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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: A History of England Principally in the Seventeenth Century, Volume I (of 6)</p> +<p>Author: Leopold von Ranke</p> +<p>Release Date: April 9, 2009 [eBook #28546]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF ENGLAND PRINCIPALLY IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, VOLUME I (OF 6)***</p> +<p> </p> +<h3>E-text prepared by Paul Dring, Frank van Drogen,<br /> + and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> + (http://www.pgdp.net)</h3> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> + +<p class='center'> +<br /> +A +<br /> +<br /> +</p> + +<h1>HISTORY OF ENGLAND</h1> + +<p class='center'> +<br /> +<br /> +<small>PRINCIPALLY</small> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<small>BY</small> +</p> + +<h2>LEOPOLD VON RANKE</h2> + +<p class='center'> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +VOLUME I +</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>PREFACE.</h2> + +<p>Once more I come before the public with a work on the history of a +nation which is not mine by birth.</p> + +<p>It is the ambition of all nations which enjoy a literary culture to +possess a harmonious and vivid narrative of their own past history. And +it is of inestimable value to any people to obtain such a narrative, +which shall comprehend all epochs, be true to fact and, while resting on +thorough research, yet be attractive to the reader; for only by this aid +can the nation attain to a perfect self-consciousness, and feeling the +pulsation of its life throughout the story, become fully acquainted with +its own origin and growth and character. But we may doubt whether up to +this time works of such an import and compass have ever been produced, +and even whether they can be produced. For who could apply critical +research, such as the progress of study now renders necessary, to the +mass of materials already collected, without being lost in its +immensity? Who again could possess the vivid susceptibility requisite +for doing justice to the several epochs, for appreciating the actions, +the modes of thought, and the moral standard of each of them, and for +understanding their relations to universal history? We must be content +in this department, as well as in others, if we can but approximate to +the ideal we set up. The best-written histories will be accounted the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span> +best.</p> + +<p>When then an author undertakes to make the past life of a foreign nation +the object of a comprehensive literary work, he will not think of +writing its history as a nation in detail: for a foreigner this would be +impossible: but, in accordance with the point of view he would naturally +take, he will direct his eyes to those epochs which have had the most +effectual influence on the development of mankind: only so far as is +necessary for the comprehension of these, will he introduce anything +that precedes or comes after them.</p> + +<p>There is an especial charm in following, century after century, the +history of the English nation, in considering the antagonism of the +elements out of which it is composed, and its share in the fortunes and +enterprises of that great community of western nations to which it +belongs; but it will be readily granted that no other period can be +compared in general importance with the epoch of those religious and +political wars which fill the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.</p> + +<p>In the sixteenth century the part which England took in the work of +emancipating the world from the rule of the western hierarchy decisively +influenced not only its own constitution, but also the success of the +religious revolution throughout Europe. In England the monarchy +perfectly understood its position in relation to this great change; +while favouring the movement in its own interest, it nevertheless +contrived to maintain the old historical state of things to a great +extent; nowhere have more of the institutions of the Middle Ages been +retained than in England; nowhere did the spiritual power link itself +more closely with the temporal. Here less depends on the conflict of +doctrines, for which Germany is the classic ground: the main interest +lies in the political transformation, accomplished amidst +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span> +manifold variations of opinions, tendencies, and events, and attended at last by +a war for the very existence of the nation. For it was against England +that the sacerdotal reaction directed its main attack. To withstand it, +the country was forced to ally itself with the kindred elements on the +Continent: the successful resistance of England was in turn of the +greatest service to them. The maintenance of Protestantism in Western +Europe, on the Continent as well as in Britain, was effected by the +united powers of both. To bring out clearly this alternate action, it +would not be advisable to lay weight on every temporary foreign +relation, on every step of the home administration, and to search out +men's personal motives in them; a shorter sketch may be best suited to +show the chief characters, as well as the main purport of the events in +their full light.</p> + +<p>But then, through the connexion of England with Scotland, and the +accession of a new dynasty, a state of things ensued under which the +continued maintenance of the position taken up in home and foreign +politics was rendered doubtful. The question arose whether the policy of +England would not differ from that of Great Britain and be compelled to +give way to it. The attempt to decide this question, and the reciprocal +influence of the newly allied countries, brought on conflicts at home +which, though they in the main arose out of foreign relations, yet for a +long while threw those relations into the background.</p> + +<p>If we were required to express in the most general terms the distinction +between English and French policy in the last two centuries, we might +say that it consisted in this, that the glory of their arms abroad lay +nearest to the heart of the French nation, and the legal settlement of +their home affairs to that of the English. How often have the French, in +appearance at least, allowed themselves to be consoled for the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span> +defects of the home administration by a great victory or an advantageous peace! +And the English, from regard to constitutional questions of apparently +inferior importance, have not seldom turned their eyes away from +grievous perils which hung over Europe.