
+enclosure <i>H</i>, whereas the church grounds are again strewn
+with handsome pieces, and some of the finest obsidian flakes
+were found on them.</p>
+
+<p>Across the road to the south, the ground becomes covered
+with shrubs of cedar, and the eastern slope hugs the creek-bed.
+Upon reaching the creek, the road divides,&mdash;one branch
+crossing over directly to the west, and the other proceeding
+along the arroyo about 200 m.&mdash;630 ft.&mdash;to the south ere it
+turns across. The main military line of travel intersects there-about
+the one to the Pecos River, and thence, striking almost
+due south, forms a very acute angle with the creek. In this
+angle ledges of rock protrude, sheltered by a fine group of
+cedar-shrubs; and here, in what may be termed a snug little
+corner, the rocks bear some Indian carvings.</p>
+
+<p>Expecting daily a supply of paper for "squeezes," I have
+until now deferred taking any exact copies of these vestiges.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">p. 93</a></span>
+Therefore this report contains but superficial notice of them.
+It would have been useless labor to make sketches and take
+measurements when I knew that, within the period of time I
+shall spend in New Mexico, I should certainly be able to
+secure fac-similes. The carvings are certainly old; they are
+much worn, and represent mainly so-called footprints (of adults
+as well as of children), turkey tracks, a human form, and a
+circle formed by small cup-shaped holes, of the patterns about
+which I hope that my friend Professor C. C. Rau, of Washington,
+will by this time have finished his elaborate and very interesting
+work. The human figure is as rude and childlike an
+effort as any represented on the plates accompanying the reports
+of General Simpson and of my friend Mr. W. H. Holmes;
+the footmarks are fair, and the circle is rather perfect. Something
+like a "diamond" appears within its periphery, but I
+am not yet quite certain whether it is a carving or the result
+of decay. Some of the tracks seem to point to the high
+mesa, others to the north.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> By the side of these original ef<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">p. 94</a></span>forts
+there are recent additions, destined, perhaps, to become
+at some future time as successful arch&aelig;ological frauds as
+many of the most interesting products of excavation in the
+States of Ohio and Iowa. About the sculptured stones I
+again met with fragments of painted pottery. Still further
+down, on the east bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, about a
+mile from the church in a southerly direction, and on a low
+promontory of red clay jutting out into the creek-bed, there
+are vestiges of other ruins,&mdash;a low, flat mound covered with
+stones. I saw no pottery about it.</p>
+
+<p>Directly opposite the sculptured rocks, on the other bank
+of the arroyo to the west, the cliffs of clay bordering it form a
+huge cauldron, out of which the contents seem to have been
+originally removed, leaving a semicircle of vertical bluffs of
+clay and drift about 3 m.&mdash;10 ft.&mdash;high. It is out of this
+locality that I suggested the clay for the adobe of the church<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">p. 95</a></span>
+might have been secured. The faces of the slope cannot have
+been washed out, for the creek runs straight far to the east,
+hugging closely that side of its banks; there is no trace of an
+old stream-bed winding to the westward, neither is there any
+sufficient drainage from the west in the shape of gulches or
+branches. It appears as if there had been an original start,
+at least, given to the present basin by a removal of earth
+in a curve, subsequent wearing and weakening enlarging the
+cauldron to its actual form and size. This size is constantly
+increased by decay and by the work of diggers; for this bluff
+has been of late a favorite resort for them, from the fact that
+in its face human bones&mdash;nay, complete graves&mdash;have been
+found.</p>
+
+<p>I consequently started to examine the bluff, and finally noticed
+a plain wall jutting out at about one fourth of the length
+of the western curve from N. to S. This wall seemed at first to
+be a corner. It is well made, and its stone-work is much like
+that figured by Mr. Holmes from the cliff-dwellings on the
+Rio Mancos in South-western Colorado. Still the stones are
+not hewn, but only were carefully broken, the rock itself having
+a tabular cleavage. The surface is true. I am unable to
+say whether it was a corner or not; the thickness of the side
+(east) is 0.65 m.&mdash;2 ft.,&mdash;and it looks like a strong outside
+line running almost due N. and S., perhaps a little to the E.</p>
+
+<p>The height of the wall is 0.94 m.&mdash;3 ft.; its depth beneath
+the surface, 0.52 m.&mdash;21 in. The sod (covered with grama)
+looks undisturbed; it is hard and coarsely sandy on the
+top, but beneath the clay is softer and loamy. Under the wall
+there is red clay to the bottom of the bluff with bands of drift.
+Clambering along the cliff to the northward, I soon perceived,
+at a depth nearly agreeing with the base of the wall, a layer of
+white ashes, similar to those found over the hearthstone in
+building <i>B</i>, mixed with charcoal and charred pottery. This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">p. 96</a></span>
+layer was continuous along the exposure of the bluff; it formed
+a regular seam, intersected horizontally by bands of charcoal,
+and, at the lower end, a continuous stratum of pottery totally
+different from that found hitherto, except one fragment in
+the drift of the creek and another one among the adobe rubbish
+of the church. Instead of being painted, it was corrugated
+and indented, and identical with the corrugated and
+indented ware from the Rio Mancos and from South-eastern
+Utah, so beautifully figured by Mr. W. H. Holmes. There
+were also a very few pieces of painted pottery: but these,
+which became more numerous towards the top of the bluff, or
+cliff, appeared to have been washed in; whereas the corrugated
+fragments were a distinct, continuous band, most of the convex
+surfaces being downwards; and this band, except where ledges
+of the cliff projected far out into the bottom, or where the
+clay had tumbled down recently in front of the exposure, was
+visible from 50 m.&mdash;165 ft.&mdash;N. of the wall to 62 m.&mdash;203
+ft.&mdash;S. of it on a line of 110 m.&mdash;360 ft. It was everywhere
+accompanied by the ashes and charcoal.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>A</i>, little barranca, exposing ashes, etc., which contained
+corncobs, and, in the upper parts of the clay, human bones.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>a</i>, grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos; obliterated
+now.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>B</i>, wall.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>b</i>, place where skeleton of child was partly secured, five
+metres S. of <i>B</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>C</i>, southern barranca; no remains found.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, last sign south of pottery, ashes, and charcoal.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><i>W</i>, rock carvings on west bank of the arroyo.</p>
+
+<p>The following are sections at four different places:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">p. 97</a></span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;">
+<a name="i97" id="i97" href="images/illus-p97-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-p97.png" width="450" height="333" alt="Clay Pit Area" title="Clay Pit Area" />
+</a>
+<span class="caption">Clay Pit Area</span>
+</div>
+
+<p>Specimens of every section have been sent with the collection.
+It has struck me that the stratum of ashes, charcoal, and pottery,
+while visible always inside,&mdash;that is, to the west of a
+supposed lateral extension of the wall from <i>B</i>,&mdash;still appears
+to run below it. The human remains, however, protrude about
+at heights where the wall, if in existence, might have been in
+front of them. There were bones lying on rubbish in front of
+<i>C</i>,&mdash;there were also bones within the ashes, even at <i>A</i>; but
+the action of wear and washing being everywhere visible and
+very complicated, I do not venture any surmise in these cases
+beyond expressing the conviction that the human remains
+originally rested above the layers of charcoal, ashes, corncobs,
+and corrugated pottery.</p>
+
+<p>While at Sr. Ruiz's, I had diligently inquired of the old gentleman
+about the graves of the Pecos Indians. He finally replied
+(after he had for a time insisted upon it that they were at
+the church) that before they became Christians ("antes que
+fu&eacute;ron cristianos") they buried their dead on the right bank of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">p. 98</a></span>
+the Arroyo de Pecos, where he had often seen the skeletons
+(las calaveras, the corpses) washed out of the cliffs and strewn
+about. At Mrs. Kozlowski's, this also appeared to be a known
+fact; but an examination of the creek banks showed no trace
+of bones, and showed no other structures except the mound
+already mentioned on the left shore. In the cliffs of the basin
+which I have now described I met with the first sign of what
+Sr. Ruiz called "El Campo-Santo de los Indios, antes que
+fu&eacute;ron Cristianos." Still it is not at all positive, because the
+surface of the level west of the bluff shows extensive but flat
+and low mounds, covered with stones used for building, and
+with painted pottery, showing that at least adjoining the human
+remains a very large building, if not several, had stood at some
+very remote time. The wall would then stand towards that
+ancient structure in the same relation as the mound or chamber
+<i>V</i> stands towards the ruin <i>A</i> on the <i>mesilla</i>; and it would indicate
+the custom on the part of their inhabitants of burying
+their dead around their houses, or at least in sight of the rising
+sun, and in little chambers of stone. This view is corroborated
+by the statement of Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos, that at a place
+which I have marked <i>a</i> (therefore to the north of the wall)
+he dug out, very near the edge of the bluff, a stone grave, and
+with it a human skeleton. The grave was a rectangle, walled
+up on four sides, with stones on the top and no floor. The
+western side was rounded, so as to present the following
+plan:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 82px;">
+<a name="i98" id="i98"></a>
+<img src="images/illus-p98.png" width="82" height="56" alt="Grave" title="Grave" />
+</div>
+
+<p>In it lay the skeleton, two feet below the soil, the feet pointing
+eastward. The length of the chamber was about one third
+of a large man's body; the head lay at the west end, amongst
+the bones of the chest. It had therefore been buried in a sit<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">p. 99</a></span>ting
+posture facing the rising sun.<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Along with the body
+arrow-heads were found, and pieces of tanned deerskin, such
+as are still worn by the Indians. Of course, all traces of the
+skull, etc., have since disappeared.</p>
+
+<p>While this conversation was taking place, the partner of
+Mr. Walters, Sr. Juan Basa y Salazar, came in, and the question
+of the great bell (which I have already mentioned)
+came up for discussion. All the parties assured me that
+this bell formerly belonged to the church of Pecos, and
+that after the outbreak of 1680 the Indians carried it up
+into their winter pueblo, on the top of the high mesa, where
+it broke and they left it. The positive assertion that the
+winter pueblo of the Pecos tribe was about 2,000 feet higher
+than the great ruins on the <i>mesilla</i>&mdash;that these ruins themselves
+were but their summer houses&mdash;was very startling.
+It appeared incredible that the Indians should have left
+their comfortable quarters in the coldest season to look for
+shelter in the highest and coldest places of the whole
+region. Still, my informants being old residents and candid
+men, with certainly no intention to deceive me, and
+there being besides confused reports of the existence of
+ruins on the mesa current among the people of the valley,
+I resolved to devote my last day to a rapid reconnoissance
+of the elevated plateau. Therefore, after a visit to the
+Plaza de Pecos, on the 5th of September, where the Rev.
+Father L&eacute;on Mailluchet confirmed the reports about the
+winter houses on the mesa, I set out (always on foot) on
+the morning of the 6th, Mr. Thomas Munn having volunteered
+to be my guide.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">p. 100</a></span></p>
+<p>We followed the railroad track downwards, and about a mile
+and a half south of Baughl's, east of the track, met a tolerably
+large mound. At the station of Kingman, four miles from
+Baughl's, there is also a ruined stone house, rectangular, but
+smaller than any one of those on the <i>mesilla</i>.<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> I had no time
+to make any survey. We went along the railroad for one mile
+farther, then struck to the S. W. across a recently cultivated but
+abandoned field, and finally reached the apron of gravelly clay
+and locas skirting the high mesa. Here Mr. Munn assured
+me were the remains of stone structures all along for miles,
+and especially stone graves. Of the latter he had seen "hundreds."
+He described them exactly as Mr. Walters had, and
+as I had found the pit in mound V, and described the position
+of the skeleton also as if sitting with the face to the east. We
+soon came to a walled ruin 6 m. &times; 6 m. or 20 ft. &times; 20 ft., the
+walls composed of sandstone,&mdash;a range of rubble blocks very
+much ruined,&mdash;a <i>pi&ntilde;on</i> having a diameter of 0.45 m.&mdash;18 in.&mdash;shooting
+up from the interior. 50 m.&mdash;165 ft.&mdash;further north
+a clearly defined estufa is seen, 4 m.&mdash;13 ft.&mdash;across, with
+stone walls 1 m.&mdash;3 ft. 3 in.&mdash;in width. The apron of the
+mesa is overgrown with fine pines. Thence, following a tie-shoot,
+we ascended very nearly vertically, about 1,000 feet at
+least, to the top. Here already the view to the E. and S. was
+magnificent; but the air was light and chilly. Thunder-clouds
+were hovering N. and E., rain-streaks pouring down on the
+Sierra de Tecolote, and soon a heavy cloud formed south of us,
+while others were slowly nearing from the N.E. The mesa dips
+or slants decidedly to the W. and S.W.; the strata on its surface
+are tilted up to a high pitch, and appear to be almost
+vertical. The ground is very rocky, covered with high <i>pi&ntilde;on</i>.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">p. 101</a></span></p>
+<p>Notwithstanding the steadily nearing thunder, we plunged to
+the S.W., past the tie-camp of Mr. Keno, and soon struck the
+source of an arroyo in a rocky, desolate hollow, pines shooting
+up in and around it. There, on its left bank, were the
+foundations of a stone structure 11 m. &times; 3 m.&mdash;36 ft. &times; 10
+ft. About three miles from the edge of the mesa, in a still
+wilder <i>ca&ntilde;ada</i>, where there is no space nor site for any
+abode around, the bell was found. There is no trace of any
+"winter house" here,&mdash;not even on the entire mesa; and the
+bell was left there, not because its carriers there remained,
+but because it dropped there and broke. Who these carriers
+were I shall discuss further on; at all events, they were not
+the Indians of Pecos. This <i>ca&ntilde;ada</i> is the entrance to a
+gorge descending directly towards the pueblo of Galisteo.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>
+Meanwhile the clouds had accumulated over our heads, sharp
+thunder-claps and icy blasts preceding the storm. It was of
+short duration, but as the hail fell thickly we were thoroughly
+pelted and wet before again reaching the camp, glad to enjoy
+the hospitality and hot coffee of its inmates. At one <span class="smcap">p.m.</span> the
+sun shone again, and we started (this time to the north) along
+the border of the mesa. Vegetation is here more exuberant
+than in the valley of Pecos. Not only do tall pines grow
+everywhere, but there is a thick undergrowth of <i>encina</i>;
+the Yucca is large and green, mountain sage covers the soil,
+and grassy levels are dotted with flowers. Animal life, also,
+is more vigorous and more varied. Whereas in the valley
+crows and turkey-buzzards alone enliven the air, and there are
+scarcely any beetles; up here there is deer and turkey, and the
+gray wolf; jays and magpies flutter through the thickets, and
+the horned lizard is met with occasionally. The pith of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">p. 102</a></span>
+pine-trees attracts a large species of buprestis, and lepidopter&aelig;
+are quite common. But there is not the least vestige of former
+human dwellings, so far as I could see: the top of the
+mesa of Pecos is, and was, a wilderness. It may have been the
+hunting-grounds of the tribe even in winter, but as for their
+exchanging their large pueblo at the bottom for a residence
+on the top it is very much as if the good people of New
+York City should spend Christmas week on the Catskill
+Range, or the Bostonians take winter quarters on Mount
+Monadnock. We followed the crest of the mesa for nearly
+four miles, ascending two of its highest tops. They are
+steep, denuded, and craggy. Beneath them vertical ledges
+descend in amphitheatres. From the highest point the
+horizon to the south appears unbounded. Like a small
+cone, the peak of Bernal seems to guard the lowest end of
+the Valley of Pecos. Over this vale rain-clouds still cast
+their shadows, and distant thunder muttered behind the
+Owl Mountains and the high Sierras in the north. To
+the west and south-west are almost unlimited expanses of
+slope, dark green pineries, and grassy spots. The bold
+outline of the Sandia Mountains looms up stately beyond
+it. Even the distant Sierra de Jemez protrudes. Between
+it and the northern limits of the mesa lies, far off yet, the
+city of Santa F&eacute;.</p>
+
+<p>The mesa is mostly yellow sandstone, but its highest points
+are capped with red; therefore the name of "Cerro amarillo"
+often applied to it. Through a gorge worn in the rock, and
+on an almost perpendicular "burro-trail," we finally descended
+to the apron of the plateau, surrounded during our
+descent by scenery as weird and wild as any of the lower Alps
+of Switzerland. On the lower edge of the apron, a mile and
+a half north of Kingman, and half a mile from the railroad
+track, we struck again several ruins. They were partitioned<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">p. 103</a></span>
+rectangles, very similar in size and in condition to the foundations
+seen south of the old church of Pecos, and, like those,
+utterly devoid of fragments of pottery. Along their eastern
+line, and inside of the walls, there appeared little square
+heaps of stones. These were the graves of which my guide
+had spoken, and their position is exactly similar to that of
+those near and at the pueblo itself.<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p>
+
+<p>My time was up, however, and I could not stop to explore
+them. I therefore returned to Baughl's, and thence to Santa
+F&eacute;, with the firm determination to revisit Pecos at a future
+day, and then do what I was compelled reluctantly to leave
+undone this time. Should, in the mean time, some arch&aelig;ologist
+explore the same locality, correct my errors, and unravel
+the mysteries hovering about the place, I heartily wish him as
+much pleasure and quiet enjoyment as I have had during my
+ten days' work, in which the dream of a life has at last begun
+its realization. Before, however, turning to the close of my
+report, which will embody scraps of history gathered about
+the place, remarks on the customs and arts of its former inhabitants,
+and general reflections, I must express my thanks
+here to a few gentlemen not yet named in this "personal narrative."
+Besides Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, who kindly assisted
+me for the first two days, Mr. G. C. Bennet, the skilful photographer,
+of whose ability his work is telling, has been for
+two days a pleasant and welcome companion. Last, but certainly
+not least, I thank Mr. John D. McRae, not only for his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">p. 104</a></span>
+assistance free of expense to the Institute in many important
+mechanical matters, but especially for the solicitude with which
+he has watched my work and looked to my comforts, and for
+the great store of information I have gathered from his conversation.</p>
+
+
+<h4 class="sect">HISTORY.</h4>
+
+<p>My survey of the grounds occupied by the aboriginal ruins
+in the valley of the Pecos indicates, as I have already stated,
+three epochs, successive probably in time, in which they have
+been occupied by man; that is, I have noticed these, and beyond
+these I have not been able to go as yet. Subsequent
+explorers may be more fortunate. This distinction, or rather
+classification, is very imperfect in the two earlier stages, and
+even arbitrary; but between the second and the last there is
+a marked break,&mdash;not in time, but in ethnological development.
+I shall term the three epochs as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">1. Pre-traditional. (Indicated by the presence of the corrugated
+and indented pottery as its most conspicuous "land-mark.")</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">2. Traditional and documentary. (Documents in the sense
+of written records.)</p>
+
+<p class="indentp">3. Documentary period.</p>
+
+
+<h4 class="sect">THE PRE-TRADITIONAL PERIOD.</h4>
+
+<p>I have not been able to detect as yet among the confused
+traditions current about the pueblo of Pecos any tale concerning
+occupation of their grounds by human beings prior to the
+settlement of which the ruins now bear testimony. It is true
+that the proper traditions of the tribe of Pecos are now preserved
+only at the pueblo of Jemez, about eighty miles N.W.
+of Pecos and fifty miles W. of Santa F&eacute;, and that I have not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">p. 105</a></span>
+as yet visited that place.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> But it must be remembered that I
+now report "up to date," and that subsequent information
+will, or at least should, come in time.</p>
+
+<p>My reason for admitting a pre-traditional period is, then,
+simply that I have found human remains at Pecos older than
+those of the present ruins and different in kind. These remains,
+as it may already have been inferred from the "personal
+narrative," are those found on the west side of the
+arroyo, in the basin (or rather the bank encircling it) opposite
+the rock carvings.</p>
+
+<p>One fact is certain, the human bones, the walls protruding
+from the banks, and the grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters,
+are all above the layer of white ashes, charcoal, corncobs, and
+corrugated pottery found as a continuous seam along an
+extent of over 100 m.&mdash;327 ft.&mdash;from N. to S. Consequently,
+the walls and graves must have been built over these
+remains of a people which appears to have made indented
+and corrugated pottery alone, and consequently also the latter
+must be older in time than the former. It does not appear
+that the sedentary Indians of New Mexico ever made, within
+traditional and documentary times, any other than the painted
+pottery in greater or less degree of perfection. Even Gaspar
+Casta&ntilde;o de la Sosa, when he made his inroad into New Mexico
+in 1590, mentions at the first pueblo which he conquered:
+"They have much pottery,&mdash;red, figured, and black,&mdash;platters,
+caskets, salters, bowls.... Some of the pottery was
+glazed."<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> The corrugated and indented pottery, as I am as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">p. 106</a></span>sured
+by Sr. Vigil, is rarely met with over New Mexico, except
+at old ruined pueblos, and only when digging (en cavando).<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
+I feel, therefore, justified in assuming it to have been
+the manufactured ware of a people distinct from the Pecos
+tribe or the pueblo Indians of New Mexico in general, and
+their predecessors in point of time. This pottery, however,
+is frequently met with among the cliff dwellings of the Rio
+Mancos and in Utah.<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Its relation, then, to the painted pottery
+has, as far as I know, not yet been investigated.</p>
+
+<p>But what could have been the purpose in covering originally
+a space of over 100 m.&mdash;327 ft.&mdash;in length with the
+products of combustion and fragments of one and the same
+industry in such a manner as to form an uninterrupted layer
+of 0.45 m.&mdash;18 in.&mdash;at least in thickness? Those who subsequently
+buried their dead over the seam certainly did not
+collect these ashes and spread them there as a floor on which
+they rested their structures afterwards. The combustion of a
+large wooden building would not have given the same uniformity
+on such a large scale. Sr. Vigil has suggested to me
+the following very plausible explanation: In order to burn or
+bake their pottery, the present pueblo Indians of New Mexico
+build large but low hearths on the ground of small wood,
+sticks, and other inflammable rubbish and refuse, on which
+they place the newly formed articles, and then set the floor on
+fire, until the whole is thoroughly burnt. Fragments of broken
+objects, etc., are not removed. The combustible material
+is thus reduced to ashes, and the broken pieces remain within
+them; their convex surfaces, of course, falling outwards, and
+thus resting on the floor. In this manner a thick layer of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">p. 107</a></span>
+ashes and charcoal, with pottery, is easily formed. These
+"hogueras" are still from 20 to 40 feet in diameter; but, as
+they accommodate themselves to the size of the pueblo, it is
+certain that they were formerly much larger. The analogy
+between such a "potters'-field" and the layer in question is
+very striking, and the inference appears likely that the people
+who made this corrugated and indented pottery made it in the
+same manner as the pueblo Indians now make their painted
+ware, and as they made it at the time of the conquest.</p>
+
+<p>These very old manufacturers of indented ceramics were
+also a horticultural people, for they raised Indian corn. The
+cob found in the ashes, or rather cut out with the knife at
+some distance inside the bluff, is charred and small. To
+what variety of Zea it belongs the specialist must decide.</p>
+
+<p>I hold it to be utterly useless, and even improper, on my
+part to speculate any further on these "pre-traditional" people.
+Perhaps I have already said too much. Excavations
+alone can throw further light on the subject.</p>
+
+
+<h4 class="sect">THE TRADITIONAL AND DOCUMENTARY PERIOD.</h4>
+
+<p>The term "traditional" is applied to this period, because
+the people occupying the site of Old Pecos have left some
+traditions behind them, and not because we know when it
+commenced. In fact, I am much inclined to divide it, for the
+sake of convenience, into two periods again, one of which includes
+the occupation of the area within the circumvallation
+and its necessary annexes (field, etc.), whereas the other includes
+the area without. Of the former, we have definite
+knowledge in regard to its inhabitants; of the latter, we have
+none whatever. It is therefore also pre-traditional as yet. Nevertheless,
+I have included it in the second epoch, as its ruins
+indicate that its people possessed arts identical with those of
+the present pueblo Indians. Their pottery, wherever exposed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">p. 108</a></span>
+was painted, figured, and vitrified in places; its ornamentation
+is exactly similar to that of the pottery of the interior area, and
+different from that of Zu&ntilde;i. They used flint, but no trace of
+obsidian is found. This may be purely accidental; still, why
+should it occur at three places so totally different in regard to
+erosion and abrasion as the slope south of the church, the west
+bank of the creek directly opposite, and, if thorough examination
+should confirm the results of my cursory observations, the
+apron of the high mesa? The graves, wherever found, are identical
+with those of the <i>mesilla</i>; the plan of building, and consequently
+of living,<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> appears similar to that exhibited in houses
+<i>A</i> and <i>B</i>; the material used is the same, but the walls are more
+ruinous, and apparently of a much older date. The inference
+is therefore not unreasonable, that the inhabitants of the three
+areas named, as outside of the great circumvallation, were of
+the kind now called "pueblo Indians," who preceded the tribe
+of Pecos proper in point of time. It is not improbable that
+one or the other of these ruins may have been erected by the
+Pecos themselves before they settled on the mesilla. Still,
+there is neither proof nor disproval of this surmise extant.</p>
+
+<p>There appears to be also a slight difference between the
+different ruins of this period themselves. The ruins south of
+the church and those along the mesa are similar, in that they
+are more ruined, and not covered with <i>d&eacute;bris</i>, and in that their
+surfaces are also devoid of pottery. The space west of the
+creek has pottery and also heaps of rubbish, and I therefore
+conclude that it was the most recent of the three locations,&mdash;or
+at least the one last abandoned. To it must be added the
+small mound or promontory found further south on the east<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">p. 109</a></span>
+bank of the arroyo. One fact is certain: all these places
+were deserted, and perhaps as badly ruined as now, at
+the time when Coronado first visited Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> (The partial
+removal of the surface material may have been effected by
+the Pecos Indians themselves in order to build their own
+houses.)</p>
+
+<p>Referring now to the inhabitants of the two houses, whose
+ruins are situated on the mesilla, north of the church, it is a
+thoroughly well-authenticated fact that they spoke the same
+language as the Indians of the pueblo of Jemez. Jemez lies
+80 miles N.W. of Pecos, beyond the Rio Grande. It is possible
+that the Pecos Indians came to the valley from that
+direction. But it is singular that, while there are no other
+settlements speaking this same idiom but Jemez and Pecos,
+these two pueblos should be separated, as early as at Coronado's
+time (1540), by three distinct linguistical stocks, different
+from theirs and lying across, intervening between
+them. Directly W. of Pecos the Queres, S.W. the Tanos,
+N.W. the Tehuas&mdash;all at war with the Jemez and the
+Pecos, and often with each other&mdash;lay like a barrier between
+the latter two. The point is an interesting one, as
+the pueblo of Pecos defines (together with Taos at the
+north) the utmost easterly limit to which the pueblo Indians
+seem to have penetrated.</p>
+
+<p>Who were first in the valley of the Rio Grande? Did
+the Queres, Tanos, Tehuas, etc., drive out the Pecos, then
+already settled to the S.W., into the Sierra, or did the Pecos,
+migrating from Jemez, force their passage through the
+other tribes? I conjecture that the Jemez, etc., were the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">p. 110</a></span>
+first; that they migrated down the Rio Grande, and on the
+same area, between Sand&iacute;a to the S. and Santa F&eacute;, were gradually
+displaced by the others successively coming in,&mdash;one
+branch, the Jemez, recoiling into the mountains towards
+San Diego;<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> the other, the Pecos, driven up the ca&ntilde;on of
+San Crist&oacute;bal,<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> and finally, when the Tanos moved up into
+that valley, crossing over to the valley of Pecos.</p>
+
+<p>This is to a great extent conjecture; still there are other
+singular indications. I give them with due reserve, however,
+formally protesting against any imputation that they are
+intended for anything else than to suggest problems for future
+study.</p>
+
+<p>According to my friend Mr. A. S. Gatchet, of Washington,
+D. C., an excellent linguist, the Tanos and the inhabitants
+of Isleta, the most southerly pueblo on the Rio Grande
+still occupied, speak the same language.<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The same is asserted
+here, as a known fact, to be the case with the Taos
+and the Picuries in the north, and the Isletas at the south.
+If this be true, then the supposition that the Queres and
+Tehuas are the latest intrusive stock would become a certainty.
+More than that: the Tanos prior to 1680, had their
+chief pueblo at San Crist&oacute;bal, N. E. of Galisteo, on the slope
+of the mesa of Pecos. They also had become dispossessed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">p. 111</a></span>
+of the Rio Grande valley, and divided into (originally)
+two branches,&mdash;the Picuries and Taos north, and the Tanos,
+of Galisteo, east. Isleta itself is a later agglomeration.<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>
+There being no pueblo E. and S. E. of Pecos, then it appears
+that the Jemez, or rather Emmes, were the first migration,
+the Tanos the second, and the Queres and Tehuas
+the last.</p>
+
+<p>The earliest traditions of the Pecos are preserved to us
+by Pedro de Casta&ntilde;eda, one of the eye-witnesses and chroniclers
+of Coronado's "march" in 1540. They told him that,
+five or six years (?) before the arrival of the Spaniards, a
+roaming tribe called the "Teyas" (Yutas) had ravaged the
+surroundings of their pueblo, and even, though fruitlessly,
+attempted to capture it.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> This tribe was afterwards met by
+Coronado in the plains to the N.E. and E.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p>
+
+<p>Another tradition, very well known,&mdash;so well, indeed, that
+it has given to the name of the unlucky "capitan de la guerra"
+of the ancient Mexicans the honorific title of an aboriginal
+"cultus-hero,"&mdash;is that of Montezuma.</p>
+
+<p>I hope, at some future time, to be able to give some further
+information on this Spanish-Mexican importation. Suffice it
+to say for the present, that not a single one of the numerous
+chronicles and reports about New Mexico, up to the year 1680,
+mentions the Montezuma story! The word itself, Mon-te-zuma,
+is a corruption of the Mexican word "Mo-tecu-zoma,"&mdash;literally,
+"my wrathy chief,"&mdash;which corruption that emi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">p. 112</a></span>nently
+"reliable gentleman," Bernal Diez de Castillo, is to be
+thanked for. He wrote in 1568.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>
+
+<p>What the Indians themselves say of this tale I have not as
+yet ascertained; but the people of the valley all assert that
+the people of the pueblo believe in it,&mdash;that they even affirmed
+that Montezuma was born at Pecos; that he wore
+golden shoes, and left for Mexico, where, for the sake of these
+valuable brogans, he was ruthlessly slaughtered. They further
+say that, when he left Pecos, he commanded that the
+holy fire should be kept burning till his return, in testimony
+whereof the sacred embers were kept aglow till 1840, and
+then transferred to Jemez.</p>
+
+<p>There is one serious point in the whole story, and that is
+the illustration how an evident mixture of a name with the
+Christian faith in a personal redeemer, and dim recollections
+of Coronado's presence and promise to return,<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> could finally
+take the form of a mythological personage. In this respect,
+for the study of mythology in general, it is of great importance.
+That the sacred fire had, originally, nothing at all to
+do with the Montezuma legend is amply proven by the earliest
+reports.</p>
+
+<p>It will also become interesting to ascertain in the future how
+many pueblos, and which, concede to Pecos the honor of being
+the birthplace of that famed individual, and how many, as
+is the case with other great folks in more civilized communities,
+claim the same honor for themselves.</p>
+
+<p>I cannot, therefore, attach to the Montezuma tale any historical
+importance whatever,&mdash;not even a traditional value.</p>
+
+<p>Of course, Casta&ntilde;eda reports the story which every Indian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">p. 113</a></span>
+tribe tells of themselves; namely, that the Pecos Indians were
+the bravest and the most warlike of the pueblos, and that in
+every encounter they were always victorious.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p>
+
+<p>Historical data, founded upon positive written records, begin
+for Pecos towards the fall of the year 1540, when Francisco
+Vasquez de Coronado, then at Zu&ntilde;i or Cibola, sent the Captain
+Hernando de Alvarado with twenty men to visit a village
+called "Cicuy&eacute;."<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Indians from that village, "situated seventy
+leagues towards the east"<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> from Zu&ntilde;i, had visited the latter
+town, and offered to the Spanish leader "tanned hides,
+shields, and helmets." The hides were buffalo-robes, for the
+woolly hair was still on them.<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Alvarado reached Cicuy&eacute;,
+passing, as I have elsewhere stated, through Acoma and Bernalillo.
+I have already identified Cicuy&eacute; with Pecos. Besides
+the proofs already given, a few descriptive abstracts from
+the report of Casta&ntilde;eda will add to the strength of the evidence:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(p. 71.) "Five days' journeys further, Alvarado reached Cicuy&eacute;,
+a well-fortified village, whose houses are four stories high."</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(p. 176.) "It is built on the summit of a rock. It forms a
+great square, in the centre of which are the <i>estufas</i>." (Compare
+general description and diagrams.)</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(p. 177) "The village is surrounded besides by a stone wall
+of rather low height. There is a spring which might be cut
+off."</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the wall, I refer to the plans and descriptions;
+as for the spring, it trickles out beneath a massive ledge of
+rocks on the west side of the arroyo, nearly opposite to the
+field. Its water, slightly alkaline, is still limpid and cool, and
+a great source of comfort. The sketch upon the next page
+will give an idea of its appearance.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">p. 114</a></span></p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 182px;">
+<a name="i114" id="i114" href="images/illus-p114-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-p114.png" width="182" height="139" alt="Spring" title="Spring" />
+</a>
+</div>
+
+<p>There is no trace of work about it. At sunset of the 3d of
+September, Mr. Bennet and I saw a herd of many hundred
+sheep and goats driven to this spring by Mexicans for water,
+although the creek still had a fillet of clear water running, and
+the pond in the old field was filled nearly to its brim; they
+still preferred the old source.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, it must be borne in mind, that the name of Pecos,
+in the language of its former inhabitants and of those of Jemez,
+is "&Acirc;qiu," and that, in an anonymous report of the expedition
+of Coronado from the year 1541, Cicuy&eacute; is spelt Acuique.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p>
+
+<p>Casta&ntilde;eda gives some few details concerning the mode of
+life and the customs of the inhabitants. Aside from those
+which I have already mentioned, he notices the ladders (p.
+176); that at night the inhabitants kept watch on the walls, the
+guard calling each other by means of "trumpets" (p. 179);<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">p. 115</a></span>
+that the unmarried females went naked until their marriage
+(p. 177); that the pueblo could muster 500 warriors (p. 176);
+and finally, that it was situated in a narrow valley in the midst
+of mountains covered with pines, and traversed by a small
+river where excellent trout is caught; very large otters, bears,
+and good hawks are found there (p. 179). The inhabitants
+received Alvarado with the sound of "drums and flutes, similar
+to fifes, which they use often." They presented to him a
+great quantity of cloth and turquoises, which are common in
+this province (p. 72). I must here add that the turquoise
+mines of "Serrillos" are, in a direct line, only about twenty
+miles nearly west of Pecos, in a country between the former
+pueblos of the Tanos and those of the Tehuas. I have seen
+splendid specimens of the mineral from that locality, and Mr.
+Thurston found and I have sent on a perforated bead of
+bluish color which he picked up among the rubbish of the
+house <i>B</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When, in 1543, Coronado left Nuevo M&eacute;xico with his whole
+army to return to Mexico, two ecclesiastics remained there,&mdash;Fray
+Juan de Padilla, who was subsequently killed by the
+Indians near Gran Quivira,<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> and a lay brother called Luis,
+who took up his abode at Pecos. Before Coronado left Bernalillo
+("Tiguex"), he sent to brother Luis the remainder of
+the sheep. He was then of good cheer, but still expected to
+be killed some day by the old men of the tribe, who hated
+him, although the people were friendly to him in general.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>
+Nothing was afterward heard of him. Thus Pecos was the
+first "mission" in New Mexico; perhaps, also, the first place
+where domestic quadrupeds became introduced.</p>
+
+<p>Forty years elapse before we again hear of Pecos. The un<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">p. 116</a></span>fortunate
+father, Augustin Ruiz, who, in 1581, attempted to
+convert the pueblos, did not reach further north than Puaray,
+where the Tiguas killed him, with his two companions.<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> But
+Antonio de Espejo, who, with fourteen soldiers, explored New
+Mexico in 1582 and 1583, visited Pecos. There can be no
+doubt but that the pueblos of the "Hubates"&mdash;two journeyings
+of six leagues to the east of the "Quires"&mdash;are the
+Pecos and the "Tamos," the Tanos.<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Espejo is very liberal
+in his estimates: he gives to the "Hubates" five towns
+with 25,000 inhabitants, and to the "Tamos" even 40,000 souls.
+He says they had cotton cloth; he also says there was much
+good pine and cedar in their country, and that their houses
+were four and five stories high. His visit to the pueblo was
+of very short duration.</p>
+
+<p>In 1590, Gaspar Casta&ntilde;o de la Sosa, "being then Lieutenant-Governor
+and Captain-General of the kingdom of New
+Leon," made a raid into New Mexico. It is possible that
+the pueblo which he came to on the 11th January, 1591, may
+have been Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p>
+
+<p>The "Spanish conquest of New Mexico" proper took place
+in the years 1597 and 1598, under Don Juan de O&ntilde;ate. He
+met with little opposition, and his conquest amounted to little
+else than a military occupation, followed by the foundation
+of Santa F&eacute;. On the 25th of July, 1598, he went to "the
+great pueblo of Pecos,"<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> and on the 9th of September, 1598,
+in the "principal <i>estufa</i>" of the pueblo of San Juan, the Pe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">p. 117</a></span>cos
+pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain. On the same
+occasion, Fray Francisco de San Miguel became the first regular
+priest of the pueblo.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Here terminates the second period
+of the second epoch; and the last one begins where the history
+of the Pecos tribe, whatever is left of it, becomes almost
+exclusively documentary.<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p>
+
+<p>Before, however, leaving this period, I must recall here two
+facts elicited by the reports of the forays and travels above
+mentioned. One is, that the Pecos Indians, however warlike
+they may have been towards outsiders, still were of an orderly,
+gentle disposition in every-day intercourse. This is a natural
+consequence of their organization and degree of development.
+The other and more important one is, that Pecos was the most
+easterly pueblo in existence in 1540, and that even at that time
+it was quite alone.</p>
+
+<p>Casta&ntilde;eda says (p. 188): "In order to understand how the
+country is inhabited in the centre of the mountains, we must
+remember that from Chichilticah, where they begin, there are
+eighty leagues; thence to Cicuy&eacute;, which is the last village,
+they reckon seventy leagues, and thirty from Cicuy&eacute; to the
+beginning of the plains."</p>
+
+<p>Juan Jaramillo, another eye-witness of "Coronado's march,"
+intimates a similar fact.<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p>
+
+<p>In regard to Pecos being "quite alone," Casta&ntilde;eda is positive;
+so is Juan de O&ntilde;ate, who received and registered its
+submission. It is true, however, that Casta&ntilde;eda mentions a
+small pueblo as subject to Cicuy&eacute;, which pueblo, however, he
+says was half destroyed at his time. He locates it "between
+the road and the Sierra Nevada."<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> This may have been the
+small ruin noticed near Kingman.</p>
+
+<p>These facts are very interesting in their bearings upon the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">p. 118</a></span>
+older ruins of Pecos. It goes far towards furnishing additional
+proof that they were indeed abandoned and decayed
+already in 1540. In regard to building <i>B</i>, it is ignored in the
+reports, <i>A</i>, with its vast court and its <i>estufas</i>, claiming exclusive
+attention. Still there is no room left for doubt that <i>B</i>
+was occupied during this period. But it is evident, from the
+statements of the eye-witnesses, that <i>A</i> was the principal abode
+of the Pecos tribe in 1540 and afterwards.</p>
+
+
+<h4 class="sect">THE DOCUMENTARY PERIOD,</h4>
+
+<p>commencing in 1598, and running up to the present time.
+Here we should be entitled to find, of course, ample and detailed
+documentary evidence. Two unfortunate occurrences,
+however, have contributed to destroy the records of the territory
+of New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>In the month of August, 1680, when the pueblo Indians
+rose in successful revolt against the Spanish rule, and captured
+the "villa" of Santa F&eacute;, they brought the archives,
+ecclesiastical and civil, into the plaza, and made a bonfire of
+the entire pile. This was an act of barbarous warfare. But
+few papers escaped the general destruction; these were saved
+by Governor Don Antonio de Otermin, and sent to El Paso
+del Norte, where they are still supposed to remain. We are,
+therefore, as far as the period of 1598-1680 is concerned,
+almost exclusively reduced to general works like the "Teatro
+Mexicano" of Fray Augustin de Vetancurt, and to the collections
+of documents published at Mexico and at Madrid. That,
+nevertheless, some documents were saved, and subsequently
+carried back to Santa F&eacute;, is proved by the fact that Mr.
+Louis Felsenthal, of this city, has recovered one, a copy of
+which it is hoped will appear in the Journal of the Institute
+in time.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequent to the return of the Spaniards, the archives of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">p. 119</a></span>
+Santa F&eacute; were kept in good order by its administrators, the
+last revision thereof being made by Governor Donaciano Vigil.
+In 1870, however, the man who then acted as Governor
+of the Territory, although otherwise of irreproachable character,
+permitted an act of vandalism almost without its parallel.
+The archives had accumulated in the palace to a vast extent:
+the original good order in which they were kept had been totally
+neglected during and since the war of secession; there
+was not even a custodian for them. So the head of the executive
+of this territory suffered its archives to be sold as waste
+paper, even sometimes used as kindling in the offices. Of the
+entire carefully nursed documentary treasures, the accumulation
+of 190 years, the Hon. Samuel Ellison, of this city (notwithstanding
+his feeble health), has been able to register about
+fifty bundles (<i>legajos</i>), whereas wagon-loads were scattered
+or sold for wrapping.</p>
+
+<p>Many of the intelligent inhabitants attempted to save what
+they could, and there are some who succeeded to a limited
+extent; but of what yet remained in the palace, reduced to a
+sufficiently small bulk as not to be "in the way" any longer,
+even the valuable journals of Otermin and Vargas were considerably
+reduced through further decay.</p>
+
+<p>This has been, in times of profound peace and in the nineteenth
+century, the fate of the archives of New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>Ever since, the legislature of the territory has been, in fact,
+utterly neglectful of its public documents. Each and every
+reminder in the shape of a petition has been disregarded, and
+only Governor L. Wallace has at last succeeded in having
+them overhauled. Hon. W. G. Ritch effected their removal
+to a suitable place, and it is to the acts of these gentlemen,
+and to the labor of love of Mr. Ellison, that we owe the preservation
+of what now remains.</p>
+
+<p>What little documentary evidence has, therefore, been left<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">p. 120</a></span>
+at my disposal, contains, as might be supposed, meagre information
+concerning the pueblo of Pecos. The older church
+annals I have not been able to find, for those at the Plaza de
+Pecos date back only to 1862. Whither they have gone I am
+unable to tell, except that they are not at Santa F&eacute;.</p>
+
+<p>About the year 1628, through the action of Fray Francisco de
+Apodaca,<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> then Commissary-General of the Franciscan order
+in Mexico, religious life in this territory obtained a new impulse.
