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diff --git a/27767-h/27767-h.htm b/27767-h/27767-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2002af9 --- /dev/null +++ b/27767-h/27767-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1634 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of Slavery: What it was, what it has done, what it intends to do, by Cydnor B. Tompkins + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p {margin-top: .75em; text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .75em;} + h1,h2 {text-align: center; clear: both; font-weight: normal;} + h1 {font-size: x-large;} + h2 {font-size: xx-large; line-height: 1.5em;} + hr {width: 10%; margin: .5em auto; clear: both;} + body {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .pagenum {position: absolute; right: 1%; font-size: small; font-style: normal; text-align: right; text-indent: 0em;} + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .poem {margin: 1em auto; text-align: left; width: 14em;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .trn {border: solid 1px; margin: 3em 15%; padding: 1em 1em 0; text-align: justify;} + a:link,a:visited {text-decoration: none;} + ul {list-style-type: none;} + .sp1 {letter-spacing: .5em; margin-right: -.25em;} + .sp2 {font-size: medium;} + .bk1 {margin-top: 2em;} +// --> +/* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Slavery: What it was, what it has done, +what it intends to do, by Cydnor Bailey Tompkins + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Slavery: What it was, what it has done, what it intends to do + Speech of Hon. Cydnor B. Tompkins, of Ohio + +Author: Cydnor Bailey Tompkins + +Release Date: January 10, 2009 [EBook #27767] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY: WHAT IT WAS; HAS DONE *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Stephen Blundell and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p> + +<h1>SLAVERY: WHAT IT WAS, WHAT IT HAS DONE, WHAT<br /> +IT INTENDS TO DO.</h1> + +<hr /> + +<h2><span class="sp1">SPEECH</span><br /> +<span class="sp2">OF</span><br /> +HON. CYDNOR B. TOMPKINS, OF OHIO.</h2> + +<hr /> + +<p class="center"><big>Delivered in the House of Representatives, April 24, 1860.</big></p> + +<hr /> + +<p class="bk1">Mr. TOMPKINS said:</p> + +<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Chairman</span>: The charge is frequently made, +that nothing but slavery occupies the attention +of the National Legislature. That this charge is +true to a great extent, that this subject is constantly +kept before the country, and that there +is constant excitement about it, is not the fault +of the Republican party. In the first hour of the +present session of Congress, it was thrust upon +the House by a member of the slavery party; for +two months a discussion was continued upon +that subject, and almost exclusively by that +party—a discussion unparalleled in point of violence +and virulence in the history of Parliamentary +debate. Charges the most aggravated were +unscrupulously and shamelessly made against +the best and purest men of the country, and honorable +members on this floor. Calumny and +vituperation held high carnival in the legislative +halls of this great nation. The columns of the +<i>Daily Globe</i> teemed with fierce and fiery denunciations +of all who would not bow to the behests +of pro-slavery power. Depraved, corrupt, and +polluted presses exerted themselves to the utmost +in the work of slander and detraction; hireling +scribblers for worse than hireling presses glutted +themselves and <i>made their meals on good men's +names</i>. These spacious galleries were filled with +disloyal men, ready to applaud to the echo every +threat uttered against the Government, and every +disloyal sentiment heard from this floor.</p> + +<p>If the Republicans here shall feel it to be their +duty to discuss this subject now; to lay bare its +weakness and its wickedness; to expose the +madness and the folly of those who sustain, support, +and cherish it; if the great interests of the +country have to be neglected for a time; if ordinary +legislation must be put aside, no complaint +can be made against the Republican party. That +party, its principles, its men, and its measures, +have been misrepresented, and most unjustly assailed. +It is our privilege, it is our duty, to repel +those assaults, that the world may know that +when the advanced guard of freedom is attacked, +"our feet shall be always in the arena, and our +shields shall hang always in the lists."</p> + +<p>I intend to review this question for the time +allowed me. I hope to do so with fairness and +candor, and not with the passion and excitement +that have characterized many speeches made +this session by pro-slavery members. I shall +endeavor to show that the fathers of this Republic, +both of the North and South, were more +thoroughly anti-slavery than any political party +now in the country; and that, for more than forty +years after its organization, a large majority of +our prominent men were strongly opposed to the +extension of that "<i>patriarchal</i> institution."</p> + +<p>The debates in the Federal Convention show +that the Constitution was framed, adopted, and +ratified, by anti-slavery men; that they regarded +it as an evil, yet were ashamed to acknowledge +its existence in words—thus virtually refusing to +recognise property in many Resolutions, addresses, +and speeches, now to be found, establish +this very important fact, as I will show by +quotations from them.</p> + +<p>At a general meeting in Prince George county, +Virginia, it was</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the African slave trade is injurious +to this colony, obstructs the population +of it by free men, and prevents manufacturers +from Europe from settling among us."</p> + +<p>At a meeting in Culpeper county, Virginia, it +was</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the importation of slaves obstructs +the population with free white men and +useful manufacturers."</p> + +<p>At a meeting in Nansemond county, Virginia, +it was</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the African slave trade is injurious +to this colony, obstructs the population +by free men, and prevents manufacturers from +settling amongst us."</p> + +<p>Resolutions to the same effect were adopted +in Surrey county, Caroline county; and at a +meeting in Fairfax county, over which George +Washington presided, resolutions of like import +were adopted.