</p> + +<p>The two great constitutional powers in England, the Crown and the +Parliament, dating back as they did to early times, had often previously +contended with each other, but had harmoniously combined in the +religious struggle, and had both gained strength thereby; but towards +the middle of the seventeenth century we see them first come into +collision over ecclesiastical regulations, and then engage in a war for +life and death respecting the constitution of the realm. Elements +originally separate unite in attacking the monarchy; meanwhile the old +system breaks up, and energetic efforts are made to found a new one on +its ruins. But none of them succeed; the deeply-felt need of a life +regulated by law and able to trust its own future is not satisfied; +after long storms men seek safety in a return to the old and approved +historic forms so characteristic of the German, and especially of the +English, race. But in this there is clearly no solution of the original +controversies, no reconciliation of the conflicting elements: within +narrower limits new discords break out, which once more threaten a +complete overthrow: until, thanks to the indifference shown by England +to continental events, the most formidable dangers arise to threaten the +equilibrium of Europe, and even menace England itself. These European +emergencies coinciding with the troubles at home bring about a new +change of the old forms in the Revolution of 1688, the main result of +which is, that the centre of gravity of public authority in England +shifts decisively to the parliamentary side. It was during this same +time that France had won military and political +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span> +superiority over all its neighbours on the mainland, and in connexion with it had +concentrated an almost absolute power at home in the hands of the +monarchy. England thus reorganised now set itself to contest the +political superiority of France in a long and bloody war, which +consequently became a struggle between two rival forms of polity; and +while the first of these bore sway over the rest of Europe, the other +attained to complete realisation in its island-home, and called forth at +a later time manifold imitations on the Continent also, when the +Continent was torn by civil strife. Between these differing tendencies, +these opposite poles, the life of Europe has ever since vibrated from +side to side.</p> + +<p>When we contemplate the framework of the earth, those heights which +testify to the inherent energy of the original and active elements +attract our special notice; we admire the massive mountains which +overhang and dominate the lowlands covered with the settlements of man. +So also in the domain of history we are attracted by epochs at which the +elemental forces, whose joint action or tempered antagonism has produced +states and kingdoms, rise in sudden war against each other, and amidst +the surging sea of troubles upheave into the light new formations, which +give to subsequent ages their special character. Such a historic region, +dominating the world, is formed by that epoch of English history, to +which the studies have been devoted, whose results I venture to publish +in the present work: its importance is as great where it directly +touches on the universal interests of humanity, as where, on its own +special ground, it develops itself apart in obedience to its inner +impulses. To comprehend this period we must approach it as closely as +possible: it is everywhere instinct with collective as well as +individual life. We discern how great antagonistic principles sprang +almost unavoidably out of earlier times, how they came into conflict, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span> +wherein the strength of each side lay, what caused the alternations of +success, and how the final decisions were brought about: but at the same +time we perceive how much, for themselves, for the great interests they +represented, and for the enemies they subdued, depended on the +character, the energy, the conduct of individuals. Were the men equal to +the emergency, or were not circumstances stronger than they? From the +conflict of the universal with the special it is that the great +catastrophes of history arise, yet it sometimes happens that the efforts +which seem to perish with their authors exercise a more lasting +influence on the progress of events than does the power of the +conqueror. In the agonising struggles of men's minds appear ideas and +designs which pass beyond what is feasible in that land and at that +time, perhaps even beyond what is desirable: these find a place and a +future in the colonies, the settlement of which is closely connected +with the struggle at home. We are far from intending to involve +ourselves in juridical and constitutional controversies, or from +regulating the distribution of praise and blame by the opinions which +have gained the day at a later time, or prevail at the moment; still +less shall we be guided by our own sympathies: our only concern is to +become acquainted with the great motive powers and their results. And +yet how can we help recognising manifold coincidences with that conflict +of opinions and tendencies in which we are involved at the present day? +But it is no part of our plan to follow these out. Momentary +resemblances often mislead the politician who seeks a sure foothold in +the past, as well as the historian who seeks it in the present. The Muse +of history has the widest intellectual horizon and the full courage of +her convictions; but in forming them she is thoroughly conscientious, +and we might say jealously bent on her duty. To introduce the interests +of the present time into the work +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span> +of the historian usually ends in restricting its free accomplishment.</p> + +<p>This epoch has been already often treated of, if not as a whole, yet in +detached parts, and that by the best English historical writers. A +native author has this great advantage over foreigners, that he thinks +in the language in which the persons of the drama spoke, and lets them +be seen through no strange medium, but simply in their natural form. But +when, too, this language is employed in rare perfection, as in a work of +our own time,—I refer not merely to rounded periods and euphony of +cadence, but to the spirit of the narrative so much in harmony with our +present culture, and the tone of our minds, and to the style which by +every happy word excites our vivid sympathy;—when we have before us a +description of the events in the native language with all its attractive +traits and broad colouring, a description too based on an old familiar +acquaintance with the country and its condition: it would be folly to +pretend to rival such a work in its own peculiar sphere. But the results +of original study may lead us to form a different conception of the +events. And it is surely good that, in epochs of such great importance +for the history of all nations, we should possess foreign and +independent representations to compare with those of home growth; in the +latter are expressed sympathies and antipathies as inherited by +tradition and affected by the antagonism of literary differences of +opinion. Moreover there will be a difference between these foreign +representations. Frenchmen, as in one famous instance, will hold more to +the constitutional point of view, and look for instruction or example in +political science. The German will labour (after investigation into +original documents) to comprehend each event as a political and +religious whole, and at the same time to view it in its universal +historical relations.