+Until then the work performed had been almost exclusively
+missionary work; the priests had (and still have) enormous
+districts to visit. Thus: that of the first priest of Pecos embraced
+from N. to S. a country of over 60 miles long, and 30
+to 50 wide from E. to W. However, after Fray Ger&oacute;nimo de
+Zarate Salmeron had addressed to his superior at Mexico his
+remarkable report in the year 1626,<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> a new life began. It is
+therefore after 1629 that the large church at Pecos was erected,
+but I am as yet unable to give the exact dates. This church
+and the "convent" were both built by Indians, whom the
+fathers had taught to square timbers, to ornament them with
+simple friezes and scroll-work, and to make adobe in the
+manner now practised, namely, mixing straw with the clay
+and moulding it in boxes. They were also taught to grow
+wheat and oats, and their flocks increased. In addition to
+being a horticultural people they became herders, and the
+pueblo was prosperous. Its church was renowned as the
+finest in New Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Whereas Santa F&eacute;, in 1667, had but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">p. 121</a></span>
+250 inhabitants,<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Pecos, as late as 1680, sheltered 2,000 Indians.<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p>
+
+<p>Still, during this very time of comparative prosperity, a storm
+was brewing in New Mexico, from whose effects its sedentary
+Indians never recovered. This was the great rebellion of
+1680. The Indians of Pecos claim to have remained neutral
+during that bloody massacre, and I am inclined to believe
+their statements. Nevertheless, it is a positive fact that, on
+the 10th of August of the aforesaid year, their priest, Fray
+Fernando de Velasco, was murdered and their church sacked.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>
+By whom, then, was it done? The reply is intimated by the
+place where the great bell was found, and by the events intervening
+between 1680 and 1692, when Diego de Vargas recaptured
+Santa F&eacute;. It will be remembered that the bell was left on
+the slope of the high mesa towards the S.W., in the rocky and
+desolate gorge descending towards the pueblo San Crist&oacute;bal,
+the old home of the Tanos tribe.<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Father Jos&eacute; Amanda Niel
+writes, about twenty-five or thirty years after the rebellion, that
+the Tanos secured the greatest part of the booty, among which
+were bells (<i>campanas</i>).<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> That this bell was not carried to
+the high <i>mesa</i> by the Pecos I believe I have proved; its proximity
+to the Tanos village, and its actual position in the <i>ca&ntilde;ada</i>
+leading towards the latter, shows that it was either to
+be carried down to it or carried up from it. If it is (as cur<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">p. 122</a></span>rent
+report has it) the bell of Pecos, then it was a trophy which
+the Tanos secured when they, on the 10th of August, 1680,
+committed the atrocities at the pueblo of Pecos; and this
+would make it extremely probable, also, that the slaughter of
+Father Velasco was accompanied by that partial destruction
+of the buildings <i>A</i> and B<i>,</i> which I have described, and which
+appears to have been partly repaired by means of material
+taken from the church, and of adobe containing wheat-straw.
+This is rendered more likely by the events subsequent to the
+driving out of the Spaniards, and it does not appear that the
+Pecos Indians took any part even in their expulsion.</p>
+
+<p>After the victorious aborigines had returned from their pursuit
+of Otermin, dissensions arose among them, and intertribal
+warfare, in conformity with their pristine condition, set in.
+The Pecos, aided by the Queres, made a violent onslaught on
+the Tanos, compelling them to abandon San Crist&oacute;bal and
+San L&aacute;zaro.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> This looks very much like an act of retaliation.
+During that time the Spaniards were not idle. In 1682, Governor
+Otermin penetrated as far as Cochiti,<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> but appears to
+have taken no notice of Pecos. In 1689, however, Don Domingo
+Gironza Petroz de Cruzate made a successful raid into
+New Mexico, in which raid the warriors of Pecos assisted him
+against the other tribes. In reward of their services he, on
+the 25th of September, 1689, after his return to El Paso del
+Norte, executed there the document a copy of which is
+hereto appended, and for which I am indebted to the kindness
+of my friend David J. Miller, Esq., chief clerk of the
+Surveyor General's Office at Santa F&eacute;. It is a grant to the
+tribe of Pecos of all the lands one league north, south, east,
+and west from their pueblo ("una legua en cuadro"), there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">p. 123</a></span>fore
+four square leagues, or 18,763-33/100 acres, to be therefore
+their joint and common property. When, therefore, in the
+afternoon of the 17th of October, 1692, Diego de Vargas Zapata,
+having recaptured Santa F&eacute; from the Tanos who then
+held its ruins,<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> moved upon Pecos, he was received by the
+whole tribe with demonstrations of joy,<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> and the "capitan de
+la guerra" of the pueblo afterwards assisted him in subduing
+a second outbreak in 1694.<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p>
+
+<p>The result for the pueblos of the great revolt in New Mexico
+was a gradual diminution in the numbers of their inhabitants.
+It was the beginning of decline. The Tanos had been
+in some places nearly exterminated, and all the others more
+or less weakened.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> The distant Moqui, far off in Arizona,
+were the sole gainers by the occurrence, receiving accessions
+from fugitives of New Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> But it would be incorrect to
+attribute this weakening of the pueblos during that time to the
+warfare with the Spaniards, or to the latter's retaliatory measures
+after final triumph. Vargas was energetic in action, but
+not cruel. A few of those who had committed peculiar atrocities
+were executed, but the remnants of the pueblos were reestablished
+in their franchises and privileges as autonomous
+communities. It is the intertribal warfare, which commenced
+again as soon as the aborigines were left to themselves, and
+drouth accompanying the bitter and bloody feuds, which destroyed
+the pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> The Pecos,
+isolated and therefore less exposed, suffered proportionately<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">p. 124</a></span>
+less; still, their time was come also, though in a different
+way.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p>
+
+<p>I have already stated that, in the beginning of the eighteenth
+century, the Utes introduced near the pueblo of Taos another
+branch of the great Shoshone stock,&mdash;the <i>Comanches</i>. This
+tribe soon expelled the Apaches,<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> who had not been exceedingly
+troublesome to the pueblos, and, a vigorous northern
+stock, became that fearful scourge of all the surrounding settlements,
+which they have continued to be for 150 years. Their
+efforts were mainly directed against the pueblo of Pecos, as
+the most south-easterly village exposed to their attacks. On
+one occasion the Comanches slaughtered all the "young men"
+of Pecos but one,&mdash;a blow from which the tribe never recovered.
+Thus, when the Indians of the Rio Grande rose in arms
+against the Mexicans in 1837, as has been so ably described
+by Mr. D. J. Miller,<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> the Pecos did not take any part, for there
+were only eighteen adults left, huddled together in the northern
+wing of the huge building <i>A</i>, and watching the sacred
+embers in the face of slow, inevitable destruction.</p>
+
+<p>Then, in the following year, 1838, an event took place which,
+simple and natural as it is, still illustrates forcibly the powerful
+link which the bond of language creates between distant
+Indian communities. The pueblos of Pecos and Jemez had
+been almost without intercourse for centuries; but in the year
+1838, says Mariano Ruiz, the principal men of Jemez appeared
+in person on the site of Pecos and held a talk with its occupants.
+They had heard of the weakness of their brethren, of
+their forlorn condition, and now came to offer them a new<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">p. 125</a></span>
+home within the walls of their own pueblo. The Pecos took the
+proposal under consideration, but were loth to leave the home
+where they had lived for so many centuries. In the following
+year "mountain fever" broke out among them, and only five
+adults remained alive. These, by joint indentures, sold the
+majority of the lands granted to them in 1689 by Cruzate.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>
+Another portion was left to Ruiz as "son of the tribe." In
+1840 these five men, named respectively Antonio (<i>gobernador</i>,
+and still living at Jemez), Gregorio, Goya, Juan Domingo,
+and Francisco, appeared before Don Manuel Armijo, then
+Mexican governor of the territory, and declared to him their
+intention to abandon their home and to seek refuge among
+their kindred at Jemez. Soon after, the <i>gobernador</i>, the
+<i>capitan de la guerra</i> and the <i>cacique</i> of Jemez, with several
+other Indians of that tribe, appeared at Pecos. The
+sacred embers disappeared, tradition being, according to the
+Hon. W. G. Ritch, Secretary of the Territory, that they were
+returned to Montezuma.<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> The remnants of the tribe moved
+on with their chattels, and guided by their friends, to Jemez,
+where, in a few months, I hope to visit "the last of the
+Pecos."</p>
+
+
+<h4 class="sect">MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.</h4>
+
+<p>About the mythology of the Pecos Indians, aside from the
+Montezuma story and the sacred embers, the tale of the <i>Great</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">p. 126</a></span>
+<i>Snake</i> ("la v&iacute;vora grande") appears to be widely circulated.
+It is positively asserted<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> that the Pecos adored, and the Jemez
+and Taos still adore, an enormous rattlesnake, which they keep
+alive in some inaccessible and hidden mountain recess. It is
+even dimly hinted at that human sacrifices might be associated
+with this already sufficiently hideous cult. I give these
+facts as they were given to me, and shall not believe them
+until I am compelled. It has always been the natural tendency
+in everything which (like the idolatrous practices still
+existing among the pueblos, of which there is no doubt) we
+do not positively know, to make bad look worse and good better
+than it actually is. The prospect of securing a knowledge
+of it is, however, not very good. The Indians themselves appear
+to deny it, and are generally very reticent about their
+aboriginal beliefs.</p>
+
+<p>I have previously mentioned that Ruiz had been called
+upon by the Indians of Pecos to do his duty by attending to
+the sacred fire for one year, and that he refused. The reason
+for his refusal appears to have been that there was a belief to
+the effect that any one who had ever attended to the embers
+would, if he left the tribe, die without fail, and he did not wish
+to expose himself to such a fate.</p>
+
+<p>About the social organization of the Pecos Indians, it has
+not been possible, of course, to ascertain anything as yet.
+That they lived on the communal plan is plainly shown by
+the construction of their houses. That they were originally,
+at least, organized into clans or <i>gentes</i>, can be inferred; but
+here I must remark that it may be difficult to trace those clusters
+among the Rio Grande pueblos, on account of their weakness
+in numbers, and of the intermixture of the Tehua, Tanos,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">p. 127</a></span>
+and Queres stocks resulting from the convulsion of 1680. It
+may be possible, however, to find them at Jemez. They exist
+at Laguna and among the Moquis, according to Mr. Morgan,
+and I do not doubt but that Mr. Cushing, who is so thoroughly
+studying the Zu&ntilde;i Indians, has by this time settled the question
+for that tribe. One fact, however, I consider to be ascertained;
+namely, that there were neither castes nor classes
+among the pueblos, therefore not at Pecos. At the head of
+their communal government were the usual three officers,&mdash;the
+<i>gobernador</i>, the <i>capitan de la guerra</i>, and the <i>cacique</i>. I
+am not quite clear yet as to the proper functions of each,
+except that the first two are both warriors ("ambos son guerreros,"
+Ruiz); that the <i>capitan</i> has also the supervision of
+the lands of the tribe; and that the <i>cacique</i> is more or less
+a religious functionary. Mr. D. J. Miller states that the latter
+very seldom leaves the pueblo. It was therefore an unusual
+act when the <i>cacique</i> of Jemez came to Pecos in 1840,
+and I presume it was brought about through his connection
+with the holy fire. I asked Sr. Ruiz very distinctly as to
+whether these three officers were elective or not, and he
+promptly affirmed that they were ("son elegidos por el pueblo").
+I then inquired if the sons succeeded to the fathers in
+office, and his reply was that there was no objection to their
+being elected thereto if they were qualified ("si son buenos").
+This disposes of the question of heredity in office, rank, and
+title, and it is almost identical with the customs found by
+Alonzo de Zuevita among the Indians of Mexico in the middle
+of the sixteenth century. How the presumable "gentes"
+of the Pecos might have localized for dwelling in the great
+communal houses I am, of course, unable to conjecture.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to their marriage customs, their mode of naming
+children, etc., I have not been able to gather much information
+as yet. The old marriage customs are supplanted by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">p. 128</a></span>
+those of the church. Still, they may be traced up eventually.
+Every Pecos Indian had, besides his Spanish name, an Indian
+name; and there is, according to Mr. Ritch, still a Pecos Indian
+at Jemez whose aboriginal appellation is "Huaja-toya"
+(Spanish pronunciation). I heard of him this morning (Sept.
+17) through an Indian of Jemez. What I know of their burials
+is already stated.</p>
+
+<p>Of their agriculture, or rather horticulture, I have also
+spoken; the modes of cultivation have not been explained to
+me as yet. Irrigation is therefore the only part of their tillage
+system upon which I have been able to gather any information.
+In addition to what the preceding pages may
+contain, Sr. Vigil has assured me that they also irrigated their
+<i>huerta</i> from the <i>arroyo</i>. This thin fillet of clear water, now
+scarcely 0.50 m.&mdash;20 in.&mdash;in width, fills at times its entire
+gravelly bed, 100 m. to 150 m.&mdash;327 ft. to 490 ft.&mdash;from
+bank to bank. This does not occur annually, but at
+irregular intervals. Sr. Ruiz said that while the Pecos Indians
+were living at their pueblo the streams were filled with
+water ("en ese tiempo, corrieron los arroyos con agua, muy
+abundante"). It is further said that the tribe worked other
+"gardens" besides, on the banks of the river Pecos, two miles
+to the east.</p>
+
+<p>For their arts and industry I must refer to the collections,
+however meagre and unsatisfactory they are; a condition for
+which I have already apologized. Nowhere did I find a trace
+of iron nor of copper, although they used the latter for ornaments
+(bracelets, etc.), and there can be no doubt that they
+had the former metal also,&mdash;after the Spanish conquest, of
+course. The squaring of timbers, the scroll-work and friezes
+in the church, could only be done with instruments of
+iron. But all traces of these implements have disappeared
+from the ruins, as far as the surface is concerned. I can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">p. 129</a></span>not
+refrain, however, from dwelling at greater length upon
+two products of industry, so common among the ruins as
+hardly to attract the attention of curiosity-hunters any more.
+These are the flakes of obsidian and lava and the painted
+pottery.</p>
+
+<p>I have called these flakes a product of industry; while the
+material itself is of course a mineral, the fragments scattered
+about are undoubted products of skill. They are chips and
+splinters. There is neither lava nor obsidian cropping out in
+or about the valley,<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> but highly volcanic formations are abundantly
+found to the north, within fifty miles from Pecos, in
+the high Sierra de Mora; perhaps, also, nearer yet. At all
+events, the mineral has been brought to the pueblo and
+chipped there. The same is the case with the flint flakes,
+agates, jaspers, and moss-agates, with the difference, however,
+that, in the case of these, water has done a great part of the
+carrying, if not all; whereas the drift of the <i>arroyo</i> contains
+no obsidian nor lava, except such as has clearly been washed
+into it from the ruins. Among the flakes there will be noticed
+several which may have been used for knives, whereas still
+others approximate to the arrow-head. A small perfect arrow-head
+was found and transmitted by me to the Institute,&mdash;the
+only one I met with on the premises.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p>
+
+<p>The fact that several localities at Pecos are completely
+devoid of obsidian has already been mentioned. These are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">p. 130</a></span>
+the oldest ruins. In the case of the ruins along the mesa
+and those south of the church, I can only speak of the
+surface; but where the corrugated pottery was found the
+whole section of the bluff was exposed for more than 100 m.&mdash;327
+ft.,&mdash;and still not a trace of the mineral appeared,
+while flint, agate, and jasper were rather conspicuous.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> This
+may be accidental, but it is certainly suspicious and suggestive.</p>
+
+<p>The painted pottery is scattered in wagon-loads of fragments
+over the ruins. There are two places, however, where, as already
+stated, the surface is utterly devoid of them. Whether
+or not this deficiency extends to the soil, I cannot tell. I
+doubt it, however. These localities are, again, the apron
+along the <i>mesa</i> and the ruins south of the church. For the
+rest, it is very equally distributed everywhere. Still there are
+two distinct kinds at least. One is exactly similar to the kind
+now made and sold: it is coarse, soft; the ground is painted
+gray or yellow; the ornaments show, in few instances, traces of
+animal shapes (they are either black or brown); and the vessels
+must have been thick, and with a thicker coarse rim. Out
+of the grave in the mound <i>V</i>, the pottery was more perfect.
+There are pieces of a <i>tinaja</i> (bowl) with a vertical rim, yellow
+outside, white inside, with black geometrical ornamentation,
+not vitrified. This kind of pottery is still made by the
+Indians of Namb&eacute;, of Tezuque, and of Cochiti. (The former
+two are Tehuas, the latter is Queres.) But there I also found
+fragments of a plain black pottery, of dark red, and of dark
+red with black ornaments, which are thinner and much superior
+in "ring," and therefore in quality, to any now made.
+This pottery is older in date, and appears to be almost a lost
+art. There was, however, no distinction in distribution. Both
+kinds have one point in common, namely, the varnishing of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">p. 131</a></span>
+ornamental surfaces. I say varnishing,<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> and not "glazing;"
+for, although I believe the glassy appearance of the painted
+lines to be due to some admixture of the coloring material,
+and not to a separate glossy exterior coating, I do not as yet
+find a reason for admitting that the Indians knew the process
+of vitrification.</p>
+
+<p>Of the military manufactures of the Pecos, a small arrow-head
+of obsidian found near the church is the only trace. It
+is even too small for a war-arrow. They had stone hatchets,
+and may have had the dart, and, later on, the spear. Pebbles
+convenient for hurling are promiscuously observed on the
+<i>mesilla</i>, but they are not numerous; and nowhere along the
+circumvallation did I notice any trace of heaps.<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> The military
+constructions, however, become very interesting through
+their connection with the system of drainage and a comparison
+with the ancient Mexicans. Around the ancient pueblo of
+Mexico ("Tenuchtitlan") the water formed the protective
+circumvallation; at Pecos, the defensive wall collected the
+water and conducted it where it was needed for subsistence
+for the irrigation of crops.</p>
+
+<p>That this great circumvallation, 983 m.&mdash;3,225 ft.&mdash;in circuit,
+was a wall for protection also there is no doubt, although
+the main strength of the pueblo lay in the construction of its
+houses, where the inhabitants could simply shut themselves in
+and await quietly until the enemy was tired of prowling around
+it. By Indians it could only be carried by surprise or treachery.<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>
+Hence it was customary for the young men to leave the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">p. 132</a></span>
+pueblo at times in a body, abandoning it to the old men and
+women, etc., without concern.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> As long as these kept good
+watch they were safe, even if the Comanches should appear.
+Roaming Indians cannot break open a pueblo house if well
+guarded. For that purpose alone the mounds near the great
+gate, and the mound <i>H</i>, <a href="#pIV">Pl. IV.</a>, were erected. They were
+watch-towers for special purposes, for particular sections, where
+the lookouts from the wall-tops were not sufficient.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> These two
+mounds&mdash;one on each side of the gateway&mdash;overlooked the
+fields and the creek-bank: in the morning, when the people
+went out to work, or to carry drinking water from the spring
+opposite; during the day, while they attended to their simple
+labor of tillage.</p>
+
+<p>The mound and tower <i>H</i> performed a similar office towards
+the steep ledge of rocks there descending, among whose fragments
+Indians could hide for hours from the scouts on the
+house tops. Thus the great enclosure with its details served
+a triple purpose. It was the reservoir which held and conducted
+the waters precipitated on the <i>mesilla</i> to the useful
+purpose of irrigation. It was a preliminary defensive line,&mdash;a
+first obstruction to a storming foe, and a shelter for its defenders.
+But it was also in places an admirable post of observation.
+It formed the necessary complement to the houses
+themselves,<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> and both together composed a system of defences
+which, inadequate against the military science of civilization,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">p. 133</a></span>
+was still wonderfully adapted for protection against the
+stealthy, lurking approach, the impetuous but "short-winded"
+dash, of Indian warfare.</p>
+
+<p>In conclusion of this lengthy report, I may be permitted to
+add a few lines concerning the great houses themselves. Their
+mode and manner of construction and occupation I have already
+discussed; it is their abandonment and decay to which
+I wish to refer. This decay is the same in both houses; the
+path of ruin from S.S.E. to N.N.W. indicates its progress. It
+shows clearly that, as section after section had been originally
+added as the tribe increased in number, so cell after cell (or
+section after section) was successively vacated and left to ruin
+as their numbers waned, till at last the northern end of the
+building alone sheltered the poor survivors. They receded
+from south to north; for the church, despoiled and partly
+destroyed in 1680, was no protection to them. Its own ruin
+kept pace with that of the tribe.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> The northern extremity of
+the pueblo was their best stronghold, and thither they retired
+step by step in the face of inevitable doom.</p>
+
+<p class='rr'><span class="smcap">A. F. Bandelier.</span></p>
+<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Santa F&eacute;</span>, Sept. 17, 1880.</p>
+
+<p class="sig0">To <span class="smcap">Professor C. E. Norton</span>, <i>President of the Arch&aelig;ological Institute of America,
+Cambridge, Mass.</i></p>
+
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+<p class="center" style="font-size:125%"><a name="GRANT_OF_1689_TO_THE_PUEBLO_OF_PECOS" id="GRANT_OF_1689_TO_THE_PUEBLO_OF_PECOS"></a>GRANT OF 1689 TO THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.</p>
+
+<hr class='minor' />
+
+<p>The following is a literal copy of the original grant, now (Sept. 25,
+1880) on file at the United States Surveyor-General's office at Santa
+F&eacute;, made to the inhabitants of the Indian pueblo of Pecos in New
+Mexico. The language of the document is not altogether clear, but
+the essential terms are distinct:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" width="74%" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:90%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="center" rowspan="2" style="padding-right:0.5em"><p class="mark">A&ntilde;o de 1689</p>
+
+<div style="margin-top:3em">
+<img src="images/illus-merced.png" width="21" height="261" alt="MERCED CONCEDIDA &Aacute; PECOS." title="MERCED CONCEDIDA &Aacute; PECOS." />
+</div>
+</td>
+ <td><p>En el Pueblo de nu. S.<span class="grant">a</span> de Guadalupe del Paso del Rio
+del Norte en veinte y cinco dias del mes de Sep.<span class="grant">te</span> de mil seiscientos
+y ochenta y nueve a&ntilde;os el Se&ntilde;or Gov.<span class="grant">or</span> y Cap.<span class="grant">n</span> Gen.<span class="grant">l</span>
+D.<span class="grant">a</span> Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate dijo que por quanto
+en el alcanze que se dio en los de la Nueva Mex.<span class="grant">co</span> de los
+Yndios Queres y los Apostatas y los Teguas y de la nacion
+Thanos y despues de haber peleado con todos los demas
+Yndios de todos Pueblos un Yndio del Pueblo de Zia llamado
+Bartolom&eacute; de Ojeda que fue el que mas se se&ntilde;al&oacute; en la vatalla
+acudiendo &aacute; todas partes se rindio viendose herido de
+un balazo y un flechaso lo cual como dicho es mando que
+debajo de juram.<span class="grant">to</span> declare como se halla el Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> de Pecos
+aunque queda muy metido &aacute; donde el sol sale y fueron unos
+Yndios Apostatas de aquel Reyno de la Nueva Mexico.</p></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td><p>Preguntado que si este Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> volver&aacute; en algun tiempo como
+ha sido constumbre en ellos y dice el confesante que no que
+ya est&aacute; muy metido en terror que aunque estaban abilantados
+con lo que les habia susedido &aacute; los de el Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> de Zia el a&ntilde;o
+pasado juzgaba que era un imposible que dejaran de dar la
+obediencia; por lo cual se concedieron por el Se&ntilde;or Governador
+y Capitan General D.<span class="grant">a</span> Domingo Jironza Petroz de
+Cruzate los linderos que aqui anoto; para el. Norte una
+legua; y para el Oriente una legua; y para el Poniente una
+legua; y para el Sur una legua; y medidas estas cuatro lineas
+de las cuatro esquinas del Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> dejando &aacute; salvo el templo
+que queda al medio dia del Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> y asi lo proveyo mando y
+firmo susc<span class="grant2">a</span> [?] &aacute; mi el presente Secretario de Gov.<span class="grant">on</span> y
+Guerra que de ello doy f&eacute;. D.<span class="grant">a</span></p>
+
+<p class='rr' style="left:-7%;">Domingo Jironza</p>
+<p class='rr'>Petroz de Cruzate.</p>
+<p class="sig0">Ante mi</p>
+<p class="sig2">Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara</p>
+<p class="sig4">Sc.<span class="grant">o</span> de G.<span class="grant">n</span> y Gu.<span class="grant">a</span></p>
+</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+<hr class="minor" />
+
+<p class="center">[<span class="smcap">Translation.</span>]</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" width="74%" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0">
+ <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:90%;" />
+<tbody valign="top">
+ <tr>
+ <td align="center" rowspan="2" style="padding-right:0.5em"><p class="mark">In the year 1689.</p>
+<div style="margin-top:3em">
+<img src="images/illus-grant.png" width="21" height="220" alt="GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS." title="GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS." />
+</div>
+</td>
+<td>
+<p>In the Pueblo of Our Lady of Guadalupe of El Paso
+del Rio del Norte, on the twenty-fifth day of the month
+of September, in the year sixteen hundred and eighty
+nine, the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo
+Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, said that inasmuch as during
+the pursuit of the men of New Mexico, [namely], of the
+Queres Indians, and the Renegades, and the Teguas, and
+those of the Thanos nation, and after the fight with all
+the rest of the Indians of all the Pueblos&mdash;an Indian of
+the Pueblo of Zia, named Bartholom&eacute; de Ojeda, who had
+greatly distinguished himself in the fight, assisting at every
+point, surrendered, having been wounded by a bullet and
+by an arrow; he [the Governor] ordered that he should
+declare, under oath, how the Pueblo of Pecos is disposed,
+although it lies far off toward the sunrise, and [its
+people] are renegade Indians of that kingdom of New
+Mexico.</p></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>
+<p>Being asked whether [the inhabitants of] this Pueblo
+will ever return to their old ways, he, the deponent, says
+that they will not, since they are now in great terror,
+and though they were very much emboldened by what
+had happened to those of the Pueblo of Zia the year before,
+he thought it was impossible that they should fail to
+give in their submission. Wherefore there were granted by
+the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo Jironza
+Petroz de Cruzate, the boundaries here noted: to the
+north a league, and to the east a league, and to the west a
+league, and to the south a league; and these four lines
+measured from the four corners of the Pueblo, reserving
+the temple, which lies to the south of the Pueblo; and
+thus did his Excellency provide, command, and sign
+before me, the present Secretary of the Interior and of
+War, who attest it.</p>
+
+<p class='rr' style="left:-7%"><span class="smcap">Don Domingo Jironza</span></p>
+<p class='rr'><span class="smcap">Petroz de Cruzate.</span></p>
+<p class="sig0">Before me,</p>
+<p class="sig2">Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara,</p>
+<p class="sig4">Secretary of the Interior and of War.</p>
+</td>
+ </tr>
+ </tbody>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chapter" />
+<div class="footnotes">
+<h3 class="footnotes"><a name="FNII" id="FNII"></a>FOOTNOTES</h3>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label2">[87]</span></a> Lieut.-Col. W. H. Emory, <i>Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort
+Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, Executive Document</i> 41,
+Washington, 1848. <i>Meteorological Observations</i>, p. 163. Camp 44, half-mile
+south of the Pecos, Aug. 17, 1846, altitude six thousand three hundred and
+forty-six feet. Camp 45, on the Pecos, near Pecos village, August 18, six thousand
+three hundred and sixty-six feet.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label2">[88]</span></a> This is the lowest height of the peaks seen from the valley. Some of the
+other tops are much higher yet. The altitude of Santa F&eacute; Baldy, for instance,
+exceeds twelve thousand feet.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label2">[89]</span></a> Not to be confounded with the Rio de Pecos proper. The <i>arroyo</i> is not
+found on most of the maps. Its width is about 100 m.&mdash;330 ft.&mdash;but there
+is scarcely ever more than a mere fillet of very clear, limpid water in it.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label2">[90]</span></a> This is, however, only accidental, and exclusively due to nine months of
+consecutive drouth. Generally the strips of bottom-land have a rich soil, and
+grow fine corn, wheat, and oats.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label2">[91]</span></a> They are very picturesque objects, and stand out boldly, appearing to rise
+directly from the plain. Their height is stated to be about thirteen thousand
+feet. In this vicinity are the Placitas, now famous for mineral wealth (gold
+and silver), and the Cerrillos, also rich in ore, and containing beautiful green
+and blue turquoises, of which I saw excellent specimens in possession of His
+Excellency Governor L. Wallace.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label2">[92]</span></a> Baughl's Sidings is a switch and large storing-place for ties. Even the
+Spaniards call it La Switcha. It is about 800 m.&mdash;2,620 ft.&mdash;from the foot
+of the <i>mesa</i>, in a belt of fine large pine timber, very high, and gives glimpses of
+splendid views over the valley of Pecos to the Sierras beyond. Climate fine, but
+nights very cold. The buildings are as yet nearly all temporary; it is more a
+camp than a place as is it now. I spent ten very happy days here, from the 28th
+of August to the 6th of September,&mdash;or rather nights, since the days were, with
+two exceptions (5th and 6th of September, when I visited Pecos town and explored
+the high <i>mesa</i>), devoted to the study of the ruins. I shall always gratefully
+remember the uniform kindness and attention with which its inhabitants
+and transient guests have treated me, and assisted me in my work. Aside of
+those whom I shall have occasion to name in the body of my report, I take occasion
+to express my thanks here to Messrs. McPherson &amp; Co., and to their obliging
+manager, Mr. Wright; also to the station agent.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label2">[93]</span></a> On the right side of the Arroyo de Pecos, there is a wide amphitheatre
+bottom, which was filled with red clay, like that of which the adobe at the
+church is made, and which appears to have been partly dug out. The place
+is to the right of the road also, which there crosses the creek. The only objection
+to the surmise is in the fact that along this entire bottom I found not the
+slightest trace of obsidian. Pottery, however, is scattered everywhere. On
+the left side of the creek, unless more than a mile below, there is no place where
+the soil is sufficiently thick or sufficiently free from ruins and scattered stones,
+to permit the enormous quantity of clay needed for the church to be secured.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label2">[94]</span></a> Lieut.-Col. Emory, <i>Notes of a Military Reconnoissance</i>, p. 30, and two plates.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label2">[95]</span></a> The walls, or foundations rather, appear as follows:&mdash;The
+interstices are often filled with tufts of <i>grama</i>, and
+the stones themselves look very old and worn, covered with
+lichens and moss.
+</p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 101px;">
+<a name="i44" id="i44" href="images/illus-p44-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-p44.png" width="101" height="32" alt="Stone Wall" title="Stone Wall" />
+</a>
+</div>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label2">[96]</span></a> According to Mariano Ruiz and to Mrs. Kozlowski. The former has lived
+in Pecos since 1837. But few, if any, of the dead are buried there; the majority
+were entombed within the church itself.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label2">[97]</span></a> P. Jos&eacute; Amando Niel, <i>Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el ...
+Annotations to the history of</i> Fray G&eacute;ronimo Zarate Salmeron, in <i>Documentos
+para la Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>, 3 series, vol. i. p. 99.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label2">[98]</span></a> Called by the Spaniards Plaza de Pecos. It is a comparatively new place,
+the only church-book still in possession of Rev. Father L&eacute;on Mailluchet, the present
+priest, commences in 1862. Including the scattered <i>casitas</i> several miles
+around, its population is not over five hundred souls. It is situated in a narrow
+vale or hollow, not far west from the Rio Pecos itself, and has a modest but
+clean and tidy church, with a small belfry. All the houses are of adobe. Lieutenant-Colonel
+Emory (<i>Notes, Executive Document</i> 41, p. 30) speaks of it in 1846 as
+"the modern village of Pecos, ... with a very inconsiderable population." As
+yet there are but very few Americans in the plaza. My recollections of Pecos
+are highly pleasant (5th September), owing to the friendly reception tendered
+me by Mr. E. K. Walters, Sr. Juan Bacay Salazar, and Father L. Mailluchet.
+According to Colonel Emory, its altitude is nearly 6,366 ft. (p. 163). Lat. about
+35&deg; 30' N.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label2">[99]</span></a> See <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a></p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label3">[100]</span></a> See <a href="#pIX">Plate IX.</a></p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label3">[101]</span></a> See <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 5.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label3">[102]</span></a> When Mr. Louis Felsenthal of Santa-F&eacute; came to New Mexico in 1855, and
+still later, in 1858, the time of the arrival of Mrs. Kozlowski, the roofs were still
+perfect in part.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label3">[103]</span></a> <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 6.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label3">[104]</span></a> Pedro de Casta&ntilde;eda de Nagera, <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, French translation,
+by Ternaux-Compans, 1838. Original written about 1560. Introduction,
+p. ix; part ii. cap. v. p. 176.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label3">[105]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, <i>Relation</i>, i. cap. xii. p. 71; ii. cap. v. p. 176. Juan Jaramillo,
+<i>Relation du Voyage fait &agrave; la Nouvelle Terre</i>, app. vi. to <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, p. 371.
+Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de M&eacute;xico</i>
+(edition of 1871), p. 323. Gaspar Casta&ntilde;o de la Sosa, <i>Memoria del Descubrimiento
+cue ... hizo en el Nuevo M&eacute;xico, siendo teniente del Gobernador y Capitan General
+del Nuevo-Reino de Leon</i>, July 27, 1590, in vol. xv. of <i>Documentos In&eacute;ditos
+de los Archivos de Indias</i>, p. 244. The latter though, as well as Casta&ntilde;eda and
+Jaramillo, mentions evidently building <i>A</i>, but there cannot be the slightest doubt
+that <i>B</i> was erected for the same purpose; to wit, as a dwelling.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label3">[106]</span></a> They are evidently moulded. Their size is about 0.28 m. &times; 15 m.&mdash;11 in.
+&times; 6 in.&mdash;and straw is mixed with the soil. The appearance is very much as if
+the adobe had been put in as a "mending;" and I am decidedly of the opinion
+that the northern section is the latest, and erected after 1540.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label3">[107]</span></a> It is very much like the stone-work of the Moqui Pueblos in Arizona, according
+to the photographs in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington,
+D. C.; and in some respects to the walls of the great house described by
+the Hon. L. H. Morgan, <i>On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River, Eleventh and Twelfth Reports of the Peabody Museum of Arch&aelig;ology</i>, etc.;
+also to those figured by Dr. William H. Jackson, <i>Tenth Annual Report of the
+United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories</i>, 1878, plate
+lxii. fig. 1, from the Ruins of the Rio Chaco. Compare photograph No. 6. I am
+led to suspect that the greater or less regularity of the courses was entirely
+dependent upon the kind of stone on hand, and not upon the mechanical
+skill employed.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label3">[108]</span></a> I am just (Sept. 9) informed by Governor Wallace, that the Sierra de
+Tecolote, east of the ruins, contains probably gypsum, even in the form of alabaster.
+It is certain that nothing like lime-kilns or places where lime might have
+been burnt are found at any moderate distance from the ruins. The surrounding
+rocks, up to head of the valley and to the <i>mesa</i>, contain deposits of white, yellow,
+and red carbonates of lead, often copper-stained, and very impure, therefore
+proportionately light in weight. However, we have very positive information as
+to how they made their plaster, etc., in Casta&ntilde;eda, <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, ii. cap. iv.
+pp. 168, 169. He says: "They have no lime, but make a mixture of ashes, soil,
+and of charcoal, which replace it very well; for although they raise their houses to
+four stories, the walls have not more than half an ell in width. They form great
+heaps of pine [thym] and reeds, and set fire to them; whenever this mass is reduced
+to ashes and charcoal, they throw over it a large quantity of soil and
+water, and mix it all together. They knead it into round blocks, which they dry,
+and of which they make use in lieu of stones, coating the whole with the same
+mixture." Substituting for the "round blocks" the stones found at Pecos, we
+have the whole process thoroughly explained, for indeed the mud contains bits
+of charcoal, as the specimens sent prove. The white coat, however, is not explained.
+I must state here, however, that I found the latter only in such parts
+of <i>A</i>, as well as of <i>B</i>, as appeared to be most recent in occupation and in
+construction. Further investigations at other pueblos may yet solve the mystery.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label3">[109]</span></a> See <a href="#pVIII">Plate VIII.</a></p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label3">[110]</span></a> Compare, in regard to the outer (western) wall of B, and also in regard to
+the inner wall, Lieut. James H. Simpson, <i>Journal of a Military Reconnoissance
+from Santa F&eacute;, New-Mexico, to the Navajo Country, Executive Document 64</i>, 31st
+Congress, 1st section, 1850; plate 41, no. 5. Also, L. H. Morgan, <i>On an Ancient
+Stone Pueblo on the Animas River, Peabody Museum Reports</i>, 1880. The latter is
+particularly suggestive.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label3">[111]</span></a> Compare Casta&ntilde;eda, <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, ii. cap. iv. pp. 171, 172. "There is a
+piece reserved for the kitchen, and another one for to grind the corn. This last
+one is apart; in it is found an oven and three stones sealed in masonry." Simpson,
+<i>Journal</i>, etc, p. 62, description of a fireplace.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label3">[112]</span></a> Simpson, p. 62, <i>Fireplace and Smoke-escape at the Pueblo of Santo Domingo</i>.
+The vent was directly over the hearth. I expect to visit Santo Domingo shortly.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label3">[113]</span></a> Mr. Thomas Munn found about the church a stone hatchet, a fragment of
+a stone pipe (?), and many arrow-heads. These he kindly promised to me, even
+authorizing me to get them at the place where he had deposited them, and which
+lay on the line of my daily tramp to the ruins. Unfortunately, when I reached
+the place, the objects were already gone.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote">
+Mrs. Kozlowski informed me that copper rings (bracelets) were of very common
+occurrence among the ruins. Her statement was fully confirmed by Sr.
+Baca and others. She also spoke of "the heads of little idols" having been plentiful
+at one time. Gaspar Casta&ntilde;o de la Sosa, <i>Memoria del Descubrimiento</i>, etc.,
+<i>Documentos In&eacute;ditos</i>, vol. xv. p. 244, speaking of a pueblo which is evidently Pecos,
+says: "Porque tiene muchos &iacute;dolos que atras nos olvidaba de declarar."
+Antonio de Espejo, <i>El Viaje que hizo</i> ... in Hackluyt's <i>Voyages, Navigations,
+and Discoveries of the English Nation</i>, 1600 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, pp. 457-464. A somewhat abbreviated
+and frequently unreliable copy of Espejo's letter, dated "Sant Salvador
+de la Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a, 23 April, 1584," mentions a district two days east
+from Bernalillo, inhabited by pueblo Indians: "Los quales tienen y adoran
+&iacute;dolos."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label3">[114]</span></a> On first sight this building appears circular, but I soon became satisfied that
+it was a rectangle.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label3">[115]</span></a> They may have been the "almacenas", or granaries (storage-rooms), of
+which I speak further on. "Outhouses" are referred to by Casta&ntilde;eda. (Part
+ii. cap. iv. p. 172.)</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label3">[116]</span></a> One or the other may also have been an Estufa, for I saw no round structures
+about <i>B</i>. Casta&ntilde;eda (part ii. cap. iv. p. 169) says: "There are square and
+round ones." It is true that the Estufas are usually in the courts; but when
+there was no court, as in this case, there could be no Estufa inside.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label3">[117]</span></a> <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5, shows cross-sections of the "body" of the <i>mesilla</i> on which <i>A</i>
+stands, along the lines indicated. The surface of <i>A</i> was therefore very irregular and
+difficult to build upon for people who could not remove and fit the hard rock.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label3">[118]</span></a> This may have been caused, in part, by filling with rubbish from the surrounding
+walls.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label3">[119]</span></a> Such double houses are mentioned by Casta&ntilde;eda (part ii. cap. v. p. 177).
+Speaking of "Cicuy&eacute;," he says: "Those houses fronting outwards ('du cot&eacute; de
+la campagne') are backed up ('adoss&eacute;es') against those which stand towards the
+court."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label3">[120]</span></a> The dimensions given by Gen. J. H. Simpson, <i>Reconnoissance</i>, etc., pp. 79-82,
+of the pueblos&mdash;"Pintado," "Bonito," and "Pe&ntilde;asca blanca"&mdash;on the Rio
+Chaco vary, as far as the circuit is concerned, between 1,200 and 1,700 feet,
+"about." Dr. W. H. Jackson, <i>Geographical Survey</i>, etc., 1876, has measured these
+ruins, and gives the following dimensions: "Pueblo Bonito," 544 &times; 314; "Pe&ntilde;asca
+blanca," 499 &times; 363 (only 3 sides of the rectangle being built up); "Pueblo
+Pintado" (2 sides), 238 &times; 174; "Pueblo Alto" (3 wings), 360 &times; 200 and 170.
+"Pueblo Bonito" therefore alone comes up to the standard of Pecos. The latter,
+however, is larger still, as, by adding to the perimeter given that of the northern
+annex (about 90 m.&mdash;295 ft.), we obtain a total of 450 metres, or 1,480 feet.
+The difference, if any, is not considerable; and I merely advert to the fact to
+show that the old ruins of New Mexico, comparatively neglected, are fully as important
+in size as any of those further north, besides being completely identical
+in plan, structure, and material. Furthermore, the pottery is identical. This
+was already recognized in 1776 by Father Silvestre Velez Escalante, <i>Diario y
+Derrotero de los Nuevos Descubrimientos de Tierras &aacute; Rumbos N. N. Oe. Oe. del
+Nuevo M&eacute;xico</i>, MSS. at the Library of Congress, fol. 118, on the San Buenaventura
+(Green River), and in his letter, dated Santa F&eacute;, 2 April, 1778, <i>Documentos
+para la Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>, 3a s&eacute;rie, vol. i. p. 124.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label3">[121]</span></a> <i>On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River</i>, Peabody Reports,
+11 and 12.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label3">[122]</span></a> I must here call attention to a singular coincidence. Among the ruins of
+Uxmal in Yucatan there are, aside from the "Teocalli," or medicine mound, two
+general forms of structure,&mdash;one narrow rectangle like <i>B</i>, and hollow rectangles
+like <i>A</i>. The "Casa del Gobernador" would correspond to the former, and the
+"Casa de las Monjas" to the latter. Of course, there is dissimilarity between
+the house of the "Governor" and <i>B</i>, in so far as the former contains halls and
+the latter but cells. Still the fact is interesting that, whereas the great northern
+pueblos have each but one house alone, here, for the south, we have already two
+buildings within one and the same enclosure, similar in form and size to those of
+Central America. I call attention to this fact, though well remembering at the
+same time the friendly advice of Major J. W. Powell, the distinguished chief
+of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington, "not to attempt to trace relationships."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label3">[123]</span></a> <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, ii. cap. v. p. 176.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label3">[124]</span></a> I am informed by Governor Wallace, and have permission to quote him, that
+these elevated plateaux grow exceedingly tall wheat, rye, and oats. He has seen
+oats whose stalks were 6 feet long and 1&frac34; inches in diameter. The heads were
+proportionally large.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label3">[125]</span></a> He became adopted, as I am told, from being, as a boy, assistant to the sacristan
+of the church of Pecos.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label3">[126]</span></a> It was Mr. John D. McRae who, together with Mr. Thomas Munn, led me to
+this spot. Subsequently the former, who has been for nearly twenty years among
+the northern Indians (in Canada and Oregon), gave me some valuable information
+in regard to their sign-language. He affirms that it is very highly developed
+and extensively practised by them; that tribes of entirely different stock-languages
+can converse with each other freely; and that he was himself present at
+one time when the Crees and the Blackfeet arranged for a pitched fight on the
+day to follow, the parley consisting almost exclusively of signs. Thus, killing is
+indicated by the spanning of a bow and the motion of throwing down; walking,
+by shoving both hands forwards successively, etc.; the time of day is very correctly
+given by describing an arc from E. to W. (facing S.) up to the point where
+the sun stands at the specified hour. These signs are not new to my distinguished
+friend, Lieutenant-Colonel G. Mallery, to whom science owes the gift of this new
+branch of inquiry, but still they are interesting to those who may be less familiar
+with it. In regard to connection of this "sign-language" and Indian "pictography,"
+Mr. McRae has told me the following: Whenever an Indian breaks up
+his camp, and wishes to leave behind him information in what direction and how
+far he is going, he plants into the ground near the fire a twig or stick, and breaks
+it so that it forms an acute angle, planting the other end in the ground also in
+the direction in which he intends to camp the following evening. The following
+would very well give the appearance of this little mark, assuming the Indian
+to travel from N. to S.:&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 194px;">
+<img src="images/illus-p94a.png" width="194" height="34" alt="N. to S." title="N. to S." />
+</div>
+<p class="footnote">
+If he intends to go S. for three days it will look thus:&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 138px;">
+<img src="images/illus-p94b.png" width="138" height="40" alt="3 days" title="3 days" />
+</div>
+<p class="footnote">
+Fractional days are indicated by corresponding shorter limbs. If his direction is
+first S. and then E., this would be a top view of the bent twig, assuming that he
+travels two days S. and three days W.:&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 64px;">
+<img src="images/illus-p94c.png" width="64" height="51" alt="fractional day" title="fractional day" />
+</div>
+<p class="footnote">
+The connection between this expedient and sign-language, knowing that, as Dr.