</p> + +<p>At a very full meeting of delegates from the +different counties of the Colony and Dominion +of Virginia, at Williamsburg, on the 1st day of +August, 1774, it was</p> + +<p>"<i>Resolved</i>, that the abolition of domestic slavery +is the greatest object of desire in these +colonies, where it was improperly introduced +in their infant state."</p> + +<p>This is the language of the good and wise men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> +of the Old Dominion in 1774; "the <i>abolition</i> of +domestic slavery was the greatest object of their +desire." Not merely to limit it, to prevent its +extension, but wholly to overthrow it. What +would be said if a body of men, equally wise, +good, and patriotic, should <i>now</i> meet in the Old +Dominion, and attempt to pass such resolutions? +They would be scourged, driven by violence from +the State, and might be considered fortunate +should they escape with their lives. At a meeting +in New Bern, North Carolina, August, 1774, +numerously attended by the most distinguished +men of that region, it was resolved that they +would not import any slave or slaves, or purchase +any slave or slaves imported or brought +into that province by others from any part of +the world. Such was the sentiment of North +Carolina in 1774, as to the evil and great wrong +of slavery.</p> + +<p>The Continental Congress, in October, 1774, +resolved that they would neither import, nor +purchase any slave imported, after December of +the same year; they agreed and resolved that +they would have no trade, commerce, dealings, +or intercourse whatsoever, with any colony or +province in North America which should not +accede to, or should violate, this resolve, but +would hold them as unworthy the rights of freemen +and inimical to the liberties of this country.</p> + +<p>But what is now the attitude of slaveholders? +They will hold no intercourse, they will have no +dealings, with any person or State that does not +approve of slavery, and yield to its intolerant +and despotic demands; if any man, not thus approving +and yielding, chances to travel through +the slave States, and there to express his sentiments, +he is subjected to the degradation and +cruelty of the lash, and is driven from the State.</p> + +<p>October 21, 1774, the Continental Congress, in +an address to the people of Great Britain, said:</p> + +<p>"When a nation, led to greatness by the hand +of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that +heroism, munificence, and humanity, can bestow, +descends to the ungrateful task of forging +chains for her friends and children, and, instead +of giving support to freedom, turns advocate +for slavery and oppression, there is reason to +suspect that she has either ceased to be virtuous, +or is extremely negligent in the appointment +of her rulers."</p> + +<p>Is not this the situation and condition of this +country now? Is not a great party now engaged +in the ungrateful task of forging chains for a large +portion of the people of this country? Instead +of supporting freedom, does it not advocate slavery +and oppression? Have we not reason to +suspect that too many of our countrymen have +ceased to be virtuous?</p> + +<p>By the Darien committee, Georgia, January, +1775, it was declared:</p> + +<p>"To show the world that we are not influenced +by any contracted and interested motives, but +a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever +language or complexion, we hereby declare +our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural +practice of slavery in America—a practice +founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly +dangerous to our liberties."</p> + +<p>I cannot quote at greater length from the proceedings +of this committee. Their philanthropy +was without regard to complexion; they abhorred +slavery, as based on injustice and cruelty; and +more, as dangerous to our liberties. If it were +founded in injustice and cruelty in 1775, it is the +same in 1860. It was dangerous to liberty <i>then</i>; +no man <i>now</i> apprehends any danger to liberty, +unless from the same source. It is daily threatened +by men who are interested in slavery. Liberty +cannot be very secure where four million +human beings are held in hopeless bondage—where +human blood, bone, muscle, and, I might +almost say, immortal souls, are articles of merchandise.</p> + +<p>The historical quotations I have made bring me +to the Revolution. I will cite the opinions of +some of the great actors in that great drama. +George Washington said, in his will:</p> + +<p>"Upon the decease of my wife, it is my desire +that the slaves whom I hold <i>in my own right</i> +should receive their freedom."</p> + +<p>Again, he said:</p> + +<p>"I never mean, unless some particular circumstance +should compel me, to possess another +slave by purchase, it being my first wish to see +some plan adopted by which slavery in this +country may be abolished by law."</p> + +<p>La Fayette, while in the prison of Magdeburg, +said:</p> + +<p>"I know not what disposition has been made +of my plantation at Cayenne; but I hope Madame +de La Fayette will take care that the +negroes who cultivate it shall preserve their +liberties."</p> + +<p>Washington wrote to Robert Morris:</p> + +<p>"It will not be conceived, from these observations, +that it is my wish to hold these unhappy +people (negroes) in slavery. I can only say +that there is not a man living who wishes more +sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for +the abolition of it."</p> + +<p>Again, he writes to La Fayette:</p> + +<p>"The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, +is so conspicuous on all occasions, that I +never wonder at any fresh proof of it; but your +late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, +with a view of emancipating the slaves +on it, is a generous and noble proof of your +humanity. Would to God a like spirit might +diffuse itself generally into the people of this +country!"</p> + +<p>Washington hoped for some plan by which +slavery might be legally abolished. Washington +lauded the humanity of La Fayette in purchasing +an estate for the purpose of emancipating the +negroes. I will leave it to gentlemen on the other +side to draw the comparison between the chivalry +of the South <i>then</i> and <i>now</i>; between the +licentious assumption of thought and utterance +permitted <i>then</i>, and the course of conviction and +conversion esteemed necessary and equitable +<i>now</i>, towards hapless offenders in the footsteps +of predecessors so illustrious.