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span> +I can in this case, as in others, add something new to what is already +known, and this to a larger extent as the work goes +on.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>In no nation has so much documentary matter been collected for its later +history as in England. The leading families which have taken part in +public business, and the different parties which wish to assert their +views in the historical representation of the past as well as in the +affairs of the present, have done much for this object; latterly the +government also has set its hand to the work. Yet the existing +publications are far from sufficient. How incredibly deficient our +knowledge still is of even the most important parliamentary +transactions! In the rich collections of the Record Office and of the +British Museum I have sought and found much that was unknown, and which +I needed for obtaining an insight into events. The labour spent on it is +richly compensated by the gain such labour brings; over the originals so +injured, and so hard to decipher, linger the spirits of that long-past +age. Especial attention is due to the almost complete series of +pamphlets of the time, which the Museum possesses. As we read them, +there are years in which we are present, as it were, at the public +discussion that went on, at least in the capital, from month to month, +from week to week, on the weightiest questions of government and public +life.</p> + +<p>If any one has ever attempted to reconstruct for himself a portion of +the past from materials of this kind,—from original +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span> +documents, and party writings which, prompted by hate or personal friendship, are +intended for defence or attack, and yet are withal exceedingly +incomplete,—he will have felt the need of other contemporary notices, +going into detail but free from such party views. A rich harvest of such +independent reports has been supplied to me for this, as well as for my +other works, by the archives of the ancient Republic of Venice. The +'Relations,' which the ambassadors of that Republic were wont to draw up +on their return home, invaluable though they are in reference to persons +and the state of affairs in general, are not, however, sufficient to +supply a detailed and consecutive account of events. But the Venetian +archives possess also a long series of continuous Reports, which place +us, as it were, in the very midst of the courts, the capitals, and the +daily course of public business. For the sixteenth century they are only +preserved in a very fragmentary state as regards England; for the +seventeenth they lie before us, with gaps no doubt here and there, yet +in much greater completeness. Even in the first volume they have been +useful to me for Mary Tudor's reign and the end of Elizabeth's; in the +later ones, not only for James I's times, but also far more for Charles +I's government and his quarrel with the Parliament. Owing to the +geographical distance of Venice from England, and her neutral position +in the world, her ambassadors were able to devote an attention to +English affairs which is free from all interested motives, and sometimes +to observe their general course in close communication with the leading +men. We could not compose a history from the reports they give, but +combined with the documentary matter these reports form a very welcome +supplement to our knowledge.</p> + +<p>Ambassadors who have to manage matters of all kinds, great and small, at +the courts to which they are accredited, fill their letters with +accounts of affairs which often contain little +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span> +instruction for posterity, and they judge of a man according to the support which he +gives to their interests. This is the case with the French as well as +with other ambassadors in England. Nevertheless their correspondence +becomes gradually of the greatest value for my work. Their importance +grows with the importance of affairs. The two courts entered into the +most intimate relations: French politicians ceaselessly endeavoured to +gain influence over England, and sometimes with success. The +ambassadors' letters at such times refer to the weightiest matters of +state, and become invaluable; they rise to the rank of the most +important and instructive historical monuments. They have been hitherto, +in great part, unused.</p> + +<p>In the Roman and Spanish reports also I found much which deserves to be +made known to the readers of history. The papers of Holland and the +Netherlands prove still more productive, as I show in detail at the end +of the narrative.</p> + +<p>A historical work may aim either at putting forward a new view of what +is already known, or at communicating additional information as to the +facts. I have endeavoured to combine both these aims. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>Note to the third edition.</i>—In the course of my +researches for this work the representation of the seventeenth century +has occupied a larger space than I at first thought I should have been +able to give it; it forms the chief portion of the book in its present +form. I have therefore allowed myself the unwonted liberty of altering +the title so as to make this clear. Still the representation of the +sixteenth century, which is not now mentioned in the title, has not been +abridged on this account. The history of the Stuart dynasty and of +William III make up the central part of the edifice; what is given to +the earlier, as well as the later times may, if I may be allowed the +comparison, correspond to its two wings.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>TRANSLATORS' PREFACE.</h2> + +<p>'The History of England, principally during the Seventeenth Century,' +which is here laid before the reader in an English form, is one of the +most important portions of that cycle of works on which Leopold von +Ranke has long been engaged. His History of the Popes, his History of +the Reformation in Germany, his French History, his work on the Ottomans +and the Spanish Monarchy, his Life of Wallenstein, his volume on the +Origin of the Thirty Years' War, and other smaller treatises, all aim at +delineating the international relations of the states of Europe. His +History of England may well be regarded as the concluding portion of +this series; for the relations of England, first with France, and then +with Holland, eventually determined the course of European politics.