+W. J. Hoffmann, of Washington City, has informed me, the sign for "lodge" is
+an imitation of the tent,&mdash;that is, holding both hands up and the tips of the fingers
+together at a steep angle,&mdash;becomes very apparent. Through it pictography
+is easily reached.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label3">[127]</span></a> Sr. E. Vigil has just informed me that the notion is current that all the Indians
+of the New Mexican pueblos buried their dead in this manner. Among
+the Mexicans and the Christianized Indians it is the rule to bury the dead around
+the church or in sight of it.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label3">[128]</span></a> There is still another ruin much farther down the railroad, near to a place
+called "El Pueblo." I was informed of its existence, but have not as yet been
+able to visit it.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label3">[129]</span></a> Or rather towards the pueblo of San Crist&oacute;val. The latter was the chief
+place of the Tanos Indians, of which stock there are still a few left at the town
+of Galisteo.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label3">[130]</span></a> The following is an approximate sketch of these structures.
+This sketch is made without reference to size or plan,
+merely in order to show the relative position of the graves
+(<i>a</i>, <i>a</i>, <i>a</i>, <i>a</i>). It will be seen that the analogy with the grave
+of mound <i>V</i>, building <i>A</i>, is very striking; also with the
+grave discovered by Mr. Walters, and the wall above the
+corrugated pottery west of the Arroyo de Pecos.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 182px;">
+<a name="i103" id="i103" href="images/illus-p103-large.png">
+<img src="images/illus-p103.png" width="121" height="154" alt="Graves" title="Graves" />
+</a>
+</div>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label3">[131]</span></a> To judge from the report of General Simpson (p. 68), these early traditions
+must be very meagre. His informant, the celebrated "Hoosta-Nazl&eacute;," is now
+dead. Of the Pecos adults then living at Santo Domingo, a daughter is still alive,
+and married to an Indian of the latter pueblo. General (then lieutenant) Simpson
+was at Jemez in 1849.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label3">[132]</span></a> <i>Memoria del Descubrimiento</i>, etc., p. 238. "Tienen mucha loza de los colorados
+y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros, almoficos, xicaras muy galanas,
+alguna de la loza esta vidriada."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label3">[133]</span></a> W. H. Holmes, <i>Geographical Survey</i>, part iii., p. 404, plate xliv. "This plate
+is intended to illustrate the corrugated and indented ware. Heretofore specimens
+of this class have been quite rare, as it is not made by any of the modern
+tribes."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label3">[134]</span></a> Holmes, pp. 404, 405.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label3">[135]</span></a> Even the <i>estufa</i> and the <i>almacena</i> are found. The round depression near
+the road to the Rio Pecos (marked <i>L</i> on the general plan) is evidently an Estufa,
+while the circular ruin which I met upon the apron of the mesa during my ascent
+appears very much like a storehouse.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label3">[136]</span></a> House <i>A</i> alone appears in these reports; but from the statement that the
+tribe mustered 500 warriors, it seems probable that <i>B</i> was also inhabited. 2,500
+souls could hardly have found room in the 585 cells of <i>A</i>, The number of warriors
+given is doubtless a loose estimate.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label3">[137]</span></a> San Diego, now in ruins, about 13 miles N. of the pueblo Jemez, was the old
+pueblo of that tribe. It was the scene of a bloody struggle in 1692, according to
+the story of Hoosta-Nazl&eacute;, given to General Simpson in 1849. <i>Reconnoissance</i>,
+etc., p. 68. Diego de Vargas (<i>Carta</i>, Oct. 16, 1692), <i>Documentos para la Historia
+de M&eacute;xico</i>, 3a s&eacute;ries, i. p. 131. "Los Gemex y los de Santo-Domingo se
+hallaban en otro tambien nuevo, dentro de la Sierra, &aacute; tres leguas del pueblo
+antiguo de Gemex." Nearly all the pueblos, upon the approach of the Spaniards,
+fled to steep and high mesas.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label3">[138]</span></a> This is the same ca&ntilde;on whose source on the "Mesa de Pecos" I have visited,
+and where the great bell was found. It is the natural pathway, from the W. and
+S. W., up to the heights overlooking the valley of Pecos.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label3">[139]</span></a> A. S. Gatchet, <i>Zw&ouml;lf Sprachen aus dem S&uuml;dwesten Nord-Amerika's</i>, Weimar,
+1876, p. 41.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label3">[140]</span></a> I infer it from the fact that it is not noticed previous to 1680. Agustin de
+Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio en M&eacute;xico</i>, edition of 1871,
+pp. 310, 311. It then contained 2,000 "Tiguas;" but the church dedicated to
+San Antonio de Padua had just been brought under cover when the rebellion
+broke out.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label3">[141]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. v. pp. 178, 179.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label3">[142]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, pp. 189, 190. Jaramillo, pp. 372-382. Francisco Vasquez de
+Coronado, <i>Letter to Charles V.</i>, dated Tigues, Oct. 20, 1541. Appendix to <i>Voyage
+de Cibola</i>, pp. 356-359.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label3">[143]</span></a> <i>Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva Espa&ntilde;a</i>. Very valuable, but
+much influenced by personal views and prejudice.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label3">[144]</span></a> Fray Luis Descalona, a lay brother, who remained at Pecos in 1543, may
+have had a hand in this report. Casta&ntilde;eda, iii. cap. iv. pp. 214, 215. Jaramillo,
+p. 380.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label3">[145]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, pp. 176, 177.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label3">[146]</span></a> Id., xii. p. 68.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label3">[147]</span></a> Id., i. p. 68; ii. cap. vii. p. 188.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label3">[148]</span></a> Id., i. p. 69.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label3">[149]</span></a> <i>Relation del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento
+de Cibola</i>, in vol. xiv. of the Documentos del Archivo de Indias, p. 325. "De
+unos Indios que se hallaron en este pueblo de Acuique" This would make it
+very important to consult the original manuscript of Casta&ntilde;eda in order to ascertain
+if "Cicuy&eacute;" is not really "Acuy&eacute;." The latter word would be identical
+almost with "&Acirc;qiu." The name Pecos itself belongs to the Qq'u&ecirc;res language
+of New Mexico, and is pronounced "Pae-qo." It is applied to the inhabitants
+of the pueblo, the place itself being called "Pae-yoq'ona." The first mention of
+it under the name of Pecos is found in the documents of the year 1598, after the
+general meeting of Juan de O&ntilde;ate with the pueblo Indians in the <i>estufa</i> of Santo
+Domingo (a Qq'u&ecirc;res village).</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label3">[150]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. viii. pp. 194, 195; iii. cap. iv. p. 214. Jaramillo, p. 380.
+Vetancurt, <i>Menologio Franciscano</i>, Nov. 30, p. 386. Juan de Torquemada, <i>Monarchia
+Indiana</i>, first edition, 1614, lib. xxi. p. 689.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label3">[151]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. pp. 194, 195.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label3">[152]</span></a> Vetancurt, <i>Menologio</i>, pp. 412-422. He calls him Rodriguez. Espejo, <i>Viaje</i>,
+etc., Hackluyt, iii. Ger&oacute;nimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 9.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label3">[153]</span></a> This is plain from the description, although Juan de O&ntilde;ate (<i>Discurso de la
+Jornada que hizo el Capitan de su Magestad desde la Nueva-Espa&ntilde;a &aacute; la Provincia
+de la Nueva-M&eacute;xico, Archivos de Indias</i>, vol. xvi. p. 258) says of the "gran pueblo
+de los Peccos, y es el que Espejo llama la provincia de Tamos."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label3">[154]</span></a> Casta&ntilde;o, <i>Descubrimiento</i>, etc., p. 244. The "vigas grandes," in the <i>estufa</i>,
+recalls the great tree across the northern <i>estufa</i> in the court of A.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label3">[155]</span></a> O&ntilde;ate, <i>Jornada</i>, p. 244.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label3">[156]</span></a> <i>Obediencia</i>, etc., <i>Archivos</i>, xvi. p. 113.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label3">[157]</span></a> pp. 371, 372.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label3">[158]</span></a> pp. 371, 372.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label3">[159]</span></a> p. 179.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label3">[160]</span></a> Fray Francisco de Apodaca, native of Cantabria, was commissary from 1627
+till 1633. Vetancurt, <i>Menologio</i>, p. 464. Davis, <i>Conquest of New Mexico</i>, cap.
+xxxv. p. 278.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label3">[161]</span></a> Published in vol. i. of 3a s&eacute;ries of <i>Documentos para la Historia de M&eacute;xico</i>.
+In consequence of it, Fray Estiban de Perea came to New Mexico with thirty
+priests. Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>, p. 300. "Con cuyo ejemplo y ense&ntilde;anza se poblaron
+treinta y siete casas de diferentes naciones," among which the Pecos.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label3">[162]</span></a> Jean Blaeu, <i>Douzi&egrave;me Volume de la G&eacute;ographie Blaviane, contenant l'Am&eacute;rique</i>,
+etc., Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62. He says Picuries, but it must be Pecos. "Avec
+un seul bourg, mais grandement peupl&eacute;, o&ugrave; il y a un temple somptueux." Vetancurt,
+Cr&oacute;nica, etc., p. 323. "Tenia &aacute; nuestra Se&ntilde;ora de los Angeles de Porci&uacute;ncula
+un templo magn&iacute;fico, con seis torres, tres de cada lado, adornado; las paredes
+tan anchas que en sus concavidades estaban hechas oficinas." There are
+still, in the church of the plaza of Pecos, three paintings out of that church,&mdash;one
+on buffalo-hide, representing Nra. Sra. de Guadalupe, and two on cloth, with
+Our Lady of the Angels painted on it. The last two are very good.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label3">[163]</span></a> Blaeu, p. 62.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label3">[164]</span></a> Vetancurt, <i>Cr&oacute;nica</i>, p. 323.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label3">[165]</span></a> Ibid.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label3">[166]</span></a> O&ntilde;ate, p. 258.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label3">[167]</span></a> <i>Apuntamientos</i>, etc., p. 104.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label3">[168]</span></a> "Este Cuaderno se cree ser de un Religioso de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio"
+(<i>Anonymous Report on New Mexico</i>), Documentos, 3a s&eacute;rie, vol. i. p. 127.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label3">[169]</span></a> Davis, cap. xlii. p. 329.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label3">[170]</span></a> Escalante, <i>Letter</i>, p. 123. Diego de Vargas, <i>Carta &aacute; S. E.</i>, etc., p. 129.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label3">[171]</span></a> Davis, cap. xlv. pp. 348, 349.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label3">[172]</span></a> Davis, cap. l. p. 396; cap. li. p. 402.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label3">[173]</span></a> Niel, p. 104. Escalante, p. 123.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label3">[174]</span></a> Niel, pp. 104-106. Escalante, p. 122. Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero
+y Valdes, <i>Documentos</i>, 3a s&eacute;rie, vol. i. p. 194.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label3">[175]</span></a> Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero y Valdes, p. 195. In 1712 the pueblo
+of Pojuaque (north of Santa F&eacute;) contained but seventy-nine inhabitants,&mdash;all
+Tehuas.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label3">[176]</span></a> Niel, p. 104. "De los Pecos quedaron mas."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label3">[177]</span></a> The Apaches were in intercourse with Taos until 1700 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> <i>Sesto Cuaderno,
+Documentos</i>, 3a s&eacute;rie, i. p. 180.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label3">[178]</span></a> <i>Historical Sketch of Santa F&eacute;</i>, pp. 22, 23, in the pamphlet on <i>Centennial Celebration</i>,
+1876. It is the only printed report in existence, except a very short one
+by Judge K. Benedict, on the revolt of 1837.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label3">[179]</span></a> I have not as yet been able to consult the archives of San Miguel County, at
+Las Vegas, in regard to the different "Deeds" then executed. Therefore I forbear
+mentioning even the names of the grantees of which I was informed.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label3">[180]</span></a> The Hon. W. G. Ritch is in possession of a number of highly interesting
+data gathered from the Indians in relation to the sacred fire. All of these he has,
+in the kindest manner, placed at my disposal. I, however, defer their mention
+for a future report, in connection, as I hope, with the pueblo of Jemez. I shall
+but refer here to a single one. There were, formerly, several fires burning. One
+of these, that of the <i>cacique</i>, was never permitted to go out, so that, in case
+one of the others should accidentally become extinguished, it could always be rekindled
+from the "extra-holy" one.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label3">[181]</span></a> Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, as far as the Pecos were concerned, was
+certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile, however. It is a rattlesnake
+(<i>cascabel</i>).</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label3">[182]</span></a> I am informed by Mr. Miller that blocks or "chunks" of obsidian, as large
+as a fist or larger, are found in the Arroyo de Taos. This would be about 60
+miles north of Santa F&eacute;.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label3">[183]</span></a> In regard to the regular indentation of arrow-heads, I was informed by Mr.
+Debrant, then incidentally at Baughl's (on the 4th of September), that these
+were produced by contact with fire. Applying a glowing coal (the end of a burning
+stick) to the edge of the flint, and blowing on it steadily, after a few seconds
+a speck of the mineral will fly off, leaving a groove or indentation proportionate
+in size to the coal used and to the length of time applied. Thus, an arrow-head
+may be indented in a very short time, which would be impossible by
+chipping.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label3">[184]</span></a> Moss-agate is also found, but rarely.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label3">[185]</span></a> Compare W. H. Holmes, <i>U. S. Geographical Survey</i>, 1876, p. 404.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label3">[186]</span></a> That stones were used, both in offensive as well as in defensive warfare, is
+proven by Casta&ntilde;eda, ii. cap. v. p. 178; i. cap. xii. p. 69. It is possible that
+the pebbles used were kept on the roofs, as was the custom among the ancient
+Mexicans.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label3">[187]</span></a> Thus the probability of the destruction of a part of Pecos by the Tanos, on
+the 10th of August, 1680, is still further increased.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label3">[188]</span></a> Therefore the massacre of all their available men by the Comanches, already
+mentioned. I could not as yet find the date of the event. It is a well-known tradition,
+however. It occurred in the <i>moro</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label3">[189]</span></a> That constant guard was kept on the housetops is stated by Casta&ntilde;eda, ii.
+p. 179.</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label3">[190]</span></a> The defensive constructions of the pueblos, as late as 1540, were the houses.
+The wall of Pecos is an exception. Casta&ntilde;eda says (i. cap. xiv. p. 80): "As
+these villages have no streets, that all the houses are of the same height and
+common to all the inhabitants, these large houses must be captured first, because
+they are the points of defence."</p>
+
+<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label3">[191]</span></a> The church of Pecos, although it had lost all its former splendor, still was
+used till about 1840. Afterwards it was abandoned.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<div class="tnote">
+<p class="center">Transcriber&#8217;s Note</p>
+<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible,
+including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies.</p>
+
+<p>Minor punctuation and printing errors have been corrected.</p>
+
+<p>The Google Print source suffers from numerous gaps in the text.
+A copy of the original text obtained from the library at the College of Santa Fe (New Mexico)
+enabled the transcriber to include all omitted pages and plates for this complete transcription.</p>
+
+<p>Footnotes occurring on each page of the original text are grouped at the end of the two major sections of the transcribed text,
+ <a href="#FNI">Part I</a> and <a href="#FNII">Part II</a>.</p>
+
+<p>This HTML edition contains a <a href="#ToI">new table</a> of plates and illustrations.</p>
+
+<p>Hyphen use in directional terms is now consistent throughout the author's text. This HTML edition contains inserted notes
+<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeasterly'">
+like this</ins> for each occurrence. </p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Historical Introduction to Studies
+Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos, by Adolphus Bandelier
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Historical Introduction to Studies Among
+the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Rep, by Adolphus Bandelier
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos
+ Papers Of The Archaeological Institute Of America, American
+ Series, Vol. I
+
+Author: Adolphus Bandelier
+
+Release Date: October 27, 2007 [EBook #23224]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joe Longo and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
+produced from scanned images of public domain material
+from the Google Print project.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America.
+
+_AMERICAN SERIES._
+
+Volume I
+
+[Illustration: PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA FE.]
+
+
+
+
+Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America.
+
+_AMERICAN SERIES._
+
+I.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+1. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO STUDIES
+AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS OF
+NEW MEXICO.
+
+2. REPORT ON THE RUINS OF THE PUEBLO
+OF PECOS.
+
+BY
+A. F. BANDELIER.
+
+
+BOSTON:
+PUBLISHED BY A. WILLIAMS AND CO.
+LONDON: N. TRUeBNER AND CO.
+1881.
+
+
+
+
+UNIVERSITY PRESS:
+
+JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.
+
+
+
+
+ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Executive Committee, 1880-81.
+
+
+CHARLES ELIOT NORTON, _President_.
+
+MARTIN BRIMMER, _Vice-President_.
+
+FRANCIS PARKMAN.
+
+W. W. GOODWIN.
+
+H. W. HAYNES.
+
+ALEXANDER AGASSIZ.
+
+WILLIAM R. WARE.
+
+O. W. PEABODY, _Treasurer_.
+
+E. H. GREENLEAF, _Secretary_.
+
+
+
+
+I.
+
+HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
+TO
+STUDIES AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS
+OF
+NEW MEXICO.
+
+PART I.
+
+BY AD. F. BANDELIER.
+
+
+
+
+I.
+
+HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+Part I.
+
+The earliest knowledge of the existence of the sedentary
+Indians in New Mexico and Arizona reached Europe
+by way of Mexico proper; but it is very doubtful whether or
+not the aborigines of Mexico had any _positive_ information to
+impart about countries lying north of the present State of
+Queretaro. The tribes to the north were, in the language of
+the valley-confederates, "Chichimecas,"--a word yet undefined,
+but apparently synonymous, in the conceptions of the
+"Nahuatl"-speaking natives, with fierce savagery, and ultimately
+adopted by them as a warlike title.
+
+Indistinct notions, indeed, of an original residence, during
+some very remote period of time, at the distant north, have
+been found among nearly all the tribes of Mexico which speak
+the Nahuatl language. These notions even assume the form
+of tradition in the tale of the _Seven Caves_,[1] whence the Mexicans
+and the Tezcucans, as well as the Tlaxcaltecans, are said
+to have emigrated to Mexico.[2] Perhaps the earliest mention
+of this tradition may be found in the writings of Fray Toribio
+de Paredes, surnamed Motolinia. It dates back to 1540 A.D.[3]
+But it is not to be overlooked that ten years previously, in
+1530, the story of the _Seven Cities_, which was the form in
+which the first report concerning New Mexico and its sedentary
+Indians came to the Spaniards, had already been told to
+Nuno Beltran de Guzman in Sinaloa.[4] The parallelism between
+the two stories is striking, although we are not authorized
+to infer that the so-called seven _cities_ gave rise to what
+appeared as an aboriginal myth of as many _caves_.[5]
+
+The tale of the Seven Caves, as the original home of the
+Mexicans and their kindred, prevailed to such an extent that,
+as early as 1562, in a collection of picture-sheets executed in
+aboriginal style, the so-called "Codex Vaticanus," "Chicomoztoc,"
+and the migrations thence, were graphically represented.
+All the important Indian writers of Mexico between
+1560 and 1600, such as Duraro, Camargo, Tezozomoc, and
+Ixtlilxochitl, refer to it as an ancient legend, and they locate
+the site of the story, furthermore, very distinctly in New Mexico.
+Even the "Popol-Vuh," in its earliest account of the
+Quiche tribe of Guatemala, mentions "Tulan-Zuiva, the seven
+caves or seven ravines."[6]
+
+While it is impossible as yet to determine whether or not
+this legend exercised any direct influence on the extension
+of Spanish power into Northern Mexico, another myth, well
+known to eastern continents from a remote period, became
+directly instrumental in the discovery of New Mexico. This
+is the tale of the _Amazons_.
+
+About 1524 A.D., Cortes was informed by one of his officers
+(then on an expedition about Michhuacan) that towards
+the north there existed a region called Ciguatan ("Cihuatlan"--place
+of women), near to which was an island inhabited
+by warlike females exclusively.[7] The usual exaggerations
+about metallic wealth were added to this report; and when, in
+1529, Nuno de Guzman governed Mexico he set out northwards,
+first to conquer the sedentary Indians of Michhuacan,
+and then to search for the gold and jewels of the Amazons.[8]
+It was while on this foray that he heard of the Seven Cities in
+connection with Ciguatan. This latter place was reached;
+and, while the fancies concerning it were speedily dispelled
+by reality, those concerning the Seven Cities flitted further
+north.[9] Guzman overran, laid waste, and finally colonized
+Sinaloa. He sent parties into Sonora; but, after his recall,
+slow colonization superseded military forays on a large scale,
+at least for a few years.
+
+During this time, Pamfilo de Narvaez had undertaken the
+colonization of Florida.[10] His scheme failed, and cost him
+his life. Of the few survivors of his expedition, four only
+remained in the American continent, wandering to and fro
+among the tribes of the south-west. After nine years of untold
+hardships, these four men finally reached Sonora, having
+traversed the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the
+coast of the Pacific. The name of the leader and subsequent
+chronicler of their adventures was Alvar Nunez Cabeza de
+Vaca.[11]
+
+It is not possible to follow and to trace, geographically,
+the erratic course of Cabeza de Vaca with any degree of certainty.
+His own tale, however authentic, is so confused[12] that
+it becomes utterly impossible to establish any details of location.
+We only know that, in the year A.D. 1536, he and
+his associates finally met with their own countrymen about
+Culiacan.[13]
+
+They reported that, when their shiftings had cast them far
+to the west of the sinister coast of what was then called "Florida,"
+settlements of Indians were reached which presented a
+high degree of culture.[14] These settlements they described as
+having a character of permanence, but we look in vain for any
+accurate description of the buildings, or of the material of
+which they were composed.[15] For such a report of important
+settlements in the north, the mind of the Spanish conquerors
+in Mexico was, as we have already intimated, well prepared.
+
+During their stay among the nondescript tribes of South-western
+North America, Cabeza de Vaca and his companions
+had tried to scatter the seeds of Christianity,--at least, they
+claimed to have done so. The monks of the order of St.
+Francis then represented the "working church" in Mexico.
+One of their number, Fray Marcos de Nizza, who had joined
+Pedro de Alvarado upon his return from his adventurous tour
+to Quito in Ecuador, and who was well versed in Indian lore,[16]
+at once entered upon a voyage of discovery, determining to
+go much farther north than any previous expedition from the
+colonies in Sinaloa. He took as his companion the negro
+Estevanico, who had been with Cabeza de Vaca on his marvellous
+journey.
+
+Leaving San Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March,
+1539,[17] and traversing Petatlan, Father Marcos reached Vacapa.[18]
+If we compare his statements about this place with
+those contained in the diary of Mateo Mange,[19] who went
+there with Father Kino in 1701, we are tempted to locate it
+in Southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson, in the "Pimeria
+alta,"[20] at a place now inhabited by the Pima Indians,
+whose language is also called "Cora" and "Nevome."[21] Vacapa
+was then "a reasonable settlement" of Indians. Thence
+he travelled in a northerly direction, probably parallel to the
+coast at some distance from it. It is impossible to trace his
+route with any degree of certainty: we cannot even determine
+whether he crossed the Gila at all; since he does not mention
+any considerable river in his report, and fails to give
+even the direction in which he travelled, beyond stating at
+the outset that he went northward. Still we may suppose,
+from other testimony on the subject, that he went beyond
+the Rio Gila,[22] and finally he came in sight of a great Indian
+pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"--the houses
+of stone and several stories high. The negro Estevanico had
+been killed at this pueblo previous to the arrival of Fray Marcos,
+so the latter only gazed at it from a safe distance, and
+then hastily retired to Culiacan. While the date of his departure
+is known, we are in the dark concerning the date of
+his return, except that it occurred some time previous to the
+2d of September, 1539.[23]
+
+To this great pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"
+Fray Marcos was induced to give the name of Cibola.[24] The
+comparison with Mexico shows a lively imagination; still, we
+must reflect that in 1539 Mexico was not a large town,[25] and
+the startling appearance of the many-storied pueblo-houses
+should also be taken into account.[26]
+
+With the report about Cibola came the news that the said
+pueblo was only one of seven, and the "Seven Cities of Cibola"
+became the next object of Spanish conquest.
+
+It is not our purpose here to describe the events of this
+conquest, or rather series of conquests, beginning with the
+expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 1540, and
+ending in the final occupation of New Mexico by Juan de
+Onate in 1598. For the history of these enterprises, we refer
+the reader to the attractive and trustworthy work of Mr.
+W. W. H. Davis.[27] But the numerous reports and other documents
+concerning the conquest enable us to form an idea
+of the ethnography and linguistical distribution of the Indians
+of New Mexico in the sixteenth century. Upon this
+knowledge alone can a study of the present ethnography
+and ethnology of New Mexico rest on a solid historical foundation.
+
+There can be no doubt that Cibola is to be looked for in
+New Mexico. From the vague indications of Fray Marcos,
+we are at least authorized to place it within the limits of New
+Mexico or Arizona, and the subsequent expedition of Coronado
+furnishes more positive information.
+
+Coronado marched--"leaving north slightly to the left"[28]--from
+Culiacan on. In other words, he marched east of
+north. Hence it is to be inferred that Cibola lay nearly north
+of Culiacan in Sinaloa. Juan Jaramillo has left the best itinerary
+of this expedition. We can easily identify the following
+localities: Rio Cinaloa, upper course, Rio Yaquimi, and upper
+course of the Rio Sonora.[29] Thence a mountain chain was
+crossed called "Chichiltic-Calli,"[30] or "Red-house" (a Mexican
+name), and a large ruined structure of the Indians was
+found there.
+
+Within the last forty years at least, this "Red house" has
+been repeatedly identified with the so-called "Casas Grandes,"
+lying to the south of the Rio Gila in Arizona.[31] It should not
+be forgotten that from the upper course of the Rio Sonora
+_two_ groups of Indian pueblos in ruins were within reach of
+the Spaniards. One of these were the ruins on the Gila, the
+other lay to the right, across the Sierra Madre, in the present
+district of Bravos, State of Chihuahua, Mexico. Jaramillo
+states that Coronado crossed the mountains to the _right_.[32] Now,
+whether the "Nexpa," whose stream the expedition descended
+for two days, is the Rio Santa Cruz or the Rio San Pedro, their
+course after they once crossed the Sierra could certainly not
+have led them to the "great houses" on the Rio Gila, but
+much farther east. The query is therefore permitted, whether
+Coronado did not perhaps descend into Chihuahua, and thence
+move up due north into South-western New Mexico. In any
+case,--whether he crossed the Gila and then turned north-eastward,
+as Jaramillo intimates,[33] or whether he perhaps struck
+the small "Rio de las Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua, and
+then travelled due north to Cibola, according to Pedro de
+Castaneda,[34]--the lines of march necessarily met the first sedentary
+Indians living in houses of stone or adobe about the
+region in which the pueblo of Zuni exists. It is not to be
+wondered at, therefore, if all the writers on New Mexico, from
+Antonio de Espejo (1584) down to General J. H. Simpson
+(1871), with very few exceptions, have identified Zuni with
+Cibola.
+
+
+There are numerous other indications in favor of this assumption.
+
+1. Thus Castaneda says: "Twenty leagues to the north-west,
+there is another province which contains seven villages.
+The inhabitants have the same costumes, the same customs,
+and the same religion as those of Cibola."[35] This district is the
+one called "Tusayan" by the same author, who places it at
+twenty-five leagues also; and "Tucayan" by Jaramillo, "to
+the left of Cibola, distant about five days' march."[36] These
+seven villages of "Tusayan" were visited by Pedro de Tobar.
+West of them is a broad river, which the Spaniards called
+"Rio del Tizon."[37]
+
+2. Five days' journey from Cibola to the east, says Castaneda,
+there was a village called "Acuco," erected on a rock. "This
+village is very strong, because there was but one path leading
+to it. It rose upon a precipitous rock on all sides, etc."[38]
+Jaramillo mentions, at one or two days' march from Cibola
+to the east, "a village in a very strong situation on a precipitous
+rock; it is called Tutahaco."[39]
+
+3. According to Jaramillo: "All the water-courses which
+we met, whether they were streams or rivers, until that of
+Cibola, and I even believe one or two journeyings beyond,
+flow in the direction of the South Sea; further on they take
+the direction of the Sea of the North."[40]
+
+4. The village called "Acuco," or "Tutahaco," lay between
+Cibola and the streams running to the south-east, "entering
+the Sea of the North."[41]
+
+It results from points 3 and 4, that the region of Cibola
+lay at all events _west of the present grants to the pueblo of
+Acoma_. There are watercourses in their north-western corner,
+and through the western half thereof, which become
+tributaries to the Rio Grande del Norte. The only settled
+region, or rather the region containing the remains of large
+settlements, lying west of the water-shed between the Colorado
+of the West and the Rio Grande, is much farther north.
+It is the so-called San Juan district, where extensive ruins are
+still found, for the description of which we are indebted to
+General Simpson, to Messrs. Jackson and Holmes, and to Mr.
+Lewis H. Morgan. To reach this region, Coronado had to
+pass either between Acoma and Zuni, or between the Zuni
+and the Moqui towns. In either case he could not have
+failed to notice one or the other of these pueblos; whereas
+Nizza, as well as the reports of Coronado's march, particularly
+insist upon the fact that Cibola lay on the borders of
+a great uninhabited waste.
+
+Our choice is therefore limited between Zuni and the
+Moqui towns themselves; for there can be no doubt as to the
+identity of the rock of Acuco or Tutahaco, east of Cibola,
+with the pueblo of Acoma, whose remarkable situation, on
+the top of a high, isolated rock, has made it the most conspicuous
+object in New Mexico for nearly three centuries.[42]
+
+But there can be as little doubt, also, in regard to the identity
+of the Moqui district with the "Tusayan" of Castaneda
+and of Jaramillo. When the Moqui region first was made
+known under that name ("Mohoce," "Mohace") in 1583,
+by Antonio de Espejo, it lay westward from Cibola "four
+journeys of seven leagues each." One of its pueblos was
+called "Aguato" ("Aguatobi").[43] Fifteen years later (1598),
+Juan de Onate found the first pueblo of "Mohoce," twenty
+leagues of the first one of "Juni" ("Zuni") to the westward.[44]
+Besides, the "Rio del Tizon" was, at an early day,
+distinctly identified with the Colorado River of the West.[45]
+
+Finally, we must notice here that the text of Hackluyt's
+version of Espejo's report is in so far incorrect as it leads to
+the inference that Espejo only admitted Cibola to be a
+Spanish name for Zuni, therefore making it doubtful whether
+or not it was the original place ("y la llaman los Espanoles
+Cibola"). The original text of Espejo's report distinctly
+says, however, "a province of six pueblos, called Zuni,
+and by another name, Cibola," thus positively identifying
+the place.[46]
+
+We cannot, therefore, refuse to adopt the views of General
+Simpson and of Mr. W. W. H. Davis, and to look to the
+pueblo of Zuni as occupying, if not the actual site, at least
+one of the sites within the tribal area of the "Seven cities of
+Cibola." Nor can we refuse to identify Tusayan with the
+Moqui district, and Acuco with Acoma.
+
+This investigation has so far enabled us to locate, at the
+time of their first discovery, _three_ of the principal pueblos or
+groups of pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona. The pueblo
+of Acoma appears to have occupied at that time the identical
+striking position in which it is found to-day. The pueblo of
+Zuni, while it undoubtedly occupies the ground once claimed
+by the cluster to which the name of Cibola was given, is but
+the remaining one of six or seven villages then forming that
+group, or a recent construction sheltering the remnants of
+their former occupants. The Moqui towns appear to be the
+same which the Spaniards found three hundred and forty
+years ago, though additions from other tribes have, as we
+shall subsequently establish, modified the character of their
+dwellers.
+
+But the information to be derived from Coronado's march,
+on the ethnography of New Mexico, is not confined to the
+above. While at Cibola, Indians from a tribe or region called
+"Cicuye," which was said to be found far to the east, came to
+see him. They brought with them buffalo-hides, prepared
+and manufactured into shields and "helmets." Although
+the Spaniards had heard of the buffalo before reaching Zuni,
+the animal itself had not been met with, and accordingly
+Coronado sent Hernando de Alvarado to Cicuye, and in quest
+of the "buffalo country."[47]
+
+Cicuye is the "Cicuique" of Juan Jaramillo, and the "Acuique"
+of an anonymous relation of the year 1541: it lay to
+the east of Acoma, through which the Spaniards passed.[48]
+Between it and Acoma was the pueblo of "Tiguex," at a distance
+of three days' march, while Cicuye was five days from
+Tiguex.[49] General Simpson identifies the latter with a point
+on the Rio Grande del Norte, "at the foot of the Socorro
+Mountains," and then places Cicuye at "Pecos."[50] Between
+Acoma and the Rio Grande there lies the Rio Puerco; and
+on its banks other authorities, conspicuous among whom
+is Mr. W. W. H. Davis, have located Tiguex, while Cicuye,
+according to them, was on the Rio Grande, somewhere
+near the valley of Guadalupe.[51] Both conclusions have their
+strong points; but both of them have also their weak sides.
+
+If it took five days of march from Zuni to Acoma, three
+days more, in a north-easterly direction, would have brought
+the Spaniards to the Rio Grande, and certainly much beyond
+the Rio Puerco; and then Pecos could easily be reached in
+five days.[52]
+
+But we are unable to guess, even, at the length of each
+journey. From Zuni to Acoma the country was uninhabited;
+therefore the length of each journey may have been great,
+because there was nothing to attract the attention of the
+Spaniards,--nothing to prevent them from hastening their
+progress in order to reach their point of destination. From
+Acoma on, the ethnographical character changed. The actual
+distance to the Rio Grande may be shorter; but pueblos
+sprung up at small intervals of space, which necessitated
+greater caution, and therefore greater delay, in the movements
+of the advancing party. Still, we have a guide of
+great efficiency in another branch of information. The pueblo
+of "Tiguex," mentioned as lying three days from Acoma,
+indicates, seemingly, a settlement of _Tehua_-speaking Indians.
+Now, the "Tehua" idiom is spoken in those pueblos which lie
+directly north of Santa Fe. San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa
+Clara, Pohuaque, Nambe, and Tesuque. But it is quite apparent
+that, considering the great distance of Santa Fe from
+Acoma, the journeys, as indicated in Castaneda, would fall
+very short of any of the pueblos mentioned.[53]
+
+The Tehua, like all the tribes along the Rio Grande,
+suffered vicissitudes and consequent displacements; and
+it might be advanced that one or the other of the Tehua
+villages, formerly known as Tiguex, might now be destroyed.
+
+Fortunately, we need not resort to such hypotheses. It appears,
+from documentary evidence of the year 1598, that there
+was, distinct from the Tehua or Tegua, a tribe of "Chiguas,"
+or "Tiguas;"[54] and, from the notes of Father Juan Amando
+Niel (written between 1703 and 1710), it results that their
+settlements were near Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande; there
+being at that time three villages, the most northern of which
+was Santiago, the central one Puaray, near Bernalillo, and
+the most southern one San Pedro.[55] The distance between the
+first two pueblos, according to Fray Zarate Salmeron, in 1626,
+was about one and a half leagues, or five and a half English
+miles.[56] Tiguex, therefore, must be located on or near the
+site of Bernalillo. The "Rio Tiguex" of Castaneda is the
+Rio Grande del Norte, and the Indians of Tiguex belonged to
+the stock of the "Tanos" language, now spoken still by a
+few Indians at Galisteo, and by the inhabitants of the pueblos
+of Sandia and Isleta.[57] Even the direction in which the Spaniards
+moved from Acoma--that is, to the north-east--perfectly
+agrees with that in which Bernalillo lies, whereas the
+mouth of the Rio Puerco, below which General Simpson locates
+Tiguex, lies south-east of the pueblo of Acoma.
+
+Having thus, as we believe, satisfactorily located Tiguex, it
+is easy to locate Cicuye. It can be nothing else than Pecos,
+whose aboriginal Indian name, in the Jemez language, is
+"Agin," whereas Pecos is the "Paego" of the Qq'ueres idiom.
+There is no other Indian pueblo answering to its description
+and geographical location as given by the chroniclers of
+Coronado. The fact that "when the army quitted Cicuye to
+go to Quivira, we entered the mountains, which it was necessary
+to cross to reach the plains, and on the fourth day we
+arrived at a great river, very deep, which passes also near
+Cicuye,"[58] does not at all militate against it. The easiest passage,
+and the most accessible one from Pecos eastward, leads
+directly to the slopes between the Rio Gallinas and the Rio
+Pecos; and either of these two streams could be, and had to
+be, met with very near to the confluence of both.[59] For other
+proof, and very conclusive too, I refer to my detailed description
+of the Ruins of the Pueblo de Pecos.
+
+I repeat, it is not to our purpose to describe the "faits et
+gestes" of Coronado and of his men, but only to discuss the results
+of his march for the Ethnography of New Mexico. I even
+exclude Ethnology in as far as it does not include language.
+The distribution of tribes and stocks of tribes designated by
+idioms, as Coronado revealed it in 1540 to 1543, is to be the
+final result of the discussion. Therefore, I leave the acts of the
+Spaniards aside everywhere, when they are not essential to the
+object, and do not even follow a strict chronological sequence.
+
+After Alvarado had left Cibola for Tiguex, Coronado himself
+followed him; and, "taking the road to Tiguex," he crossed
+a range of mountains where snow impeded his march,--and
+during which march he and his men were once two and a half
+days without water,--until finally he reached a pueblo called
+"Tutahaco."[60] General Simpson has not paid any attention
+to this place. Mr. Davis places it near Laguna.[61] This author
+has forgotten that Tutahaco was further from Zuni than
+Tiguex itself, since it took Coronado more than eleven days
+to reach it.[62] This could not have been the case, had he
+passed _north_ of Acoma; he must consequently have passed
+_south_ of it, and, while originally following the trail to Tiguex,
+deviated in a direction from N.E. to E.S.E., crossing the
+mountains, and then finally struck the "Tiguex" pueblos,
+but in their southern limits, on the Rio Grande about "Isleta."[63]
+Castaneda is very positive in regard to the fact that
+"Tutahaco" was on the same river as "Tiguex," and that
+from the former Coronado _ascended_ the stream to the latter.[64]
+This river was the Rio Grande; and, consequently, "Tutahaco"
+was south of "Puaray" or Bernalillo. There, he heard
+of other pueblos further south still.[65] "Tutahaco" was "four
+leagues to the south of Tiguex."[66]
+
+When Coronado reached "Tiguex" at last, it thereafter
+became the centre of his operations. Castaneda very justly
+remarks: "Tiguex is the central point;"[67] and a glance at the
+map, substituting Bernalillo for it, will at once satisfy the reader
+of the accuracy of this statement.
+
+From Tiguex an expedition was sent along the Rio Grande
+and west of it. It discovered in succession: Quirix on the
+river, with seven villages; Hemes with seven villages; Aguas
+Calientes, three; Acha to the north-east; and, furthest in a
+north-easterly direction, Braba. Four leagues west of the
+river, Cia was met with; and, between Quirix and Cicuye,
+Ximera. Further north of Quirix, Yuque-Yunque was found
+on the Rio Grande. An officer was also despatched to the
+south beyond Tutahaco, and he indeed discovered "four villages"
+at a great distance from the latter, and beyond these a
+place where the Rio Grande "disappeared in the ground, like
+the Guadiana in Estremadura."[68]
+
+Through our identifications of "Tiguex" with _Bernalillo_,
+of "Cicuye" with _Pecos_, and "Tutahaco" with _near Isleta_, it
+becomes now extremely easy to locate all these pueblos in
+the most satisfactory manner. "Quirix" is the _Queres_ district
+Santo-Domingo, Cochiti, etc.[69] "Hemes" and "Aguas
+Calientes," together form the _Jemez_ and _San Diego_ clusters
+of pueblos,[70] "Acha" is _Picuries_, "Braba," _Taos_.[71] The pueblo
+of "Ximera" between Pecos and Queres is the _Tanos_ pueblo of
+_San Cristobal_.[72] "Yuque-Yunque" are the _Tehuas_, north of
+Santa Fe,[73] and the four villages on the Rio Grande far south
+of Isleta, naturally are found in the now deserted towns of
+the "Piros" near Socorro, the most southerly and the least
+known of the linguistical stocks of sedentary Indians in New
+Mexico.[74]
+
+In sending the officers mentioned along the Rio Grande, as
+far south as Mesilla probably, Coronado explored the territory
+beyond the range of the pueblos, and he thus secured information
+also concerning the roaming tribes. It is essential that
+I should touch these here also, because the subsequent history
+of the village Indians cannot be understood without connection
+with their savage surroundings. I might as well state
+here, that west of the Rio Grande and south of Zuni, the entire
+south-west corner of New Mexico, appears to have been uninhabited
+in 1540. Stray hunting parties may have visited
+it, though there was hardly any inducement, since the buffalo
+was found east of the Rio Grande only, as far as New
+Mexico is concerned.[75]
+
+The country visited along the Rio Grande, as far as Mesilla,
+appears not to have given any occasion for its explorers, to
+mention any wild tribes as its occupants. Still we know that,
+east of Socorro and south-east, not forty years after Coronado,
+the "Jumanas" Indians claimed the Eastern portions of
+Valencia and Socorro counties; the regions of Abo, Quarac,
+and Gran Quivira.[76] These savages, also called "Rayados"
+("Striated" from their custom of painting or cutting their
+faces and breasts for the sake of ornament), were reduced to
+villages in 1629 only, by the Franciscans; and the ruins which
+are now called Gran Quivira date from that time.[77] Dona
+Ana county was (from later reports which I shall discuss in
+a subsequent paper), roamed over, towards the Rio Grande,
+by equally savage hordes, to which Antonio de Espejo and
+others give the name of "Tobosas."[78] It is, of course,
+impossible to assign boundaries to the Ranges of such
+tribes.
+
+Very distinct ethnographic information, however, is given
+by Coronado himself, as well as by Castaneda and by Jaramillo,
+in regard to north-eastern New Mexico. This information
+was secured in the year 1542, during his adventurous expedition
+in search of Quivira.
+
+In regard to the route followed by him, I can but, in
+a general way, heartily accept the conclusions of General
+Simpson.[79] If, in some details, we may have some doubts
+yet, I gladly bow to his superior knowledge of the country
+and to his experience of travelling in the plains, in the
+latter of which I am totally deficient. Coronado started
+from Pecos, he crossed, probably, the Tecolote chain, threw
+a bridge over the Rio Gallinas, and then moved on to the
+north-east at an unknown distance. Although not as yet
+satisfied that he reached as far north-east as General Simpson
+states, and believing that he moved more in a _circle_ (as
+men wandering astray in the plains are apt to do), there is
+no doubt but that he went far into the "Indian territory,"
+and that Quivira--which, by the way, is plainly described
+as an agglomeration of Indian "lodges" inhabited, not by
+sedentary Indians of the pueblo type, but by a tribe exactly
+similar in culture to the corn-raising aborigines of the Mississippi
+valley[80]--was situated at all events somewhere between
+the Indian territory and the State of Nebraska. This
+is plainly confirmed by the reports of Juan de Onate's fruitless
+search of Quivira in 1599,[81] and principally by the
+statements of the Indians of Quivira themselves, when
+they visited that governor at Santa Fe thereafter.[82] They
+told him that the direct route to Quivira was by the pueblo
+of Taos.