</p> + +<p>Patrick Henry said:</p> + +<p>"Slavery is detested; we feel its fatal effects; +we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. I +repeat again, that it would rejoice my very soul<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> +that every one of my fellow beings were emancipated. +We ought to lament and deplore the +necessity of holding our fellow men in bondage."</p> + +<p>Charles Pinckney, Governor of South Carolina, +said:</p> + +<p>"I must say that I lament the decision of your +Legislature upon the question of the importation +of slaves after March, 1793. I was in +hopes that motives of policy, as well as other +good reasons, supported by the direful effects +of slavery which at this moment are presented, +would have operated to produce a total prohibition +of the importation of slaves, whenever +the question came to be agitated in any State +that might be interested in the measure."</p> + +<p>Such were the sentiments of the most enlightened, +the most virtuous men of our country in its +heroic age. George Mason, of Virginia, stigmatized +the slave trade as an "infernal traffic!" +He said that "slavery discouraged manufactures; +that it produced the most pernicious effect on +manners." Without intending to be personal +or offensive, I think I can pause here and properly +remark, that if the effects of slavery are +changed in every other respect, the effect on +manners is the same now that it was in the last +century. The epithets used by men on this +floor, their arrogant bearing towards their peers, +is abundant proof that there is no change in that +respect. We have frequently heard members, +this session, speak of a great party in this country +as the Black Republican party. Legislative +bodies in the slave States have so far forgotten +what should be due to the standing and dignity of +a Legislature, as to call a certain party, in their official +proceedings, the "Black Republican party." +Why are men betrayed into such violations of +the proprieties of life? There can be no other +reason than the one given by George Mason +eighty years ago: slavery produces a most pernicious +effect upon manners. I know it is +claimed, by men in the slave States, that slavery +is necessary to the highest development of human +society; but I think the experience of members +of Congress is, that slavery does not always +produce this beneficial result.</p> + +<p>I revert to my Southern authorities upon the +peculiar institution. Mr. Iredell, of North Carolina, +thus expresses himself:</p> + +<p>"When the entire abolition of slavery takes +place, it will be an event which must be most +pleasing to every generous mind, and to every +friend of human nature."</p> + +<p>Thomas Jefferson writes:</p> + +<p>"The spirit of the master is abating: that of +the slave rising from the dust; his condition +mollifying; the way, I hope, preparing, under +the auspices of Heaven, for a total emancipation."</p> + +<p>He continues, in his plan for a Constitution for +Virginia:</p> + +<p>"Nothing is more certainly written in the book +of fate, than that these people are to be free."</p> + +<p>In a letter to Dr. Gordon, on Lord Cornwallis's +invasion of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson says:</p> + +<p>"He carried off also about thirty slaves, (Jefferson's.) +Had this been to give them freedom, +he would have done right; but it was to consign +them to inevitable death from small-pox +and putrid fever then raging in his camp."</p> + +<p>I conclude here my citations from the united +voices of some of the best men of the country, +before and after the Revolution, against slavery +as an evil, and a great national sin, not that I +have exhausted their utterances, but that my +time admits of no more.</p> + +<p>The Republican party proclaims no doctrine +so <i>ultra</i> as theirs, uses no language so strong as +that of those Southern statesmen from whom it +gains so much information, and whose views, to +a great extent, it conscientiously accepts. We +desire only to confine it within its present limits; +we ask that it shall not pollute territory now +free; we know the utter folly of appealing to +the morality or humanity of a pro-slavery party, +where the rights of a black man are involved; +but when you insist on taking slaves into a free +Territory, and smiting the land with this blighting, +withering curse, we plant ourselves on our +constitutional rights, and say, <i>thus far shall you +go, and no further</i>.</p> + +<p>The learned gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. +<span class="smcap">Curry</span>,] in alluding to the opinion of the fathers +of the Republic, said:</p> + +<p>"These, however, were but mere speculations."</p> + +<p>Was it a mere speculation when Madison said, +"we have seen a mere distinction of color made +the ground of the most oppressive dominion of +man over man?" Was it as a mere speculation +that Jefferson wrote, that Cornwallis would have +been right, had he carried away his (Jefferson's) +slaves to free them? Was it a mere speculation, +a wild fancy, that the framers of the Constitution +would not admit that there could be such +a thing as property in man? A mere speculation, +was it, of Patrick Henry, when he said "that +slavery is detested; we feel its fatal effects; we +deplore it?" when he declared it would "rejoice +his very soul, were all his fellow beings +emancipated?" Was it a mere speculation +when Jefferson wrote, and his colleagues signed, +"we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all +men are created equal?" No one then doubted +the truth of this declaration. More than a generation +passed away before any man dared raise +his voice against it. No, sir; this was no mere +speculation, but the acknowledgment of a great +"humanitarian fact." True then, it is true now; +and must remain indisputable and eternal—a +pillar of fire by night, a cloud by day, to guide +and guard nations yet unborn in the path of +honor, of safety, of moral and political grandeur.</p> + +<p>But the learned gentleman does not pause +upon these "speculations." He proceeds to tell +us that circumstances are changed; that there +was then little more than half a million slaves, +and scarce a pound of cotton exported. Does +the gentleman believe, or does he but attempt +to lead <i>us</i> to believe, that the ethics of those +men "without fear and without reproach" had +no sounder foundation than this: that while +slaves were few and cotton scarce, slavery might +be a wrong, but with four million slaves and +four million two hundred thousand bales of cotton,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> +it becomes just, humane, moral?