</p> + +<p>The book however is more than a history of this period, for Professor +Ranke, according to his custom, has prefixed to it a luminous and +interesting sketch of the earlier part of our history, presented, as all +summaries ought to be, in the form of studies of the most important +epochs. And at the end of the work are Appendices, which supply not only +happy examples of historical criticism in the discussions on the chief +contemporary writers of the period, but also a mass of original +documents, most of which have never before been published. Above all, +the critiques on Clarendon +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</a></span> +and Burnet, and the correspondence of +William III with Heinsius, will well repay careful study; and the +Appendices throw light on some of the more important details connected +with the history of the time, besides shewing the student how a great +master has found and used his materials.</p> + +<p>The present translation was undertaken with the author's sanction, and +was intended in the first instance for the use of students in Oxford. +Its publication has been facilitated by a division of labour, the eight +volumes of the original having been entrusted each to a separate hand. +The translators are Messrs. C. W. Boase, Exeter College; W. W. Jackson, +Exeter College; H. B. George, New College; H. F. Pelham, Exeter College; +M. Creighton, Merton College; A. Watson, Brasenose College; G. W. +Kitchin, Christchurch; A. Plummer, Trinity College. The task of +oversight, of reducing inequalities of style, and of supervising the +Appendices and Index, has been performed by the editors, C. W. Boase and +G. W. Kitchin. Notwithstanding the disadvantages incident to a +translation, it is hoped that the work in its present shape will be +welcomed by a large number of English readers, and will help to increase +the deserved renown of the author in the country to the history of which +he has devoted such profound and fruitful study. </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<div class='centered'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="2" width="70%" cellspacing="2" summary="CONTENTS"> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'><h2>CONTENTS.</h2></td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'><h3>BOOK I.</h3></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'>THE CHIEF CRISES IN THE EARLIER HISTORY OF ENGLAND.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td> </td><td class='rn'><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap"><a href="#INT_I">Introduction</a></span></td><td> </td><td class='rn'>3</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_I_I">The Britons, Romans, and Anglo-Saxons</a></td><td class='rn'>5</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_I_II">The Anglo-Saxons and Christianity</a></td><td class='rn'>10</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">II.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_II">Transfer of the Anglo-Saxon crown to the Normans and Plantagenets</a></td><td class='rn'>22</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_II_I">The Conquest</a></td><td class='rn'>28</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">III.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_III_I">The crown in conflict with Church and Nobles</a></td><td class='rn'>39</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_III_II">Henry II and Becket</a></td><td class='rn'>41</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_III_III">John Lackland and Magna Charta</a></td><td class='rn'>47</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">IV.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_IV">Foundation of the Parliamentary Constitution</a></td><td class='rn'>58</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">V.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BI_V">Deposition of Richard II. The House of Lancaster</a></td><td class='rn'>74</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'><h3>BOOK II.</h3></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'>ATTEMPTS TO CONSOLIDATE THE KINGDOM INDEPENDENTLY IN ITS TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL RELATIONS.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap"><a href="#INT_II">Introduction</a></span></td><td> </td><td class='rn'>91</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_I">Re-establishment of the supreme power</a></td><td class='rn'>93</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">II.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_II_I">Changes in the condition of Europe</a></td><td class='rn'>104</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_II_II">Henry VIII and Cardinal Wolsey in their earlier years</a></td><td class='rn'>109</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">III.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_III">Origin of the Divorce Question</a></td><td class='rn'>120</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">IV.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_IV">The Separation of the English Church</a></td><td class='rn'>134</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">V.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_V">The opposing tendencies within the Schismatic State</a></td><td class='rn'>151</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VI.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_VI">Religious Reform in the English Church</a></td><td class='rn'>171</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VII.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_VII">Transfer of the Government to a Catholic Queen</a></td><td class='rn'>186</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VIII.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BII_VIII">The Catholic-Spanish Government</a></td><td class='rn'>199 +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[Pg xvii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'><h3>BOOK III.</h3></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'>QUEEN ELIZABETH. CLOSE CONNEXION OF ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH AFFAIRS.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap"><a href="#INT_III">Introduction</a></span></td><td> </td><td class='rn'>221</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_I">Elizabeth's accession. Triumph of the Reformation</a></td><td class='rn'>222</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">II.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_II">Outlines of the Reformation in Scotland</a></td><td class='rn'>238</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">III.