+
+The Quivira of Coronado and of Onate has therefore not
+the slightest connection,--and never had, with the Gran
+Quivira of this day, situated east of Alamillo, near the
+boundaries of Socorro and Lincoln Counties, New Mexico,
+and the ruins there;[83] which ruins are those of a Franciscan
+mission founded after 1629, around whose church a village of
+"Jumanas" and probably "Piros" Indians had been established
+under direction of the fathers.
+
+The reports of Coronado, and others, reveal to us the east
+and north-east of New Mexico as the "Buffalo Country," and
+consequently as inhabited or roamed over by hunting savages.
+Of these, two tribes were the immediate neighbors
+of the Pueblos,--the "Teyas" to the north-east, and the
+"Querechos" more to the east, south of the former probably.
+The Ranges intermingled, and both tribes were at
+war with each other. The "Teyas" were possibly Yutas,[84]
+as these occupied the region latterly held by the Comanches.
+About the "Querechos" I have, as yet, and at this distance
+from all documentary evidence, not a trace of information.
+
+On the ethnographical map accompanying this sketch, I
+have indicated the _Apaches_ as occupying _North-western New
+Mexico_. In this locality they were found by Juan de Onate
+in 1598-99.[85]
+
+Coronado's homeward march offering no new points of
+interest, I shall, in conclusion, briefly survey the Ethnography
+of New Mexico, as it is sketched on the map, and
+as established by the preceding investigation of the years
+1540-43.
+
+We find the sedentary Indians of New Mexico agglomerated
+in the following clusters:--
+
+1. Between the frontier of Arizona and the Rio Grande,
+from west to east: _Zuni_, _Acoma_, with possibly _Laguna_.
+
+2. Along the Rio Grande, from north to south, between
+"Sangre de Cristo" and Mesilla: _Taos_, _Picuries_, _Tehua_,
+_Queres_, _Tiguas_ (branch of the _Tanos_), _Piros_.
+
+3. West of the Rio Grande valley: _Jemez_, including _San
+Diego_ and _Cia_.
+
+4. East of the Rio Grande: _Tanos_, _Pecos_.
+
+Around these "pueblos," then, ranged the following wild
+tribes.
+
+1. In the north-west: _Apaches_.
+
+2. In the north-east: _Teyas_.
+
+3. North-east and east: _Querechos_.
+
+4. South-east and south: _Jumanas_, _Tobosas_.
+
+The south-west of the territory appears to have been completely
+uninhabited, and also devoid of the buffalo. The
+innumerable herds of this quadruped roamed over the plains
+occupying the eastern third of New Mexico and extending
+into Texas.
+
+The _Moqui_ of Arizona, clearly identified with Coronado's
+"Tusayan" are not noticed on the map, of course.
+
+If now we compare these localities in 1540 with the present
+sites of the pueblos of New Mexico, it is self-evident that the
+Zuni, Acoma, Tiguas, Queres, Jemez, Tehua, and Taos still
+occupy (Acoma excepted), if not the identical houses, at
+least the same tribal grounds. The Piros have removed
+to the frontier of Mexico, the Pecos are extinct as a tribe;
+of the Tanos and Picuries, a few remain on their ancient
+soil. Their fate is not a matter of conjecture, but of historical
+record.
+
+While this discussion has proved, we believe, the truthfulness
+and reliability of the chroniclers of Coronado's expedition,
+and their great importance for the history of American
+aborigines, it establishes at the same time the superior
+advantages of New Mexico as a field for archaeological and
+ethnological study. It is the only region on the whole continent
+where the highest type of culture attained by its aborigines--the
+village community in stone or adobe buildings--has
+been preserved on the respective territories of the tribes.
+These tribes have shrunk, the purity of their stock has been
+affected, their customs and beliefs encroached upon by civilization.
+Still enough is left to make of New Mexico the objective
+point of serious, practical archaeologists; for, besides the
+living pueblo Indians, besides the numerous ruins of their
+past, the very history of the changes they have undergone is
+partly in existence, and begins three hundred and forty years
+ago, with Coronado's adventurous march.[86]
+
+AD. F. BANDELIER.
+
+SANTA FE, N. M., Sept. 19, 1880.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+THE GRAND QUIVIRA. See p. 26.
+
+The following extract is from the "General Description" in the
+field-notes of the survey in 1872 of the base line of the public surveys
+in New Mexico by United States Deputy Surveyor Willison, taken from the
+original notes on file at the United States Surveyor General's office at
+Santa Fe:--
+
+ "The Gran Quivira, about which so much has been written and
+ so many attempts made to reconcile with the city of that
+ name spoken of by the early Spanish explorers, and which was
+ said by them to be the seat of immense wealth, is passed
+ through by the line in Sec. 34, range 8 East. The most
+ prominent building is the church, which, as well as all the
+ other buildings, is of limestone laid in mortar. The ground
+ plan presents the form of a cross. The dimensions of the
+ buildings are as follows:--
+
+ "Width of short arm of cross, 33 feet; width of long arm of
+ cross, 42 feet. Their axes are respectively 48 feet long and
+ 140.5 feet long, and their intersection 35 feet from the
+ head of the cross. The walls have a thickness of 6 feet, and
+ a height of about 30 feet. The main entrance has a height of
+ 11 feet, an outside width of 11 feet, and an inside width of
+ 16.5 feet. The church is situated due east and west, having
+ its front to the east.
+
+ "Extending south from the church a distance of 160 feet, and
+ connected with it by a door in the short arm of the cross,
+ is a building containing a number of apartments. On the
+ window-frames of this building the mark of the carpenter's
+ scribe is still plainly visible, though doubtless exposed to
+ the action of the atmosphere for nearly two centuries. The
+ carved timbers in the church are still in a good state of
+ preservation; a portion of the roof still remains; some of
+ the timbers must have weighed 3,000 pounds at the time they
+ were brought to this place, and they could not have been
+ procured within a less distance than sixteen miles.
+
+ "The site of the ruins is elevated about one hundred feet
+ above the surrounding country, and embraces an area of about
+ eighteen acres. The town has been well and compactly built,
+ and probably contained a population approaching five
+ thousand souls. Numerous excavations have been made by the
+ Mexicans in search of the treasures said to have been left
+ by the Jesuits when they were expelled by the Indians. In
+ one of these excavations I found a large quantity of human
+ bones, including a skull. From the formation of the latter,
+ and its thickness, it was undoubtedly that of an Indian.
+
+ "The questions that arise in contemplating these ruins are,
+ how was it possible for such a number of people not only to
+ exist, but to build a town of such superior construction at
+ a point which is now entirely destitute of water, and to
+ which water cannot be brought from any present source, the
+ nearest water being fifteen miles distant? what was their
+ occupation? and what has become of them?
+
+ "That this town was the abode of Jesuit [Franciscan?]
+ priests, and a tribe of Indians under their control, the
+ architecture of the buildings conclusively shows.
+
+ "That they were there for agricultural and pastoral purposes
+ I consider certain, from the fact that there are no
+ evidences of mines, or any mineral indications of any kind
+ in the surrounding country, and that the country, with the
+ single exception of the absence of water, is well adapted to
+ the mode of cultivation pursued and crops raised by the
+ Indians.
+
+ "That water was brought there from some distant point--and
+ distant it would have been--cannot be the case, as the face
+ of the country would have required the construction of
+ numerous aqueducts for its conveyance, remains of which
+ would be found at the present time; and why would a people
+ bring water a long distance for the purpose of working lands
+ no more valuable than such as could have been had at the
+ water?
+
+ "Where, then, did the inhabitants get the water necessary
+ for their subsistence? There are two arroyos between the
+ ruins and the Mesa Jumanes, within a mile of the town,
+ having well-defined watercourses, which might have
+ contained permanent water at the time that the town was
+ inhabited. Even at the present time, the drainage from these
+ arroyos furnishes water for a laguna some five miles below
+ that lasts during about one half the year. Again, springs
+ may have existed around the rise upon which the town is
+ situated that, from natural causes, have become dry.
+
+ "The phenomenon of the failures of water is no uncommon one
+ in this region, as is evidenced by the numerous vents where
+ the surrounding rocks show the action of running water.
+
+ "A case directly supporting the assumption of the failure of
+ the water is furnished at a place about thirty-five miles
+ northerly from the Gran Quivira, known as 'La Cienega.' At
+ this point a stream of water, furnished by two springs, and
+ running to a distance of about a mile at all seasons of the
+ year, which has never been known to be dry within the memory
+ of the oldest inhabitant, has, within the last year,
+ entirely disappeared; and even digging to a considerable
+ depth in the bed of the late springs fails to find the
+ stream, or the channel by which it has so mysteriously
+ disappeared.
+
+ "To those at all familiar with the cretaceous formation of
+ the south-eastern portion of New Mexico, and who have seen
+ the numerous rivers that flow hundreds of inches of water
+ within a few yards of where they make their first
+ appearance, and the total disappearance of these streams
+ within a few miles, who have seen the water flowing in caves
+ and subterraneous streams, and the fact that the whole
+ country is cavernous, can easily imagine the possibility of
+ a stream acting upon its cretaceous bed, and eventually
+ wearing a channel, to connect with some immense cavern, and
+ disappearing at once from the surface beyond all reach of
+ human power.
+
+ "To the south of the Gran Quivira, at a distance of about
+ twenty miles, commences a _mal pais_, an immense bed of
+ lava, sixty miles in length from north to south, and
+ covering an area of five hundred square miles. To the
+ south-west of this commences a salt marsh, which has an area
+ of fifty square miles, and which is fed entirely by
+ subterranean streams from the Sacramento and White
+ Mountains, receiving without doubt by the same means the
+ drainage of this plain for a hundred miles to the north. The
+ above facts are, I think, sufficient to account for the
+ absence of water at the present time near Gran Quivira.
+
+ "As to what became of the inhabitants of this place, as well
+ as those of Abo and Quarra to the north-west,--towns that
+ are coeval with the Gran Quivira,--we can only conjecture.
+ The most reasonable conclusion that can be arrived at is
+ that they were exterminated by the Spaniards upon their
+ reoccupation of the country. Though history is silent as to
+ the complete operations of the Spaniards upon their return
+ to New Mexico, yet it is a fact established by documentary
+ evidence that a relentless war was waged against the
+ Indians, and a number of tribes are spoken of as being
+ engaged in certain battles, of which tribes we know nothing
+ at the present day; and in some instances it is stated that
+ some tribes sued for peace, and promised obedience to the
+ rule of the conquerors, for which they received grants of
+ lands that they at present occupy. The inhabitants of Gran
+ Quivira, Abo, and Quarro would be among the first that the
+ Spaniards would meet on their reoccupation of the country,
+ and there is every reason to believe that they were
+ exterminated by the incensed invaders."
+
+
+
+
+[1] _Las siete cuevas_: in Nahuatl _Chicomoztoc_, from _chicome_, seven,
+and _oztoc_, cave. Alonzo de Molina, _Vocabulario Mexicano_, 1571, parte
+iia. pp. 20 and 78. Fray Juan de Tobar, _Codice Ramirez_, p. 18.
+
+[2] Fray Diego Duran, _Historia de las Yndias de Nueva-Espana, e Islas
+de Tierra Firme_, cap. i. p. 8; _Codex Vaticanus_, Kingsborough, vols.
+i., ii., vi.; _Anales de Cuauhtitlan: Anales del Museo Nacional de
+Mexico_, tom. i. entrega 7, p. 7 of 2d vol., but incorporated in the
+first. "I acatl ipan quizque Chicomoztoc in Chichimeca omitoa moternuh
+in imitoloca."
+
+[3] _Historia de los Indios de la Nueva-Espana, in Coleccion de
+Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, by J. G. Icazbalceta, vol. i. p.
+7.
+
+[4] _Segunda Relacion Anonima de la Jornada de Nuno de Guzman, in
+Coleccion de Documentos_, etc., vol. ii. p. 303.
+
+[5] The early literature on this subject will only be fully known when
+the remarkable collection called _Libro de Oro_ shall have been
+published by Senor Icazbalceta, its meritorious owner. This valuable
+collection of manuscripts dates from the sixteenth century, and
+contains, besides a number of official reports on local matters of
+Mexico and districts pertaining to it, the chronicles of the tezcucan
+Juan Bautista Pomar, a copy of Motolinia, and a number of MSS. written
+between 1529 and 1547 at the instance of the much-abused Bishop
+Zumarraga. These MSS. contain the results of the earliest investigations
+on Mexican history and tradition.
+
+The natives of Mexico appear to have had no knowledge, nay, not even the
+most dim recollection, of the _fauna_ of South-western North America.
+While their so-called calendar, in the graphic tokens used to designate
+each one of the twenty days of their conventional "month," contains the
+forms of all the larger quadrupeds roaming over Mexico and Central
+America, the tapir excepted, we look in vain for the coyote, the bear,
+the mountain-sheep, and the buffalo.
+
+[6] _Popol Vuh_, part iii. cap. iv. p. 216, cap. vi. pp. 226, 228, cap.
+viii. p. 238, etc.
+
+[7] Hernando Cortes, _Carta Quarta_, dated Temixtitan, 15 October, 1524,
+Vedia i. p. 102. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, _Historia General
+y Natural de las Indias_, lib. xxxiii. cap. xxxvi. vol. iii. p. 447,
+lib. xxxiv. cap. viii. p. 576, Madrid, 1853. The information was derived
+from Gonzalo de Sandoval. See Antonio de Herrera, _Historia General de
+los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar
+Oceano_, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. p. 106, edition of 1726.
+
+[8] _Relacion de las Ceremonias y Ritos, Poblacion y Gobierno de los
+Indios de la Provincia de Mechuacan_, p. 113, from the _Coleccion de
+Documentos para la Historia de la Espana. Tercera Relacion Anonima de la
+Jornada de Nuno de Guzman, Coleccion de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii.
+pp. 443, 449, 451. _Matias de la Mota Padilla, Historia de la
+Nueva-Galicia_, published 1870, cap. iii. p. 27. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap.
+xxxiii. vol. i. pp. 222, 223.
+
+[9] _Quarta Relacion Anonima de la Jornada de Nuno de Guzman, Coleccion
+de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii. p. 475. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap. xxxiii.
+vol. i. p. 223.
+
+[10] In 1527, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iv. pp. 26, 27.
+
+[11] He was treasurer of Narvaez' expedition, and subsequently, upon his
+return, or rather in 1541, became _adelantado_ of Paraguay.
+
+[12] He wrote all from memory. The title of his work is _Naufragios de
+Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, y Relacion de la Jornada que hizo a la
+Florida_. It was first printed in 1555, at Valladolid. My references are
+to the reprint in Vedia's _Historiadores Primitivos de Indias_, vol. i.
+
+[13] Cabeza de Vaca, _Naufragios_, etc., cap. xxxvii. p. 548, xxxiv. p.
+545. According to Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 11 and cap.
+viii. p. 11, it might be either 1536 or 1534, "el ano pasado de 1534."
+Oviedo, lib. xxxv. cap. vi. p. 614, intimates as much as 1538. Fray
+Antonio Tello, _Historia de la Nueva-Galicia_, fragment preserved in
+_Coleccion de Documentos_, Icazbalceta, ii. cap. xii. p. 358, says
+"habian llegado ese ano de treinta y tres a aquellas tierras," 1533.
+
+[14] Cabeza de Vaca, cap. xxxi. pp. 542, 543.
+
+[15] Id., p. 543.
+
+[16] He was a native of Savoy, Italy, and was with Sebastian de
+Belalcazar during the latter's conquest of Quito. Juan de Velasco,
+_Histoire du royaume de Quito_, French translation by Ternaux-Compans,
+Introd. p. viii. He wrote the following books: _Conquista de la
+Provincia del Quito: Ritos y Ceremonias de los Indios_; _Las dos Lineas
+de los Incas y de los Scyris en las Provincias del Peru y del Quito_;
+_Cartas Informativas de lo Obrado en las Provincias del Peru y del
+Cuzco_. These manuscripts may still exist. According to Fray Augustin de
+Vetancurt (Menologio Franciscano, ed. of 1871, pp. 117, 118, 119), he
+was born at Nizza, and in 1531 came to America, being in Peru in 1532.
+Thence he went to Nicaragua and Mexico. He was provincial from 1540 to
+1543, and died at Mexico, March 25, 1558.
+
+[17] Fray Marcos Nizza, _Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades_, p. 329.
+
+[18] Nizza, p. 332. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. vii. p. 156.
+
+[19] In _Documentos para la Historia de Mejico_, 1856, 4 serie, vol. i.
+p. 327. The diary has not even a title. Mentioned by Father Jacob
+Sedelmair, S. J., _Relacion que hizo ... Misionero de Tubatama_, in
+_Documentos para la Historia de Mejico_, 3a serie, vol. ii. pp. 846,
+848, 857, 859.
+
+[20] On the map of Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, in _Der neue
+Weltbott_, by P. Joseph Stoecklein, vol. i. 2d edition, 1728, there
+appears St. Ludov. de Bacapa. The diary of Mange, p. 327, is explicit.
+
+[21] Manuel Orozco y Berra, _Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta
+Etnografica de Mexico_, part iii. cap. xxiii. pp. 345-353, etc.
+Francisco Pimentel, _Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas
+Indigenas de Mexico_, 1865, vol. ii. pp. 91, 92-116.
+
+[22] The fact that he became the guide of Coronado, and led him to
+Cibola, indicates that Fray Marcos crossed the Gila, since otherwise the
+Spaniards would have traversed the Sierra Madre, and entered New Mexico
+from Chihuahua. It is true that the general direction of Coronado's
+march from Culiacan was from south to north, inclining to the _east_.
+
+[23] The attest of D. Antonio de Mendoza, concerning Nizza's report,
+bears the date, Mexico, 2 Sept., 1539. Consequently, Fray Marcos had
+returned previously. See _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+Ternaux-Compans, Appendix, p. 282.
+
+[24] This word is said to be now found only in the dialect of the pueblo
+of Isleta, south of Santa Fe, under the form _sibuloda_, buffalo. Albert
+S. Gatschet, _Zwoelf Sprachen aus dem Suedwesten Nord Amerika's_, Weimar,
+1876, p. 106.
+
+[25] Herrera, _Descripcion de las Indias_, cap. ix. p. 17, says that
+Mexico has 4,000 vecinos. This was in 1610, about.
+
+[26] Lewis H. Morgan, _On the Ruins of a Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River_, in _12th Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American
+Archaeology_, etc., 1880, p. 550.
+
+[27] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, Doylestown, Pa., 1869.
+
+[28] Pedro de Castaneda y Nagera, _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+translation of Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1838, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163.
+
+[29] Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait a la Nouvelle-Terre sous
+les Ordres du General Francisco Vasquez de Coronado_, in _Voyage de
+Cibola_, Append. vi. pp. 365, 366, 367.
+
+[30] Castaneda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. p. 162. The word
+is composed of _chichiltic_, a red object, and _calli_, house. Molina,
+ii. pp. 11, 19.
+
+[31] General Simpson locates the "Casas Grandes" on the Gila, in lat.
+33 deg. 4' 21" and lon. 111 deg. 45' Greenwich. _Coronado's March_, p. 326.
+
+[32] _Relation_, etc., p. 365. "Nous souffrimes quelques fatigues,
+jusqu'a ce que nous eussions atteint une chaine de montagnes dont
+j'avais entendu parler a la Nouvelle-Espagne, a plus de trois-cents
+lieues de la. Nous donnames a l'endroit ou nous passames le nom de
+Chichiltic-Calli, parce que nous avions su par des Indiens que nous
+laissions derriere nous, qu'ils l'appelaient ainsi," etc. Id. "On nous
+dit qu'elle se nommait Chichiltic-Calli. Apres avoir franchi ces
+montagnes." ...
+
+[33] Jaramillo, _Relation_, etc., p. 367. Simpson, p. 325. For
+descriptions of the "Casas Grandes," I refer to Castaneda, i. cap. ix.
+pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. pp. 161, 162, to be compared with Mateo Mange,
+_Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, serie 4, vol. i. cap. v. p.
+282, describing Father Kino's visit there in 1697, cap. x. pp. 362, 363.
+Cristobal Martin Bernal, Francisco de Acuna, Eusebio Francisco Kino,
+etc., _Relacion_, in _Documentos_, 3 serie, vol. ii. p. 884; this bears
+date, 4 Dec., 1697. Fray Tomas Ignacio Lizazoin, _Informe sobre las
+Provincias de Sonora y Nueva-Vizcaya, Documentos_, 3 serie, ii. p. 698.
+Segundo Media, _Rudo Ensayo Tentativo de una Prevencional Descripcion de
+la Provincia de Sonora, sus Terminos y Confines_, written by a Jesuit
+about 1761 or 1762, and published by Buckingham Smith at S. Augustine in
+1863, cap. ii. sec. 3, p. 18. Padre Font, in _Relation de Cibola_,
+Append, vii. pp. 383-386. Of more recent descriptions, I enumerate
+Lieut. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., Executive
+Documents_, 41, pp. 80, 81; Capt. A. R. Johnston, _Journal_, etc., id.
+pp. 582, 584, 596, 597; John R. Bartlett, _Personal Narrative of
+Explorations and Incidents_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxii. pp. 265-280.
+While we can easily identify the "Casas Grandes," seen in 1846-47 and
+1852, with those described in 1697, 1761, and 1775, in regard to the
+earliest description of "Chichilticalli," we are inclined to agree with
+Mr. L. H. Morgan, _Seven Cities of Cibola_, that "there is no ruin on
+the Gila at the present time that answers the above description."
+
+[34] _Relation de Cibola_, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163, and especially
+part iii. cap. ix. p. 243. "On fit d'abord cent dix lieues vers l'ouest,
+en partant de Mexico; Ton se dirigea ensuite vers le nord-est pendant
+cent lieues; puis pendant six cent cinquante vers le nord, et l'on
+n'etait encore arrive qu'aux ravins des bisons. De sorte qu'apres avoir
+fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieues, on n'etait pas en definitive a
+plus de quatre cents de Mexico."
+
+The "Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua are on the river of the same name,
+north-west of the city of Chihuahua, and nearly south of Janos. I have
+been unable as yet to ascertain when they first came to notice.
+According to Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, _Letter to the General Francisco
+de Gorraez Beaumont_, dated 22 Sept., 1667, in _Mandamiento del Senor
+Virey, Marques de Mancora, sobre las Doctrinas de Casas Grandes, que
+estaban en las Yumas, Jurisdiccion de San Felipe del Parral_, in
+_Documentos_, 4 serie, vol. iii. p. 231, etc., the Padre Pedro de
+Aparicio died there, and the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, 1
+_Letter_, 25 Oct., 1667, p. 234, adds: "Que en este puesto de las Casas
+Grandes era parimo de mineria y segun tradicion antigua y ruinas que se
+veian que decian ser del tiempo de Moctezuma." A very good description
+of the ruins has been given by Jose Agustin Escudero, _Noticias
+Estadisticas del Estado de Chihuahua_, Mexico, 1834, cap. viii. pp. 234,
+235, who visited them in 1819. Finally, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, _Personal
+Narrative_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxv., has furnished excellent
+descriptions and plates.
+
+It is hardly possible to determine if these ruins would better
+correspond to "Chichilticalli" than those on the Gila. The fact that the
+former presented, in 1819, the appearance of one solitary building,
+whereas the latter, in 1697, composed a group of _eleven_, is
+noteworthy, but far from being a critical point.
+
+[35] _Relation_, etc, ii. cap. iii. p. 165.
+
+[36] _Relation_, etc., p. 370.
+
+[37] Castaneda, i. cap. xi. pp. 58, 63, 64.
+
+[38] _Relation_, i. cap. xii., pp. 69, 70; ii. cap. iii. p. 166.
+
+[39] _Relation_, p. 370. Castaneda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.
+
+[40] _Relation_, p. 370.
+
+[41] Jaramillo, pp. 370 and 371.
+
+[42] Acoma is always described with particular care by the older Spanish
+authors. Antonio de Espejo, Carta, 23 April, 1584, in _Documentos
+Ineditos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xv. p. 179: "Y hallamos un pueblo
+que se llama, Acoma, donde nos parecio, habria mas de seis mil animas,
+el cual esta asentado sobre una pena alta que tiene mas de cincuenta
+estados en alto," etc. Juan de Onate, _Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo
+el Campo de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-Espana a la Provincia de la
+Nueva-Mexico, Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xvi. pp. 268, 270: "A quatro de
+Diciembre [1598?], lo mataron en Acoma, los Indios de aquella fortaleza,
+que es la mejor en sitio de toda la cristiandad ..." "dieron el primer
+asalto al Penol de Acoma ..." _Obediencia y Vassalaje a Su Magestad por
+los Indios del Pueblo de Acoma, Documentos Ineditos_, xvi. p. 127: "Al
+pie de una pena muy grande sobre la qual en lo alto della esta fundado y
+poblado el Pueblo que llaman de Acoma, ..." dated 27 October, 1598. Fray
+Agustin de Vetancurt, _Cronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de
+Mexico_, trat. iii. cap. vi. p. 319. "Al Oriente del Pueblo de Zia esta
+el Penol de Acoma, que tiene una legua en Circuito de treinta Estados de
+alto." _Menologio Franciscano_, p. 247. Both references are taken from
+the edition of 1871. Furthermore, in the anonymous _Relacion del Suceso
+de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento de
+Cibola_, ano de 1531 (should be 1541), in vol. xiv. of the _Documentos
+del Archivo de Indias_, we find Acuco (_east_ of Cibola), "el cual ellos
+llaman en su lengua _Acuco_, y el padre Marcos le llamaba _Hacus_:" now
+Hacus forcibly recalls the proper name of Acoma, which by the Qq'ueres
+Indians, to whose stock its inhabitants belong, is called "Ago."
+
+[43] _Carta_, 23 April, 1584, _Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xv. p. 182.
+
+[44] _Discurso de las Jornadas, etc., Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xvi. p.
+274. _Obediencia y Vassallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de
+San Joan Baptista_, id. vol. xv. p. 115. That the "Mohoces" were the
+Moqui is evidenced by Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, _Relacion de
+todas las Provincias que en el Nuevo-Mexico se han visto y sabido asi
+por Mar como por Tierra, desde el Ano de 1538, hasta el Ano de 1626.
+Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, serie 3, vol. i. p. 30.
+
+[45] Castaneda, i. cap. x. pp. 49, 50. Melchor Diaz reached the Rio del
+Tizon, starting from Culhuacan and Sonora. This river emptied into the
+Gulf of California, and he found there traces of Fernando de Alarcon.
+The latter went up the Rio Colorado, and learned many details about
+Cibola from Indians living along the river. _Relation de la Navigation
+et de la Decouverte faite par le Capitaine Fernando Alarcon, Voyage de
+Cibola_, Ternaux-Compans, Append, iv. cap. i. p. 302: "Nous y trouvames
+un tres grand fleuve dont le courant etait si rapide, qu'a peine
+pouvions nous nous y maintenir," cap. v. pp. 324-326; cap. vi. p. 331.
+Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. p. 212. Fray Juan de Torquemada,
+_Monarchia Indiana_, lib. v. cap. xi. p. 609, ed. of 1723. While Alarcon
+was endeavoring to meet Coronado by sailing or boating up the Colorado
+from its mouth, the latter sent Garci-Lopez de Cardenas to explore a
+river which the Indians of "Tusayan" had mentioned to Pedro de Tobar;
+and he reached this river after twenty days' march. It is described as
+follows by Castaneda (i. cap. xi. p. 62): "After these twenty days'
+marching, they indeed reached this river, whose shores are so high that
+they thought themselves at least three or four leagues up in the air.
+The country is covered with low and crippled pines; it is exposed to the
+north, and the cold is so severe that, although it was summer, it could
+hardly be supported. The Spaniards for three days marched along these
+mountains, hoping to find a place where they could reach the river,
+which, from above, appeared to be about one fathom in width, while the
+Indians said it was wider than one-half league; but it was found to be
+impossible," etc. This is a fair picture of the canons of the Colorado
+River of the West, the only one emptying into the head of the Gulf of
+California; and Castaneda adds (p. 65): "This river was the del Tizon."
+
+[46] _Carta, Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xv. p. 180: "Una provincia, que
+son seis pueblos, que la provincia llaman Zuni, y por otro nombre
+Cibola. Richard Hackluyt, _The Third and last Volume of the Voyages,
+Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_." _El
+Viaie que hizo Antonio de Espeio en el Ano de ochenta y tres_, pp.
+457-464, has "dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra en lengua de los
+naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Espanoles Cibola, ay en ella cantidad de
+Indios ..."
+
+[47] Castaneda, i. cap. xii. pp. 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73.
+
+[48] Jaramillo, pp. 370, 371. Castaneda, p. 69.
+
+[49] Castaneda, p. 71.
+
+[50] _Coronado's March_, pp. 333-336.
+
+[51] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, cap. xxiv. p. 185, note I;
+cap. xxv. p. 198, note I; also p. 199. I attach particular importance to
+the opinions of Mr. Davis. He visited New Mexico at a time when it was
+still "undeveloped," and his writings on the country show thorough
+knowledge, and much documentary information. It is to be regretted that
+he fails absolutely to mention his sources in any satisfactory manner, a
+defect which might deprive his valuable book of much of its
+unquestionable reliability and importance. The attentive student,
+however, finds, after going seriously through the mass of material still
+on hand, that Mr. Davis has been so painstaking and honest, that he is
+very much inclined to forgive the lack of citations.
+
+[52] From Bernalillo or Sandia, the easiest way, and the one which
+Alvarado, by Coronado's order, must certainly have taken, is south of
+Galisteo. This would have led him to Pecos, either by the Canon de San
+Cristobal or, as I presume, to the lower valley, and thence up the river
+to the Pueblo. Castaneda (ii. cap. v. p. 176) speaks of abandoned
+villages along the route. There is a ruin at the place called "Pueblo,"
+one at San Jose, and another at Kingman; all along the line of the
+"Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad." I presume, therefore, that he
+took this route. At all events, he went _south_ of the Tanos, else he
+would have struck the villages called later San Lazaro and San
+Cristobal, both then occupied.
+
+[53] The belief has been expressed to me at Santa Fe, by authority which
+I have learned to respect, that on the site of the present city there
+stood the old town of Tiguex. This belief has been strengthened by the
+popular tale, that the old adobe house, of two low stories, adjoining
+the ancient chapel of San Miguel, was an ancient Indian home. Personal
+inspection has, however, satisfied me of the fact that this building,
+while certainly very old, is certainly not one of an Indian "pueblo." It
+forms a rectangle: _Met._ 20.71' from east to west, and 4.80' from north
+to south. Its front has five doors, and the upper story as many windows.
+It is entirely of adobe, and may indeed have been an Indian house, but
+built after their old plan, when Santa Fe had already been founded.
+There is no notice of any pueblo on this site. Besides, documentary
+evidence regarding the establishment of Santa Fe absolutely ignores the
+existence of any Indian settlement at that place in 1598. Juan de Onate,
+_Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo el Capitan de Su Magestad desde la
+Nueva-Espana a la Provincia de la Nuevo-Mexico_, in _Coleccion de
+Documentos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xvi. pp. 263-266. _Obediencia y
+Vasallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios de San Joan Baptista._ Id., Sept
+9, 1598, pp. 115, 116: "Al Padre Fray Cristobal de Salazar, la Provincia
+de los Tepuas (_Tehuas_) con los pueblos de Triape, Triaque el de Sant
+Yldefonso y Santa Clara, y este pueblo de Sant Joan Batista y el de Sant
+Gabriele el de Troomaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Comitria, Quiotraco, y
+mas, la Cibdad de Sant Francisco de los Espanoles, que al presente se
+Edifican."
+
+[54] _Obediencia y Vasallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios de
+Santo-Domingo._ Id., p. 102. July 7, 1598. _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan
+Baptista_, pp. 112, 115, "los Chiguas o Tiguas."
+
+[55] _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el Padre Jose Amando Niel,
+Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3a serie, vol. i. pp. 98, 99:
+"Estan pobladas junto a la sierra de Puruai que toma el nombre del
+principal pueblo que se llama asi, y orilla del gran rio." There were
+then three pueblos: San-Pedro, "rio abajo de Puruai;" Santiago, "rio
+arriba." Puaray was destroyed and in ruins in 1711. It was here that
+Father Augustin Ruiz was killed in 1581. Fray Geronimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., p. 10. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Menologio
+Franciscano_, pp. 412, 413. Jean Blaeu, _Douzieme livre de la Geographie
+Blaviane_, Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62, calls the Tiguas "Tebas," and says
+they had "quinze bourgades." Vetancurt, _Menologio_, but principally
+_Cronica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico_, gives the
+Tiguas, before 1680, the following stations and pueblos: Isleta,
+Alameda, Puray, and Sandia, pp. 310-313.
+
+[56] _Relacion_, etc., p. 10.
+
+[57] A. S. Gatschet, _Zwoelf Sprachen aus dem Suedwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
+Weimar, 1876, p. 41.
+
+[58] Castaneda, i. cap. xix. p. 116.
+
+[59] Simpson, _Coronado's March_, pp. 336.
+
+[60] Castaneda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.
+
+[61] _Spanish Conquest_, cap. xxiii. p. 180, note 5, p. 181, note 6.
+
+[62] Castaneda, p. 76.
+
+[63] Isleta is probably a modern _pueblo_, that is one erected since
+1598 and previous to 1680, and I shall treat it as such till I am better
+informed. The description by Vetancurt ("_Cronica_," etc., trat. iii.
+cap. v. pp. 310 and 311, as in the year 1680) is characteristic:
+"Formase un rio de la nieve que se derrite, que con el rio Norte cercan
+un campo de cinco leguas ... Es el paso para las provincias de Acoma,
+Zunias, Moqui ..." In a straight line, the distance from Bernalillo is
+about twenty-five miles.
+
+[64] p. 76. "Le general remonta ensuite la riviere, et visita toute la
+province jusqu'a ce qu'il fut arrive a Tiguex."
+
+[65] p. 76. "Ils apprirent qu'en descendant la riviere ils trouveraient
+encore d'autres villages."
+
+[66] Castaneda, ii. cap. iv. p. 168.
+
+[67] Cap. vi. p. 182, part ii. In looking at the map, it will be seen
+that Bernalillo is, indeed, a central point. Along the Rio Grande it is
+almost at equal distances from Taos at the north, and Socorro at the
+south, whereas it is little further (in an east-westerly line) from
+Bernalillo to Zuni, than from Bernalillo to the plains. The accuracy of
+Castaneda becomes more and more wonderful, the closer his narrative is
+studied and compared with the country itself. His distance exceeds the
+bee-line regularly almost by one-third; a very natural fact, since he
+computes the lengths from the routes taken.
+
+[68] These facts are taken from the following passages of Castaneda: i.
+cap. xviii., ii. cap. vi., Queres; i. cap. xxii, ii. cap. vi., Hemes and
+Aguas Calientes; ii. cap. iv., Acha; i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Braba;
+i. cap. xviii., Cia; ii. cap. v., Ximera; and i. cap. xxii., ii. cap.
+vi., Yuque-Yunque, perhaps Cuyamunque.
+
+[69] Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa-Ana, and Cia are the
+Queres pueblos near the Rio Grande still remaining. They all then
+existed in 1598. _Obediencia, etc., a S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113.
+
+[70] The Jemez or Emmes, in 1598, contained nine "pueblos," or rather
+places of habitation. _Obediencia, etc., de Santo Domingo_, p. 102.
+Niel, p. 99, mentions five.
+
+[71] Castaneda, i. cap. xxii. It is unmistakable. Compare Simpson,
+_Coronado's March_, p. 339. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, etc., p. 319. "Este es
+el ultimo pueblo hacia el norte." Jean Blaeu, _Geographie_, etc., p. 62.
+
+[72] This is equally definite. Castaneda, ii. cap. v. p. 177. "Between
+Cicuye and the province of Quirix, there exists a small very well
+fortified village which the Spaniards have named Ximera, and another one
+which appears to have been very large." This shows that the Spaniards
+went from Pecos by the San Cristobal canon.
+
+[73] To-day Tezuque, Nambe, Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso,
+Pojuaque, and, besides, Cuyamunque in ruins.
+
+[74] The Piros were totally dispersed during the intertribal wars of
+1680-89. Niel, p. 104. Senecu, near Mesilla, is a Piros pueblo, founded
+by Fray Antonio de Arteaga in 1630. Fray Balthasar de Medina, _Chronica
+de la Provincia de S. Diego de Mexico de Religiosos Descalzos de N. S.
+P. S. Francisco de la Nueva-Espana_, Mexico, 1682, lib. iv. cap. vii.
+fol. 168. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, p. 309. It is therefore a Spanish
+"colony," and not an original pueblo.
+
+[75] Castaneda, i. cap. ix., ii. cap. iii. iv. p. 183, vii. p. 188. Fray
+Marcos de Niza, pp. 274-276, Jaramillo, pp. 368, 369.
+
+[76] Antonio Espejo, _Viaje_, etc. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, etc., pp. 302,
+303.
+
+[77] Vetancurt, _Cronica_, etc., trat. iii. cap. iv. pp. 302, 303-305,
+cap. vi. pp. 324, 325.
+
+[78] Espejo, _Viaje_, etc.
+
+[79] _Coronado's March_, pp. 336-339. Don Jose Cortes, _Memorias sobre
+las Provincias del Norte de Nueva-Espana_, 1799. MSS. of the library of
+Congress, fol. 87.
+
+[80] Coronado, Letter of Oct. 20, 1541, p. 354. Castaneda, ii. cap.
+viii. p. 194, Jaramillo, pp. 376, 377.
+
+[81] He went from Santa Fe N.E. and E.N.E., and struck the
+"Escansaques:" might they have been the "Kansas?" Geronimo de Zarate
+Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., pp. 26, 27.
+
+[82] Zarate Salmeron, p. 29.
+
+[83] I append a valuable description of these ruins from the
+Surveyor-General's office at Santa Fe, communicated to me by Mr. D. J.
+Miller. (See p. 30.)
+
+[84] This is made probable through the statement of Father Jose Amando
+Niel (p. 108), to the effect that the Yutas warred against the Pananas
+and the Jumanas. The latter were about Socorro, therefore the Yutas must
+have descended east to below Pecos. Their arrival east of the Sierra
+Madre is placed, through the reports of the Pecos, about 1530.
+Castaneda, ii. cap. v., p. 178.
+
+[85] _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113, "todos los Apaches
+desde la Sierra Nevada hacia la parte del Norte y Poniento," p. 114;
+speaking of the Jemez, "y mas, todos los Apaches y cocoyes de sus
+sierras y comarcas."
+
+[86] In a subsequent paper, I hope to continue this "Historical
+Introduction," in the shape of a discussion of the various expeditions
+into New Mexico, and from it to other points north-west and north-east,
+up to the year 1605.
+
+
+
+
+II.
+
+A VISIT TO THE ABORIGINAL RUINS IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.
+
+
+About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa Fe, and in the
+western sections of the district of San Miguel (New Mexico), the upper
+course of the Rio Pecos traverses a broad valley, extending in width
+from east to west about six or eight miles, and in length from
+north-west to south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries
+are,--on the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa Fe, and the
+Sierra de Santa Barbara, or rather their southern spurs; on the west a
+high _mesa_ or table land, extending nearly parallel to the river until
+opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on the east, the Sierra de
+Tecolote. The altitude of this valley is on an average not less than six
+thousand three hundred feet,[87] while the _mesa_ on the right bank of
+the river rises abruptly to nearly two thousand feet higher; the
+Tecolote chain is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of
+the high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at
+least.[88]
+
+The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully five degrees
+more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs, in the upper part of the
+valley, closely to the mountains of Tecolote, and thence runs almost
+directly north and south. The high _mesa_ opposite, known as the Mesa de
+Pecos, sweeps around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction
+from north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore,
+forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be near San Jose:
+whereas its base-line at the north might be indicated as from the Plaza
+de Pecos to Baughl's Sidings; or rather from the Rio Pecos, east of the
+town, to the foot of the _mesa_ on the west, a length of over six miles.
+Nearly in the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river, and
+one and a half miles from Baughl's, there rises a narrow, semicircular
+cliff or _mesilla_, over the bed of a stream known as the Arroyo de
+Pecos.[89] The southern end of this tabular cliff (its highest point as
+well as its most sunny slope) is covered with very extensive ruins,
+representing, as I shall hereafter explain, _three distinct kinds of
+occupation of the place by man_. These ruins are known under the name of
+the Old Pueblo of Pecos.
+
+The tourist who, in order to reach Santa Fe from the north, takes the
+Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad at La Junta, Colorado,--fascinated
+as he becomes by the beauty as well as by the novelty of the landscape,
+while running parallel with the great Sierra Madre, after he has
+traversed the Ratonis at daybreak,--enters a still more weird country in
+the afternoon. The Rio Pecos is crossed just beyond Bernal, and thence
+on he speeds towards the west and north: to the left, the towering Mesa
+de Pecos, dark pines clambering up its steep sides; to the right, the
+broad valley, scooped out, so to say, between the _mesa_ and the
+Tecolote ridge. It is dotted with green patches and black clusters of
+cedar and pine shooting out of the red and rocky soil. Scarcely a house
+is visible, for the _casitas_ of adobe and wood nestle mostly in
+sheltered nooks. Beyond Baughl's, the ruins first strike his view; the
+red walls of the church stand boldly out on the barren _mesilla_; and to
+the north of it there are two low brown ridges, the remnants of the
+Indian houses. The bleak summits of the high northern chain seem to rise
+in height as he advances; even the distant Trout mountains (Sierra de la
+Trucha) loom up solemnly towards the head-waters of the Pecos. About
+Glorieta the vale disappears, and through the shaggy crests of the Canon
+del Apache, which overlooks the track in awful proximity, he sallies out
+upon the central plain of northern New Mexico, six thousand eight
+hundred feet above the sea-level. To the south-west the picturesque
+Sandia mountains;[90] to the west, far off, the Heights of Jemez and the
+Sierra del Valle, bound the level and apparently barren table-land. An
+hour more of fearfully rapid transit with astonishing curves, and, at
+sunset, he lands at La Villa Real de Santa-Fe.
+
+Starting back from Santa Fe towards Pecos on a dry, sandy wagon-road, we
+lose sight of the table-land and its environing mountain-chain, when
+turning into the ridges east of Manzanares. Vegetation, which has been
+remarkably stunted until now, improves in appearance. However rocky the
+slopes are, tall pines grow on them sparsely: the Encina appears in
+thickets; _Opuntia arborescens_ bristles dangerously as a large shrub;
+mammillary cactuses hide in the sand; even an occasional patch of Indian
+corn is found in the valleys. It is stunted in growth,[91] flowering as
+late as the last days of the month of August, and poorly cultivated. The
+few adobe buildings are mostly recent. Over a high granitic ridge, grown
+over with _pinon_ (all the trees inclined towards the north-east by the
+fierce winds that blow along its summit), and from which the Sierra de
+Sandia for the last time appears, we plunge into a deep valley, emptying
+into the Canoncito, and thence follow the railroad track again through a
+deep gorge and pleasant bottom, overgrown with pines and cedars, past
+Glorieta to Baughl's.[92] It required all the skill and firmness of my
+friend and companion, Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, of the Indian Bureau at
+Santa Fe, to pilot our vehicle over the steep and rocky ledges. From
+Baughl's, where I took quarters at the temporary boarding-house of Mrs.