—that +while negroes and cotton fill one side of the +scales, Christian truth must kick the beam on +the other, and slavery thus becomes a great +"humanitarian fact?"</p> + +<p>The right and wrong of the thing, about which +there has been so much discussion, is now easily +solved. The gentleman has found an infallible +rule; it is simply to make a chemical analysis +of your soil; if it will produce cotton, you can +purchase slaves and work them without violating +the laws of God or man.</p> + +<p>We may also infer, or be induced to believe, +from the honorable gentleman's speech, that if +nothing is raised but indigo and rice, the propriety +and morality of holding men in bondage is +doubtful. Not such, sir, were the "<i>speculations</i>" +of the fathers of the Republic.</p> + +<p>Lucid as is the gentleman's speech in general, +there is a want of clearness in the last point I +have cited; but this is owing entirely to the +materials used in the demonstration—rice and +indigo will not do; nothing will serve but cotton; +cotton ever, cotton only.</p> + +<p>If slave labor, then, is profitable, slaveholding +is equitable. Thus it is decided, that whatever +is profitable is also equitable: justice and injustice +are mere matters of profit and loss; the +morality or immorality of slavery a mere question +of soil and climate.</p> + +<p>The great authorities cited as to the evil effects +of slavery on the white race, should satisfy the +most incredulous. But, says the learned gentleman +from Alabama, there were few slaves at +that time, and scarce a pound of cotton for exportation. +Let us, then, pass from that period, +to one when the few slaves had become millions, +and the bales of cotton exported were estimated +in like manner. In 1832, Thomas Marshall, of +Virginia, said of slavery:</p> + +<p>"It is ruinous to the whites; retards improvement; +roots out an industrious population; +banishes the yeomanry of the country; +deprives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the +shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and +support. Labor of every species is disreputable, +because performed mostly by slaves; the +general aspect of the country marks the curse +of a wasteful, idle, reckless population, who +have no interest in the soil, and care not how +much it is impoverished."</p> + +<p>Mr. Berry, of Virginia, spoke thus:</p> + +<p>"I believe that no cancer on the physical body +was ever more certain, steady, and fatal, in its +progress, than is the cancer of slavery on the +political body of the State of Virginia. It is +eating into her very vitals."</p> + +<p>The records of Southern statesmanship, sir, +abound in such and stronger expressions. Slavery +had then existed in this country more than +two hundred years, yet scarce a man could be +then found so bold and so reckless as to proclaim +it just and righteous, a humane, a Christian +institution. Nearly the whole civilized world +united in its condemnation; the ministers of our +holy religion in the slave States declaimed +against it; their solemn petitions ascended to +the throne of God, that the country might be +rid of these "bonds." But, slave labor has become +profitable in some parts of the South; the +<i>mania</i> for wealth has seized the slaveholder's +avarice, has dried up the fountain of humanity. +The lust of power and dominion deadens their +consciences; a million bales of cotton can blind +their eyes alike to the flames of perdition and +the glories of Paradise. They make to themselves +friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness; +they become full, and deny their Maker, +and say, who is the Lord! Concerning oppression, +they speak loftily. But they are set in slippery +places; they will be cast down unto destruction.</p> + +<p>The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. <span class="smcap">Lamar</span>] +said, a few days since:</p> + +<p>"I tell you, Mr. Chairman, that God's sun +does not shine upon a nobler, prouder, more +prosperous, and elevated class of people, than +the non-slaveholders of the South."</p> + +<p>This, I think, will be news to many non-slaveholders +in the gentleman's district. Thomas Jefferson +tells us that man is an imitative animal; +therefore, if the assertion of the gentleman from +Mississippi be correct, we must wonder why +slaveholders do not relieve themselves of their +negroes, that they may become equally noble, +proud, prosperous, and elevated, with the non-slaveholder. +Who can compare with them on +this side of Paradise? With them, the millennium +can be no object of desire, since</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<span class="i0">"Not a wave of trouble rolls<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Across their peaceful breasts."<br /></span></div> + +<p>Still there must be some malice in their hearts, +for the honorable gentleman states that they +(the non-slaveholders) hold slavery in the hollow +of their hands; surely, were they benevolent, +they would close their hands and crush out +the "institution," that their slaveholding fellow-citizens +might become as prosperous and as +happy as themselves.</p> + +<p>The assertion is frequently made, that white +men cannot work in the hot latitudes of the +South, and this is offered as a reason why there +should be black slaves there. The gentleman +knocks one of the strongest props from under the +institution. He tells us white men work, and +raise not only cotton, but corn and potatoes. He +also informs us that after the cotton, corn, and +potatoes, are raised, the strong, brave man +drives the plow through the fallow ground. +It will be seen that work during the summer +has not produced the lassitude and enervation +that it has been claimed is produced in white +men by labor. We are still further informed, +that the fallow ground turned up by the +strong, brave man, discloses something more +valuable than the gold of California—"'Tis the +sparkles of liberty!" We have heard of the +sparkles of liberty that are made manifest to the +non-slaveholders of the South. The poor laboring +man at Columbia, South Carolina, when +streams of blood issued from the furrows plowed +in his naked back by a cow-hide in the hands of +a negro, saw some of the sparkles of liberty, +when, bleeding, exhausted, besmeared with tar, +and covered with feathers, he was thrust into +the cars, and left to perish in the cold. He had,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> +no doubt, a vivid idea of the liberty that is enjoyed +by non-slaveholders in the South, when +he remembered that these cruelties and barbarities +were inflicted on him for expressing a rational +and honest opinion relative to this "peculiar +institution."