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_III">Mary Stuart in Scotland. Relation of the two Queens to each other</a></td><td class='rn'>254</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">IV.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_IV">Interdependence of the European dissensions in Politics and Religion</a></td><td class='rn'>280</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">V.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_V">The fate of Mary Stuart</a></td><td class='rn'>300</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VI.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_VI">The Invincible Armada</a></td><td class='rn'>316</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VII.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIII_VII">The later years of Queen Elizabeth</a></td><td class='rn'>330</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'><h3>BOOK IV.</h3></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'>FOUNDATION OF THE KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN. FIRST DISTURBANCES UNDER THE STUARTS.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap"><a href="#INT_IV">Introduction</a></span></td><td> </td><td class='rn'>359</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_I_I">James VI of Scotland: his accession to the throne of England</a></td><td class='rn'>361</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_I_II">Origin of fresh dissensions in the Church</a></td><td class='rn'>361</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_I_III">Alliance with England</a></td><td class='rn'>364</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_I_IV">Renewal of the Episcopal Constitution in Scotland</a></td><td class='rn'>368</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_I_V">Preparations for the Succession to the English Throne</a></td><td class='rn'>375</td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_I_VI">Accession to the Throne</a></td><td class='rn'>381</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">II.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_II">First measures of the new reign</a></td><td class='rn'>386</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">III.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_III">The Gunpowder Plot and its consequences</a></td><td class='rn'>403</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">IV.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_IV">Foreign policy of the next ten years</a></td><td class='rn'>418</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">V.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_V">Parliaments of 1610 and 1614</a></td><td class='rn'>436</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VI.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BIV_VI">Survey of the literature of the epoch</a></td><td class='rn'>450 +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[Pg xviii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'><h3>BOOK V.</h3></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='3'>DISPUTES WITH PARLIAMENT DURING THE LATER YEARS OF THE REIGN OF JAMES I AND THE EARLIER YEARS OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES I.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap"><a href="#INT_V">Introduction</a></span></td><td> </td><td class='rn'>467</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_I">James I and his administration of domestic government</a></td><td class='rn'>469</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">II.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_II">Complications arising out of the affairs of the Palatinate</a></td><td class='rn'>484</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">III.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_III">Parliament of the year 1621</a></td><td class='rn'>497</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">IV.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_IV">Negotiations for the marriage of the Prince of Wales with a Spanish Infanta</a></td><td class='rn'>509</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">V.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_V">The Parliament of 1624. Alliance with France</a></td><td class='rn'>522</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VI.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_VI">Beginning of the reign of Charles I, and his First and Second Parliament</a></td><td class='rn'>537</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VII.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_VII">The course of foreign policy from 1625 to 1627</a></td><td class='rn'>554</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">VIII.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_VIII">Parliament of 1628. Petition of Right</a></td><td class='rn'>566</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='r'><span class="smcap">IX.</span></td><td class='l'><a href="#BV_IX">Assassination of Buckingham. Session of 1629</a></td><td class='rn'>580</td></tr> +</table> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="INT_I" id="INT_I"></a>FIRST BOOK.</h2> + +<p class='center'><br /> +THE CHIEF CRISES IN THE EARLIER HISTORY OF ENGLAND. +</p> + +<p>As we turn over the pages of universal history, and follow the shifting +course of events, we perceive almost at the first glance one +comprehensive process of change going on, which, more than any other, +governs the external fortunes of the world. Through long periods of time +the historic life of the human race was active in Western Asia and in +the lands bordering on the Mediterranean which look towards the East: +there it laid the foundations of its higher culture. We may rightly +regard as the greatest event that meets us in the whole course of +authentic history, the fact that the seats of the predominant power and +culture have been transplanted to the Western lands and the shores of +the Atlantic Ocean. Not merely the abodes of the ancient civilised +nations, but even the capitals which were the medium of communication +between East and West, have fallen into barbarism; even the great +metropolis, from which first political, and then spiritual, dominion +extended itself in both directions over widespread territories, has not +maintained its rank. It was due to this tendency of things, combined +with a certain geographical cause, that neither could the medieval +Empire attain its full development, nor the Papacy continue to subsist +with unimpaired authority. From age to age the political and +intellectual life of the world transferred itself ever more and more to +the nations dwelling further West, especially since a new hemisphere was +opened up to their impulses of activity and extension. So it was that +the chief interests of the Pyrenean peninsula drew towards its ocean +coasts; that there grew up on either side of the Channel which separates +the Continent from Britain, the two great capitals in which modern +activity is chiefly concentrated; that Northern Germany, together with +the races which touch on the North Sea and the Baltic, developed a life +and a system of their own; it is in these regions latterly that the +universal spirit of the human race chiefly works out its task, and +displays its activity in moulding states, creating ideas, and +subjugating nature.