+Root (to whose kindness and motherly solicitude I owe a tribute of
+sincere gratitude), a good road leads to the east and south-east along
+the Arroyo de Pecos. In a direct line the distance to the ruins is
+but a mile and a half; but after nearing the banks of the stream (which
+there are grassy levels), one is kept at a distance from it by deep
+parallel gulches. So we have to follow the _arroyo_ downwards, keeping
+about a quarter of a mile to the west of it, till, south of the old
+church itself, the road at last crosses the wide and gravelly bed, in
+which a fillet of clear water is running. Then we ascend a gradual slope
+of sandy and micaceous soil, thinly covered by tufts of _grama_; a wide,
+circular depression strikes our eye; beyond it flat mounds of scarcely
+0.50 m.--20 in.--elevation are covered extensively with scattered and
+broken stones. Further on distinct foundations appear, rectangles
+enclosed by, or founded originally upon, thick walls of stone, sunk into
+the ground and much worn,--sometimes divided into small compartments,
+again forming large enclosures. To the south a conspicuous, though
+small, mound is visible. Immediately before us, due north, are distinct
+though broken walls of stones; and above them, on a broad terrace of red
+earth, completely shutting off the _mesilla_ or tabulated cliff, on
+which the Indian houses stand, there arises the massive former Catholic
+temple of Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VI
+VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+The building forms a rectangle, about 46 m.--150 ft.--long, from east to
+west, and 18 m.--60 ft.--from north to south. The entrance was to the
+west, the eastern wall being still solid and standing. Plate I., Fig. 2,
+gives an idea of its form: _a_ _a_ are gateways, each capped by a heavy
+lintel of hewn cedar; _b_, carved beam of wood across.
+
+The roof of the building is gone, and on the south side a part of the
+walls themselves are reduced to a few metres elevation. The church may
+originally have been not less than 10 m.--33 ft.--perhaps higher. It
+had, according to tradition, but one belfry and a single bell,--a very
+large one at that. The Indians carried it off, it is said, to the top of
+the _mesa_, where it broke. It is certain that a very large bell, of
+which I saw one fragment, now in possession of Mr. E. K. Walters, of
+Pecos, was found on the western slope of the Mesa de Pecos, about three
+miles from its eastern rim, in a _canada_ of the Ojo de Vacas stream,
+towards San Cristobal. Mr. Thomas Munn, of Baughl's, took the pains of
+piloting me a whole day (6th of September) through the wilderness of the
+_mesa_, and showing me the place where this interesting relic was
+finally deposited. I shall return to this by and by.
+
+Mrs. Kozlowski (wife of a Polish gentleman, living two miles south on
+the _arroyo_) informed me that in 1858, when she came to her present
+home with her husband, the roof of the church was still in existence.
+Her husband tore it down, and used it for building out-houses; he also
+attempted to dig out the corner-stone, but failed. In general, the
+vandalism committed in this venerable relic of antiquity defies all
+description. It is only equalled by the foolishness of such as, having
+no other means to secure immortality, have cut out the ornaments from
+the sculptured beams in order to obtain a surface suitable to carve
+their euphonious names. All the beams of the old structure are quaintly,
+but still not tastelessly, carved; there was, as is shown in Plate VII.,
+much scroll-work terminating them. Most of this was taken away, chipped
+into uncouth boxes, and sold, to be scattered everywhere. Not content
+with this, treasure-hunters, inconsiderate amateurs, have recklessly and
+ruthlessly disturbed the abodes of the dead. "After becoming
+Christians," said to me Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the only remaining 'son of the
+tribe' of Pecos, still settled near to its site, "they buried their dead
+within the church." These dead have been dug out regardless of their
+position relative to the walls of the building, and their remains have
+been scattered over the surface, to become the prey of relic-hunters.
+The Roman Catholic Archbishop of New Mexico has finally stopped such
+abuses by asserting his title of ownership; but it was far too late. It
+cannot be denied, besides, that his concession to Kozlowski to use some
+of the timber for his own purposes was subsequently interpreted by
+others in a manner highly prejudicial to the preservation of the
+structure.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VIII
+INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+What alone has saved the old church of Pecos from utter ruin has been
+its solid mode of construction. Entirely of adobe, its walls have an
+average thickness of 1.5 m.--5 ft. The adobe is made like that now used,
+wheat-straw entering into it occasionally; but it also contains small
+fragments of obsidian,--minute chips of that material and broken
+pottery. This makes it evident that the soil for its construction must
+have been gathered somewhere near the _mesilla_; and the suspicion is
+very strong on my part that it was the right bank of the _arroyo_ which
+furnished the material.[93] It is self-evident that the grounds which
+were used for that purpose must have antedated, in point of occupation,
+the date of the construction of the church by a very long period. I have
+measured all the adobe bricks of the church that are within easy reach,
+at various places, and found them alike. They all measure .55 m. x .28
+m.--22 in. x 11 in.--and .08 m.--3 in.--in thickness. They are laid as
+shown in Plate I., Fig. 4.
+
+The mortar is, as the specimen sent by me will prove, of the same
+composition as the brick itself.
+
+The regularity with which these courses are laid is very striking. The
+timbers, besides, are all well squared; the ornaments, scrolls, and
+friezes are quaint, but not uncouth; there is a deficiency in
+workmanship, but great purity in outline and in design.
+
+To the south of the old church, at a distance of 4 m.--13 ft.--there is
+another adobe wall, rising in places a few metres above the soil; which
+wall, with that of the church, seems to have formed a covered
+passage-way. Adjoining it is a rectangular terrace of red earth,
+extending out to the west as far as the church front. A valuable record
+of the manner in which this terrace was occupied is preserved to us in
+the drawing of the Pecos church given by Lieutenant W. H. Emory in 1846.
+It appears that south of the church there was a convent;[94] and this is
+stated also by Sr. Ruiz. In fact, the walls, whether enclosures or
+buildings, which appear to have adjoined the church, extend south from
+it 74 m.--250 ft. Plate I., Fig. 2, gives an idea of their relative
+position, etc.: _c_ is 4 m.--13 ft.--wide; _d_ is 21 m. x 46 m.--70 ft.
+x 156 ft.; _e_ is 25 m. x 46 m.--82 ft. x 150 ft.; _f_ is 24 m. x 46
+m.--78 ft. x 150 ft.
+
+The divisions are not strictly marked, and I forbear giving any lengths,
+since there is great uncertainty about them.
+
+The foundation walls, where visible, are generally about 0.60 m. to 0.75
+m.--23 in. to 30 in.--wide, and composed of three rows of stones, set
+lengthwise, selected for size, and probably broken to fit.[95]
+
+[Illustration: PLATE I
+GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.]
+
+Looking northward from the church, a wall of broken stones, similar to
+the one we already noticed at the south, meets the eye. The _mesilla_
+itself terminates east and west in rocky ledges of inconsiderable
+height, and the wall stretches across its entire width of 39 m.--129 ft.
+Its distance from the church is 10 m.--33 ft.; and it thus forms, with
+the northern church wall, a trapezium of 10 m.--33 ft. This enclosure is
+said to have been the church-yard.[96] Beyond it the mesilla and its
+ruined structures appear in full view; and from the church to the
+northern end, which is also its highest point, it has exactly the form
+of an elongated pear or parsnip. Hence the name given to it by Spanish
+authors of the eighteenth century, "el Navon de los Pecos."[97] This
+fruit-like shape is not limited to the outline: it also extends to the
+profile. Starting from the church, there is a curved neck, convex to the
+east, and retreating in a semicircle from the stream on the west. At the
+end of this neck, about 200 m.--660 ft.--north of the church, there is a
+slight depression, terminating in a dry stream-bed emptying into the
+bottom of the Arroyo de Pecos south-westward; and beyond this depression
+the rocks bulge up to an oblong mound, nearly 280 m.--920 ft.--long from
+north to south, and at its greatest width 160 m.--520 ft.--from east to
+west. At the northern termination of this mound the _mesilla_ curves to
+the north-east, and finally terminates in a long ledge of tumbled rocks,
+high and abrupt, which gradually merges into the ridges of sandy soil
+towards the little town of Pecos.[98] Pl. I., Fig. 5, gives a tolerably
+fair view of the _mesilla_. Pl. I., Fig. 1, is designed to exhibit its
+appearance as seen from below, the highest elevation above the stream
+being nearly 30 m.--95 ft.
+
+The rock of the _mesilla_ is a compact, brownish-gray limestone. It is
+crystalline, but yet fossiliferous, very hard, and not deteriorating
+much on exposure. Its strata dip perceptibly to the south-west;
+consequently the western rim is comparatively less jagged and rocky than
+the eastern, and the slope towards the stream more gentle, except at the
+north-western corner, where the rocks appear broken and tumbled down
+over the slopes in huge masses.
+
+From the church-yard wall, all along the edge of the _mesilla_,
+descending into the depression mentioned, and again rounding the highest
+northern point, then crossing over transversely from west to east and
+running back south along the opposite edge, there extends a wall of
+circumvallation, constructed, as far as may be seen, of rubble and
+broken stones, with occasional earth flung in between the blocks. This
+wall has, along its periphery, a total length of 983 m.--3,220
+ft.--according to Mr. Thurston's measurement.[99] It was, as far as can
+be seen, 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--high on an average, and about 0.50 m.--20
+in.--thick. There is but one entrance to it visible, on the west side,
+at its lowest level, where the depression already mentioned runs down
+the slope to the south-west as the bed of a rocky streamlet. There a
+gateway of 4 m.--13 ft.--in width is left open; the wall itself thickens
+on each side to a round tower built of stones, mixed with earthy
+fillings. These towers, considerably ruined, are still 2 m.--6 ft. 6
+in.--high, and appear to have been at least 4m.--13 ft.--in diameter; at
+all events the northern one. At the gateway itself the walls curve
+outward,[100] and appear to have terminated in a short passage of
+entering and re-entering lines, between which there was a passage, as
+well for man as for the waters from the _mesilla_ into the bottom and
+the stream below. But these lines can only be surmised from the streaks
+of gravel and stones extending beyond the gateway, as no definite
+foundations are extant. Pl. I., Fig. 3, is a tolerably correct diagram
+of this gateway.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE IX
+VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.]
+
+The face of the wall at each side of the gate is 1.3 m.--4 ft.--wide.
+Whether there was any contrivance to close it or not it is now
+impossible to determine; but there are in the northern wall of the gate
+pieces of decayed wood embedded in and protruding from the stone-work.
+For what purpose they were placed there it is not permitted even to
+conjecture.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Having thus sketched, as far as I am able, the topography of the
+_mesilla_, and described its great wall of circumvallation, I now turn
+to the ruins which cover its upper surface, starting for their survey
+from the transverse wall of the old church-yard, 10 m.--33 ft.--north of
+the church, and proceeding thence northward along the top of the
+tabulated bluff.[101]
+
+Sixty-one metres--200 ft.--north of our point of departure we strike
+stone foundations running about due east and west and resting almost
+directly on the rock, since the soil along the entire plateau which I
+have termed the neck is scarce, and has nowhere more than 1 m.--39
+in.--in depth. The eastern corner of this wall, as far as it can be made
+out, is 12 m.--39 ft.--from the eastern wall of circumvallation. From
+this point on there extends one continuous body of ruins, one half of
+which at least (the southern half), if not two-thirds, as the ground
+plan will show, exhibits nothing else but foundations of small chambers
+indicated by shapeless stone-heaps and depressions. The northern part is
+in a better state of preservation; a number of chambers are more or less
+perfect, the roofs excepted,[102] and we can easily detect several
+stories retreating from east to west. About 9 m.--30 ft.--from its
+northern limits a double wall intersects the pile for one half of its
+width. The ruins beyond it, or rather the addition, is in a state of
+decay equal to that of the southern extremity. The western side is,
+generally, in a better state of preservation than the eastern,
+especially the north-western corner. Along the eastern side upright
+posts of wood, protruding from stone-heaps, often are the only
+indications for the outline of the structure. Along the north-west,
+however, such posts are enclosed in standing walls of stone, at
+distances not quite regularly distributed, but still showing plainly
+that here, at least, the outer wall presented an appearance similar to
+Pl. II., Fig. 4.
+
+At the place where I measured, the upright posts stood at about 1.39
+m.--4 ft. 6 in.--from each other; the projecting wall was 2 m.--6 ft. 6
+in.--long, and 0.63 m.--2 ft.--thick; the retreating wall 1.40 m.--4 ft.
+6 in.--long, and 0.33 m.--13 in.--thick. The posts themselves were
+sometimes, but not always, backed, or even encased in adobe sheaths,
+built up like little chimneys in the wall itself. This mode of
+construction was possibly peculiar to the western side alone, and gives
+it a slight appearance of ornamentation, as well as more strength, the
+projecting walls acting like buttresses.
+
+The whole structure, taking the sides of the _debris_ as they are now
+scattered, extends nearly north and south 140 m.--460 ft.--and east and
+west about 16 m. to 26 m.--50 ft. to 80 ft.--thus forming a rectangle of
+140 m. x 20 m.--460 ft. x 65 ft. To determine the exact size of the
+building I proceeded to measure each compartment for itself, judging
+that the total number of these apartments, adding to their sizes the
+thicknesses of the walls, would finally give, within a few decimetres,
+the exact length and width of the house. On the ground plan I have
+numbered this building B.[103]
+
+Beginning at the north-west corner, I ran my line almost due east to
+within 10 m.--33 ft.--of the circumvallation, where I found the
+north-east corner indicated by a broken post of wood. Along this line I
+met the following sections from west to east: 2.92 m.--9 ft. 6 in.; then
+a gangway, 1.55 m.--5 ft.; chamber, 3.22 m.--11 ft.; gangway, 1.21 m.--4
+ft.; and three chambers, 2.09 m., 2.72 m., and 2.72 m.--7 ft., 9 ft.,
+and 9 ft.--respectively, thus giving, adding to it eight walls of a
+uniform thickness of 0.33 m.--13 in.,--a total width of 19.07 m.--63 ft.
+Its length was easily found to be 8.56 m.--28 ft.; the northern
+appendix, therefore, forming a rectangle of 8.5 m. x 19 m.--28 ft. x 63
+ft.,--and containing, as the ground-plan shows, ten rooms and two
+corridors, the latter running through the structure from north to south.
+It will also be noticed that the two middle rooms are the largest,
+measuring each 4.28 m. x 3.22 m.--14 ft. x 10 ft. I must also advert,
+here, to the fact that this structure is extremely ruined, and that the
+east part of it exposes the surveyor to dangerous errors.
+
+The line _a b_, and its continuation eastwardly to _c_, appears to form
+the main northern wall of the whole structure. Here the annex, just
+described, terminates. This wall is of unequal thickness. In the
+north-westerly projection from _a_ to _b_, a length of 8 m.--26
+ft.,--its thickness is 0.63 m.--2 ft.; from _b_ to _c_, on the eastern
+line, it is only 0.33 m.--13 in.--thick. This inequality indicates also
+a division of the structure to the southward, as far as the line _d d
+d_, into two longitudinal sections. The western one, whose four corners
+are respectively _a_ _b_ _d_ _d_ in the diagram, contains eighteen rooms
+of equal size, measuring each 3.71 m. x 2.25 m.--12 ft. x 7 ft.; it is
+consequently, inclusive of the rear wall and the sides, 24.24 m. x 8.08
+m.--80 ft. x 27 ft. The eastern division, comprised within the area _b_
+_c_ _d_ _d_, has fifteen rooms, or five longitudinal rows of three,
+whereas the western has six rows of three. The rooms east must therefore
+be larger than those west, and we see that they measure from east to
+west respectively, 2.25 m., 2.28 m., and 2.28 m.--7 ft., 7 ft. 6 in.,
+and 7 ft. 6 in.: from north to south, 3.60 m., 5.07 m., 4.43 m., 4.13
+m., and 3.43 m.--12 ft., 17 ft., 15 ft., 14 ft., and 11 ft. It is a
+rectangle, or rather trapezium, 22.31 m. x 7.81 m.--70 ft. x 25
+ft.,--consequently the width of the building _B_ is somewhat less on the
+line _d d d_ than on the line _a b c_. The cause of this singular
+contraction I have found, and shall afterwards indicate.
+
+Then follows a transverse section (_d d d e e_), containing two rows of
+six rooms each, or twelve in all, of very unequal sizes, as the
+ground-plans show. This entire section appears to be trapezoidal. The
+line _d d d_ is 15.89 m.--52 ft.--long; the line _e e_ 16.33 m.--53 ft.;
+_d e_ measures 7.42 m.--24 ft.--along the west, and 8.04 m.--27
+ft.--along the east. Rooms marked _II_ and _III_ are particularly
+irregular, having, as the diagram shows, not less than six corners.
+
+From _e e_ to _f f_, another transverse section, this time of four rows
+of six each, or twenty-four cells in all, those of each row being of
+equal length, to wit 3.65 m.--12 ft.; and in width from east to west,
+respectively: 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.63 m., and 4.40 m.--7 ft., 9
+ft., 10 ft., 9 ft., and 14 ft. (the last measure being the aggregate of
+the two eastern compartments, the longitudinal partition being nearly
+obliterated). To the south of _f f_ a further slight change occurs,
+inasmuch as the three eastern rooms, instead of being respectively 2.68
+m., 2.20 m., and 2.20 m.--9 ft., 7 ft., and 7 ft.,--now become 2.25 m.,
+2.33 m., and 2.32 m.--7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. From _f f_ to _g g_, the
+southern limits of the structure, the whole structure is badly ruined;
+and while the rooms can be counted, measurements are possible only in a
+few places. Still I am satisfied that no great error lies in the
+assumption that they were, taken longitudinally, all equal to the six
+rooms contained in the transverse row south of the line _f f_, that is,
+3.65 m.--12 ft.--from north to south; and in width, counting the cells
+from west to east, respectively, 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.25 m.,
+2.33 m., and 2.32 m.--7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The
+section, _f f g g_, which forms the southern and largest portion of the
+house (_B_), contains, therefore, twenty-two transverse rows of six
+chambers each, or one hundred and thirty-two apartments on the
+ground-plan; and it forms a rectangle running from north to south and
+east to west respectively of 80.30 m. x 15.11 m.--260 ft. x 50 ft.
+
+The general dimensions of this building (_B_), therefore appear as
+follows:--
+
+Length from north to south, east side 133.81 m.--440 ft.
+ " " west side 134.92 m.--442 ft.
+Width of northern appendix 19.07 m.-- 63 ft.
+Width along line _a b c_ 19.07 m.-- 63 ft.
+ " " _d d d_ 15.89 m.-- 52 ft.
+ " " _e e_ 16.33 m.-- 53 ft.
+ " " _f f_ 15.24 m.-- 50 ft.
+Width of line _g g_, approximated 15.70 m.-- 51 ft.
+
+From the appearance of the ground-plan, as I have been compelled to give
+it, it would result that the "first floor" contained two hundred and
+eleven cells, or rooms. Such is, however, not the case. The builders of
+this extensive fabric had not the means of preparing the hard rock
+foundation by removing it wherever it protruded over an average level.
+While giving a uniform height to their structure, they accommodated its
+ground-plan to the sinuosities of the rock. Out of this accommodation
+the irregularities noticed in the construction have mainly arisen. Pl.
+II., Figs. 1, 2, 3, will illustrate this statement.
+
+Pl. II., Fig. 1.--Cross-section of _B_ along the line a b c, north end;
+_a b_, actually visible top-line; _c d e f g h_, rock; _i k_, top of
+probable highest story, now destroyed.
+
+I have every reason to assume that this cross-section holds good for the
+entire division (_a b c d d_). From _d d_ on to _f f_ the distance
+between the rim of the _mesilla_ to the east and the house is greatest;
+the top-rock bends also to the west about _e e_, and there the
+irregularities noticed on the diagram about the chambers (_II_ and
+_III_) come in. They evidently result from an effort to conform the
+general plan to both the lateral and vertical deviations of its base.
+About the line _f f_, while the same number of chambers (six) remains in
+every transverse row, there is but one story below the general surface
+to the east. I may safely assume that south of the line _f f_ all the
+rooms of the first floor were on the same level. Pl. II., Figs. 2 and 3
+will illustrate this point. As far as I could detect, the line _e e_ can
+be admitted as the one where one of the two lower stories disappears,
+and but one remains on the east side lower than the rest.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE II
+PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.]
+
+I have everywhere assumed _four_ stories. It is at least certain that
+there were not less than four. When Coronado visited the pueblo in 1540,
+he found "the houses with four stories."[104] Sr. Mariano Ruiz told
+me that "they all were of three stories;" but then he mentioned, below,
+the "casas de comodidad," thus indicating that the lowest story was used
+for store-rooms. It is very apparent from the ruins that, as I have
+indicated in the cross-sections, the western wall was unbroken, whereas
+from the east the stories rose in four retreating terraces. The western
+wall already mentioned was given additional strength, by means of the
+buttresses, of which I have given a small outline. The winds blow very
+fiercely over the _mesilla_, especially from the north-west; there is no
+tree to be seen on or about it, not even a cedar-bush, higher than a
+couple of feet at most. Against such blasts the solid wall was
+necessary, while the many intersecting partitions inside gave additional
+strength. It was a very solid structure as against winds,
+notwithstanding the comparative thinness of the walls,--0.63 m.--2
+ft.--being their greatest width, and 0.33 m.--13 in.--their average.
+
+With reference to the cross-sections, it now becomes possible to
+approximate the total number of chambers, apartments, or cells,
+contained in the entire building; a point impossible even to estimate
+from the ground-plan alone.
+
+Leaving aside the northern appendix, about whose elevation I have not
+even means of conjecture, it becomes evident that the section whose four
+corners are marked respectively _a_, _c_, _d_, _d_, had the following
+number of compartments, starting with the lowest story, and remembering
+that, as above stated, one longitudinal row had six, and the other five,
+rooms:--
+
+ Lowest story 5
+ Second story 5
+ Third story 3 x 6 + 5 23
+ Fourth story 3 x 6 18
+ ---
+ Total 51 rooms.
+
+_Brought forward_ 51 rooms.
+
+ The section _d d e e_ had probably the same
+ arrangement, and therefore, there being but two
+ transverse rows, it contained in all 18
+
+ Section _e e f f_ contained on lower story 4
+ Second Story. 5 x 4 20
+ Third story. 4 x 4 16
+ Fourth story. 3 x 4 12
+ -- 52
+
+ Section _f f g g_:--
+ Lower story. 22 x 6 132
+ Second story. 22 x 5 110
+ Third story. 22 x 4 88
+ Fourth story. 22 x 3 66
+ -- 396
+ ----
+ Total number of rooms contained in building _B_ 517
+
+These rooms are very nearly of equal size, the largest one being _III._
+2.85 m. x 4.78 m.--9 ft. x 16 ft.--on one side, and 3.71 m.--12 ft-on
+the other, with an entering angle; the smallest room adjoining to it
+measuring 2.25 m. x 2.70 m.--7 ft. x 9 ft. The entire structure,
+therefore, presents the appearance of a honeycomb, or rather of a
+bee-hive, and perfectly illustrates, among the lower degrees of culture
+of mankind, the prevailing principle of communism in living, which finds
+its parallel in the lower classes of animals. Tradition, historical
+relation, and analogy, tell us that this house was used as a
+dwelling,[105] and that consequently it was, to all intents and
+purposes, a communal house.
+
+The height of the various stories it is almost impossible to determine.
+I have measured walls which appeared to be perfect, and they gave me an
+average of 2.28 m.--7 ft. 6 in.--elevation. Should such be the rule, the
+western wall of the building, at its greatest height south, would have
+risen about 11 m.--36 ft.
+
+The northern appendix I have ignored in the above computation, because
+its whole appearance gives no ground for definitive statements. It seems
+really to be an annex, and in fact the whole building seems to have
+progressed, in its construction, from south to north, in point of date
+and time.
+
+The southern portion of the building--the one which appears to have been
+erected on a plane surface--was, in all probability, the one first
+built. The northern portions were added to it gradually as occasion
+required. This is further shown by the fact that in these northern
+sections, along the line _a, b, c_, parts of the third story wall are
+patched with regular adobe bricks, about half as large as those in the
+church, but still made by the same process.[106] The rest of the
+structure is exclusively composed of stone.
+
+It is to all intents and purposes a stone house. Two kinds of rocks
+predominate among the material; a slaty, gray and red,
+sandstone,--highly tabular, easily broken into plates of any size,--and
+a sandstone conglomerate, containing small pebbles from the size of a
+pea up to that of a small hazel-nut,--the whole rock of a gray color.
+When freshly broken or wetted, this conglomerate becomes very friable,
+and so soft that goats have left the impression of their feet on
+scattered fragments. When dry it becomes hard, and is always very heavy.
+Both kind of rocks are found in the vicinity of the _mesilla_. Besides
+these, loose pieces of stone from the bluff itself, boulders from the
+creek, of convenient size, enter into the composition of the walls.
+Sometimes the latter consist exclusively of slabs of sandstone
+superposed; again there are polygonal fragments of rocks piled upon one
+another, with courses of tabular sandstone, forming, so to say, the
+basis for further piling; the foundations are usually boulders and the
+hardest rocks, also of greater width. There are no walls of dressed
+stone, but the rocks are broken to a suitable size, as may be done with
+any stone maul or sledge, or even by smashing with the hand and another
+rock. In fact the whole stone-work must be termed, not masonry, but
+simply judicious and careful piling.[107] In performing it, great
+attention has been paid to having the vertical surfaces as nearly as
+possible vertical; but this end could be reached without the use of the
+plumb-line, and with the aid of mere ordinary eyesight, for the rooms
+are so small, and the partitions so thin, that anything not "true"
+could, and can yet be, "shoved" into position by a mere steady, slow
+push; carefully watched on the opposite side. The same applies to the
+angles, although they are tolerably accurate. As a general thing, the
+transverse walls appear to be continuous, and the longitudinal
+partitions to have been added afterwards, but there are also instances
+of the contrary. In this respect the sinuosities of the rocky foundation
+seem to have determined the mode of action. To fill up the gaps between
+the stones, and to coat them with a smooth surface within the chambers
+what appears to be earth from the surrounding bottoms has been flung
+into the crevices, thus forming a natural mortar, and at the same time a
+"first coat" of plaster of varying thickness. This in turn is covered
+with a thin white layer (now of course turning into gray, yellow, and
+flesh-red) much resembling our plaster, but whose composition I am
+unable to determine. (Specimens of the mud, containing small gravel and
+minute particles of mica, are sent with the other collections, also
+fragments of the white coating for analysis.[108])
+
+The woodwork proper appears not to have had any connection with the
+strength or support of the walls, but simply to have been erected within
+and among the walls as a scaffold for the ceilings, which are also the
+floors of the higher stories. Upright posts of cedar and pine, stripped
+of their bark, but not squared, are, as I have already shown, set inside
+of the stone wall, at more or less even distances. As far as I could
+ascertain, these distances are regulated by the size of the rooms. These
+posts are coarsely hacked off at the upper end, and over them other
+similar beams are laid longitudinally, sometimes fitted over the posts
+with chips wedged in. Such is the case in a room in the northern wing of
+the building marked _A_, of which I shall hereafter speak.[109]
+
+On these longitudinal beams other ones rest, laid transversely, and
+imbedded in the wall on the opposite side. On these again longitudinal
+poles are placed, also at intervals varying according to the dimensions
+of the chambers, and on them transversely, a layer of brush, or
+splinters of wood, closely overlapping each other; and the whole is
+capped by about .20 m.--8 in.--of common clay or soil. Pl. III., Fig. 1,
+is a front view of the wooden scaffold in a lower story room, and of the
+ceiling which it supports.
+
+_a_, clay and lower seam of brush or splinters.
+
+_b_, transverse poles or beams, in case the beams are lacking.
+
+_c_, longitudinal beam.
+
+_d_, upright posts.
+
+In most cases, however, the beams are transverse and the poles
+longitudinal, and this is where the beam (_c_) is lacking, as in the
+interior apartments, where the ceiling appears as in Pl. III., Fig. 2:
+_a_, clay; _b_, brush or splinters; _c_, poles; _d_, beams; _e_,
+wall.[110]
+
+The diameter of the upright posts is, on an average, 0.28 m.--11
+in.,--but even sometimes as great as 0.33 m.--13 in.,--the longitudinal
+and transverse beams are scarcely less thick, whereas the poles are
+about 0.05 m.--2 in.--across. The splinters seem to have been
+obtained by splitting a middle-sized tree, and tearing out thin
+segments.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE III
+SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.]
+
+Pl. III., Fig. 4, is a ground plan of the floor of room marked _I_ on
+the diagram. This room is on the eastern row of the third floor,
+therefore an outer room.
+
+_c_, longitudinal poles.
+
+_d_, the end of the transverse beams projecting from the other room.
+
+_e_, the transverse beams, resting in the wall on both sides.
+
+On the latter rested a thin layer of brush and a compact mass of clay,
+0.20 m.--8 in.--thick. The clay, or rather soil, is very hard and was
+probably stamped or pounded.
+
+As far as I have been able to detect, the upright posts are not found
+inside of the house, except, perhaps, on the rear wall of the outer
+chamber, as in one room of building _A_, to which I shall hereafter
+refer. If this is the room, then the skeleton of the wood-work (upright
+and transverse posts and beams) would present nearly the appearance
+shown in Pl. III., Fig. 3, when viewed from the side, and admitting the
+house to be four stories high.
+
+_a_, horizontal beams.
+
+_b_, upright posts, along the western wall, and in the three upper
+stories. These posts are hypothetical, and therefore only indicated by
+dotted lines. (It may be also that every cell had its front and its rear
+posts, but I have not been able to detect any except in the outer
+rooms.)
+
+With the exception of one chamber in building _A_, I nowhere met
+anything like a roof. This one appears to be nothing else than a
+ceiling-floor, but of nearly 0.75 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--in thickness. It is,
+as Pl. VIII. shows, much covered by fallen stones, and its original
+height may have been increased by _debris_; but at all events it was
+thoroughly impermeable, and such as would be required in a climate
+where, indeed, it seldom rains, but "whenever it rains it pours."
+
+There is a certain air of sameness cast over the entire structure which
+has strongly impressed me with the thought that not only was it used as
+a dwelling for a large number (as the reports, indeed, establish), but
+also that all its inhabitants lived on an equal footing,--as far as
+accommodations for living were concerned. There are no special quarters,
+no spacious halls. The few rooms of somewhat larger size are naturally
+explained by the mode of construction, adapting the house to the
+configuration of the rock, and not conversely as we do. It was,
+therefore, a large joint-tenement structure, harboring, perhaps, when
+fully occupied, several hundreds of families.
+
+In regard to ingress and egress, not only have I found no doors in any
+fragments of exterior walls, but the many persons I have asked have
+always assured me that there had been none, that the house was entered
+by means of ladders, ascending to the top of each story in succession,
+and descending into the rooms also by ladders and through trap-doors in
+the roofs. They have also assured me that each room of each story
+communicated with the one above and below, also by means of trap-doors
+and ladders. It is quite certain that there are no staircases nor steps,
+and that consequently ladders were used, in the same manner as they are
+still used by the Indians of the pueblos of Zuni, Moqui, Acoma, Taos,
+and others. Ingress and egress, therefore, must have taken place, not
+horizontally "in and out," but vertically "up and down." I have not been
+able to identify any one of the trap-doors referred to, but I should not
+be surprised to hear that they have been subsequently found in the
+north-west corner of each room. By referring to the diagram of the floor
+(Pl. III., Fig. 4), it will be seen that the rectangular spaces between
+the beams and overlying poles are almost everywhere large enough, if
+the superstructure of splinters (or brush) and clay is removed, to give
+passage to any man. The ladders themselves have completely disappeared.
+
+On one and the same floor, I found in the side walls at a few places,
+the remains of low and narrow openings through which a man might pass in
+a stooping position and "sidling." Nowhere could I see the full height
+of these small doorways, so that I do not know whether there was a
+lintel, or whether they terminated in an open angle, like the doorways
+of Yucatan. I have seen openings showing the peculiar so-called
+"aboriginal arch" of Yucatan on a small scale, and I also have seen that
+an accidental "knocking-out" of one or two stones from the walls
+produced a hole or gap very similar in shape to the doorways at Uxmal
+and other pueblos of Southern Mexico, though of course on a small scale.
+It is self-evident that, the coincidence being accidental, I do not
+place any stress upon it in view of "tracing relationships." The
+coincidence is of ethnological, and not of ethnographical, value. As far
+as I could ascertain, they were certainly 1 m.--3 ft. 3 in.--high,
+whereas their average width may have been 0.45 m.--18 in. (Those I
+measured averaged between 0.42 m. and 0.48 m.--16 in. and 19 in.) Their
+appearance is shown in Pl. II., Fig. 5.
+
+_a_ is what might be termed a door-sill, a smooth oval stone, evidently
+from the drift, probably dioritic, at all events a dark-green hornblende
+rock. In the present instance one was not long enough to fill the gap
+left between the walls, and two were superposed. I saw no traces of
+wooden lintels or sills. These doorways appeared to be generally about
+0.50 m.--20 in.--above the floor, but if we deduct 0.20 m.--8 in.--for
+the clay (measure having been taken from the timbers), 0.30 m.--12
+in.--will remain as their approximate height over the chambers.
+
+The few doors that I could observe are all in the longitudinal walls,
+and none of them in the transverse; that is, they all open from east to
+west. But not all the longitudinal partitions have doorways. It cannot,
+therefore, be admitted that every transverse row was occupied by one
+family, still less that the family apartments were arranged
+longitudinally. I rather suspect that this arrangement was vertical, or
+perhaps vertical and transverse. This surmise is given, however, for
+what it may be worth. Windows I could not find, although small apertures
+undoubtedly existed in all the outer walls, both for light and for air.
+
+The chambers being all very much ruined, the lower ones filled with the
+stones and decayed ruins of the superposed stories,--of these stories
+themselves but part of the walls, denuded and often twisted,
+remaining,--I have not been able, with one single exception, to secure
+or even see any of what we would call the "furniture." Small fragments
+of grinding-stones (_metates_) are sparsely scattered over the entire
+ruins, otherwise the only object of daily use as articles of furniture
+met with by me has been a hearth, which I found or dug out _in situ_, in
+room _I_, and which, complete, forms part of the collections sent by me
+to Cambridge.
+
+The place where this hearth was situated is marked on the diagram in
+room _I_. It stood on the floor against the north wall, and is composed
+of three plates of stone, originally ground and polished (as the
+specimen found in building A will show, which is a fragment only), and,
+judging from new fragments found, of diorite or other hornblende rock.
+There are three plates,--a basal one, 40 m.--16 in.--long and 20 m.--8
+in.--wide, and two sides, placed vertically east and west of the
+base,--all three resting against the north wall of the room. Pl. III.,
+Fig. 4, is a diagram of the room, the floor timbers, and the hearth.
+
+The basal plate was covered with 0.10 m.--4 in.--of very white ashes,
+which I have also secured, and the rear of the hearth, which is formed
+by the original "first coat" of earth daubed over the wall, is
+thoroughly baked by the heat produced in front of it, as the samples
+sent will show.[111]
+
+Of course, I looked at once for an opening where the smoke arising from
+the hearth, etc., could have escaped. I am sorry to say, however, that I
+utterly failed in finding anything like a chimney,--not only in _B_, but
+in all the other buildings. Still, in the ruined condition of the place,
+this is no proof of their non-existence.[112]
+
+I will refer to subsequent pages to such articles of mechanical use and
+of wearing apparel which I was fortunate enough to meet. I shall also
+return hereafter to the almost omnipresent pieces of painted pottery, of
+two distinct kinds, and to the very numerous chips of obsidian,
+jet-black on the face, but transparent as smoky glass; of black lava;
+and to the flint, jasper, and moss-agates, broken mechanically by man,
+and scattered over the premises. These premises have been thoroughly
+ransacked by visitors, and every striking object has already been
+carried off. I had heard mentioned, among such samples, flint, agate,
+and obsidian arrow-heads, stone hatchets and hammers, and copper (not
+brass or iron) rings used for ornamental purposes,[113] but my luck it
+was not to find any. Therefore the harvest is perhaps slim in that
+respect. It is beyond all doubt that judicious digging among the lower
+stories of the structures will reveal treasures,--not money, as the tale
+current among the inhabitants has it, but things of archaeological and
+ethnological value. For such an undertaking I was, as the Institute well
+knows, not prepared. I attempted to dig, indeed, though quite alone, but
+soon came to the conclusion that the time consumed in excavating one
+metre of decayed and crumbling stones and earth would be more
+satisfactorily employed in other directions; paving the way for the
+exhaustive labors of better situated archaeologists.
+
+I have been very lengthy in my _expose_ of facts and data regarding this
+particular house _B_, for the simple reason that, as far as the
+principles of architecture, based upon a knowledge and want of "how to
+live," are concerned, it is typical of the rest. Many details become
+therefore unnecessary in subsequent descriptions.
+
+To return to the structure itself, its general plan and its mode of
+construction in detail more and more forcibly remind me of an
+extraordinarily large honeycomb. The various walls, a few of the outer
+walls excepted, have little strength in themselves (as the rapid decay
+shows), but combined altogether they oppose to any outside pressure an
+immense amount of "inertia." There is not in the whole building one
+single evidence of any great progress in mechanics. Everything done and
+built within it can be built and made with the use of a good or fair
+eyesight only, and the implements and arts of what was formerly called
+the "stone age." This does not exclude the possibility that they had
+made a certain advance in mechanical agencies. They may have had the
+plummet, or even the square; but such expedients, applied to their
+system of building, might at most have hastened the rapidity of
+construction. Necessary they were not at all, still less indispensable.
+As the bee builds one cell alongside of the other and above the
+other,--the norm of one and the "habitat" impelling the norm of those
+above and alongside,--so the Indians of Pecos aggregated their cells
+according to their wants and the increase of their numbers; their inside
+accommodations, the wood-work, bearing the last trace of the frail
+"lodge" of a former shifting condition.
+
+Leaving _B_ for the present, I turn to the other ruins on the so-called
+"neck" of the _mesilla_.
+
+4 m.--13 ft.--west of the N.W. corner of the northern annex, I struck
+stone foundations indicating a structure (whether enclosure or building
+I do not venture to tell) 10.21 m.--33 ft.--from E. to W., and 6.60
+m.--22 ft.--from N. to S.[114], 49 m.--160 ft.--to the north-west of its
+north-easterly angle there is a mound about 2 m. or 6 ft. in diameter,
+thence 20 m.--65 ft.--further N.W. or N.N.W. the southern ruins of the
+east wing of _A_ are reached.
+
+Parallel to _B_, longitudinally, and at an average distance of 28 m.--90
+ft--to the west from it, there is a row of detached buildings or
+structures, of which only the foundations and shapeless stone heaps
+indicating the corners remain. Pl. I., Fig. 8, conveys an idea of their
+position and size. The walls are reduced to mere foundations, or to
+heaps in the corners; but these remnants indicate that the rocks used
+were similar in kind and shape to those composing the walls of all the
+other kinds of construction in the _mesilla_ north of the church.
+
+For what purpose these buildings were erected, and in what relation they
+stood to _B_, I am unable to determine. Some of them appeared to have
+doors opening to the east.[115] Beyond _f_ the ground rises suddenly.
+The floor of those structures is, in some instances, formed of a black
+or red loam. I excavated one of those, or, rather, dug into it, to the
+depth of one metre. The surface had shown traces of a fire built in the
+centre, and I found also, at the depth of nearly two feet, that the dark
+soil was traversed by a band of charcoal, fragments of burnt and
+blackened pottery, and some splinters of bone. Below it the soil was
+dark red. Whether there was a buried hearth at that depth, or whether
+the traces of fire were due to an original destruction of woodwork
+through combustion, the _debris_ subsequently covering them with clay, I
+am unable to judge.[116] In all of them, of course, pottery and obsidian
+were found.
+
+I have already stated that the _mesilla_ dips to the south-west; that
+there is a depression along the northern end of its "neck;" and that
+from _f_ the rocks bulge upwards again. All this contributes to
+concentrate the drainage of the entire cliff-top, as far north of the
+church as it was inhabited, in the hollow where the gate of the general
+enclosure is placed. This gate was therefore not only a passage-way, but
+also the water-gap or channel through which the _mesilla_ was finally
+drained into the bottoms of the Arroyo de Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE IV
+PLAN OF BUILDING A.]
+
+20 m.--65 ft.--to the N.N.W. of the mound i, there rises before us the
+huge pile of ruins which, on the plat as well as on the diagram, I have
+designated by _A_. It crowns the highest point of the entire _mesilla_,
+and covers the greatest portion of its top. In ruins like _B_, its
+general aspect is yet somewhat different Instead of forming, like the
+latter, a narrow, solid rectangle of 140 m. x 20 m.--460 ft. x 65 ft.--,
+the building _A_ is (taking, of course, the outlines of the entire
+_debris_) a broad hollow rectangle of 150 m. x 75 m.--490 ft. x 245 ft.
+Its interior is occupied by a vast court or square, containing three
+circular depressions, and surrounded on all four sides by the broad
+ruined heaps of the former dwellings. On the east side, between the
+circumvallation and the eastern line of the structure, there are two
+more circular depressions similar to those within the court. The latter
+is entered by four passageways,--one on the S.E. corner, 4 m.--13
+ft.--wide and about 12 m.--40 ft.--long from S. to N.; one through the
+eastern wing, 3.40 m.--11 ft.--wide and about 14 m.--46 ft.--long from
+E. to W.; one in the N.W. corner and another from the S.W., both 2 m.--6
+ft. 6 in.--across. I have designated these four gateways respectively as
+_R_, _E_, _G_, and _N_. _R_ and _E_ enter straight through the wall; _G_
+forms a semicircle almost from W. through N. to S.; _N_ describes a
+right angle from S. by N. to E. The distribution of decay in this house
+is the same as in _B_,--the southern parts are on all sides almost
+totally obliterated; the N.W. corner is very nearly perfect; the
+northern and western walls are tolerably fairly preserved; but the
+eastern outline of the east wing, the southern outline of the south
+wing, and the southern ends of both east and west have almost completely
+disappeared under hills of rubbish, a few posts alone assisting the
+explorer. The path of destruction has in both buildings lain in the same
+direction,--from S.S.E. to N.N.W.,--and across both its effects have
+decreased from south to north. Still, while the similarity in that
+respect is astonishing, and while there are apparently more walls in _A_
+standing than in _B_, there is, owing to the very uneven surface of the
+rock upon which it is built, much more confusion among the ruins of the
+former than among those of the latter. _B_ is built on a gradual slope
+or ridge; _A_ caps a generally convex surface, scooped out in the
+middle, and sloping eastward.[117] Hence comes the division of the whole
+structure into four separate and distinct buildings, and hence, also,
+the complicated manner in which the whole or each part is ruined, even
+walls still standing being twisted out of shape and out of position.
+Actual measurements were much less efficacious here than in _B_; and,
+although I have worked with not less zeal and conscientiousness, the
+result in neatness and precision is certainly less satisfactory. This
+explanation will, I hope, induce subsequent explorers to look up my
+inaccuracies and correct them.