</p> + +<p>The statements, and doubtless convictions, of +the honorable member from Mississippi, differ +singularly from those of Senator <span class="smcap">Clay</span>, of Alabama, +who tells us that, in his State, "we may +behold numerous fine houses, once the abode +of intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves, +or else tenantless and dilapidated; that we +may see fields, once fertile, covered with foxtail +and broom-sedge—moss growing on the +walls of once thrifty villages, and may find that +'one only master grasps the whole domain' +which once furnished homes for a dozen white +families."</p> + +<p>Hear, also, Senator <span class="smcap">Hammond</span>, of South Carolina, +who says of the non-slaveholders of his +State:</p> + +<p>"They obtain a precarious subsistence by occasional +jobs, by hunting, by fishing, by plundering +fields or folds, or, too often, by what is +far worse in its effects, trading with slaves, and +leading them to plunder for their benefit."</p> + +<p>The opinions already quoted from many of the +wise men of the South go far to demonstrate +that the gentleman from Mississippi is entirely +mistaken. There is, however, another test by +which we can try the accuracy of what the gentleman +has said about the non-slaveholders of +the South. The census report of 1850 shows +this important fact: that of the white men in +the slave States over twenty-one years of age, +there is about one in every twelve that cannot +read and write; while in the free States there is +only one out of every forty-five. It must also be +remembered, that a very large number of those +in the free States who cannot read, came originally +from the slave States. Take, for instance, +Massachusetts, where there are but very few persons +from the slave States, if any, and there is +only one in seven hundred and seventy-eight +that cannot read and write. Take Indiana and +Illinois—States that have large populations from +the slave States—Indiana, one in every fourteen +cannot read; in Illinois, one in every twenty-one +and a half; and if any one will take the +trouble to examine, it will no doubt be found +that this ignorance exists almost entirely where +the population from the slave States largely predominates. +I will venture the assertion, that +there can scarcely be a man found in the State +of Ohio, that was born there, who possesses intellect +capable of cultivation, that cannot read; +while a very large portion of those ignorant men +in the slave States were "to the manor born."</p> + +<p>It must also be borne in mind that, in making +the estimate of the free States, the men that perform +all the labor are included. In the slave +States, the men who do nearly all the work are +not included. I do not know that any great +good can come of making these comparisons. +But when the gentleman tells us that the non-slaveholders +in his State are the most prosperous +and the most elevated of mankind, the inquiry +is at once presented to the mind, how elevated +in the scale of existence can a man be who can +neither read nor write?</p> + +<p>I have shown that slavery was regarded as a +political, moral, and social evil, by the founders +of this Republic, and by able Southern statesmen +within thirty years; that their anxious +query has been, "what is to be done with it?" +We are now asked to discredit those men, and +give ear to a modern creed, that slavery is not +only necessary, but beneficent—a divine ordinance—and +that Southern non-slaveholders, +even, are prosperous and elevated just in proportion +to the number of slaves owned by their +neighbors.</p> + +<p>Not such, sir, were the "speculations" of the +fathers of the Republic; nor is the world to be +deceived by such assumptions. Decree and carry +out what non-intercourse you will; surround +yourselves with barriers as impassable as the Chinese +wall, or the great gulf between Dives and +Lazarus, still the evidences of your condition will +exist on the imperishable pages of history, in the +records left by the mighty and venerated dead; +and the attempt to establish the belief that slavery +is a universal blessing will be received but +as an aggression upon the credulity of mankind.</p> + +<p>Forty years ago, a slave Territory applied for +admission to the Union as a State. The friends +of freedom objected that its reception would be +contrary to the policy of our Government. "Admit +it," it was urged, "with its present Constitution, +and we will consent to a line of demarkation, +north of which slavery shall never pass." +This was solemnly agreed to before the whole +world; and this compact, forced upon the country +by the slave power, was claimed by it as a +great triumph of slavery. Men at the North felt +that this was a great aggression, a great outrage +upon freedom; yet, to give quiet and restore +harmony, they submitted, consoled by the national +pledge that slavery should be extended no +further, and believing that the nation might joyously +look forward to long years of happiness +and repose. But despotism is ever restless and +grasping; but twenty-five years rolled by—a very +short period in the life of a nation—ere Texas +was admitted to the Union, that slavery propagandists +could have a wider field for their operations. +As everybody foresaw, war ensued; +and the best blood of the nation fattened the +soil of Mexico. More than two hundred millions +of treasure were expended, and many thousand +valuable lives sacrificed. All over this land, "the +sky was hung with blackness;" "mourning was +spread over the mountain tops." Territory enough +was obtained to make four large States, well +adapted to the productive labor of human chattels, +and this territory was blackened over with +slavery. Such a triumph ought to have satisfied +the most grasping of the friends of this "peculiar +institution;" but the world should have +known that nothing short of universal dominion +would satisfy the slave owner and slave breeder. +Less than ten years after the annexation of Texas, +it was discovered by Southern men that there +was a Territory west of Missouri, wherein the +peculiar institution of the South could be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> +made profitable; but by a solemn league and +covenant this land had been, for more than a +third of a century, consecrated to freedom. This +bond of national faith, this pledge of national +honor, stood in the road of their ambition.