</p> + +<p>Yet this transmission, this transplanting, is not the work of a blind +destiny. While civilisation in the East succumbed and died out before +the advance of races incapable of culture, it was welcomed in the West +by races possessing the requisite capacity, which by their inborn force +gave it new forms and indestructible bases for its outward existence. +Nor have the nations and kingdoms arisen each from its mother earth, as +it were in obedience to some inward impulse of inevitable necessity, but +amid constant assimilation and rejection, ever repeated wars to secure +their future, and a ceaseless struggle with opposing elements that +threatened their ruin.</p> + +<p>The object of universal history is to place before our eyes the leading +changes, and the conflicts of nations, together with their causes and +results. Our purpose is to depict the history of one of the chief of the +Western nations, the English, and that too in an age which decisively +modified both its inner constitution and its outward position in the +world, but it cannot be understood unless we first pourtray, with a few +quick touches, the historical events under the influence of which it +became civilised and great. </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BI_I_I" id="BI_I_I"></a> +THE BRITONS, ROMANS, AND ANGLO-SAXONS.</p> + +<p>The history of Western Europe in general opens with the struggle between +Kelts, Romans, and Germans, which determined out of what elements modern +nations should be formed.</p> + +<p>Just as it is supposed that Albion in early times was connected with the +Continent, and only separated from it by the raging sea-flood which +buried the intermediate lands in the abyss, so in ethnographic relations +it would seem as if the aboriginal Keltic tribes of the island had been +only separated by some accident from those which occupied Gaul and the +Netherlands. The Channel is no national boundary. We find Belgians in +Britain, Britons in Eastern Gaul, and very many names of peoples common +to both coasts; there were tribes which, though separated by the sea, +yet acknowledged the same prince. Without being able to prove how far +natives of the island took part in the expeditions of conquest, which +pouring forth from Gaul inundated the countries on the Danube and Italy, +Greece and Western Asia, we yet can trace the affinity of names and +tribes as far as these expeditions extend. This island was the home of +the religion that gave a certain unity to the populations, which, though +closely akin, nevertheless contended with each other in ceaseless +discord. It was that Druidic discipline which combined a priestly +constitution with civil privileges, and with a very peculiar doctrine of +a political and even moral purport. We might be tempted to suppose that +the atrocity of human sacrifice was first introduced among them by the +Punic race. For they were from primeval times connected +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span>with the +Carthaginians and Phoenicians, who were the first to traverse the outer +sea, and sought in the island a metal which was very valuable for the +wants of the ancient world. Distant clans might retain in the mountains +their original wildness, but the southern coasts ranked in the earliest +times as rich and civilised. They stood within the circle of the +relations that had been created by the expeditions of the Keltic tribes, +by the mixture of peoples thence arising, by the war and commerce of the +earliest age.</p> + +<p>In the great war between Rome and Carthage, which decided the destiny of +the ancient world, the Keltic tribes took part as allies of the Punic +race. If Carthage had conquered, they would have maintained in most, if +not all, the lands they had occupied, and especially in their own homes, +their old manners and customs, and their religion in its existing form. +It was not merely the supremacy of the one city or the other, but the +future of Western Europe that was at stake when Hannibal attacked the +Romans in Italy. Rome, which had already grown strong in warring against +the Gauls, won the victory over the Carthaginians. Thenceforth one after +another of the Keltic nations succumbed to the superiority of the Roman +arms, which at last invaded Transalpine Gaul, and struck its military +power to the ground.</p> + +<p>From this point the reaction against the Keltic enterprises necessarily +extended itself also to Britain.</p> + +<p>The great general who conquered Gaul did not feel sure of being able to +accomplish his task unless he also obtained influence over the British +tribes, from which those of the Continent constantly received help and +encouragement, unless he established among them the authority of the +Roman name.</p> + +<p>It was an important moment in the world's history, well worthy of +remembrance, when Caesar first trod the soil of Albion. Already repulsed +from the steep chalk cliffs of the island, he found the flat shore on +which he hoped to disembark occupied by the enemy, some in their +war-chariots, others on horseback and on foot; his ships could not reach +the shore; the soldiers hesitated, encumbered with their armour as they +were, to throw themselves into a sea with which they were not familiar, +in presence of an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> +enemy acquainted with the ground, active, brave, and +superior in numbers; the general's order had no effect on them; when +however an eagle-bearer, calling on the gods of Rome, threw himself into +the flood, the men would have thought themselves traitors had they +allowed the war-standard, to which an almost divine worship was paid, to +fall into the hands of the enemy; fired by the danger that threatened +their honour, and by the religion of arms, from one ship after another +they followed him to the fight; in the hand-to-hand combat in the water +which ensued they gained the superiority, supported most skilfully by +their general wherever it was necessary; the moment they reached the +land, the victory was won.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>We cannot reckon it a slight matter, that Caesar, though not at the +first, yet at the second and better prepared expedition, succeeded in +carrying away with him hostages from the chief tribes. For this very +form was the one customary in that century and among those tribes, by +which he bound them and their princes to himself.