+
+It is needless, of course, to detail the methods of work. They are on a
+larger scale, and in more tedious ways, a repetition of the proceedings
+in the case of _B_. The results are as follows, starting from the line
+_f f_ northwards: The space comprised between the corners (_e_, _e_,
+_f_, _f_) forms a rectangle, containing 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms
+each. These rows are all on the same level, except the most easterly
+one, which lies on the slope. The cells, as far as measured and still
+measurable, appear to be of the same size in length, namely, 2.87 m.--9
+ft. 6 in.,--and their widths are respectively from W. to E., or 2.83 m.,
+2.00 m., 3.14 m., 2.70 m., 2.53 m., and 2.53 m.--9 ft., 6 ft. 6 in., 10
+ft., 9 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The whole area is therefore 51.66 m. x
+15.73 m.--170 ft. x 51 ft. Still, I believe that a sensible narrowing
+(possibly of nearly 2.0 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--) may have taken place up to
+_ee_; but this is compensated by the strengthening of the corners,
+which there are rounded outwards, so that the line _e e_ presents about
+the same length as _f f_. Thereupon follows the open passage _E_, which
+is 3.40 m.--11 ft. wide, and north of it a rectangle of 3 longitudinal
+rows of 3 apartments, _two_ of which rows are on the eastern slope. The
+width of the rooms appears to be the same as that in the former section,
+whereas their length from N. to S. is respectively 6.10 m., 4.27 m., and
+5.44 m.--20 ft., 14 ft., and 18 ft. It is therefore a rectangle of 15.81
+m. x 15.73 m.--51 ft. x 51 ft. North of it is an open space marked C,
+3.13 m.--10 ft.--wide, in which I could detect no longitudinal
+partition, except one closing its western outlet towards the court. I
+have therefore left it an open question, and marked it as an alley or
+corridor. It may yet prove to have contained six rooms on the ground;
+but, as this is uncertain, the rooms that may have existed are not
+included in the computation of cells. North of the line _b b_ begins the
+section _a B b b_, which is very badly ruined. This forms also the
+north-east angle of the whole building, and whose northern line (_a B_)
+shows the partitions of six chambers, each 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in. wide, each
+one indicating a longitudinal row of 4 rooms, respectively 2.83 m.--9
+ft.--each from N. to S. It would indicate a rectangle of 11.32 m. x
+12.00 m.--37 ft. x 40 ft. Of its six rows of rooms, three are on the
+slope.
+
+From _a_ to A extends the main northern wall of the structure. It is
+very strong, .78 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--wide, and constructed as follows, Pl.
+V., Fig. IX.:--
+
+_a_, the outer wall, is 0.33 m.--13 in.--wide.
+
+_b_, filling of mud, is 0.17 m.--6 in.--wide (this filling is both earth
+and gravel).
+
+_c_, inner wall, is 0.28 m.--11 in.--wide.
+
+The width of the inner wall being the average thickness of all the other
+walls in the whole house, the suggestion is not improbable that it was
+built first, and the outer one, which is made of larger stones, added
+subsequently for additional strength, and the interstice filled up as
+the work rose.
+
+The line _a A_ is 17.28 m.--56 ft.--long. From _A_ it runs down to the
+south for 8.10 m.--27 ft.--, thence east, 17.28 m.--56 ft.--, to connect
+with the north-east corner of the eastern wing. It thus forms an aisle,
+and at the same time closes the court to the north. A rectangle of 8.10
+m. x 17.28--27 ft. x 56 ft.--consists of 4 longitudinal sections of 3
+rooms each, which, while their length is uniformly 2.70 m.--9 ft.--(from
+N. to S.), have widths from W. to E. of 5.46 m., 3.18 m., and 3.62
+m.--18 ft., 10 ft., and 12 ft. All the rooms are on the same level, and
+they are the largest and best preserved of any in the entire area of
+ruins. Room _I_ has even an unimpaired roof.
+
+The north wall of _a A_ stands out boldly on the highest crest of the
+_mesilla_. Below it northwards, a small hill of stones, from which
+timbers occasionally protrude, forms a tumbled and confused slope of
+inextricable ruin; and beyond this slope there extend the foundations of
+walls on the level _mesilla_ up to 10 m.--33 ft.--from the northern
+transverse part of the general circumvallation, which there is 45
+m.--148 ft.--from _a A_, and 30 m.--100 ft.--long from W. to E. It thus
+appears that the building _A_ had its northern annex as well as the
+house _B_. To this annex I shall hereafter return.
+
+West of line _A n_ there runs alongside of it the interesting gateway
+_G_, 2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--wide, its bottom somewhat higher than the floor
+of the adjoining rooms,[118] and forming, as before stated, the
+north-westerly entrance to the great inner court. It is perfectly
+straight on the east as far as _r_; but then a heavy bank of stones and
+gravel starts out like a lower continuation of the wall _a A_, and winds
+down, curving, till close to the western circumvallation on the edge of
+the _mesilla_. It thus forms a northern embankment to the gateway.
+Almost parallel to it, on the opposite side of _n r_, the conical
+mound or tower H constitutes the western and southern wall of the
+passage _G_. This passage is therefore nearly semicircular. It is level
+from _n_ to _r_, and thence descends steeply towards the edge of the
+_mesilla_.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE X
+VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.]
+
+The mound _H_ describes about two-thirds of a circle. Its base at the
+south is 6 m.--20 ft.--from E. to W.; its diameter, 6.85 m.--23 ft; its
+actual height, about 1.5 m.--5 ft. It is conical, and appears to be a
+round heap of earth and rocks encased with neat and judicious piling of
+well-selected stones. This naturally gave the stone-work a slanting
+surface; the higher it reaches, however, the more it becomes vertical,
+until at last it juts out above the surface of the mound like a circular
+breastwork, or a hollow round tower on a conical base. I refer to Pl. X.
+for an excellent view of its vertical aspect and structure. This mound,
+or tower, while it commands an extensive view to the west, north, and
+even north-east, is also the most northerly "spur" of the western wing
+of the great house _A_. This wing extends in an unbroken length of 62
+m.--203 ft.--from the base line of _H_ to the entrance _N_, and is
+divided into 3 transverse sections, all connected, and all having 3
+longitudinal rows of rooms or cells. The width of each cell is the same
+in every section, to wit, from E. to W. 2.58 m., 2.58 m., and 3.22 m.--8
+ft. 6 in., 8 ft. 6 in., and 10 ft. 6 in., respectively.
+
+Section _k l l m_ has 3 x 5 apartments; in length from N. to S., 2.51
+m., 3.86 m., 2.35 m., 3.71 m., and 3.72 m.--8 ft., 13 ft., 8 ft., 12
+ft., and 12 ft. It was therefore 16.15 m. x 8.38 m.--53 ft. x 27 ft.
+Probably all the ground-floor cells were on the same level.
+
+Section _l l h h_ has 3 x 12 apartments, each 2.53 m.--8 ft.--long.
+Consequently, it was a rectangle of 30.36 m. x 8.38 m.--100 ft. x 27 ft.
+The eastern row of chambers was on the slope.
+
+Section _h h N_ 3 x 4 long, respectively 2.77 m.--9 ft. each, therefore
+10.98 m. x 8.38 m.--36 ft. x 27 ft. There were two eastern rows on the
+slope.
+
+This entire wing (forming a rectangle of 62 m. x 8.38 m.--203 ft. x 27
+ft., if we add to the spaces given the thicknesses of the transverse
+partitions, this time not included in the measures) has given me more
+trouble than the rest of _A_ and _B_ combined. Nowhere are the walls so
+twisted and out of range as here. Besides, there is an unfinished air
+about it that is almost bewildering. The height of the stories does not
+agree with that of the other sections,--the western wing would be one
+story lower. Furthermore, it contains in several places squared beams of
+wood inserted in the stone-work lengthwise. These beams (of which there
+is also one in the opposite wing similarly embedded) are identical and
+apparently of the same age with the (not sculptured) beams still found
+in and about the old church. Entire walls of chambers, or rather sides,
+appear to be new; the mud or adobe is fresh, whereas almost everywhere
+else it has disappeared, out of the crevices even; the stones are almost
+laid in courses. As I shall hereafter relate, there are at several
+places adobe walls, the adobe containing wheat-straw! And all this right
+among chambers showing sides as uncouth and old as any of the pueblo,
+though still as high as their more recent and better preserved
+neighbors. Here there is evidently patchwork of later date, and
+patchwork executed with material unknown to the Indians previous to the
+advent of the Spaniards. I am even convinced that it was done after
+1680; for the beams evidently came from the church or the convent, which
+buildings we know were sacked and fired by the Indians in the month of
+August of that year. If this conclusion be correct, the south-western
+part of _A_, its entire westerly wall, was somehow destroyed after 1680,
+and partly rebuilt with materials unknown to the Indians at the time
+when Pecos was first erected.
+
+I say partly, because there is evidence that the western wing, from _H_
+to _N_, was originally much broader. As it now appears, the wall _m h_
+presents itself as the western line of the structure. But there are,
+still further out, although distinctly connected with it, remains of
+buildings which were at least attached to it. These are the ruined
+enclosures designated on the ground-plan by _I_, _K_, and _L_.
+
+Nothing besides foundations, heaps of stones defining corners, and
+upright posts protruding along the western limits of _L_ and _K_ inside,
+remain of these structures. _L L_ are of the size of the ordinary
+chambers; _K K_ are four times larger. Their interior shows no partition
+whatever: the soil is level, somewhat depressed in the centre of each
+apartment; and on the whole they present very much the same appearance
+as those structures on the "neck," which lie to the west of B, but are
+not connected with the latter. Besides, the enclosures are on a lower
+level than the two rows of rooms immediately east of the wall _m N_.
+This wall itself is a double wall, each single one being of the size of
+the ordinary partition; the total width is therefore 0.56 m.--22
+in.,--as proven by actual measurement. The idea is therefore
+suggested--very naturally--that the entire western wing of the building
+_A_ was originally a double house,[119] terraced both towards the east
+and the west. In sketching the cross-sections, I have taken due notice
+of this very probable, if not positive, fact.
+
+The double wall _m N_ shows no trace of lateral passages. It therefore
+divides the whole structure from _H_ to _N_ into two longitudinal
+sections. The western one, from _o_ to _p_, consisted of but one row of
+5 rooms; from _p_ to _N_ it had two rows of 16 chambers each. The
+ground slopes still further to the S. and S.W. outside of the
+trapezoidal enclosures, _I I_, and is covered with _debris_; so that I
+presume that, from _ll_ to _N_, there was an additional row of 3 rooms
+on the outside. The entire division was at one time very completely
+razed to the ground, so that its owners never attempted to rebuild it
+after the original plan.
+
+The western division was also badly damaged in its southern half, but
+the damage was subsequently repaired with the aid of material and
+mechanical arts postdating the Spanish conquest of New Mexico. Pl. V.,
+Fig. 3, gives a view of the western end, along the line _h h_.
+
+I would recall here the fact already noticed, that the northern part of
+building _B_ is also mended in places with adobes of the same make as
+those used in repairing the western wing of _A_, and that, while the
+squared beams are wanting, the stone-work there in places appears also
+of a more recent date. The suggestion may therefore not be uncalled for,
+that the same destroying power which spent its main force on _A_,
+distinct from the general decay, and moving in a direction from S.W. to
+N. E., reflected or glanced off upon the northern portions of _B_. This
+question will, however, be discussed hereafter.
+
+The annexes _I I_ are trapezoidal enclosures of stone-work as high as a
+man's breast, and respectively of the sizes indicated on the
+ground-plan. The northern one is divided lengthwise into two
+compartments; the southern is open to the south. Both appear to be new
+and unfinished. From the centre of the last one protrude two
+well-squared heavy timbers. These timbers are in a singularly unfit
+position; they cannot be accounted for, and convey the impression that
+they were carried hither from some other totally different construction.
+They look almost forlorn. Whence they came, and for what purpose they
+were brought,--what was the object in erecting the enclosures _I I_,--I
+do not intend to speculate upon, unless they are recently constructed
+store-rooms ("Almacenas").
+
+Across the passage-way _N_, both southward from the line _g g_ and
+eastward from _I_, fitting into it to the east and barring access to the
+great court from the "neck," lies the south wing of _A_,--a rectangle of
+27.25 m.--90 ft.--from W. to E., and 13 m.--43 ft.--from N. to S.,
+including the walls. It is much decayed and overturned; the northern
+side is far less so than the southern; nowhere are there any signs of
+repairs. Here the rows of rooms must be taken transversely (from W. to
+E.). There are 5, each with 7 chambers, measuring in succession from N.
+to S. 2.00 m., 2.00 m., 3.09 m., 2.40 m., and 2.00 m.--6 ft. 6 in., 6
+ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 8 ft., and 6 ft. 6 in; and from W. to E. 3.61 m.--12
+ft. each. Two of these transverse rows appear to be on the southern
+slope, and three on the upper level towards the court.
+
+Here I have again reached the passage-way _R_, my original point of
+departure. Before entering into an examination of the other particulars
+of the building, as well as of its annexes and surroundings, I shall
+make once more a rapid circuit, to give an idea of its size, and also
+attempt a rude computation of the number of rooms it contained.
+
+Lengths of the eastern
+wing from _f_ to
+_B_ (E. side N. and
+S.) 51.66 m.--170 ft.
+ 3.40 m.-- 12 ft.
+ 15.81 m.-- 52 ft.
+ 3.13 m.-- 10 ft.
+ 11.32 m.-- 37 ft.
+ 7.84 m.-- 25 ft.
+ -----------------
+Adding 28 walls a 0.28
+m.--11 in., total 93.16 m.--306 ft.
+
+_Brought forward_ 93.16 m.--306 ft.
+
+Lengths of the north
+side from _B_ to _a_ 12.00 m.-- 40 ft.
+from _a_ to _A_ 17.28 m.-- 57 ft.
+6 transverse walls a .28
+m.--11 in. 1.68 m.-- 6 ft.
+ ----------------
+ 30.96 m.--102 ft.
+
+Length from _A_ to _n_ 8.10 m.-- 27 ft.
+_n_ to _m_ 8.38 m.-- 27 ft.
+_m_ to _o_ 2.51 m.-- 8 ft.
+_o_ to W. corner of _L_
+(estimated) 5.00 m.-- 16 ft.
+W. corner of _L_. to _p_ 16.17 m.-- 53 ft.
+_p_ to _y_ 2.10 m.-- 7 ft.
+_y_, southward, to line
+_g g_ 33.44 m.--110 ft.
+passage-way N .00 m.-- 6 ft. 6 in.
+
+Width of western section
+of W. wing
+(about) 7.48 m.-- 25 ft.
+Length of south wing 13.00 m.-- 43 ft.
+28 transverse walls a
+.28 m.--11 in. 7.84 m.-- 26 ft.
+ ----------------
+ 106.02 m.--348 ft. 6 in.
+
+Width of S. wing 27.25 m.-- 90 ft.
+Passage _R_ 4.00 m.-- 13 ft.
+From _R_ to _f_ (about) 4.00 m.-- 13 ft.
+Line _f f_ 15.73 m.-- 52 ft.
+8 longitudinal walls a
+.28 m.--11 in. 2.24 m.-- 7 ft.
+ ----------------
+Total length to _f_, my
+point of departure 53.22 m.--175 ft.
+ ------------------
+Entire length of circuit
+of building _A_ 283.36 m.--928 ft.
+
+Adding to this 15 m.--49 ft.--for the probable periphery of mound _H_,
+and 64 m.--210 ft.--for the perimeter of a southern annex to the south
+wing, which I have not yet described, we reach a perimeter of 362
+m.--1,190 ft.--in all. Comparing these figures with those given about
+the great ruins of the Rio Chaco by Dr. W. H. Jackson,[120] and of the
+pueblo of Las Animas River by my friend the Hon. L. H. Morgan,[121] it
+will be seen that this building, _A_, at Pecos is probably the largest
+aboriginal structure of stone within the United States so far described,
+and that it will even bear comparison with many of the aboriginal ruins
+of Mexico and Central America.[122]
+
+The size of the interior court can now be easily determined. It is 64
+m.--210 ft.--from N. to S., and 19.28 m.--63 ft.--from E. to W. Its area
+covers therefore 1,235 sq. m.--13,230 sq. ft.,--or about one fourth of
+an acre; whereas the entire _debris_, measured as well as possible,
+scatter over more than two acres of ground.
+
+For the computation of the number of rooms in the whole pile,
+cross-sections are necessary. (Pl. V., Figs. 1-8.) The height of each
+story is about the same as in _B_, to wit, 2.28 m.--7 ft. 6 in.
+
+Fig. 1, section of west wing about _l l_, from west to east.
+
+Fig. 2, lines _b b_ and _a B_.
+
+Fig. 3, section of west wing along _h h_.
+
+Fig. 4, line _d d_, north, up to south line of _C_.
+
+Fig. 5, section of west wing along line _g g_.
+
+Fig. 6, line _f f_, southern boundary of east wing, and for the
+entire rectangle up to _E_.
+
+Fig. 7, cross-section of north wing, line _A n_, from north to
+south.
+
+Fig. 8, south wing, from north to south.
+
+It is possible that the second row, from S. to N., had two superposed
+chambers, but I am not positive of it, and therefore do not include it
+in the computation of rooms which will follow.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE V
+SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.]
+
+It will be seen that, according to the ground plan and sections, the
+east wing had five stories, the north wing two, the west wing
+successively two, three, and four, and the south wing four. Looking at
+the buildings from the great court, the south presented an unbroken
+front of a two-story wall, the east successively walls of four,
+three, and two stories; the north side formed two, and the west side,
+from north to south, in succession, two, three, and four terraces. In
+this manner, not only was the building remarkably well accommodated to
+the great irregularities of the surface, but even a tolerably uniform
+height was attained, well agreeing, therefore, with the description of
+"Cicuye," as Castaneda saw it in 1540. "The houses have four stories,
+terraced roofs all of the same height, along which one can make the
+circuit of the entire village without meeting any street to intercept
+the passage.[123] Here we must remember that the widest gateway is 4
+m.--13 ft.--wide,--an expanse easily spanned by common beams used by the
+Indians in their house architecture.
+
+An attempt to compute the number of rooms in _A_ results as follows:--
+
+Rectangle _f f e e_, 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms and 5 stories.
+ 1st story 18
+ 2d story 5 x 18 90
+ 3d story 4 x 18 72
+ 4th story 3 x 18 54
+ 5th story 2 x 18 36
+ --- 270 rooms.
+
+(_d d c c_) 1st story and 2d story on the slope,
+and 3 rooms per row.
+ 1st story 3
+ 2d story 3
+ 3d story 4 x 3 12
+ 4th story 3 x 3 9
+ 5th story 2 x 3 6
+ -- 33 "
+ ---------
+_Carried forward_ 303 rooms.
+
+_Brought forward_ 303 rooms.
+
+(_b b a B_) 6 rows of 4 rooms, and 3 stories on
+the slope.
+ 1st, 2d, and 3d story, each 4 12
+ 4th story 3 x 4 12
+ 5th story 2 x 4 8
+ -- 32 "
+
+(North wing) 2 stories, easily computed as 20 "
+(_k m l l_) 1st story 5 x 4 20
+ 2d story 5 x 2 10
+ -- 30 "
+
+(_l l h h K_) Lowest story 12
+ 2d story 12 x 4 48
+ 3d story 12 x 2 24
+ -- 84 "
+
+(_h h K g g I_) Lowest story 4
+ 2d story 4
+ 3d story 4 x 4 16
+ 4th story 4 x 2 8
+ -- 32 "
+
+(South wing) From E. to W.
+ Lowest story 7
+ 2d story 7
+ 3d story 7 x 3 21
+ 4th story 7 x 2 14
+ -- 49 "
+Adding for the southern annex a probable number of 35 "
+ ---------
+Building _A_ contained in all not less than 585 cells.
+
+Turning now to the inside of the building itself, I am compelled to
+acknowledge here an important omission in my survey of _B_. It relates
+to the vertical connection of the walls. They are all, with few
+exceptions, as far as their dilapidated condition admits of observation,
+continuous from bottom to top; that is, the sides were everywhere
+carried up above the ceiling (or floor), and then, after the beams had
+been embedded in the stones, another wall was piled up on it as
+straight as possible. In this manner it became possible to add each
+cell separately.
+
+There are several doors visible in _A_, as marked on the ground-plan.
+Those in the eastern and western wings open from east to west, those in
+the northern wing from north to south; therefore transversely to the
+length of each structure. But I have also seen longitudinal walls
+without passages. The tops of the doors are all gone; the rest is
+everywhere similar to the sample found in _B_, and already figured. In
+some cases even the sills are gone. Windows I could not find, nor
+trap-doors or ladders; there was no trace of steps, and, unfortunately,
+no clew to any chimney or vent. Of furniture I secured pieces of new
+hearth-stones; of other articles, broken "metates," part of a fine maul
+of stone, flint chips, celts, stone skin-scrapers, and, of course,
+painted pottery and obsidian. But not one specimen is entire; every
+striking implement, etc., has been carried off by amateurs, of whose
+presence besides broken beer bottles, with the inscription
+"Anheuser-Busch Brewing Co., St. Louis, Mo.," give occasional notice.
+
+Room _I_, in the S.W. corner of the north wing is very well preserved:
+so well, indeed, that it is nearly certain that there was no entrance to
+it from above. On the contrary, the entrance appears to have been from
+the front, as shown in Pl. VIII., where this room stands in full view.
+It is perfectly plain inside; eight posts of wood, round, and stripped
+of all bark, support the ceiling and roof, whose composition I have
+elsewhere described. These posts (which are also shown in Pl. VIII.) are
+so distributed as to have one in each corner, and two between, on each
+longer side of the room. In the S.E. quarter of the ceiling the
+splinters covering the rafters or poles are removed, and fresh straw (or
+rather very well preserved) protrudes, as having formed a layer with the
+brush. I was at first inclined to take it for wheat-straw, but other
+parties insisted that it was mountain grass. For the latter it appears
+to be very long, and it has a marked head. I have not, as yet, seen any
+wheat-plants grown at these elevations.[124]
+
+Otherwise this chamber appears nearly perfect. In the middle of the
+north wall a hole is knocked out, but the two coats of plaster (dark and
+white) are almost everywhere preserved. Great interest attaches to this
+apartment, from the fact that, according to Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the sacred
+embers ("braza") were kept here until 1840, in which year the five last
+remaining families of Pecos Indians removed to their cognates at Jemez,
+and the "sacred fire" disappeared with them. Sr. Ruiz is good authority
+on that point, since, as a member of the tribe[125] ("hijo del pueblo"),
+he was asked to perform his duty by attending to the embers one year. He
+refused, for reasons which I shall hereafter state. The facts--that the
+fire was kept in a sort of closed oven, and that the front opening
+existed--made it unnecessary to search for any other conduit for smoke
+and ventilation. The fire was kept covered, and not permitted to flame.
+
+I now come to one of the most interesting features of the court,--the
+three circular depressions marked _P_ on the diagram. Two of them are in
+the N. E. corner,--the northern one close to the northern wing, and the
+other 2.65 m.--9 ft.--to the S. S. E. of it. Both are perfect circles,
+and each has a diameter of 7.70 m.--25 ft. In the S.W. corner, near to
+the passage _N_, is the third, with a diameter of only 6 m.--20 ft. They
+look like shallow basins, encased by a rim of stone-work piled up in the
+usual way, and forming a wall of nearly 0.35 m.--14 in.--in thickness.
+This wall is sunk into the ground, but at the northern basin it
+certainly, as former excavations plainly show, did not reach the depth
+of 1 metre; and it appears that at about that depth there were flat
+stones laid, like a rough stone floor. These basins were the "Estufas,"
+or council chambers, where, as late as 1840, the meetings of the poor
+remnants of the tribe were still held. Although an adopted son of Pecos,
+Sr. Ruiz was never permitted to enter the Estufa. Across the northern
+one a very large and very old tree, nearly 0.75 m.--2 ft. 6 in.--in
+diameter, is lying obliquely. Its thick end is towards the N.E. wall. It
+looks as if uprooted and fallen upon the ruins. But how could a tree of
+such dimensions ever have grown there? Again, for what purpose, and how,
+could the Indians of Pecos have carried it hither?
+
+Outside of the building _A_, the narrow ledge separating its rubbish
+from the eastern wall of circumvallation, a rim 150 m.--192 ft.--long by
+32 m.--105 ft.--wide at the south, and 12 m.--40 ft.--at the north,
+shows the basins _D_ and _F_, respectively 10 m.--33 ft.--and 8 m.--26
+ft.--in diameter. They hug the rock of the _mesilla_ very closely, and
+look completely like the estufas in the court. These buildings,
+according to Sr. Epifanio Vigil, of Santa Fe, were barns or store-houses
+(round towers 10 to 11 feet high), in which the Indians preserved their
+gathered crops, forage, etc. Still, it is not unlikely that they were
+tanks, built for collecting rain-water.
+
+On the south side of the eastern wing, and so close to it that the heaps
+of rubbish touch, are two circular depressions surrounded by large
+masses of stones. They are marked S S on the plan. Their shape and size
+cannot be accurately determined, and their object is unknown.
+
+[Illustration: PLATE VIII
+INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.]
+
+Nearly the same must be said of a rectangular space, dotted
+and intersected with foundations and upright beams marked _T T_, and
+lying out in front of the south wing on the denuded and thinly soiled
+apron forming the southern spur of the "body" of the _mesilla_. Its
+eastern line, a double stone wall sunk 0.50 m.--20 in.--into the soil,
+is 8 m.--26 ft.--long from N. to S. From its southern extremity similar
+foundations run to the west 37 m.--120 ft.,--thence 8 m.--26 ft.--north,
+and 37 m.--120 ft.--east back to the first line. Thus a rectangle of 8
+m. x 37 m.--26 ft. x 120 ft.--is formed, within whose area, especially
+in the western portion, upright beams start up in something like a
+semicircle, which would indicate that the structure was once a building.
+A metre and a half to the north, a foundation wall runs about 20 m.--66
+ft.--E. and W.; and at both of its extremities a corridor ascends
+towards the south wing of _A_. The nature and object of these fabrics
+are equally a mystery to me.
+
+Attached to the S.W. corner of the south wing is the annex of which I
+have already spoken. It is an elevated rectangle of 24 m. x 9 m.--80 ft.
+x 30 ft., and is clearly divided into compartments of 3-1/2 m. x 3
+m.--12 ft. x 11 ft. The whole is not much more than a stone mound of
+oblong shape, but it contained on its ground-plan 21 chambers. I
+presume, from the mass of _debris_, that it had an upper story. Its
+eastern row of cells is a direct continuation of the most westerly row
+of the S. wing. Due south of this annex, and almost touching it, there
+are two structures marked _O O_ which are very remarkable. They are
+octagonal. The most easterly one is best preserved, and appears to be
+the largest. Its two lateral walls are each 4 m.--13 ft.--long, the
+transverse 5.34 m.--18 ft.,--and the corners are cut off sharply by
+intersections of 0.86 m.--3 ft.--in length, so as to give the whole
+eight sides. The walls are well defined; the corners sharp and still one
+metre high. They are of the usual thickness. The other structure is so
+ruined that it appears round. These buildings, according to Sr. Vigil,
+were store-houses also; and they favor the suspicion that those marked
+_S S_ south of the east wing had the same shape. As they now appear,
+they look like the ruins of octagonal towers. The stone-work is like
+that of the estufas, but they are erected exclusively above the ground,
+and still cannot have been very high.
+
+I have now reached the utmost south-westerly point of ruins on the
+"body," where its drainage leads us into the often-mentioned depression
+and to the broad gateway of the circumvallation. From this gate the
+enclosure-wall creeps up along the edge of the _mesilla_ N.W. and N., in
+all 104 m.--340 ft.,--to a point 44 m.--144 ft.--due west of the S. W.
+corner of the annex; and here we find a distinct stone enclosure 27
+m.--89 ft.--long from N. to S., and 15 m.--50 ft.--wide, with an
+entrance of 3 m.--10 ft. wide, and terminating at the circumvallation.
+North-east of this, and about 28 m.--92 ft.--west of i on the middle
+wall of western wing, another enclosure begins 20 m. x 8 m.--66 ft. x 26
+ft.; and 3 m.--10 ft.--south of this a small ruin 10 m. x 8 m.--33 ft. x
+26 ft. Adjacent to _L L_, etc., around from o to y, a curved enclosure
+of stone extends, 42 m.--140 ft.--long, and thence east 6 m.--20
+ft.--back to the N.W. corner of K. It appears like a garden, or corral,
+and shows no partitions. These are, as far as I could see, all the
+remains west of the building _A_. The edge of the _mesilla_ rounds into
+the north-western corner of the latter, almost closing up with it; the
+slope is very steep and covered with huge rocks, broken and tumbled down
+along the declivity.
+
+The small northern plateau between the transverse circumvallation and
+the top-wall of _A_ is therefore nearly shut out from communication to
+the S.W. This plateau is a trapezium 45 m.--148 ft.--long from N. to
+S.,--50 m.--164 ft.--wide on the S., and 30 m.--98 ft.--on the N. It
+holds but few ruins; but, among these, a valuable find was made a short
+time ago by Mr. Harry Dent, of Baughls.
+
+These ruins, in the main, can be described as follows: The slope
+descending from the top-wall is a heap of rubbish with shrivelled posts
+of wood, impossible to disentangle without excavations. North of this
+_debris_, and 29 m.--95 ft.--from _A a B_, stands a knoll, or mound,
+covered with stones. Looking south from this, I thought I noticed that
+it stood in the line of the second row of chambers of the east wing of
+_A_, counting from E. to W.; and retracing my steps in that direction I
+found, indeed, traces of stone foundations disappearing under the great
+_debris_, which indicated a corridor, or perhaps series of rooms, about
+2 m.--6 ft. 6 in.--wide. It therefore looked like a northern annex to A.
+From the mound, which I have designated by _V_ (Pl. I., Fig. 5), other
+foundations radiate to the W. and N.W. Those west soon disappear, but to
+the N.W. they are plainly visible for 14 m.--46 ft.--to another mound,
+or knoll _T_, similar to the first, whence another line of foundations
+vanishes to the west also. This appears to be the utmost limit of
+structures north, except the wall of enclosure, from which to T on the
+south is about 10 m.--33 ft. About the N.W. corner of A large heaps of
+rubbish descend in shapeless terraces outside and merge into the slope
+of the _mesilla_. They are, like the entire slope itself, covered with
+fragmentary pottery. About their eastern declivity, also, I thought I
+saw foundations, but could not be sure whether or not they connected
+with those extending westward from the two mounds just mentioned.
+
+In the eastern section of mound _V_, Mr. Dent has, as I was informed and
+saw, dug down one metre into the dark loamy clay and stones of which the
+knoll is composed, and has thus exposed a small stone chamber, or flue,
+walled in to the north, west, and south in the ordinary manner, and
+closed with earth, etc., at the east. Whether there was any stone top
+other than rocks heaped up above the hillock I could not learn; neither
+did I, in digging down further, find any floor. This chimney-like
+structure is 1.32 m.--3 ft. 8 in.--wide from E. to W., and 0.70 m.--2
+ft. 3 in.--from N. to S. It is therefore too large for a chimney, or
+flue, and too small for a room. Out of it Mr. Dent, whom I could not
+find personally, as he was absent at the time, extracted a human
+skeleton and much fairly preserved pottery. Of course, I was unable to
+see what he carried off (among which was the skull), but I saw and dug
+further in the same excavation, removing out of it bone splinters and
+the best preserved pottery piece of the entire collection. They are, in
+part, very similar to the yellow bowls still made by the Indian pueblo
+of Nambe (a Tehua tribe); but many of them have been so charred and
+blackened that it is impossible to make out their color. The pottery is
+all thin. Among it were also bits of charcoal and of rotten wood. The
+structure therefore appears to have been a grave, in which the body was
+placed in a sitting posture with its face to the east. Subsequent
+information and discovery have fully confirmed this view. I shall return
+to this on a subsequent page, and only state here that my efforts to
+find another skeleton in the same location failed.
+
+The aboriginal remains encircled by the great wall of circumvallation
+and north of the old church are now exhausted, so far as my work among
+them goes, and the surroundings of the _mesilla_ shall therefore become
+the subject of report.
+
+The slope towards the east and south-east is rocky on the top, covered
+with sandy soil growing _grama_ and very few cedar bushes, studded with
+ant-hills, and devoid of all remains of human structures so far as I
+could see. Pottery and obsidian are ever present, but become perceptibly
+less and almost disappear further east. The rills which drain the
+eastern slope carry much of this broken stuff into a small arroyo that
+winds to the left of the _mesilla_. About one quarter of a mile east of
+the building _A_, on a bare sunny and grassy level, are, quite alone,
+the foundations of a singular ruin. They run N. and S., consist of three
+rows of stones laid aside of each other longitudinally, and have the
+shape shown in Pl. V., Fig. 10.
+
+Its length from N. to S. is 25 m.--82 ft.,--and its width about 10
+m.--33 ft. From its form I suspect it to have been a Christian chapel,
+erected, or perhaps only in process of erection, before 1680. Not only
+is it completely razed, but even the material of the superstructure
+seems to have been carried off. Stones are scattered about the premises,
+but I found neither obsidian nor pottery. It stands protected from the
+north by the extremely rocky ledge terminating the _mesilla_ towards the
+east, and appears without the least connection with the Indian pueblo
+proper.
+
+It is the almost circular bottom on the west of the _mesilla_,
+encompassed by the north rock of _A_ to the north, by the whole length
+of the _mesilla_ to the east, by the gradual expanse below the church on
+the south, and by the Arroyo de Pecos on the west, that contains the
+aboriginal remains. Much better than a description, a diagram will
+illustrate their extent and shape. Pl. I., Fig. 5.
+
+The distances are not very correctly given, and the shape of _F_ is
+slightly exaggerated in irregularity.
+
+_A_ and _B_ being the respective large buildings, _C_ the church, _D_
+the great gate of the circumvallation; _E_ is a stone or rubble wall of
+undeterminable length running along the foot of the mesilla in a slight
+curve till near the "wash-out" sallying from the gate, and _F_ is an
+irregular lozenge, or trapeze, enclosed by a heavy low stone or rubble
+wall which might in some places be called an embankment. The corner _l_
+is 50 m.--165 ft.--from the border of the creek-bottom, which there is
+cut off abruptly from 1 m. to 3 m.--3 ft. 3 in. to 10 ft.,--presenting a
+section of red clay and gravel with pottery fragments. The line _l r m_
+runs W.N.W. to E.S.E., and is 138 m.--452 ft.--long; the line _m s n_
+measures 121 m.--398 ft.,--_n o p_ 146 m.--480 ft., and _p l_ 100
+m.--330 ft. From _r_ to _s_ an embankment of earth and stone runs almost
+in a circle, and the whole triangle _r m s_ forms a slightly elevated
+platform, in the centre of which is a pond (_estanque_) _t_, which, even
+at the present time, is filled with water. Viewed through the gate from
+above, this pond appears, with a part of the enclosure, as seen in Pl.
+IX. Several gullies (_barrancas_) have cut through the western and
+southern parts of the enclosure.
+
+This enclosed area, now covered with tufts of grama, occasional
+cactuses, knolls and scattered drift and pottery, was according to Sr.
+Ruiz, the former _huerto del pueblo_; that is, the fields of the
+inhabitants of the pueblo, where they planted and raised Indian corn,
+beans, calabashes, squash, and, after the advent of the Spaniards, also
+wheat, melons, and perhaps other fruit. Not a vestige of former
+cultivation is left; but the platform _r m s_, with a pond in the
+centre, at once explains their mode of securing the water for
+irrigation. Through the gateway _D_ the drainage of the _mesilla_ was
+conducted directly to the platform _r m s_, where the pond _t_ acted as
+a reservoir, out of which the fields themselves could be very easily and
+equitably supplied with moisture. Whether this was done by channels
+radiating from below the curve _r s_ over the area _F_, or by carrying
+the water, I cannot tell, neither my informants nor the appearance of
+the area giving any clew. But I could not escape being forcibly struck
+by this plain and still very forcible illustration of communal living.
+Not only did the Pecos Indians live together, and build their houses
+together, but they raised their crops in one common field (though
+divided into individual or rather family plots, according to Ruiz),
+irrigated from one common water source which gathered its contents of
+moisture from the inhabited surface of the pueblo grounds. "The lands,"
+said Mariano Ruiz, "belong to the tribe, but each man can sell his own
+crops." ("Las tierras son del pueblo, pero cada uno puede vender sus
+cosechas.") It forcibly recalls the system of "distribution and tenure
+of lands" among the ancient Mexicans.
+
+I now cross the Arroyo de Pecos, and on its western bank, in the
+triangle formed by the creek with the military road to Santa Fe, nearly
+opposite the site of the old church, I met with a ruined enclosure and
+with remains of structures whose purposes are yet unexplained to me.
+
+The distance from _M_ to the arroyo is 40 m.--130 ft. Its E. line is 75
+m.--246 ft.,--the S. line 70 m.--230 ft.,--the W., up to where the curve
+begins, 55 m.--180 ft. The distance from _M_ to _N_ is 15 m.--50 ft. At
+the north end of _N_ is a mound of stone and _debris_, like a conical
+tower, 5 m.--16 ft.--in diameter; the other lines are distinct
+foundations only. Both _M_ and _N_ are scattered over with broken
+pottery, chips of obsidian and flint, and I also found a fragment of a
+stone implement.
+
+Mariano Ruiz told me that the enclosure _M_ was the corral of the
+pueblo; that is, the enclosure where they kept whatever herds they
+possessed. It was at all events but an enclosure, and no building.
+Still, why were their herds, their most valuable property, kept on the
+opposite side of the creek, so far from the dwellings themselves?
+
+There are other ruins yet further south on the western bank of the
+arroyo, which, however, I shall not mention here. They are so important
+as to deserve special discussion in a later portion of this report. I
+therefore cross the creek back again to its eastern shore, and thence to
+the south side of the old church, proceeding thence southwards. From the
+church a grassy slope, very gentle and with almost imperceptible
+undulations, extends to the road which runs almost due W. and E. from
+the creek towards the Rio Pecos. The distance is about 300 m.--1,000
+ft.,--of which 74 m.--240 ft.--are taken up by the embankments, walls,
+and foundation lines already described as pertaining to the church
+building. Plate I. shows the position of this section, its northern
+limit being about 34 m.--112 ft.--N. of the southern lines of the church
+annexes (or 42 m.--138 ft.--S. of the temple itself) the southern limit
+being the road itself, while on the west the creek-bed forms the
+boundary.
+
+_H_, Corral-like structure, very plain, about 50 m. x 20 m., or 163 ft.
+x 65 ft. I understood Sr. Ruiz to say that it was the garden of the
+church ("la huerta de la iglesia"), but believe that he probably meant
+_G_, not having my field-notes with me at the time.
+
+_I_, rectangle of foundation lines 30 m.--98 ft.--from _A_; 30 m. x 31
+m.--98 ft. x 100 ft.--divided into 2 compartments, the western one 9 m.
+x 30 m.--30 ft. x 98 ft.
+
+_J_, trapezium, with mound at S.W. corner 18 m. x 21 m., or 60 ft. x 70
+ft.
+
+_K_, rectangle 25 m. x 36 m.--82 ft x 118 ft.--open to the west, and
+only recognizable from the semicircular mound of not 0.50 m.--20
+in.--elevation, dotted out as leaving a depression in the centre.
+
+_L_, circular depression 36 m.--118 ft.--in diameter; ground always wet.
+
+_O_, circular mound 10 m.--33 ft.--in diameter, 1.5 m.--5 ft.--high.
+
+_k_, shapeless mound, possibly part of a hollow rectangle.
+
+In many cases the foundations (which are the only remains visible) are
+themselves obliterated,--or at least overgrown. They are sometimes of
+0.27 m.--10 in.--in width; again, two rows, even three rows, of stones
+compose them longitudinally. The mound is regular, but the soil is
+everywhere so hard and gravelly that I desisted from excavating. The
+basin _L_ looks much like an estufa: there are few scattered stones on
+its surface, and this surface is moist; but I did not notice any trace
+of stone encasement. In general, there is no rubbish at all over the
+area. Stones are scattered about, and evidently they were once used for
+building purposes; but they nowhere form heaps. Then there is not the
+slightest trace of pottery or obsidian. In this respect the area just
+described forms a remarkable exception. All around it in every direction
+the painted fragments cover the soil; this particular locality, as far
+as I could find, has none. It only reappears in _I_, opposite the church
+annexes, and also in the enclosure _H_, whereas the church grounds are
+again strewn with handsome pieces, and some of the finest obsidian
+flakes were found on them.
+
+Across the road to the south, the ground becomes covered with shrubs of
+cedar, and the eastern slope hugs the creek-bed. Upon reaching the
+creek, the road divides,--one branch crossing over directly to the west,
+and the other proceeding along the arroyo about 200 m.--630 ft.--to the
+south ere it turns across. The main military line of travel intersects
+there-about the one to the Pecos River, and thence, striking almost due
+south, forms a very acute angle with the creek. In this angle ledges of
+rock protrude, sheltered by a fine group of cedar-shrubs; and here, in
+what may be termed a snug little corner, the rocks bear some Indian
+carvings.
+
+Expecting daily a supply of paper for "squeezes," I have until now
+deferred taking any exact copies of these vestiges. Therefore this
+report contains but superficial notice of them. It would have been
+useless labor to make sketches and take measurements when I knew that,
+within the period of time I shall spend in New Mexico, I should
+certainly be able to secure fac-similes. The carvings are certainly old;
+they are much worn, and represent mainly so-called footprints (of adults
+as well as of children), turkey tracks, a human form, and a circle
+formed by small cup-shaped holes, of the patterns about which I hope
+that my friend Professor C. C. Rau, of Washington, will by this time
+have finished his elaborate and very interesting work. The human figure
+is as rude and childlike an effort as any represented on the plates
+accompanying the reports of General Simpson and of my friend Mr. W. H.
+Holmes; the footmarks are fair, and the circle is rather perfect.
+Something like a "diamond" appears within its periphery, but I am not
+yet quite certain whether it is a carving or the result of decay. Some
+of the tracks seem to point to the high mesa, others to the north.[126]
+By the side of these original efforts there are recent additions,
+destined, perhaps, to become at some future time as successful
+archaeological frauds as many of the most interesting products of
+excavation in the States of Ohio and Iowa. About the sculptured stones I
+again met with fragments of painted pottery. Still further down, on the
+east bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, about a mile from the church in a
+southerly direction, and on a low promontory of red clay jutting out
+into the creek-bed, there are vestiges of other ruins,--a low, flat
+mound covered with stones. I saw no pottery about it.
+
+Directly opposite the sculptured rocks, on the other bank of the arroyo
+to the west, the cliffs of clay bordering it form a huge cauldron, out
+of which the contents seem to have been originally removed, leaving a
+semicircle of vertical bluffs of clay and drift about 3 m.--10
+ft.--high. It is out of this locality that I suggested the clay for the
+adobe of the church might have been secured. The faces of the slope
+cannot have been washed out, for the creek runs straight far to the
+east, hugging closely that side of its banks; there is no trace of an
+old stream-bed winding to the westward, neither is there any sufficient
+drainage from the west in the shape of gulches or branches. It appears
+as if there had been an original start, at least, given to the present
+basin by a removal of earth in a curve, subsequent wearing and weakening
+enlarging the cauldron to its actual form and size. This size is
+constantly increased by decay and by the work of diggers; for this bluff
+has been of late a favorite resort for them, from the fact that in its
+face human bones--nay, complete graves--have been found.
+
+I consequently started to examine the bluff, and finally noticed a plain
+wall jutting out at about one fourth of the length of the western curve
+from N. to S. This wall seemed at first to be a corner. It is well made,
+and its stone-work is much like that figured by Mr. Holmes from the
+cliff-dwellings on the Rio Mancos in South-western Colorado. Still the
+stones are not hewn, but only were carefully broken, the rock itself
+having a tabular cleavage. The surface is true. I am unable to say
+whether it was a corner or not; the thickness of the side (east) is 0.65
+m.--2 ft.,--and it looks like a strong outside line running almost due
+N. and S., perhaps a little to the E.
+
+The height of the wall is 0.94 m.--3 ft.; its depth beneath the surface,
+0.52 m.--21 in. The sod (covered with grama) looks undisturbed; it is
+hard and coarsely sandy on the top, but beneath the clay is softer and
+loamy. Under the wall there is red clay to the bottom of the bluff with
+bands of drift. Clambering along the cliff to the northward, I soon
+perceived, at a depth nearly agreeing with the base of the wall, a layer
+of white ashes, similar to those found over the hearthstone in building
+_B_, mixed with charcoal and charred pottery. This layer was continuous
+along the exposure of the bluff; it formed a regular seam, intersected
+horizontally by bands of charcoal, and, at the lower end, a continuous
+stratum of pottery totally different from that found hitherto, except
+one fragment in the drift of the creek and another one among the adobe
+rubbish of the church. Instead of being painted, it was corrugated and
+indented, and identical with the corrugated and indented ware from the
+Rio Mancos and from South-eastern Utah, so beautifully figured by Mr. W.