</p> + +<p>But men whose lives are but a series violations +of the dearest rights that God has bestowed +on man cannot be expected to be bound by +pledges of national faith and national honor. +This time-honored compact was annulled, the +barrier between freedom and slavery broken +down. The whole country was astounded at +the perfidy of the act.</p> + +<p>But the climax was not reached. The Territory +was overrun with desperadoes; ruffians +from adjoining States usurped the rights of actual +settlers, stuffed ballot-boxes with illegal +votes, and elected members of their own lawless +bands to the Legislature, to enact laws by which +every friend of freedom might be driven from the +country.</p> + +<p>Innocent and unoffending men were murdered +in cold blood, houses were consumed with fire, +hamlets laid in smoking ruins, homeless and +houseless innocents, women and tender children, +were driven forth, exposed to the winds and +storms of heaven.</p> + +<p>All these wrongs, all these outrages, all these +crimes of blood and deeds of horror, were committed +to plant the accursed institution on the +soil that had been, by a great national act, dedicated +to freedom. But violence and arson, bloodshed +and murder, failed. The black banner of +slavery is trailing in the dust. The stars and +stripes wave triumphantly over a free and joyous +people. The heretofore invincible is conquered. +I have borrowed the word "aggression" to express +the conduct of the South toward the +North. I do not intend to make the charge +without the specifications.</p> + +<p>1. I charge upon slavery, that the enforcement +of the Missouri compromise was an aggression +upon the North.</p> + +<p>2. I charge the annexation of Texas, whereby +the Mexican war was brought upon the country, +more than two hundred millions of money were +spent, and many thousand lives sacrificed, as an +aggression.</p> + +<p>3. I charge that the adoption of the fugitive +slave law, with many of its odious and obnoxious +provisions, was an aggression upon the people of +the North.</p> + +<p>4. I charge that the decision of the Supreme +Court in the Dred Scott case was an aggression +upon the North. It was a decision made for the +benefit of slavery, and to deprive the people of +the free States of their equal rights in the Territories.</p> + +<p>5. I charge that the repeal of the Missouri compromise +line was an outrageous aggression upon +the rights of the North; disreputable to the nation, +and dishonorable to the party engaged in +it; one that has brought in its train innumerable +woes, and created an excitement that will +not be allayed during the present generation.</p> + +<p>6. I charge that the murders, robberies, and +arsons, in Kansas, were aggressions of slavery.</p> + +<p>All these things I have charged as aggressions +of slavery are national aggressions, for which +the slavery party, having control of the administration +of this Government, are responsible. I +charge them as direct, positive aggressions, on +the rights of the free people of the North. In +addition to these great national aggressions, +there are numerous similar infringements upon +the rights of individuals of the North—of tarring +and feathering, of whipping—acts of such barbarity +and cruelty, that it would chill a man's +blood to hear them recited.</p> + +<p>Recently, a whole community of moral, peaceable +citizens were driven from their homes, compelled +to abandon their property, and seek refuge +in a free State, from the violence of slaveholders. +There are, no doubt, many good and humane +men in slave States, who deprecate these +wrongs; but they dare not utter a word—every +mouth must be stopped, every lip must be sealed, +every voice must be hushed, all must be silent +as the grave—the most inexorable despotism +reigns supreme.</p> + +<p>Having endeavored to show what slavery was, +and what it has done, I now propose to show what +it intends to do. Its advocates claim that the +territory now belonging to the Government is +the common property of all the States, having +been acquired by the common blood and treasure +of all; that, therefore, the inhabitants of the +slave States have a right to emigrate to the Territories, +and take with them their slaves. I am +willing to admit that the inhabitants of one section +of the country have just the same rights in +the Territories that the inhabitants of another +section have. I say it would be an act of injustice +to deny one man any right in the Territory +that another man has, and would be just cause +of complaint. But I am not willing to give to a +man from a slave State any greater rights than +to a man from a free State. And when I have +admitted that all have the same constitutional +rights in the Territories, I have by no means admitted +that men from the South have a right to +hold slaves in the Territories. You may go, and +take your slaves with you, if you have a mind +to run the risk; I say you shall not take your +slave laws with you.</p> + +<p>I say that slavery is but the creation of some +local enactment, and that no property can exist +in a human being, unless it is made so by some +law. This opinion was entertained by the founders +of this Republic, and by nearly every statesman +in this country, until very recently. We +hear much said about the constitutional rights +of the South; it is thundered in our ears from +the beginning to the end of the session of Congress. +What is meant by this stereotyped expression, +I do not exactly comprehend; and, I +presume, many who make use of the phrase do not +understand it. If you mean by this that the Constitution +of the United States gives you the right +to go into the Territories belonging to the people +of this country, and take with you not only your +human chattels, but also your bloody slave laws, +I say, you have no such constitutional rights. +The Constitution of the United States nowhere +recognises slaves as property. The Supreme +Court of the United States has decided that slaves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> +are not property under the Constitution. The +Constitution gives you the right to reclaim your +slaves, if they escape into any other State; this +is all the right it gives you, and all there is in +the Constitution that can by any possibility be +construed to apply to slaves. To contend that +there is any power given in the Constitution +which enables the slaveholder to take his slaves +with him into a Territory, and not only his slaves, +but his slave laws, and the slave laws of all the +slave States, is an assumption of power that I +am not willing to concede to him. It is claimed +that if persons from the slave States are not permitted +to go into the Territories, and take with +them their slaves and slave laws, the rights of +the slave States are violated. This cannot be. +If you claim to take into the Territories the laws +of the slave States, and not only the laws, but +the Constitution of a slave State, I claim, also, +that I will take the Constitution of my State, +which says there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary +servitude; and if you do not permit +this, the rights of my State are violated, if your +doctrine be true.