</p> + +<p>It was the first step towards the Roman supremacy. But Gaul and West +Germany had first to be subdued, and the Empire securely concentrated in +one hand, before—a century later—the conquest of the island could be +really attempted.</p> + +<p>Even then the Britons still fought without helmet or shield, as did the +Gauls of old before Rome. In Britain, just as on the Lombard plains, the +war-chariot was their best arm; their defective mode of defence +necessarily yielded to the organised tactics of the legion. How easily +did the Romans, pushing forward under cover of their mantelets, clear +away the rude entrenchments by which the Britons used formerly to secure +themselves against attack. The Druids on Mona trusted in their gods, +whose will they thought to ascertain from the quivering fibres of human +sacrifices; and for a moment the sight of the crowd of fanatics +collected around them checked the attack, but only for a moment: as soon +as they came to blows they were instantly scattered, and their holy +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +places perished with them. For this is the greatest result of the Roman +wars, that they destroyed the rites which contradicted the idea of +Humanity. Yet once more an injured princess—Boadicea—united all the +sympathies which the old constitution and religion could awaken. Dio has +depicted her, doubtless according to the reports which reached Rome. A +tall form, with the national decoration of the golden necklace and the +chequered mantle, over which her rich yellow hair flowed down below her +waist. She called on her peoples to defend themselves at any risk, since +what could befall those to whom each root gave nourishment, each tree +supplied shelter: and on her gods, not to let the land pass into the +possession of that insatiable, unjust foe of foreign race. So truly does +she represent the innate characteristics of the British race, when +oppressed and engaged in a desperate defence. She is earnest, rugged, +and terrible; the men who gathered round her were reckoned by hundreds +of thousands. But the Britons had not yet learnt the art of war. A +single onslaught of the Romans sufficed to scatter their disorderly +masses with a fearful butchery. It was the last day of the old British +independence. Boadicea would not, any more than Cleopatra, adorn a Roman +triumph; she fell by her own hand.</p> + +<p>Within a few dozen years the Roman eagles were masters of Britain as far +as the Highlands: the Keltic clan-life and the religion of the Druids +withdrew into the Caledonian mountains, and the large islands off that +coast; in the conquered territory the religion of the arms that had won +the victory, and the might of the Great Empire, were supreme. The work +which was begun by superiority in war was completed by pre-eminence in +civilisation. It seemed an advantage and an improvement to the sons of +the British princes, to adopt the Roman language, and knowledge, and +mode of life; they delighted in the luxury of colonnades, baths, feasts, +and city life. Men like Agricola used these modes of Romanising Britain +by preference. Just as the Britons exchanged their rude shipbuilding and +their leathern sails for the discoveries of a more advanced art of +navigation, so they learnt to carry on their agriculture in Roman +fashion; in later times Britain +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> +was considered as the granary of the +legions in Germany. Most of the cities in the land betray by their very +names their Roman origin; London, though it existed earlier, owes its +importance to this connexion. It was the emporium destined as it were by +nature for the peaceful commerce that now arose between the Western +provinces of the Empire. Once in the third century an attempt was made +to make the island independent, but it failed the moment the marts on +the opposite coast fell into the hands of the Emperor who was +universally recognised. Britain seemed an integral part of the Roman +Empire. It was from York that Constantine marched forth to unite its +Eastern and Western halves once more under one government.</p> + +<p>But soon after him an epoch began in which the third great nationality, +at first thought to be part of the Keltic race, then driven back or +taken into service by the Romans, but always maintaining its peculiar +original independence—the German, rose to supremacy in the West. In the +fifth century it had become everywhere master in the +militarily-organised Roman frontier districts: encouraged by the +embarrassments of the authorities it advanced into the peaceful +provinces.</p> + +<p>It is of importance to remark what the fate of Britain was in these +struggles.</p> + +<p>From the Romanised territory an Augustus, called Constantine, set up by +the revolted legions, invaded Gaul, not merely to check the inroads of +the barbarians, but at the same time to possess himself of the Empire. +He at one time held a great position, when the legions of Gaul and +Aquitaine also took his side, and Spain saluted him Emperor. But the +authority of Honorius the generally recognised Emperor could not be so +easily set aside: discontented followers of the new Augustus again went +over to the old one: before them and the barbarians combined Constantine +fell, and soon after paid for his attempt with his life.</p> + +<p>The result, then, was that Honorius restored his authority to a certain +extent everywhere on the Continent, but not in Britain. To the towns +which had taken up arms while Constantine was there he gave the right of +self-defence—he could do nothing for them. The Roman Empire was not +exactly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> overthrown in Britain—it ceased +to be.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>At this time, when the connexion between Rome and Roman Britain was +broken off, the Germans possessed themselves of the latter country.</p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BI_I_II" id="BI_I_II"></a>The Anglo-Saxons and Christianity.