+H. Holmes. There were also a very few pieces of painted pottery: but
+these, which became more numerous towards the top of the bluff, or
+cliff, appeared to have been washed in; whereas the corrugated fragments
+were a distinct, continuous band, most of the convex surfaces being
+downwards; and this band, except where ledges of the cliff projected far
+out into the bottom, or where the clay had tumbled down recently in
+front of the exposure, was visible from 50 m.--165 ft.--N. of the wall
+to 62 m.--203 ft.--S. of it on a line of 110 m.--360 ft. It was
+everywhere accompanied by the ashes and charcoal.
+
+_A_, little barranca, exposing ashes, etc., which contained corncobs,
+and, in the upper parts of the clay, human bones.
+
+_a_, grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos; obliterated now.
+
+_B_, wall.
+
+_b_, place where skeleton of child was partly secured, five metres S. of
+_B_.
+
+_C_, southern barranca; no remains found.
+
+_c_, last sign south of pottery, ashes, and charcoal.
+
+_W_, rock carvings on west bank of the arroyo.
+
+The following are sections at four different places:--
+
+[Illustration: Clay Pit Area]
+
+Specimens of every section have been sent with the collection. It has
+struck me that the stratum of ashes, charcoal, and pottery, while
+visible always inside,--that is, to the west of a supposed lateral
+extension of the wall from _B_,--still appears to run below it. The
+human remains, however, protrude about at heights where the wall, if in
+existence, might have been in front of them. There were bones lying on
+rubbish in front of _C_,--there were also bones within the ashes, even
+at _A_; but the action of wear and washing being everywhere visible and
+very complicated, I do not venture any surmise in these cases beyond
+expressing the conviction that the human remains originally rested above
+the layers of charcoal, ashes, corncobs, and corrugated pottery.
+
+While at Sr. Ruiz's, I had diligently inquired of the old gentleman
+about the graves of the Pecos Indians. He finally replied (after he had
+for a time insisted upon it that they were at the church) that before
+they became Christians ("antes que fueron cristianos") they buried their
+dead on the right bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, where he had often seen
+the skeletons (las calaveras, the corpses) washed out of the cliffs and
+strewn about. At Mrs. Kozlowski's, this also appeared to be a known
+fact; but an examination of the creek banks showed no trace of bones,
+and showed no other structures except the mound already mentioned on the
+left shore. In the cliffs of the basin which I have now described I met
+with the first sign of what Sr. Ruiz called "El Campo-Santo de los
+Indios, antes que fueron Cristianos." Still it is not at all positive,
+because the surface of the level west of the bluff shows extensive but
+flat and low mounds, covered with stones used for building, and with
+painted pottery, showing that at least adjoining the human remains a
+very large building, if not several, had stood at some very remote time.
+The wall would then stand towards that ancient structure in the same
+relation as the mound or chamber _V_ stands towards the ruin _A_ on the
+_mesilla_; and it would indicate the custom on the part of their
+inhabitants of burying their dead around their houses, or at least in
+sight of the rising sun, and in little chambers of stone. This view is
+corroborated by the statement of Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos, that at a
+place which I have marked _a_ (therefore to the north of the wall) he
+dug out, very near the edge of the bluff, a stone grave, and with it a
+human skeleton. The grave was a rectangle, walled up on four sides, with
+stones on the top and no floor. The western side was rounded, so as to
+present the following plan:--
+
+[Illustration: Grave]
+
+In it lay the skeleton, two feet below the soil, the feet pointing
+eastward. The length of the chamber was about one third of a large man's
+body; the head lay at the west end, amongst the bones of the chest. It
+had therefore been buried in a sitting posture facing the rising
+sun.[127] Along with the body arrow-heads were found, and pieces of
+tanned deerskin, such as are still worn by the Indians. Of course, all
+traces of the skull, etc., have since disappeared.
+
+While this conversation was taking place, the partner of Mr. Walters,
+Sr. Juan Basa y Salazar, came in, and the question of the great bell
+(which I have already mentioned) came up for discussion. All the parties
+assured me that this bell formerly belonged to the church of Pecos, and
+that after the outbreak of 1680 the Indians carried it up into their
+winter pueblo, on the top of the high mesa, where it broke and they left
+it. The positive assertion that the winter pueblo of the Pecos tribe was
+about 2,000 feet higher than the great ruins on the _mesilla_--that
+these ruins themselves were but their summer houses--was very startling.
+It appeared incredible that the Indians should have left their
+comfortable quarters in the coldest season to look for shelter in the
+highest and coldest places of the whole region. Still, my informants
+being old residents and candid men, with certainly no intention to
+deceive me, and there being besides confused reports of the existence of
+ruins on the mesa current among the people of the valley, I resolved to
+devote my last day to a rapid reconnoissance of the elevated plateau.
+Therefore, after a visit to the Plaza de Pecos, on the 5th of September,
+where the Rev. Father Leon Mailluchet confirmed the reports about the
+winter houses on the mesa, I set out (always on foot) on the morning of
+the 6th, Mr. Thomas Munn having volunteered to be my guide.
+
+We followed the railroad track downwards, and about a mile and a half
+south of Baughl's, east of the track, met a tolerably large mound. At
+the station of Kingman, four miles from Baughl's, there is also a ruined
+stone house, rectangular, but smaller than any one of those on the
+_mesilla_.[128] I had no time to make any survey. We went along the
+railroad for one mile farther, then struck to the S. W. across a
+recently cultivated but abandoned field, and finally reached the apron
+of gravelly clay and locas skirting the high mesa. Here Mr. Munn assured
+me were the remains of stone structures all along for miles, and
+especially stone graves. Of the latter he had seen "hundreds." He
+described them exactly as Mr. Walters had, and as I had found the pit in
+mound V, and described the position of the skeleton also as if sitting
+with the face to the east. We soon came to a walled ruin 6 m. x 6 m. or
+20 ft. x 20 ft., the walls composed of sandstone,--a range of rubble
+blocks very much ruined,--a _pinon_ having a diameter of 0.45 m.--18
+in.--shooting up from the interior. 50 m.--165 ft.--further north a
+clearly defined estufa is seen, 4 m.--13 ft.--across, with stone walls 1
+m.--3 ft. 3 in.--in width. The apron of the mesa is overgrown with fine
+pines. Thence, following a tie-shoot, we ascended very nearly
+vertically, about 1,000 feet at least, to the top. Here already the view
+to the E. and S. was magnificent; but the air was light and chilly.
+Thunder-clouds were hovering N. and E., rain-streaks pouring down on the
+Sierra de Tecolote, and soon a heavy cloud formed south of us, while
+others were slowly nearing from the N.E. The mesa dips or slants
+decidedly to the W. and S.W.; the strata on its surface are tilted up to
+a high pitch, and appear to be almost vertical. The ground is very
+rocky, covered with high _pinon_.
+
+Notwithstanding the steadily nearing thunder, we plunged to the S.W.,
+past the tie-camp of Mr. Keno, and soon struck the source of an arroyo
+in a rocky, desolate hollow, pines shooting up in and around it. There,
+on its left bank, were the foundations of a stone structure 11 m. x 3
+m.--36 ft. x 10 ft. About three miles from the edge of the mesa, in a
+still wilder _canada_, where there is no space nor site for any abode
+around, the bell was found. There is no trace of any "winter house"
+here,--not even on the entire mesa; and the bell was left there, not
+because its carriers there remained, but because it dropped there and
+broke. Who these carriers were I shall discuss further on; at all
+events, they were not the Indians of Pecos. This _canada_ is the
+entrance to a gorge descending directly towards the pueblo of
+Galisteo.[129] Meanwhile the clouds had accumulated over our heads,
+sharp thunder-claps and icy blasts preceding the storm. It was of short
+duration, but as the hail fell thickly we were thoroughly pelted and wet
+before again reaching the camp, glad to enjoy the hospitality and hot
+coffee of its inmates. At one P.M. the sun shone again, and we started
+(this time to the north) along the border of the mesa. Vegetation is
+here more exuberant than in the valley of Pecos. Not only do tall pines
+grow everywhere, but there is a thick undergrowth of _encina_; the Yucca
+is large and green, mountain sage covers the soil, and grassy levels are
+dotted with flowers. Animal life, also, is more vigorous and more
+varied. Whereas in the valley crows and turkey-buzzards alone enliven
+the air, and there are scarcely any beetles; up here there is deer and
+turkey, and the gray wolf; jays and magpies flutter through the
+thickets, and the horned lizard is met with occasionally. The pith of
+the pine-trees attracts a large species of buprestis, and lepidopterae
+are quite common. But there is not the least vestige of former human
+dwellings, so far as I could see: the top of the mesa of Pecos is, and
+was, a wilderness. It may have been the hunting-grounds of the tribe
+even in winter, but as for their exchanging their large pueblo at the
+bottom for a residence on the top it is very much as if the good people
+of New York City should spend Christmas week on the Catskill Range, or
+the Bostonians take winter quarters on Mount Monadnock. We followed the
+crest of the mesa for nearly four miles, ascending two of its highest
+tops. They are steep, denuded, and craggy. Beneath them vertical ledges
+descend in amphitheatres. From the highest point the horizon to the
+south appears unbounded. Like a small cone, the peak of Bernal seems to
+guard the lowest end of the Valley of Pecos. Over this vale rain-clouds
+still cast their shadows, and distant thunder muttered behind the Owl
+Mountains and the high Sierras in the north. To the west and south-west
+are almost unlimited expanses of slope, dark green pineries, and grassy
+spots. The bold outline of the Sandia Mountains looms up stately beyond
+it. Even the distant Sierra de Jemez protrudes. Between it and the
+northern limits of the mesa lies, far off yet, the city of Santa Fe.
+
+The mesa is mostly yellow sandstone, but its highest points are capped
+with red; therefore the name of "Cerro amarillo" often applied to it.
+Through a gorge worn in the rock, and on an almost perpendicular
+"burro-trail," we finally descended to the apron of the plateau,
+surrounded during our descent by scenery as weird and wild as any of the
+lower Alps of Switzerland. On the lower edge of the apron, a mile and a
+half north of Kingman, and half a mile from the railroad track, we
+struck again several ruins. They were partitioned rectangles, very
+similar in size and in condition to the foundations seen south of the
+old church of Pecos, and, like those, utterly devoid of fragments of
+pottery. Along their eastern line, and inside of the walls, there
+appeared little square heaps of stones. These were the graves of which
+my guide had spoken, and their position is exactly similar to that of
+those near and at the pueblo itself.[130]
+
+My time was up, however, and I could not stop to explore them. I
+therefore returned to Baughl's, and thence to Santa Fe, with the firm
+determination to revisit Pecos at a future day, and then do what I was
+compelled reluctantly to leave undone this time. Should, in the mean
+time, some archaeologist explore the same locality, correct my errors,
+and unravel the mysteries hovering about the place, I heartily wish him
+as much pleasure and quiet enjoyment as I have had during my ten days'
+work, in which the dream of a life has at last begun its realization.
+Before, however, turning to the close of my report, which will embody
+scraps of history gathered about the place, remarks on the customs and
+arts of its former inhabitants, and general reflections, I must express
+my thanks here to a few gentlemen not yet named in this "personal
+narrative." Besides Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, who kindly assisted me for
+the first two days, Mr. G. C. Bennet, the skilful photographer, of whose
+ability his work is telling, has been for two days a pleasant and
+welcome companion. Last, but certainly not least, I thank Mr. John D.
+McRae, not only for his assistance free of expense to the Institute in
+many important mechanical matters, but especially for the solicitude
+with which he has watched my work and looked to my comforts, and for the
+great store of information I have gathered from his conversation.
+
+
+HISTORY.
+
+My survey of the grounds occupied by the aboriginal ruins in the valley
+of the Pecos indicates, as I have already stated, three epochs,
+successive probably in time, in which they have been occupied by man;
+that is, I have noticed these, and beyond these I have not been able to
+go as yet. Subsequent explorers may be more fortunate. This distinction,
+or rather classification, is very imperfect in the two earlier stages,
+and even arbitrary; but between the second and the last there is a
+marked break,--not in time, but in ethnological development. I shall
+term the three epochs as follows:--
+
+1. Pre-traditional. (Indicated by the presence of the corrugated and
+indented pottery as its most conspicuous "land-mark.")
+
+2. Traditional and documentary. (Documents in the sense of written
+records.)
+
+3. Documentary period.
+
+
+THE PRE-TRADITIONAL PERIOD.
+
+I have not been able to detect as yet among the confused traditions
+current about the pueblo of Pecos any tale concerning occupation of
+their grounds by human beings prior to the settlement of which the ruins
+now bear testimony. It is true that the proper traditions of the tribe
+of Pecos are now preserved only at the pueblo of Jemez, about eighty
+miles N.W. of Pecos and fifty miles W. of Santa Fe, and that I have not
+as yet visited that place.[131] But it must be remembered that I now
+report "up to date," and that subsequent information will, or at least
+should, come in time.
+
+My reason for admitting a pre-traditional period is, then, simply that I
+have found human remains at Pecos older than those of the present ruins
+and different in kind. These remains, as it may already have been
+inferred from the "personal narrative," are those found on the west side
+of the arroyo, in the basin (or rather the bank encircling it) opposite
+the rock carvings.
+
+One fact is certain, the human bones, the walls protruding from the
+banks, and the grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, are all above the layer
+of white ashes, charcoal, corncobs, and corrugated pottery found as a
+continuous seam along an extent of over 100 m.--327 ft.--from N. to S.
+Consequently, the walls and graves must have been built over these
+remains of a people which appears to have made indented and corrugated
+pottery alone, and consequently also the latter must be older in time
+than the former. It does not appear that the sedentary Indians of New
+Mexico ever made, within traditional and documentary times, any other
+than the painted pottery in greater or less degree of perfection. Even
+Gaspar Castano de la Sosa, when he made his inroad into New Mexico in
+1590, mentions at the first pueblo which he conquered: "They have much
+pottery,--red, figured, and black,--platters, caskets, salters,
+bowls.... Some of the pottery was glazed."[132] The corrugated and
+indented pottery, as I am assured by Sr. Vigil, is rarely met with over
+New Mexico, except at old ruined pueblos, and only when digging (en
+cavando).[133] I feel, therefore, justified in assuming it to have been
+the manufactured ware of a people distinct from the Pecos tribe or the
+pueblo Indians of New Mexico in general, and their predecessors in point
+of time. This pottery, however, is frequently met with among the cliff
+dwellings of the Rio Mancos and in Utah.[134] Its relation, then, to the
+painted pottery has, as far as I know, not yet been investigated.
+
+But what could have been the purpose in covering originally a space of
+over 100 m.--327 ft.--in length with the products of combustion and
+fragments of one and the same industry in such a manner as to form an
+uninterrupted layer of 0.45 m.--18 in.--at least in thickness? Those who
+subsequently buried their dead over the seam certainly did not collect
+these ashes and spread them there as a floor on which they rested their
+structures afterwards. The combustion of a large wooden building would
+not have given the same uniformity on such a large scale. Sr. Vigil has
+suggested to me the following very plausible explanation: In order to
+burn or bake their pottery, the present pueblo Indians of New Mexico
+build large but low hearths on the ground of small wood, sticks, and
+other inflammable rubbish and refuse, on which they place the newly
+formed articles, and then set the floor on fire, until the whole is
+thoroughly burnt. Fragments of broken objects, etc., are not removed.
+The combustible material is thus reduced to ashes, and the broken pieces
+remain within them; their convex surfaces, of course, falling outwards,
+and thus resting on the floor. In this manner a thick layer of ashes
+and charcoal, with pottery, is easily formed. These "hogueras" are still
+from 20 to 40 feet in diameter; but, as they accommodate themselves to
+the size of the pueblo, it is certain that they were formerly much
+larger. The analogy between such a "potters'-field" and the layer in
+question is very striking, and the inference appears likely that the
+people who made this corrugated and indented pottery made it in the same
+manner as the pueblo Indians now make their painted ware, and as they
+made it at the time of the conquest.
+
+These very old manufacturers of indented ceramics were also a
+horticultural people, for they raised Indian corn. The cob found in the
+ashes, or rather cut out with the knife at some distance inside the
+bluff, is charred and small. To what variety of Zea it belongs the
+specialist must decide.
+
+I hold it to be utterly useless, and even improper, on my part to
+speculate any further on these "pre-traditional" people. Perhaps I have
+already said too much. Excavations alone can throw further light on the
+subject.
+
+
+THE TRADITIONAL AND DOCUMENTARY PERIOD.
+
+The term "traditional" is applied to this period, because the people
+occupying the site of Old Pecos have left some traditions behind them,
+and not because we know when it commenced. In fact, I am much inclined
+to divide it, for the sake of convenience, into two periods again, one
+of which includes the occupation of the area within the circumvallation
+and its necessary annexes (field, etc.), whereas the other includes the
+area without. Of the former, we have definite knowledge in regard to its
+inhabitants; of the latter, we have none whatever. It is therefore also
+pre-traditional as yet. Nevertheless, I have included it in the second
+epoch, as its ruins indicate that its people possessed arts identical
+with those of the present pueblo Indians. Their pottery, wherever
+exposed, was painted, figured, and vitrified in places; its
+ornamentation is exactly similar to that of the pottery of the interior
+area, and different from that of Zuni. They used flint, but no trace of
+obsidian is found. This may be purely accidental; still, why should it
+occur at three places so totally different in regard to erosion and
+abrasion as the slope south of the church, the west bank of the creek
+directly opposite, and, if thorough examination should confirm the
+results of my cursory observations, the apron of the high mesa? The
+graves, wherever found, are identical with those of the _mesilla_; the
+plan of building, and consequently of living,[135] appears similar to
+that exhibited in houses _A_ and _B_; the material used is the same, but
+the walls are more ruinous, and apparently of a much older date. The
+inference is therefore not unreasonable, that the inhabitants of the
+three areas named, as outside of the great circumvallation, were of the
+kind now called "pueblo Indians," who preceded the tribe of Pecos proper
+in point of time. It is not improbable that one or the other of these
+ruins may have been erected by the Pecos themselves before they settled
+on the mesilla. Still, there is neither proof nor disproval of this
+surmise extant.
+
+There appears to be also a slight difference between the different ruins
+of this period themselves. The ruins south of the church and those along
+the mesa are similar, in that they are more ruined, and not covered with
+_debris_, and in that their surfaces are also devoid of pottery. The
+space west of the creek has pottery and also heaps of rubbish, and I
+therefore conclude that it was the most recent of the three
+locations,--or at least the one last abandoned. To it must be added the
+small mound or promontory found further south on the east bank of the
+arroyo. One fact is certain: all these places were deserted, and perhaps
+as badly ruined as now, at the time when Coronado first visited
+Pecos.[136] (The partial removal of the surface material may have been
+effected by the Pecos Indians themselves in order to build their own
+houses.)
+
+Referring now to the inhabitants of the two houses, whose ruins are
+situated on the mesilla, north of the church, it is a thoroughly
+well-authenticated fact that they spoke the same language as the Indians
+of the pueblo of Jemez. Jemez lies 80 miles N.W. of Pecos, beyond the
+Rio Grande. It is possible that the Pecos Indians came to the valley
+from that direction. But it is singular that, while there are no other
+settlements speaking this same idiom but Jemez and Pecos, these two
+pueblos should be separated, as early as at Coronado's time (1540), by
+three distinct linguistical stocks, different from theirs and lying
+across, intervening between them. Directly W. of Pecos the Queres, S.W.
+the Tanos, N.W. the Tehuas--all at war with the Jemez and the Pecos, and
+often with each other--lay like a barrier between the latter two. The
+point is an interesting one, as the pueblo of Pecos defines (together
+with Taos at the north) the utmost easterly limit to which the pueblo
+Indians seem to have penetrated.
+
+Who were first in the valley of the Rio Grande? Did the Queres, Tanos,
+Tehuas, etc., drive out the Pecos, then already settled to the S.W.,
+into the Sierra, or did the Pecos, migrating from Jemez, force their
+passage through the other tribes? I conjecture that the Jemez, etc.,
+were the first; that they migrated down the Rio Grande, and on the same
+area, between Sandia to the S. and Santa Fe, were gradually displaced by
+the others successively coming in,--one branch, the Jemez, recoiling
+into the mountains towards San Diego;[137] the other, the Pecos, driven
+up the canon of San Cristobal,[138] and finally, when the Tanos moved up
+into that valley, crossing over to the valley of Pecos.
+
+This is to a great extent conjecture; still there are other singular
+indications. I give them with due reserve, however, formally protesting
+against any imputation that they are intended for anything else than to
+suggest problems for future study.
+
+According to my friend Mr. A. S. Gatchet, of Washington, D. C., an
+excellent linguist, the Tanos and the inhabitants of Isleta, the most
+southerly pueblo on the Rio Grande still occupied, speak the same
+language.[139] The same is asserted here, as a known fact, to be the
+case with the Taos and the Picuries in the north, and the Isletas at the
+south. If this be true, then the supposition that the Queres and Tehuas
+are the latest intrusive stock would become a certainty. More than that:
+the Tanos prior to 1680, had their chief pueblo at San Cristobal, N. E.
+of Galisteo, on the slope of the mesa of Pecos. They also had become
+dispossessed of the Rio Grande valley, and divided into (originally)
+two branches,--the Picuries and Taos north, and the Tanos, of Galisteo,
+east. Isleta itself is a later agglomeration.[140] There being no pueblo
+E. and S. E. of Pecos, then it appears that the Jemez, or rather Emmes,
+were the first migration, the Tanos the second, and the Queres and
+Tehuas the last.
+
+The earliest traditions of the Pecos are preserved to us by Pedro de
+Castaneda, one of the eye-witnesses and chroniclers of Coronado's
+"march" in 1540. They told him that, five or six years (?) before the
+arrival of the Spaniards, a roaming tribe called the "Teyas" (Yutas) had
+ravaged the surroundings of their pueblo, and even, though fruitlessly,
+attempted to capture it.[141] This tribe was afterwards met by Coronado
+in the plains to the N.E. and E.[142]
+
+Another tradition, very well known,--so well, indeed, that it has given
+to the name of the unlucky "capitan de la guerra" of the ancient
+Mexicans the honorific title of an aboriginal "cultus-hero,"--is that of
+Montezuma.
+
+I hope, at some future time, to be able to give some further information
+on this Spanish-Mexican importation. Suffice it to say for the present,
+that not a single one of the numerous chronicles and reports about New
+Mexico, up to the year 1680, mentions the Montezuma story! The word
+itself, Mon-te-zuma, is a corruption of the Mexican word
+"Mo-tecu-zoma,"--literally, "my wrathy chief,"--which corruption that
+eminently "reliable gentleman," Bernal Diez de Castillo, is to be
+thanked for. He wrote in 1568.[143]
+
+What the Indians themselves say of this tale I have not as yet
+ascertained; but the people of the valley all assert that the people of
+the pueblo believe in it,--that they even affirmed that Montezuma was
+born at Pecos; that he wore golden shoes, and left for Mexico, where,
+for the sake of these valuable brogans, he was ruthlessly slaughtered.
+They further say that, when he left Pecos, he commanded that the holy
+fire should be kept burning till his return, in testimony whereof the
+sacred embers were kept aglow till 1840, and then transferred to Jemez.
+
+There is one serious point in the whole story, and that is the
+illustration how an evident mixture of a name with the Christian faith
+in a personal redeemer, and dim recollections of Coronado's presence and
+promise to return,[144] could finally take the form of a mythological
+personage. In this respect, for the study of mythology in general, it is
+of great importance. That the sacred fire had, originally, nothing at
+all to do with the Montezuma legend is amply proven by the earliest
+reports.
+
+It will also become interesting to ascertain in the future how many
+pueblos, and which, concede to Pecos the honor of being the birthplace
+of that famed individual, and how many, as is the case with other great
+folks in more civilized communities, claim the same honor for
+themselves.
+
+I cannot, therefore, attach to the Montezuma tale any historical
+importance whatever,--not even a traditional value.
+
+Of course, Castaneda reports the story which every Indian tribe tells
+of themselves; namely, that the Pecos Indians were the bravest and the
+most warlike of the pueblos, and that in every encounter they were
+always victorious.[145]
+
+Historical data, founded upon positive written records, begin for Pecos
+towards the fall of the year 1540, when Francisco Vasquez de Coronado,
+then at Zuni or Cibola, sent the Captain Hernando de Alvarado with
+twenty men to visit a village called "Cicuye."[146] Indians from that
+village, "situated seventy leagues towards the east"[147] from Zuni, had
+visited the latter town, and offered to the Spanish leader "tanned
+hides, shields, and helmets." The hides were buffalo-robes, for the
+woolly hair was still on them.[148] Alvarado reached Cicuye, passing, as
+I have elsewhere stated, through Acoma and Bernalillo. I have already
+identified Cicuye with Pecos. Besides the proofs already given, a few
+descriptive abstracts from the report of Castaneda will add to the
+strength of the evidence:--
+
+(p. 71.) "Five days' journeys further, Alvarado reached Cicuye, a
+well-fortified village, whose houses are four stories high."
+
+(p. 176.) "It is built on the summit of a rock. It forms a great square,
+in the centre of which are the _estufas_." (Compare general description
+and diagrams.)
+
+(p. 177) "The village is surrounded besides by a stone wall of rather
+low height. There is a spring which might be cut off."
+
+In regard to the wall, I refer to the plans and descriptions; as for the
+spring, it trickles out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west
+side of the arroyo, nearly opposite to the field. Its water, slightly
+alkaline, is still limpid and cool, and a great source of comfort. The
+sketch upon the next page will give an idea of its appearance.
+
+[Illustration: Spring]
+
+There is no trace of work about it. At sunset of the 3d of September,
+Mr. Bennet and I saw a herd of many hundred sheep and goats driven to
+this spring by Mexicans for water, although the creek still had a fillet
+of clear water running, and the pond in the old field was filled nearly
+to its brim; they still preferred the old source.
+
+Finally, it must be borne in mind, that the name of Pecos, in the
+language of its former inhabitants and of those of Jemez, is "Aqiu," and
+that, in an anonymous report of the expedition of Coronado from the year
+1541, Cicuye is spelt Acuique.[149]
+
+Castaneda gives some few details concerning the mode of life and the
+customs of the inhabitants. Aside from those which I have already
+mentioned, he notices the ladders (p. 176); that at night the
+inhabitants kept watch on the walls, the guard calling each other by
+means of "trumpets" (p. 179); that the unmarried females went naked
+until their marriage (p. 177); that the pueblo could muster 500 warriors
+(p. 176); and finally, that it was situated in a narrow valley in the
+midst of mountains covered with pines, and traversed by a small river
+where excellent trout is caught; very large otters, bears, and good
+hawks are found there (p. 179). The inhabitants received Alvarado with
+the sound of "drums and flutes, similar to fifes, which they use often."
+They presented to him a great quantity of cloth and turquoises, which
+are common in this province (p. 72). I must here add that the turquoise
+mines of "Serrillos" are, in a direct line, only about twenty miles
+nearly west of Pecos, in a country between the former pueblos of the
+Tanos and those of the Tehuas. I have seen splendid specimens of the
+mineral from that locality, and Mr. Thurston found and I have sent on a
+perforated bead of bluish color which he picked up among the rubbish of
+the house _B_.
+
+When, in 1543, Coronado left Nuevo Mexico with his whole army to return
+to Mexico, two ecclesiastics remained there,--Fray Juan de Padilla, who
+was subsequently killed by the Indians near Gran Quivira,[150] and a lay
+brother called Luis, who took up his abode at Pecos. Before Coronado
+left Bernalillo ("Tiguex"), he sent to brother Luis the remainder of the
+sheep. He was then of good cheer, but still expected to be killed some
+day by the old men of the tribe, who hated him, although the people were
+friendly to him in general.[151] Nothing was afterward heard of him.
+Thus Pecos was the first "mission" in New Mexico; perhaps, also, the
+first place where domestic quadrupeds became introduced.
+
+Forty years elapse before we again hear of Pecos. The unfortunate
+father, Augustin Ruiz, who, in 1581, attempted to convert the pueblos,
+did not reach further north than Puaray, where the Tiguas killed him,
+with his two companions.[152] But Antonio de Espejo, who, with fourteen
+soldiers, explored New Mexico in 1582 and 1583, visited Pecos. There can
+be no doubt but that the pueblos of the "Hubates"--two journeyings of
+six leagues to the east of the "Quires"--are the Pecos and the "Tamos,"
+the Tanos.[153] Espejo is very liberal in his estimates: he gives to the
+"Hubates" five towns with 25,000 inhabitants, and to the "Tamos" even
+40,000 souls. He says they had cotton cloth; he also says there was much
+good pine and cedar in their country, and that their houses were four
+and five stories high. His visit to the pueblo was of very short
+duration.
+
+In 1590, Gaspar Castano de la Sosa, "being then Lieutenant-Governor and
+Captain-General of the kingdom of New Leon," made a raid into New
+Mexico. It is possible that the pueblo which he came to on the 11th
+January, 1591, may have been Pecos.[154]
+
+The "Spanish conquest of New Mexico" proper took place in the years 1597
+and 1598, under Don Juan de Onate. He met with little opposition, and
+his conquest amounted to little else than a military occupation,
+followed by the foundation of Santa Fe. On the 25th of July, 1598, he
+went to "the great pueblo of Pecos,"[155] and on the 9th of September,
+1598, in the "principal _estufa_" of the pueblo of San Juan, the Pecos
+pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain. On the same occasion, Fray
+Francisco de San Miguel became the first regular priest of the
+pueblo.[156] Here terminates the second period of the second epoch; and
+the last one begins where the history of the Pecos tribe, whatever is
+left of it, becomes almost exclusively documentary.[157]
+
+Before, however, leaving this period, I must recall here two facts
+elicited by the reports of the forays and travels above mentioned. One
+is, that the Pecos Indians, however warlike they may have been towards
+outsiders, still were of an orderly, gentle disposition in every-day
+intercourse. This is a natural consequence of their organization and
+degree of development. The other and more important one is, that Pecos
+was the most easterly pueblo in existence in 1540, and that even at that
+time it was quite alone.
+
+Castaneda says (p. 188): "In order to understand how the country is
+inhabited in the centre of the mountains, we must remember that from
+Chichilticah, where they begin, there are eighty leagues; thence to
+Cicuye, which is the last village, they reckon seventy leagues, and
+thirty from Cicuye to the beginning of the plains."
+
+Juan Jaramillo, another eye-witness of "Coronado's march," intimates a
+similar fact.[158]
+
+In regard to Pecos being "quite alone," Castaneda is positive; so is
+Juan de Onate, who received and registered its submission. It is true,
+however, that Castaneda mentions a small pueblo as subject to Cicuye,
+which pueblo, however, he says was half destroyed at his time. He
+locates it "between the road and the Sierra Nevada."[159] This may have
+been the small ruin noticed near Kingman.
+
+These facts are very interesting in their bearings upon the older ruins
+of Pecos. It goes far towards furnishing additional proof that they were
+indeed abandoned and decayed already in 1540. In regard to building _B_,
+it is ignored in the reports, _A_, with its vast court and its
+_estufas_, claiming exclusive attention. Still there is no room left for
+doubt that _B_ was occupied during this period. But it is evident, from
+the statements of the eye-witnesses, that _A_ was the principal abode of
+the Pecos tribe in 1540 and afterwards.
+
+
+THE DOCUMENTARY PERIOD,
+
+commencing in 1598, and running up to the present time. Here we should
+be entitled to find, of course, ample and detailed documentary evidence.
+Two unfortunate occurrences, however, have contributed to destroy the
+records of the territory of New Mexico.
+
+In the month of August, 1680, when the pueblo Indians rose in successful
+revolt against the Spanish rule, and captured the "villa" of Santa Fe,
+they brought the archives, ecclesiastical and civil, into the plaza, and
+made a bonfire of the entire pile. This was an act of barbarous warfare.
+But few papers escaped the general destruction; these were saved by
+Governor Don Antonio de Otermin, and sent to El Paso del Norte, where
+they are still supposed to remain. We are, therefore, as far as the
+period of 1598-1680 is concerned, almost exclusively reduced to general
+works like the "Teatro Mexicano" of Fray Augustin de Vetancurt, and to
+the collections of documents published at Mexico and at Madrid. That,
+nevertheless, some documents were saved, and subsequently carried back
+to Santa Fe, is proved by the fact that Mr. Louis Felsenthal, of this
+city, has recovered one, a copy of which it is hoped will appear in the
+Journal of the Institute in time.
+
+Subsequent to the return of the Spaniards, the archives of Santa Fe
+were kept in good order by its administrators, the last revision thereof
+being made by Governor Donaciano Vigil. In 1870, however, the man who
+then acted as Governor of the Territory, although otherwise of
+irreproachable character, permitted an act of vandalism almost without
+its parallel. The archives had accumulated in the palace to a vast
+extent: the original good order in which they were kept had been totally
+neglected during and since the war of secession; there was not even a
+custodian for them. So the head of the executive of this territory
+suffered its archives to be sold as waste paper, even sometimes used as
+kindling in the offices. Of the entire carefully nursed documentary
+treasures, the accumulation of 190 years, the Hon. Samuel Ellison, of
+this city (notwithstanding his feeble health), has been able to register
+about fifty bundles (_legajos_), whereas wagon-loads were scattered or
+sold for wrapping.
+
+Many of the intelligent inhabitants attempted to save what they could,
+and there are some who succeeded to a limited extent; but of what yet
+remained in the palace, reduced to a sufficiently small bulk as not to
+be "in the way" any longer, even the valuable journals of Otermin and
+Vargas were considerably reduced through further decay.
+
+This has been, in times of profound peace and in the nineteenth century,
+the fate of the archives of New Mexico.
+
+Ever since, the legislature of the territory has been, in fact, utterly
+neglectful of its public documents. Each and every reminder in the shape
+of a petition has been disregarded, and only Governor L. Wallace has at
+last succeeded in having them overhauled. Hon. W. G. Ritch effected
+their removal to a suitable place, and it is to the acts of these
+gentlemen, and to the labor of love of Mr. Ellison, that we owe the
+preservation of what now remains.
+
+What little documentary evidence has, therefore, been left at my
+disposal, contains, as might be supposed, meagre information concerning
+the pueblo of Pecos. The older church annals I have not been able to
+find, for those at the Plaza de Pecos date back only to 1862. Whither
+they have gone I am unable to tell, except that they are not at Santa
+Fe.
+
+About the year 1628, through the action of Fray Francisco de
+Apodaca,[160] then Commissary-General of the Franciscan order in Mexico,
+religious life in this territory obtained a new impulse. Until then the
+work performed had been almost exclusively missionary work; the priests
+had (and still have) enormous districts to visit. Thus: that of the
+first priest of Pecos embraced from N. to S. a country of over 60 miles
+long, and 30 to 50 wide from E. to W. However, after Fray Geronimo de
+Zarate Salmeron had addressed to his superior at Mexico his remarkable
+report in the year 1626,[161] a new life began. It is therefore after
+1629 that the large church at Pecos was erected, but I am as yet unable
+to give the exact dates. This church and the "convent" were both built
+by Indians, whom the fathers had taught to square timbers, to ornament
+them with simple friezes and scroll-work, and to make adobe in the
+manner now practised, namely, mixing straw with the clay and moulding it
+in boxes. They were also taught to grow wheat and oats, and their flocks
+increased. In addition to being a horticultural people they became
+herders, and the pueblo was prosperous. Its church was renowned as the
+finest in New Mexico.[162] Whereas Santa Fe, in 1667, had but 250
+inhabitants,[163] Pecos, as late as 1680, sheltered 2,000 Indians.[164]
+
+Still, during this very time of comparative prosperity, a storm was
+brewing in New Mexico, from whose effects its sedentary Indians never
+recovered. This was the great rebellion of 1680. The Indians of Pecos
+claim to have remained neutral during that bloody massacre, and I am
+inclined to believe their statements. Nevertheless, it is a positive
+fact that, on the 10th of August of the aforesaid year, their priest,
+Fray Fernando de Velasco, was murdered and their church sacked.[165] By
+whom, then, was it done? The reply is intimated by the place where the
+great bell was found, and by the events intervening between 1680 and
+1692, when Diego de Vargas recaptured Santa Fe. It will be remembered
+that the bell was left on the slope of the high mesa towards the S.W.,
+in the rocky and desolate gorge descending towards the pueblo San
+Cristobal, the old home of the Tanos tribe.[166] Father Jose Amanda Niel
+writes, about twenty-five or thirty years after the rebellion, that the
+Tanos secured the greatest part of the booty, among which were bells
+(_campanas_).[167] That this bell was not carried to the high _mesa_ by
+the Pecos I believe I have proved; its proximity to the Tanos village,
+and its actual position in the _canada_ leading towards the latter,
+shows that it was either to be carried down to it or carried up from it.
+If it is (as current report has it) the bell of Pecos, then it was a
+trophy which the Tanos secured when they, on the 10th of August, 1680,
+committed the atrocities at the pueblo of Pecos; and this would make it
+extremely probable, also, that the slaughter of Father Velasco was
+accompanied by that partial destruction of the buildings _A_ and B_,_
+which I have described, and which appears to have been partly repaired
+by means of material taken from the church, and of adobe containing
+wheat-straw. This is rendered more likely by the events subsequent to
+the driving out of the Spaniards, and it does not appear that the Pecos
+Indians took any part even in their expulsion.
+
+After the victorious aborigines had returned from their pursuit of
+Otermin, dissensions arose among them, and intertribal warfare, in
+conformity with their pristine condition, set in. The Pecos, aided by
+the Queres, made a violent onslaught on the Tanos, compelling them to
+abandon San Cristobal and San Lazaro.[168] This looks very much like an
+act of retaliation. During that time the Spaniards were not idle. In
+1682, Governor Otermin penetrated as far as Cochiti,[169] but appears to
+have taken no notice of Pecos. In 1689, however, Don Domingo Gironza
+Petroz de Cruzate made a successful raid into New Mexico, in which raid
+the warriors of Pecos assisted him against the other tribes. In reward
+of their services he, on the 25th of September, 1689, after his return
+to El Paso del Norte, executed there the document a copy of which is
+hereto appended, and for which I am indebted to the kindness of my
+friend David J. Miller, Esq., chief clerk of the Surveyor General's
+Office at Santa Fe. It is a grant to the tribe of Pecos of all the lands
+one league north, south, east, and west from their pueblo ("una legua en
+cuadro"), therefore four square leagues, or 18,763-33/100 acres, to be
+therefore their joint and common property. When, therefore, in the
+afternoon of the 17th of October, 1692, Diego de Vargas Zapata, having
+recaptured Santa Fe from the Tanos who then held its ruins,[170] moved
+upon Pecos, he was received by the whole tribe with demonstrations of
+joy,[171] and the "capitan de la guerra" of the pueblo afterwards
+assisted him in subduing a second outbreak in 1694.[172]
+
+The result for the pueblos of the great revolt in New Mexico was a
+gradual diminution in the numbers of their inhabitants. It was the
+beginning of decline. The Tanos had been in some places nearly
+exterminated, and all the others more or less weakened.[173] The distant
+Moqui, far off in Arizona, were the sole gainers by the occurrence,
+receiving accessions from fugitives of New Mexico.[174] But it would be
+incorrect to attribute this weakening of the pueblos during that time to
+the warfare with the Spaniards, or to the latter's retaliatory measures
+after final triumph. Vargas was energetic in action, but not cruel. A
+few of those who had committed peculiar atrocities were executed, but
+the remnants of the pueblos were reestablished in their franchises and
+privileges as autonomous communities. It is the intertribal warfare,
+which commenced again as soon as the aborigines were left to themselves,
+and drouth accompanying the bitter and bloody feuds, which destroyed the
+pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley.[175] The Pecos, isolated and therefore
+less exposed, suffered proportionately less; still, their time was come
+also, though in a different way.[176]
+
+I have already stated that, in the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+the Utes introduced near the pueblo of Taos another branch of the great
+Shoshone stock,--the _Comanches_. This tribe soon expelled the
+Apaches,[177] who had not been exceedingly troublesome to the pueblos,
+and, a vigorous northern stock, became that fearful scourge of all the
+surrounding settlements, which they have continued to be for 150 years.
+Their efforts were mainly directed against the pueblo of Pecos, as the
+most south-easterly village exposed to their attacks. On one occasion
+the Comanches slaughtered all the "young men" of Pecos but one,--a blow
+from which the tribe never recovered. Thus, when the Indians of the Rio
+Grande rose in arms against the Mexicans in 1837, as has been so ably
+described by Mr. D. J. Miller,[178] the Pecos did not take any part, for
+there were only eighteen adults left, huddled together in the northern
+wing of the huge building _A_, and watching the sacred embers in the
+face of slow, inevitable destruction.
+
+Then, in the following year, 1838, an event took place which, simple and
+natural as it is, still illustrates forcibly the powerful link which the
+bond of language creates between distant Indian communities. The pueblos
+of Pecos and Jemez had been almost without intercourse for centuries;
+but in the year 1838, says Mariano Ruiz, the principal men of Jemez
+appeared in person on the site of Pecos and held a talk with its
+occupants. They had heard of the weakness of their brethren, of their
+forlorn condition, and now came to offer them a new home within the
+walls of their own pueblo. The Pecos took the proposal under
+consideration, but were loth to leave the home where they had lived for
+so many centuries. In the following year "mountain fever" broke out
+among them, and only five adults remained alive. These, by joint
+indentures, sold the majority of the lands granted to them in 1689 by
+Cruzate.[179] Another portion was left to Ruiz as "son of the tribe." In
+1840 these five men, named respectively Antonio (_gobernador_, and still
+living at Jemez), Gregorio, Goya, Juan Domingo, and Francisco, appeared
+before Don Manuel Armijo, then Mexican governor of the territory, and
+declared to him their intention to abandon their home and to seek refuge
+among their kindred at Jemez. Soon after, the _gobernador_, the _capitan
+de la guerra_ and the _cacique_ of Jemez, with several other Indians of
+that tribe, appeared at Pecos. The sacred embers disappeared, tradition
+being, according to the Hon. W. G. Ritch, Secretary of the Territory,
+that they were returned to Montezuma.[180] The remnants of the tribe
+moved on with their chattels, and guided by their friends, to Jemez,
+where, in a few months, I hope to visit "the last of the Pecos."
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.
+
+About the mythology of the Pecos Indians, aside from the Montezuma story
+and the sacred embers, the tale of the _Great Snake_ ("la vivora
+grande") appears to be widely circulated. It is positively asserted[181]
+that the Pecos adored, and the Jemez and Taos still adore, an enormous
+rattlesnake, which they keep alive in some inaccessible and hidden
+mountain recess. It is even dimly hinted at that human sacrifices might
+be associated with this already sufficiently hideous cult. I give these
+facts as they were given to me, and shall not believe them until I am
+compelled. It has always been the natural tendency in everything which
+(like the idolatrous practices still existing among the pueblos, of
+which there is no doubt) we do not positively know, to make bad look
+worse and good better than it actually is. The prospect of securing a
+knowledge of it is, however, not very good. The Indians themselves
+appear to deny it, and are generally very reticent about their
+aboriginal beliefs.
+
+I have previously mentioned that Ruiz had been called upon by the
+Indians of Pecos to do his duty by attending to the sacred fire for one
+year, and that he refused. The reason for his refusal appears to have
+been that there was a belief to the effect that any one who had ever
+attended to the embers would, if he left the tribe, die without fail,
+and he did not wish to expose himself to such a fate.
+
+About the social organization of the Pecos Indians, it has not been
+possible, of course, to ascertain anything as yet. That they lived on
+the communal plan is plainly shown by the construction of their houses.