</p> + +<p>The emigrants from every State in the Union, +under the power claimed by the slavery propagandists, +would have a right to take with them +all the constitutions and all the laws of all the +States. The confusion which would follow would +be worse than at the Tower of Babel. If a citizen +of any slave State leaves it, and goes into a +free State or Territory to reside, he takes with +him none of the rights or powers with which his +State clothed him while he remained therein. +He can take with him such articles as, by the +universal consent of mankind, are considered +property, and exercise ownership over them. +When at home, I am a legal voter; I can vote +for any State or county officer, or President of +the United States. But if I cross the river, a +distance of eighty rods, or go out of my election +district, or in any other direction, I have no such +privilege. The right of suffrage, which is the +highest right that ever can be exercised by a +citizen, is controlled by the laws and Constitution +of each particular State. In the State of +Ohio, a man need not be a property holder to +entitle him to the right of suffrage; if he remove +into a State where he must have a property +qualification before he can vote, are the rights of +the State he left violated? I presume no one +will contend that they are. A man may have +some power in the State of Virginia, given by its +Legislature—the right to issue paper money, for +instance; but if he remove to Ohio, he has not +this right. No man would pretend to claim that +any of the rights of Virginia are infringed.</p> + +<p>Yet the man who would make this claim, would +be just as reasonable as he who should claim +that the rights of Virginia are invaded because +her slaveholders are not permitted to take slaves +into Kansas or Nebraska.</p> + +<p>I understand those Southern men, who talk so +much about Southern rights, claim not only the +right to take slaves into the Territories, but they +claim the right to take slave laws and the habits +and customs which are practiced in the slave +States. They claim to take laws by which four +million negroes are reduced to the condition of +brutes. Six million white men, women, and +children, who have to obtain their living by labor, +are condemned to perpetual degradation and +ignorance, by which three hundred and fifty +thousand slaveholders can govern and control +the destinies of the millions of people in the +slave States; and not only of those people, but of +this great country of ours. They not only claim +the right to take their negroes into the Territories, +but they claim to take laws there that will +deny to every man the freedom of speech and +the liberty of the press. They claim the right to +seal every man's lips, and stop every man's +mouth, on questions of great national interest. +They claim to take with them the right to condemn +as a felon the man who may utter and +maintain the Declaration of Independence, or the +opinions of the conscript fathers of the Republic. +They claim to take with them the right to condemn +as a felon the man who dares proclaim the +precepts of our holy religion. They claim to take +with them the right to strip naked and cut into +gashes the back of the man who utters opinions +that do not exactly "square and corner" with +the interests of the aristocratic slaveholders.</p> + +<p>A negro population is one by no means desirable, +but a free white man could live where +there are negroes, and maintain his freedom; but +no white non-slaveholder can live where slave +laws, customs, and habits, pertain, and retain the +rights that belong to free men in free States.</p> + +<p>A man may live in the swamps of the torrid +zone, and escape the crocodiles, alligators, and +other slimy and creeping things, but he cannot +escape the miasma and poison of the atmosphere.</p> + +<p>If the slaveholder is permitted to go into the +Territories, and take his slave laws, habits, and +customs, the people of the free States are to a +great extent excluded therefrom, and deprived +of all rights therein.</p> + +<p>But slaveholders say they will go; they will +take their slaves, and their slave code; they will +establish there such a despotism as reigns in +some of the slave States; they will poison the +air that surrounds the fertile plains of the West, +until freedom shall sicken and die; and we are +constantly told, that if we do not yield to their +unreasonable demands, this Union shall be dissolved.</p> + +<p>But these threats do not move or alarm me, and +for the best of all possible reasons; I do not believe +that the gentlemen who make these threats +intend to leave their places on this floor—nor, if +they should, would the country suffer any loss. +The section they represent would still remain +under the Constitution and laws of the United +States, and our glorious flag would still wave +over its fertile plains and lofty mountains, its +woody dells and shelving rocks, its gurgling +fountains and rippling rills. Good, loyal, and +patriotic men would come here to fill the vacant +places, ready and able to discharge their duty to +the country, and to the whole country.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding these threats of disunion from +the Democratic party, we hear much holy horror +expressed in regard to a sectional party, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> +much laudation of a national, conservative party. +The nationality of the Democratic party consists +in devoting all the energies and power of the +Federal Government to advancing the interests, +aims, and ends, of about one hundred thousand +men. Its conservatism consists in its avowed +determination to dissolve the Union, should a +majority of our people, in the exercise of their +legal and constitutional rights, elect a President +not acceptable to that party.</p> + +<p>There are, I presume, not more than one hundred +thousand men in this country who feel any +desire to extend the boundaries of slavery, or +who would, had they the power, add one other +slave State to the Union. Yet the whole power +of this Government is devoted to that one object; +its entire strength concentrated in one spasmodic +effort to extend slavery. The agricultural, +the manufacturing, the great commercial interests +of this country, are entirely ignored, neglected, +and forgotten, that the interests of one +hundred thousand slaveholders may be advanced. +The great pursuits by which twenty-five million +people live, are not considered worthy the attention +of this Democratic party; while one hundred +thousand aristocrats require its entire services. +Yet this is the great national party! +While so determined upon rule is it, that if a +majority of the people should decide against it, +and discharge its members from places of trust +and honor, they threaten to destroy this Government. +Such is the conservative party commended +to our most favorable consideration.</p> + +<p>The slavery party is constantly complaining +that the free States enact personal-liberty laws, +and that they do not fulfil their constitutional +obligations. Whatever acts may be passed by +our Legislatures, so that they do not interfere +with the Constitution of the United States, you +have no right to complain. But if you think that +Constitution violated, you have your remedy. +Send your attorneys into the free States; commence +your suits in the Federal courts, and try +the validity of our statutes. We pledge ourselves +that your agents shall be kindly treated, and shall +have a fair hearing. We will not follow your +example; we will not pass laws in plain and palpable +violation of your rights, and in palpable +violation of the Constitution, and then drive out, +by threats or violence, any man who may come +into the State to test the validity of such enactments.</p> + +<p>Before you complain of us, go home and seize +and hang the pirates who are hovering around +your shores, engaged in the slave trade. You +may say a jury will not convict them. Why not? +Because the community sustains them in their +unholy traffic and in their violation of the laws. +But if you really desired to punish those men, +you could easily devise the ways and means—a +whipping on the bare back with a raw-hide, a +coat of tar and feathers, or some other corrective +that you are in the habit of using. I would not +advise these punishments; in a free State they +would not be practicable; but in States where +such things are in constant use, it is rather surprising +that some person has not thought of thus +applying them. Men who commit acts declared +by the whole civilized world to be piracy, you +permit to escape, while you say you will hang +the man who circulates Helper's book. Before +you complain of the free States, arrest and punish +the scoundrels who so cruelly treated the +Irishman at Columbia, South Carolina, for no +offence but saying that slavery was detrimental +to free labor.</p> + +<p>Take from place and power the men whose +hands and faces are reeking and smoking with +the blood of our people in Kansas, and put them +to death. Punish the thousands of others who +have committed acts of violence against free-State +men, and are yet unwhipped of justice. +These things you must do, before you complain +of us. I take no pleasure in these criminations +and recriminations. I know that all the States +are a part of my country; but when I hear of the +wrongs and outrages perpetrated on men merely +because they will not subscribe to the doctrines +you hold, and hear you complain of us for not +doing our duty as citizens, I will let you know +that you, too, "are made of penetrable stuff." I +have</p> + +<div class="poem" style="width: 21em;"> +<span class="i0">"Learned to deride your fierce decree,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And break you on the wheel you meant for me."<br /></span></div> + +<p>I do not mean to interfere with any man's legal +or constitutional rights. The people of the +slave States have the right to continue slavery +there if they desire so to do. I have no right to +interfere with it. But I intend to maintain my +own rights.</p> + +<p>To draw an impassable line around slavery, and +confine it within its present limits; an absolute +abolition of the African slave trade; the Territories +to be kept free for homes for free men—these +measures I regard as absolutely essential +to the perpetuation of this Government, and to +the highest development of the Anglo-Saxon +race. I have endeavored to show what slavery +is, what it has done, and what it intends to do. +I have also endeavored to show what are the +aims and objects of the Republican party; and +if they cannot be tolerated—if such principles +cannot be sustained by the people of any section +of this country—it is the misfortune of that people. +They are the principles that ought to be +sustained by all people that are fitted for civil +liberty; they are the principles on which this +Government was founded; they were baptized +in the best blood of this nation; they were cherished +by the greatest names that adorn the +brightest pages of the history of our country +during its patriotic and virtuous and heroic age. +They were emblazoned on every banner that +waved over our army in every battle-field of +the Revolution; during the storm and darkness, +they were the bright "signet on the bosom of +the cloud," the rainbow of promise and of hope.</p> + +<div class="bk1"><p class="center"><i>Published by the Republican Congressional Committee. +Price 50 cents per hundred.</i></p></div> + +<div class="trn"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b> +Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. +Variant spellings have been retained. Significant amendments to the original text have been +listed below: + +<ul><li>p. <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, 'Newbern' amended to <i>New Bern</i>; +<ul><li>'... meeting in New Bern, North Carolina ...'</li></ul></li></ul> + +<ul><li>p. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, 'Scot' amended to <i>Scott</i>; +<ul><li>'... in the Dred Scott case ...'</li></ul></li></ul></div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Slavery: What it was, what it has +done, what it intends to do, by Cydnor Bailey Tompkins + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY: WHAT IT WAS; HAS DONE *** + +***** This file should be named 27767-h.htm or 27767-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/7/6/27767/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Stephen Blundell and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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