+That they were originally, at least, organized into clans or _gentes_,
+can be inferred; but here I must remark that it may be difficult to
+trace those clusters among the Rio Grande pueblos, on account of their
+weakness in numbers, and of the intermixture of the Tehua, Tanos, and
+Queres stocks resulting from the convulsion of 1680. It may be possible,
+however, to find them at Jemez. They exist at Laguna and among the
+Moquis, according to Mr. Morgan, and I do not doubt but that Mr.
+Cushing, who is so thoroughly studying the Zuni Indians, has by this
+time settled the question for that tribe. One fact, however, I consider
+to be ascertained; namely, that there were neither castes nor classes
+among the pueblos, therefore not at Pecos. At the head of their communal
+government were the usual three officers,--the _gobernador_, the
+_capitan de la guerra_, and the _cacique_. I am not quite clear yet as
+to the proper functions of each, except that the first two are both
+warriors ("ambos son guerreros," Ruiz); that the _capitan_ has also the
+supervision of the lands of the tribe; and that the _cacique_ is more or
+less a religious functionary. Mr. D. J. Miller states that the latter
+very seldom leaves the pueblo. It was therefore an unusual act when the
+_cacique_ of Jemez came to Pecos in 1840, and I presume it was brought
+about through his connection with the holy fire. I asked Sr. Ruiz very
+distinctly as to whether these three officers were elective or not, and
+he promptly affirmed that they were ("son elegidos por el pueblo"). I
+then inquired if the sons succeeded to the fathers in office, and his
+reply was that there was no objection to their being elected thereto if
+they were qualified ("si son buenos"). This disposes of the question of
+heredity in office, rank, and title, and it is almost identical with the
+customs found by Alonzo de Zuevita among the Indians of Mexico in the
+middle of the sixteenth century. How the presumable "gentes" of the
+Pecos might have localized for dwelling in the great communal houses I
+am, of course, unable to conjecture.
+
+In regard to their marriage customs, their mode of naming children,
+etc., I have not been able to gather much information as yet. The old
+marriage customs are supplanted by those of the church. Still, they may
+be traced up eventually. Every Pecos Indian had, besides his Spanish
+name, an Indian name; and there is, according to Mr. Ritch, still a
+Pecos Indian at Jemez whose aboriginal appellation is "Huaja-toya"
+(Spanish pronunciation). I heard of him this morning (Sept. 17) through
+an Indian of Jemez. What I know of their burials is already stated.
+
+Of their agriculture, or rather horticulture, I have also spoken; the
+modes of cultivation have not been explained to me as yet. Irrigation is
+therefore the only part of their tillage system upon which I have been
+able to gather any information. In addition to what the preceding pages
+may contain, Sr. Vigil has assured me that they also irrigated their
+_huerta_ from the _arroyo_. This thin fillet of clear water, now
+scarcely 0.50 m.--20 in.--in width, fills at times its entire gravelly
+bed, 100 m. to 150 m.--327 ft. to 490 ft.--from bank to bank. This does
+not occur annually, but at irregular intervals. Sr. Ruiz said that while
+the Pecos Indians were living at their pueblo the streams were filled
+with water ("en ese tiempo, corrieron los arroyos con agua, muy
+abundante"). It is further said that the tribe worked other "gardens"
+besides, on the banks of the river Pecos, two miles to the east.
+
+For their arts and industry I must refer to the collections, however
+meagre and unsatisfactory they are; a condition for which I have already
+apologized. Nowhere did I find a trace of iron nor of copper, although
+they used the latter for ornaments (bracelets, etc.), and there can be
+no doubt that they had the former metal also,--after the Spanish
+conquest, of course. The squaring of timbers, the scroll-work and
+friezes in the church, could only be done with instruments of iron. But
+all traces of these implements have disappeared from the ruins, as far
+as the surface is concerned. I cannot refrain, however, from dwelling
+at greater length upon two products of industry, so common among the
+ruins as hardly to attract the attention of curiosity-hunters any more.
+These are the flakes of obsidian and lava and the painted pottery.
+
+I have called these flakes a product of industry; while the material
+itself is of course a mineral, the fragments scattered about are
+undoubted products of skill. They are chips and splinters. There is
+neither lava nor obsidian cropping out in or about the valley,[182] but
+highly volcanic formations are abundantly found to the north, within
+fifty miles from Pecos, in the high Sierra de Mora; perhaps, also,
+nearer yet. At all events, the mineral has been brought to the pueblo
+and chipped there. The same is the case with the flint flakes, agates,
+jaspers, and moss-agates, with the difference, however, that, in the
+case of these, water has done a great part of the carrying, if not all;
+whereas the drift of the _arroyo_ contains no obsidian nor lava, except
+such as has clearly been washed into it from the ruins. Among the flakes
+there will be noticed several which may have been used for knives,
+whereas still others approximate to the arrow-head. A small perfect
+arrow-head was found and transmitted by me to the Institute,--the only
+one I met with on the premises.[183]
+
+The fact that several localities at Pecos are completely devoid of
+obsidian has already been mentioned. These are the oldest ruins. In the
+case of the ruins along the mesa and those south of the church, I can
+only speak of the surface; but where the corrugated pottery was found
+the whole section of the bluff was exposed for more than 100 m.--327
+ft.,--and still not a trace of the mineral appeared, while flint, agate,
+and jasper were rather conspicuous.[184] This may be accidental, but it
+is certainly suspicious and suggestive.
+
+The painted pottery is scattered in wagon-loads of fragments over the
+ruins. There are two places, however, where, as already stated, the
+surface is utterly devoid of them. Whether or not this deficiency
+extends to the soil, I cannot tell. I doubt it, however. These
+localities are, again, the apron along the _mesa_ and the ruins south of
+the church. For the rest, it is very equally distributed everywhere.
+Still there are two distinct kinds at least. One is exactly similar to
+the kind now made and sold: it is coarse, soft; the ground is painted
+gray or yellow; the ornaments show, in few instances, traces of animal
+shapes (they are either black or brown); and the vessels must have been
+thick, and with a thicker coarse rim. Out of the grave in the mound _V_,
+the pottery was more perfect. There are pieces of a _tinaja_ (bowl) with
+a vertical rim, yellow outside, white inside, with black geometrical
+ornamentation, not vitrified. This kind of pottery is still made by the
+Indians of Nambe, of Tezuque, and of Cochiti. (The former two are
+Tehuas, the latter is Queres.) But there I also found fragments of a
+plain black pottery, of dark red, and of dark red with black ornaments,
+which are thinner and much superior in "ring," and therefore in quality,
+to any now made. This pottery is older in date, and appears to be almost
+a lost art. There was, however, no distinction in distribution. Both
+kinds have one point in common, namely, the varnishing of the
+ornamental surfaces. I say varnishing,[185] and not "glazing;" for,
+although I believe the glassy appearance of the painted lines to be due
+to some admixture of the coloring material, and not to a separate glossy
+exterior coating, I do not as yet find a reason for admitting that the
+Indians knew the process of vitrification.
+
+Of the military manufactures of the Pecos, a small arrow-head of
+obsidian found near the church is the only trace. It is even too small
+for a war-arrow. They had stone hatchets, and may have had the dart,
+and, later on, the spear. Pebbles convenient for hurling are
+promiscuously observed on the _mesilla_, but they are not numerous; and
+nowhere along the circumvallation did I notice any trace of heaps.[186]
+The military constructions, however, become very interesting through
+their connection with the system of drainage and a comparison with the
+ancient Mexicans. Around the ancient pueblo of Mexico ("Tenuchtitlan")
+the water formed the protective circumvallation; at Pecos, the defensive
+wall collected the water and conducted it where it was needed for
+subsistence for the irrigation of crops.
+
+That this great circumvallation, 983 m.--3,225 ft.--in circuit, was a
+wall for protection also there is no doubt, although the main strength
+of the pueblo lay in the construction of its houses, where the
+inhabitants could simply shut themselves in and await quietly until the
+enemy was tired of prowling around it. By Indians it could only be
+carried by surprise or treachery.[187] Hence it was customary for the
+young men to leave the pueblo at times in a body, abandoning it to the
+old men and women, etc., without concern.[188] As long as these kept
+good watch they were safe, even if the Comanches should appear. Roaming
+Indians cannot break open a pueblo house if well guarded. For that
+purpose alone the mounds near the great gate, and the mound _H_, Pl.
+IV., were erected. They were watch-towers for special purposes, for
+particular sections, where the lookouts from the wall-tops were not
+sufficient.[189] These two mounds--one on each side of the
+gateway--overlooked the fields and the creek-bank: in the morning, when
+the people went out to work, or to carry drinking water from the spring
+opposite; during the day, while they attended to their simple labor of
+tillage.
+
+The mound and tower _H_ performed a similar office towards the steep
+ledge of rocks there descending, among whose fragments Indians could
+hide for hours from the scouts on the house tops. Thus the great
+enclosure with its details served a triple purpose. It was the reservoir
+which held and conducted the waters precipitated on the _mesilla_ to the
+useful purpose of irrigation. It was a preliminary defensive line,--a
+first obstruction to a storming foe, and a shelter for its defenders.
+But it was also in places an admirable post of observation. It formed
+the necessary complement to the houses themselves,[190] and both
+together composed a system of defences which, inadequate against the
+military science of civilization, was still wonderfully adapted for
+protection against the stealthy, lurking approach, the impetuous but
+"short-winded" dash, of Indian warfare.
+
+In conclusion of this lengthy report, I may be permitted to add a few
+lines concerning the great houses themselves. Their mode and manner of
+construction and occupation I have already discussed; it is their
+abandonment and decay to which I wish to refer. This decay is the same
+in both houses; the path of ruin from S.S.E. to N.N.W. indicates its
+progress. It shows clearly that, as section after section had been
+originally added as the tribe increased in number, so cell after cell
+(or section after section) was successively vacated and left to ruin as
+their numbers waned, till at last the northern end of the building alone
+sheltered the poor survivors. They receded from south to north; for the
+church, despoiled and partly destroyed in 1680, was no protection to
+them. Its own ruin kept pace with that of the tribe.[191] The northern
+extremity of the pueblo was their best stronghold, and thither they
+retired step by step in the face of inevitable doom.
+
+A. F. BANDELIER.
+
+SANTA FE, Sept. 17, 1880.
+
+To PROFESSOR C. E. NORTON, _President of the Archaeological Institute of
+America, Cambridge, Mass._
+
+
+
+
+GRANT OF 1689 TO THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The following is a literal copy of the original grant, now (Sept. 25,
+1880) on file at the United States Surveyor-General's office at Santa
+Fe, made to the inhabitants of the Indian pueblo of Pecos in New Mexico.
+The language of the document is not altogether clear, but the essential
+terms are distinct:--
+
+[Sidenote: Ano de 1689]
+
+[Sidenote: MERCED CONCEDIDA A PECOS.]
+
+En el Pueblo de nu. S.^a de Guadalupe del Paso del Rio del Norte en
+veinte y cinco dias del mes de Sep.^te de mil seiscientos y ochenta y
+nueve anos el Senor Gov.^or y Cap.^n Gen.^l D.^a Domingo Jironza Petroz
+de Cruzate dijo que por quanto en el alcanze que se dio en los de la
+Nueva Mex.^co de los Yndios Queres y los Apostatas y los Teguas y de la
+nacion Thanos y despues de haber peleado con todos los demas Yndios de
+todos Pueblos un Yndio del Pueblo de Zia llamado Bartolome de Ojeda que
+fue el que mas se senalo en la vatalla acudiendo a todas partes se
+rindio viendose herido de un balazo y un flechaso lo cual como dicho es
+mando que debajo de juram.^to declare como se halla el Pu.^o de Pecos
+aunque queda muy metido a donde el sol sale y fueron unos Yndios
+Apostatas de aquel Reyno de la Nueva Mexico.
+
+Preguntado que si este Pu.^o volvera en algun tiempo como ha sido
+constumbre en ellos y dice el confesante que no que ya esta muy metido
+en terror que aunque estaban abilantados con lo que les habia susedido a
+los de el Pu.^o de Zia el ano pasado juzgaba que era un imposible que
+dejaran de dar la obediencia; por lo cual se concedieron por el Senor
+Governador y Capitan General D.^a Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate los
+linderos que aqui anoto; para el. Norte una legua; y para el Oriente una
+legua; y para el Poniente una legua; y para el Sur una legua; y medidas
+estas cuatro lineas de las cuatro esquinas del Pu.^o dejando a salvo el
+templo que queda al medio dia del Pu.^o y asi lo proveyo mando y firmo
+susc^a [?] a mi el presente Secretario de Gov.^on y Guerra que de ello
+doy fe.
+
+ D.^a Domingo Jironza
+ Petroz de Cruzate.
+
+Ante mi
+ Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara
+ Sc.^o de G.^n y Gu.^a
+
+[TRANSLATION.]
+
+[Sidenote: In the year 1689.]
+
+[Sidenote: GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS.]
+
+In the Pueblo of Our Lady of Guadalupe of El Paso del Rio del Norte, on
+the twenty-fifth day of the month of September, in the year sixteen
+hundred and eighty nine, the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo
+Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, said that inasmuch as during the pursuit of
+the men of New Mexico, [namely], of the Queres Indians, and the
+Renegades, and the Teguas, and those of the Thanos nation, and after the
+fight with all the rest of the Indians of all the Pueblos--an Indian of
+the Pueblo of Zia, named Bartholome de Ojeda, who had greatly
+distinguished himself in the fight, assisting at every point,
+surrendered, having been wounded by a bullet and by an arrow; he [the
+Governor] ordered that he should declare, under oath, how the Pueblo of
+Pecos is disposed, although it lies far off toward the sunrise, and [its
+people] are renegade Indians of that kingdom of New Mexico.
+
+Being asked whether [the inhabitants of] this Pueblo will ever return to
+their old ways, he, the deponent, says that they will not, since they
+are now in great terror, and though they were very much emboldened by
+what had happened to those of the Pueblo of Zia the year before, he
+thought it was impossible that they should fail to give in their
+submission. Wherefore there were granted by the Governor and
+Captain-General, Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, the boundaries
+here noted: to the north a league, and to the east a league, and to the
+west a league, and to the south a league; and these four lines measured
+from the four corners of the Pueblo, reserving the temple, which lies to
+the south of the Pueblo; and thus did his Excellency provide, command,
+and sign before me, the present Secretary of the Interior and of War,
+who attest it.
+
+ DON DOMINGO JIRONZA
+ PETROZ DE CRUZATE.
+
+Before me,
+ Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara,
+ Secretary of the Interior and of War.
+
+
+
+
+[87] Lieut.-Col. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from
+Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, Executive
+Document_ 41, Washington, 1848. _Meteorological Observations_, p. 163.
+Camp 44, half-mile south of the Pecos, Aug. 17, 1846, altitude six
+thousand three hundred and forty-six feet. Camp 45, on the Pecos, near
+Pecos village, August 18, six thousand three hundred and sixty-six feet.
+
+[88] This is the lowest height of the peaks seen from the valley. Some
+of the other tops are much higher yet. The altitude of Santa Fe Baldy,
+for instance, exceeds twelve thousand feet.
+
+[89] Not to be confounded with the Rio de Pecos proper. The _arroyo_ is
+not found on most of the maps. Its width is about 100 m.--330 ft.--but
+there is scarcely ever more than a mere fillet of very clear, limpid
+water in it.
+
+[90] This is, however, only accidental, and exclusively due to nine
+months of consecutive drouth. Generally the strips of bottom-land have a
+rich soil, and grow fine corn, wheat, and oats.
+
+[91] They are very picturesque objects, and stand out boldly, appearing
+to rise directly from the plain. Their height is stated to be about
+thirteen thousand feet. In this vicinity are the Placitas, now famous
+for mineral wealth (gold and silver), and the Cerrillos, also rich in
+ore, and containing beautiful green and blue turquoises, of which I saw
+excellent specimens in possession of His Excellency Governor L. Wallace.
+
+[92] Baughl's Sidings is a switch and large storing-place for ties. Even
+the Spaniards call it La Switcha. It is about 800 m.--2,620 ft.--from
+the foot of the _mesa_, in a belt of fine large pine timber, very high,
+and gives glimpses of splendid views over the valley of Pecos to the
+Sierras beyond. Climate fine, but nights very cold. The buildings are as
+yet nearly all temporary; it is more a camp than a place as is it now. I
+spent ten very happy days here, from the 28th of August to the 6th of
+September,--or rather nights, since the days were, with two exceptions
+(5th and 6th of September, when I visited Pecos town and explored the
+high _mesa_), devoted to the study of the ruins. I shall always
+gratefully remember the uniform kindness and attention with which its
+inhabitants and transient guests have treated me, and assisted me in my
+work. Aside of those whom I shall have occasion to name in the body of
+my report, I take occasion to express my thanks here to Messrs.
+McPherson & Co., and to their obliging manager, Mr. Wright; also to the
+station agent.
+
+[93] On the right side of the Arroyo de Pecos, there is a wide
+amphitheatre bottom, which was filled with red clay, like that of which
+the adobe at the church is made, and which appears to have been partly
+dug out. The place is to the right of the road also, which there crosses
+the creek. The only objection to the surmise is in the fact that along
+this entire bottom I found not the slightest trace of obsidian. Pottery,
+however, is scattered everywhere. On the left side of the creek, unless
+more than a mile below, there is no place where the soil is sufficiently
+thick or sufficiently free from ruins and scattered stones, to permit
+the enormous quantity of clay needed for the church to be secured.
+
+[94] Lieut.-Col. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance_, p. 30, and
+two plates.
+
+[95] The walls, or foundations rather, appear as follows:--The
+interstices are often filled with tufts of _grama_, and the stones
+themselves look very old and worn, covered with lichens and moss.
+
+[Illustration: Stone Wall]
+
+[96] According to Mariano Ruiz and to Mrs. Kozlowski. The former has
+lived in Pecos since 1837. But few, if any, of the dead are buried
+there; the majority were entombed within the church itself.
+
+[97] P. Jose Amando Niel, _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el
+... Annotations to the history of_ Fray Geronimo Zarate Salmeron, in
+_Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3 series, vol. i. p. 99.
+
+[98] Called by the Spaniards Plaza de Pecos. It is a comparatively new
+place, the only church-book still in possession of Rev. Father Leon
+Mailluchet, the present priest, commences in 1862. Including the
+scattered _casitas_ several miles around, its population is not over
+five hundred souls. It is situated in a narrow vale or hollow, not far
+west from the Rio Pecos itself, and has a modest but clean and tidy
+church, with a small belfry. All the houses are of adobe.
+Lieutenant-Colonel Emory (_Notes, Executive Document_ 41, p. 30) speaks
+of it in 1846 as "the modern village of Pecos, ... with a very
+inconsiderable population." As yet there are but very few Americans in
+the plaza. My recollections of Pecos are highly pleasant (5th
+September), owing to the friendly reception tendered me by Mr. E. K.
+Walters, Sr. Juan Bacay Salazar, and Father L. Mailluchet. According to
+Colonel Emory, its altitude is nearly 6,366 ft. (p. 163). Lat. about 35 deg.
+30' N.
+
+[99] See Plate I.
+
+[100] See Plate IX.
+
+[101] See Plate I., Fig. 5.
+
+[102] When Mr. Louis Felsenthal of Santa-Fe came to New Mexico in 1855,
+and still later, in 1858, the time of the arrival of Mrs. Kozlowski, the
+roofs were still perfect in part.
+
+[103] Pl. II., Fig. 6.
+
+[104] Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera, _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,
+French translation, by Ternaux-Compans, 1838. Original written about
+1560. Introduction, p. ix; part ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+
+[105] Castaneda, _Relation_, i. cap. xii. p. 71; ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait a la Nouvelle Terre_, app. vi.
+to _Voyage de Cibola_, p. 371. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Cronica de la
+Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico_ (edition of 1871), p. 323.
+Gaspar Castano de la Sosa, _Memoria del Descubrimiento que ... hizo en
+el Nuevo Mexico, siendo teniente del Gobernador y Capitan General del
+Nuevo-Reino de Leon_, July 27, 1590, in vol. xv. of _Documentos Ineditos
+de los Archivos de Indias_, p. 244. The latter though, as well as
+Castaneda and Jaramillo, mentions evidently building _A_, but there
+cannot be the slightest doubt that _B_ was erected for the same purpose;
+to wit, as a dwelling.
+
+[106] They are evidently moulded. Their size is about 0.28 m. x 15
+m.--11 in. x 6 in.--and straw is mixed with the soil. The appearance is
+very much as if the adobe had been put in as a "mending;" and I am
+decidedly of the opinion that the northern section is the latest, and
+erected after 1540.
+
+[107] It is very much like the stone-work of the Moqui Pueblos in
+Arizona, according to the photographs in possession of the Bureau of
+Ethnology at Washington, D. C.; and in some respects to the walls of the
+great house described by the Hon. L. H. Morgan, _On the Ruins of an
+Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River, Eleventh and Twelfth Reports
+of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology_, etc.; also to those figured by Dr.
+William H. Jackson, _Tenth Annual Report of the United States Geological
+and Geographical Survey of the Territories_, 1878, plate lxii. fig. 1,
+from the Ruins of the Rio Chaco. Compare photograph No. 6. I am led to
+suspect that the greater or less regularity of the courses was entirely
+dependent upon the kind of stone on hand, and not upon the mechanical
+skill employed.
+
+[108] I am just (Sept. 9) informed by Governor Wallace, that the Sierra
+de Tecolote, east of the ruins, contains probably gypsum, even in the
+form of alabaster. It is certain that nothing like lime-kilns or places
+where lime might have been burnt are found at any moderate distance from
+the ruins. The surrounding rocks, up to head of the valley and to the
+_mesa_, contain deposits of white, yellow, and red carbonates of lead,
+often copper-stained, and very impure, therefore proportionately light
+in weight. However, we have very positive information as to how they
+made their plaster, etc., in Castaneda, _Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. iv.
+pp. 168, 169. He says: "They have no lime, but make a mixture of ashes,
+soil, and of charcoal, which replace it very well; for although they
+raise their houses to four stories, the walls have not more than half an
+ell in width. They form great heaps of pine [thym] and reeds, and set
+fire to them; whenever this mass is reduced to ashes and charcoal, they
+throw over it a large quantity of soil and water, and mix it all
+together. They knead it into round blocks, which they dry, and of which
+they make use in lieu of stones, coating the whole with the same
+mixture." Substituting for the "round blocks" the stones found at Pecos,
+we have the whole process thoroughly explained, for indeed the mud
+contains bits of charcoal, as the specimens sent prove. The white coat,
+however, is not explained. I must state here, however, that I found the
+latter only in such parts of _A_, as well as of _B_, as appeared to be
+most recent in occupation and in construction. Further investigations at
+other pueblos may yet solve the mystery.
+
+[109] See Plate VIII.
+
+[110] Compare, in regard to the outer (western) wall of B, and also in
+regard to the inner wall, Lieut. James H. Simpson, _Journal of a
+Military Reconnoissance from Santa Fe, New-Mexico, to the Navajo
+Country, Executive Document 64_, 31st Congress, 1st section, 1850; plate
+41, no. 5. Also, L. H. Morgan, _On an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas
+River, Peabody Museum Reports_, 1880. The latter is particularly
+suggestive.
+
+[111] Compare Castaneda, _Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. iv. pp. 171, 172.
+"There is a piece reserved for the kitchen, and another one for to grind
+the corn. This last one is apart; in it is found an oven and three
+stones sealed in masonry." Simpson, _Journal_, etc, p. 62, description
+of a fireplace.
+
+[112] Simpson, p. 62, _Fireplace and Smoke-escape at the Pueblo of Santo
+Domingo_. The vent was directly over the hearth. I expect to visit Santo
+Domingo shortly.
+
+[113] Mr. Thomas Munn found about the church a stone hatchet, a fragment
+of a stone pipe (?), and many arrow-heads. These he kindly promised to
+me, even authorizing me to get them at the place where he had deposited
+them, and which lay on the line of my daily tramp to the ruins.
+Unfortunately, when I reached the place, the objects were already gone.
+
+Mrs. Kozlowski informed me that copper rings (bracelets) were of very
+common occurrence among the ruins. Her statement was fully confirmed by
+Sr. Baca and others. She also spoke of "the heads of little idols"
+having been plentiful at one time. Gaspar Castano de la Sosa, _Memoria
+del Descubrimiento_, etc., _Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xv. p. 244,
+speaking of a pueblo which is evidently Pecos, says: "Porque tiene
+muchos idolos que atras nos olvidaba de declarar." Antonio de Espejo,
+_El Viaje que hizo_ ... in Hackluyt's _Voyages, Navigations, and
+Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1600 A.D., pp. 457-464. A somewhat
+abbreviated and frequently unreliable copy of Espejo's letter, dated
+"Sant Salvador de la Nueva-Espana, 23 April, 1584," mentions a district
+two days east from Bernalillo, inhabited by pueblo Indians: "Los quales
+tienen y adoran idolos."
+
+[114] On first sight this building appears circular, but I soon became
+satisfied that it was a rectangle.
+
+[115] They may have been the "almacenas", or granaries (storage-rooms),
+of which I speak further on. "Outhouses" are referred to by Castaneda.
+(Part ii. cap. iv. p. 172.)
+
+[116] One or the other may also have been an Estufa, for I saw no round
+structures about _B_. Castaneda (part ii. cap. iv. p. 169) says: "There
+are square and round ones." It is true that the Estufas are usually in
+the courts; but when there was no court, as in this case, there could be
+no Estufa inside.
+
+[117] Pl. I., Fig. 5, shows cross-sections of the "body" of the
+_mesilla_ on which _A_ stands, along the lines indicated. The surface of
+_A_ was therefore very irregular and difficult to build upon for people
+who could not remove and fit the hard rock.
+
+[118] This may have been caused, in part, by filling with rubbish from
+the surrounding walls.
+
+[119] Such double houses are mentioned by Castaneda (part ii. cap. v. p.
+177). Speaking of "Cicuye," he says: "Those houses fronting outwards
+('du cote de la campagne') are backed up ('adossees') against those
+which stand towards the court."
+
+[120] The dimensions given by Gen. J. H. Simpson, _Reconnoissance_,
+etc., pp. 79-82, of the pueblos--"Pintado," "Bonito," and "Penasca
+blanca"--on the Rio Chaco vary, as far as the circuit is concerned,
+between 1,200 and 1,700 feet, "about." Dr. W. H. Jackson, _Geographical
+Survey_, etc., 1876, has measured these ruins, and gives the following
+dimensions: "Pueblo Bonito," 544 x 314; "Penasca blanca," 499 x 363
+(only 3 sides of the rectangle being built up); "Pueblo Pintado" (2
+sides), 238 x 174; "Pueblo Alto" (3 wings), 360 x 200 and 170. "Pueblo
+Bonito" therefore alone comes up to the standard of Pecos. The latter,
+however, is larger still, as, by adding to the perimeter given that of
+the northern annex (about 90 m.--295 ft.), we obtain a total of 450
+metres, or 1,480 feet. The difference, if any, is not considerable; and
+I merely advert to the fact to show that the old ruins of New Mexico,
+comparatively neglected, are fully as important in size as any of those
+further north, besides being completely identical in plan, structure,
+and material. Furthermore, the pottery is identical. This was already
+recognized in 1776 by Father Silvestre Velez Escalante, _Diario y
+Derrotero de los Nuevos Descubrimientos de Tierras a Rumbos N. N. Oe.
+Oe. del Nuevo Mexico_, MSS. at the Library of Congress, fol. 118, on the
+San Buenaventura (Green River), and in his letter, dated Santa Fe, 2
+April, 1778, _Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3a serie, vol. i.
+p. 124.
+
+[121] _On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River_,
+Peabody Reports, 11 and 12.
+
+[122] I must here call attention to a singular coincidence. Among the
+ruins of Uxmal in Yucatan there are, aside from the "Teocalli," or
+medicine mound, two general forms of structure,--one narrow rectangle
+like _B_, and hollow rectangles like _A_. The "Casa del Gobernador"
+would correspond to the former, and the "Casa de las Monjas" to the
+latter. Of course, there is dissimilarity between the house of the
+"Governor" and _B_, in so far as the former contains halls and the
+latter but cells. Still the fact is interesting that, whereas the great
+northern pueblos have each but one house alone, here, for the south, we
+have already two buildings within one and the same enclosure, similar in
+form and size to those of Central America. I call attention to this
+fact, though well remembering at the same time the friendly advice of
+Major J. W. Powell, the distinguished chief of the Bureau of Ethnology
+at Washington, "not to attempt to trace relationships."
+
+[123] _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. v. p. 176.
+
+[124] I am informed by Governor Wallace, and have permission to quote
+him, that these elevated plateaux grow exceedingly tall wheat, rye, and
+oats. He has seen oats whose stalks were 6 feet long and 1-3/4 inches in
+diameter. The heads were proportionally large.
+
+[125] He became adopted, as I am told, from being, as a boy, assistant
+to the sacristan of the church of Pecos.
+
+[126] It was Mr. John D. McRae who, together with Mr. Thomas Munn, led
+me to this spot. Subsequently the former, who has been for nearly twenty
+years among the northern Indians (in Canada and Oregon), gave me some
+valuable information in regard to their sign-language. He affirms that
+it is very highly developed and extensively practised by them; that
+tribes of entirely different stock-languages can converse with each
+other freely; and that he was himself present at one time when the Crees
+and the Blackfeet arranged for a pitched fight on the day to follow, the
+parley consisting almost exclusively of signs. Thus, killing is
+indicated by the spanning of a bow and the motion of throwing down;
+walking, by shoving both hands forwards successively, etc.; the time of
+day is very correctly given by describing an arc from E. to W. (facing
+S.) up to the point where the sun stands at the specified hour. These
+signs are not new to my distinguished friend, Lieutenant-Colonel G.
+Mallery, to whom science owes the gift of this new branch of inquiry,
+but still they are interesting to those who may be less familiar with
+it. In regard to connection of this "sign-language" and Indian
+"pictography," Mr. McRae has told me the following: Whenever an Indian
+breaks up his camp, and wishes to leave behind him information in what
+direction and how far he is going, he plants into the ground near the
+fire a twig or stick, and breaks it so that it forms an acute angle,
+planting the other end in the ground also in the direction in which he
+intends to camp the following evening. The following would very well
+give the appearance of this little mark, assuming the Indian to travel
+from N. to S.:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+If he intends to go S. for three days it will look thus:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Fractional days are indicated by corresponding shorter limbs. If his
+direction is first S. and then E., this would be a top view of the bent
+twig, assuming that he travels two days S. and three days W.:--
+
+[Illustration]
+
+The connection between this expedient and sign-language, knowing that,
+as Dr. W. J. Hoffmann, of Washington City, has informed me, the sign for
+"lodge" is an imitation of the tent,--that is, holding both hands up and
+the tips of the fingers together at a steep angle,--becomes very
+apparent. Through it pictography is easily reached.
+
+[127] Sr. E. Vigil has just informed me that the notion is current that
+all the Indians of the New Mexican pueblos buried their dead in this
+manner. Among the Mexicans and the Christianized Indians it is the rule
+to bury the dead around the church or in sight of it.
+
+[128] There is still another ruin much farther down the railroad, near
+to a place called "El Pueblo." I was informed of its existence, but have
+not as yet been able to visit it.
+
+[129] Or rather towards the pueblo of San Cristoval. The latter was the
+chief place of the Tanos Indians, of which stock there are still a few
+left at the town of Galisteo.
+
+[130] The following is an approximate sketch of these structures. This
+sketch is made without reference to size or plan, merely in order to
+show the relative position of the graves (_a_, _a_, _a_, _a_). It will
+be seen that the analogy with the grave of mound _V_, building _A_, is
+very striking; also with the grave discovered by Mr. Walters, and the
+wall above the corrugated pottery west of the Arroyo de Pecos.
+
+[Illustration: Graves]
+
+[131] To judge from the report of General Simpson (p. 68), these early
+traditions must be very meagre. His informant, the celebrated
+"Hoosta-Nazle," is now dead. Of the Pecos adults then living at Santo
+Domingo, a daughter is still alive, and married to an Indian of the
+latter pueblo. General (then lieutenant) Simpson was at Jemez in 1849.
+
+[132] _Memoria del Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 238. "Tienen mucha loza de
+los colorados y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros, almoficos,
+xicaras muy galanas, alguna de la loza esta vidriada."
+
+[133] W. H. Holmes, _Geographical Survey_, part iii., p. 404, plate
+xliv. "This plate is intended to illustrate the corrugated and indented
+ware. Heretofore specimens of this class have been quite rare, as it is
+not made by any of the modern tribes."
+
+[134] Holmes, pp. 404, 405.
+
+[135] Even the _estufa_ and the _almacena_ are found. The round
+depression near the road to the Rio Pecos (marked _L_ on the general
+plan) is evidently an Estufa, while the circular ruin which I met upon
+the apron of the mesa during my ascent appears very much like a
+storehouse.
+
+[136] House _A_ alone appears in these reports; but from the statement
+that the tribe mustered 500 warriors, it seems probable that _B_ was
+also inhabited. 2,500 souls could hardly have found room in the 585
+cells of _A_, The number of warriors given is doubtless a loose
+estimate.
+
+[137] San Diego, now in ruins, about 13 miles N. of the pueblo Jemez,
+was the old pueblo of that tribe. It was the scene of a bloody struggle
+in 1692, according to the story of Hoosta-Nazle, given to General
+Simpson in 1849. _Reconnoissance_, etc., p. 68. Diego de Vargas
+(_Carta_, Oct. 16, 1692), _Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3a
+series, i. p. 131. "Los Gemex y los de Santo-Domingo se hallaban en otro
+tambien nuevo, dentro de la Sierra, a tres leguas del pueblo antiguo de
+Gemex." Nearly all the pueblos, upon the approach of the Spaniards, fled
+to steep and high mesas.
+
+[138] This is the same canon whose source on the "Mesa de Pecos" I have
+visited, and where the great bell was found. It is the natural pathway,
+from the W. and S. W., up to the heights overlooking the valley of
+Pecos.
+
+[139] A. S. Gatchet, _Zwoelf Sprachen aus dem Suedwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
+Weimar, 1876, p. 41.
+
+[140] I infer it from the fact that it is not noticed previous to 1680.
+Agustin de Vetancurt, _Cronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio en
+Mexico_, edition of 1871, pp. 310, 311. It then contained 2,000
+"Tiguas;" but the church dedicated to San Antonio de Padua had just been
+brought under cover when the rebellion broke out.
+
+[141] Castaneda, ii. cap. v. pp. 178, 179.
+
+[142] Castaneda, pp. 189, 190. Jaramillo, pp. 372-382. Francisco Vasquez
+de Coronado, _Letter to Charles V._, dated Tigues, Oct. 20, 1541.
+Appendix to _Voyage de Cibola_, pp. 356-359.
+
+[143] _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva Espana_. Very
+valuable, but much influenced by personal views and prejudice.
+
+[144] Fray Luis Descalona, a lay brother, who remained at Pecos in 1543,
+may have had a hand in this report. Castaneda, iii. cap. iv. pp. 214,
+215. Jaramillo, p. 380.
+
+[145] Castaneda, pp. 176, 177.
+
+[146] Id., xii. p. 68.
+
+[147] Id., i. p. 68; ii. cap. vii. p. 188.
+
+[148] Id., i. p. 69.
+
+[149] _Relation del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en
+el Descubrimiento de Cibola_, in vol. xiv. of the Documentos del Archivo
+de Indias, p. 325. "De unos Indios que se hallaron en este pueblo de
+Acuique" This would make it very important to consult the original
+manuscript of Castaneda in order to ascertain if "Cicuye" is not really
+"Acuye." The latter word would be identical almost with "Aqiu." The name
+Pecos itself belongs to the Qq'ueres language of New Mexico, and is
+pronounced "Pae-qo." It is applied to the inhabitants of the pueblo, the
+place itself being called "Pae-yoq'ona." The first mention of it under
+the name of Pecos is found in the documents of the year 1598, after the
+general meeting of Juan de Onate with the pueblo Indians in the _estufa_
+of Santo Domingo (a Qq'ueres village).
+
+[150] Castaneda, ii. cap. viii. pp. 194, 195; iii. cap. iv. p. 214.
+Jaramillo, p. 380. Vetancurt, _Menologio Franciscano_, Nov. 30, p. 386.
+Juan de Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, first edition, 1614, lib. xxi.
+p. 689.
+
+[151] Castaneda, ii. pp. 194, 195.
+
+[152] Vetancurt, _Menologio_, pp. 412-422. He calls him Rodriguez.
+Espejo, _Viaje_, etc., Hackluyt, iii. Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 9.
+
+[153] This is plain from the description, although Juan de Onate
+(_Discurso de la Jornada que hizo el Capitan de su Magestad desde la
+Nueva-Espana a la Provincia de la Nueva-Mexico, Archivos de Indias_,
+vol. xvi. p. 258) says of the "gran pueblo de los Peccos, y es el que
+Espejo llama la provincia de Tamos."
+
+[154] Castano, _Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 244. The "vigas grandes," in
+the _estufa_, recalls the great tree across the northern _estufa_ in the
+court of A.
+
+[155] Onate, _Jornada_, p. 244.
+
+[156] _Obediencia_, etc., _Archivos_, xvi. p. 113.
+
+[157] pp. 371, 372.
+
+[158] pp. 371, 372.
+
+[159] p. 179.
+
+[160] Fray Francisco de Apodaca, native of Cantabria, was commissary
+from 1627 till 1633. Vetancurt, _Menologio_, p. 464. Davis, _Conquest of
+New Mexico_, cap. xxxv. p. 278.
+
+[161] Published in vol. i. of 3a series of _Documentos para la Historia
+de Mexico_. In consequence of it, Fray Estiban de Perea came to New
+Mexico with thirty priests. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, p. 300. "Con cuyo
+ejemplo y ensenanza se poblaron treinta y siete casas de diferentes
+naciones," among which the Pecos.
+
+[162] Jean Blaeu, _Douzieme Volume de la Geographie Blaviane, contenant
+l'Amerique_, etc., Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62. He says Picuries, but it must
+be Pecos. "Avec un seul bourg, mais grandement peuple, ou il y a un
+temple somptueux." Vetancurt, Cronica, etc., p. 323. "Tenia a nuestra
+Senora de los Angeles de Porciuncula un templo magnifico, con seis
+torres, tres de cada lado, adornado; las paredes tan anchas que en sus
+concavidades estaban hechas oficinas." There are still, in the church of
+the plaza of Pecos, three paintings out of that church,--one on
+buffalo-hide, representing Nra. Sra. de Guadalupe, and two on cloth,
+with Our Lady of the Angels painted on it. The last two are very good.
+
+[163] Blaeu, p. 62.
+
+[164] Vetancurt, _Cronica_, p. 323.
+
+[165] Ibid.
+
+[166] Onate, p. 258.
+
+[167] _Apuntamientos_, etc., p. 104.
+
+[168] "Este Cuaderno se cree ser de un Religioso de la Provincia del
+Santo Evangelio" (_Anonymous Report on New Mexico_), Documentos, 3a
+serie, vol. i. p. 127.
+
+[169] Davis, cap. xlii. p. 329.
+
+[170] Escalante, _Letter_, p. 123. Diego de Vargas, _Carta a S. E._,
+etc., p. 129.
+
+[171] Davis, cap. xlv. pp. 348, 349.
+
+[172] Davis, cap. l. p. 396; cap. li. p. 402.
+
+[173] Niel, p. 104. Escalante, p. 123.
+
+[174] Niel, pp. 104-106. Escalante, p. 122. Gobierno de Don Francisco
+Cubero y Valdes, _Documentos_, 3a serie, vol. i. p. 194.
+
+[175] Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero y Valdes, p. 195. In 1712 the
+pueblo of Pojuaque (north of Santa Fe) contained but seventy-nine
+inhabitants,--all Tehuas.
+
+[176] Niel, p. 104. "De los Pecos quedaron mas."
+
+[177] The Apaches were in intercourse with Taos until 1700 A.D. _Sesto
+Cuaderno, Documentos_, 3a serie, i. p. 180.
+
+[178] _Historical Sketch of Santa Fe_, pp. 22, 23, in the pamphlet on
+_Centennial Celebration_, 1876. It is the only printed report in
+existence, except a very short one by Judge K. Benedict, on the revolt
+of 1837.
+
+[179] I have not as yet been able to consult the archives of San Miguel
+County, at Las Vegas, in regard to the different "Deeds" then executed.
+Therefore I forbear mentioning even the names of the grantees of which I
+was informed.
+
+[180] The Hon. W. G. Ritch is in possession of a number of highly
+interesting data gathered from the Indians in relation to the sacred
+fire. All of these he has, in the kindest manner, placed at my disposal.
+I, however, defer their mention for a future report, in connection, as I
+hope, with the pueblo of Jemez. I shall but refer here to a single one.
+There were, formerly, several fires burning. One of these, that of the
+_cacique_, was never permitted to go out, so that, in case one of the
+others should accidentally become extinguished, it could always be
+rekindled from the "extra-holy" one.
+
+[181] Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, as far as the Pecos were
+concerned, was certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile,
+however. It is a rattlesnake (_cascabel_).
+
+[182] I am informed by Mr. Miller that blocks or "chunks" of obsidian,
+as large as a fist or larger, are found in the Arroyo de Taos. This
+would be about 60 miles north of Santa Fe.
+
+[183] In regard to the regular indentation of arrow-heads, I was
+informed by Mr. Debrant, then incidentally at Baughl's (on the 4th of
+September), that these were produced by contact with fire. Applying a
+glowing coal (the end of a burning stick) to the edge of the flint, and
+blowing on it steadily, after a few seconds a speck of the mineral will
+fly off, leaving a groove or indentation proportionate in size to the
+coal used and to the length of time applied. Thus, an arrow-head may be
+indented in a very short time, which would be impossible by chipping.
+
+[184] Moss-agate is also found, but rarely.
+
+[185] Compare W. H. Holmes, _U. S. Geographical Survey_, 1876, p. 404.
+
+[186] That stones were used, both in offensive as well as in defensive
+warfare, is proven by Castaneda, ii. cap. v. p. 178; i. cap. xii. p. 69.
+It is possible that the pebbles used were kept on the roofs, as was the
+custom among the ancient Mexicans.
+
+[187] Thus the probability of the destruction of a part of Pecos by the
+Tanos, on the 10th of August, 1680, is still further increased.
+
+[188] Therefore the massacre of all their available men by the
+Comanches, already mentioned. I could not as yet find the date of the
+event. It is a well-known tradition, however. It occurred in the _moro_.
+
+[189] That constant guard was kept on the housetops is stated by
+Castaneda, ii. p. 179.
+
+[190] The defensive constructions of the pueblos, as late as 1540, were
+the houses. The wall of Pecos is an exception. Castaneda says (i. cap.
+xiv. p. 80): "As these villages have no streets, that all the houses are
+of the same height and common to all the inhabitants, these large houses
+must be captured first, because they are the points of defence."
+
+[191] The church of Pecos, although it had lost all its former splendor,
+still was used till about 1840. Afterwards it was abandoned.
+
+
++--------------------------------------------------------------------+
+| Transcriber's Note |
+| Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as |
+| possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other |
+| inconsistencies. |
+| |
+| Minor punctuation and printing errors have been corrected. |
+| |
+| The Google Print source suffers from numerous gaps in the text. |
+| A copy of the original text obtained from the library at the |
+| College of Santa Fe (New Mexico) enabled the transcriber to include|
+| all omitted pages and plates for this complete transcription. |
+| |
+| Footnotes occurring on each page of the original text are grouped |
+| at the end of the two major sections of the transcribed text, |
+| |
+| Hyphen use in directional terms is now consistent throughout the |
+| author's text. For example, occurrences of 'northeast' are now |
+| 'north-east', matching the predominant usage in the text. |
++--------------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+
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+Among the Sedentary Indians of New, by Adolphus Bandelier
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