</p> + +<p>Germans had been long ago settled in this as in so many other provinces +of the Western and Eastern Empires. Antoninus had brought over German +tribes from the Danube, Probus others from the Rhineland. In the legions +we find German cohorts, and very many others joined them as free allies. +In the civil wars between the Emperors we hear of one side relying on +the Franks, the other on the Alemanni in their service; Constantine the +Great is called to be Caesar by help of the chiefs of the Alemanni. But +besides this, German seafarers, who appeared under the name of Saxons, +after they had learnt shipbuilding and navigation from the Romans, +settled on the opposite coasts of Britain and Gaul, and gave their name +to both. Not then for the first time, nor at the invitation of the +Britons, as the Saga declares,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +did the descendants of Wodan make +their first trial of the sea in light vessels. Alternating between +piracy and alliance—now with a usurper and now with the lawful Emperor, +between independence and subjection, German seafarers had long ago +filled all seas and coasts with the terror of their name. In the North +too they are mentioned together with Scots and Attacotti. When now the +Roman rule over the island and the surrounding seas came to an end, to +whom could it pass? To the peaceful Provincials, if they could indeed +gird on the sword, or to the old companions in arms of the Romans? +There<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> +is no doubt that the same general impulse which urged on the +German peoples, in the great revolution of affairs, into the Roman +provinces, led the enterprising inhabitants of the German and Northern +coasts, Frisians, Angles, and Jutes, as well as Saxons, into Britain. A +fearful war broke out, in which it may be true to say the ruined towns +became the sepulchres of their inhabitants, but no man found the quiet +time necessary for depicting its details. After it had filled a century +and a half with its horrors, and men again lifted up their eyes, they +found the island divided between two great nationalities, which had +separated themselves as opposing forces. The natives had as good as +abandoned the civilisation they had learnt from Rome, and leant on their +kinsfolk in North Gaul, and the Scots in Ireland and the Highlands; they +occupied the west of the island. The Germans were settled in the east, +in the greatest part of the south, and in the north, in most of the old +Roman settlements,—but they were far from forming a united body. Not +seven or eight merely, but a large number of little tribal kingdoms, +occupied or fought for the ground.</p> + +<p>If we wish to point out in general the distinction between the +Anglo-Saxon and other German settlements, it lies in this, that they +rested neither on the Emperor's authorisation whether direct or +indirect, nor on any agreement with the natives of the land. In Gaul +Chlodwig assumed and carried on the authority of the Roman Empire;—in +Britain it went wholly to the ground. Hence it was that here the German +ideas could develop in their full purity, more so than in Germany +itself, over which the Frankish monarchy, which had also adopted Roman +tendencies, had gained influence.</p> + +<p>Just as the natives who would not submit were driven out of the German +settlements, so within their boundaries the germs of Christianity, which +had already spread in the island, were as good as annihilated. Among the +victorious Germans the Northern heathenism existed in full strength. In +many names of places, at the water-springs, the watersheds, in the +designations of the days of the week, the names of the gods of Germany +and the North appear; the kings trace their descent directly from them +as their immediate ancestors; the Sagas and poems about them symbolise +those battles with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +the elements, the storm, the sea, and the powers of +nature, which are peculiarly characteristic of the Northern mythology. +With this, however, arose the question, so important for the history of +the world, whether the great territory already won for the ideas of the +universal culture and religion of mankind should be again lost.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of the 6th century the epoch began in which, as the +German invaders of Gaul had already done, so now those of Spain and +Italy, whether Arians or heathens, came over to the Catholic faith of +the Provincials. This took place under the mediation of the chief +Pontiff, who had raised the city, from which the Empire took its name, +to be the metropolis of the Faith. Lombards and Visigoths became as good +Catholics as the Franks already were. The relationship of the royal +families, which held all Germans in close connexion, and the zeal of +Rome, which could not possibly suffer the loss of a province that it had +once possessed, now combined to call forth a similar movement among the +Anglo-Saxons, yet one which worked itself out in a very different way. +Since among the natives a peculiar form of church-life, not unconnected +with the Druidic discipline, had arisen, with which Rome would hold no +communion, and which rejected all demands of submission, the spiritual +enmity of the missionary was united to the national enmity of the +conqueror. When a king still heathen, while attacking the Britons, +directed his weapons against the monks of Bangor, who (collected on a +height) were offering up prayers against him, and massacred them to the +number of twelve hundred, the followers of the Roman Mission saw in this +a punishment decreed by God for apostasy, and the fulfilment of the +prophecies of their apostle.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> +On the other hand British Christian +kings also made common cause with the heathen Angles, and wasted with +fire and sword the provinces that had been converted by Rome. Had not in +the vicissitudes of internal war the native church organisation of the +North<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +won influence over the Anglo-Saxons, heathenism would never have +been conquered; it would have always found support among the Britons.</p> + +<p>When this however had once taken place, the whole Anglo-Saxon name +attached itself to the Roman ritual. Among the motives for this change +those which corresponded to the naive materialistic superstition of the +time may have been the most influential, yet there were other motives +also which touched the very essence of the matter. Men wished to belong +to the great Church Communion which then in still unbroken freedom +comprehended the most distant nations.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> +They preferred the bishops +whom the kings appointed (with the authorisation of the Roman See), to +those over whom the abbot of the great monastery on the island of Iona +exercised a kind of supremacy. Here there was no question of any +agreement between the German king and the bishops of the land, as under +the Merovingians in Gaul; they even avoided restoring the bishops' sees +which had flourished in the old Roman times in Britain. The primitive +and independent element manifests itself in the decision of the princes +and their great men. In Northumberland, Christianity was introduced by a +formal resolution of the King and his Witan: a heathen high priest girt +himself with the sword, and even with his own hand threw down his idols. +The Anglo-Saxon tribes in fact passed over from the popular religion and +mythology of the North and of Germany, which would have kept them in +barbarism, to the communion of the universal religion, to which belonged +the civilisation of the world. Never did a race show itself more +susceptible of such an influence: it presents the most remarkable +example of how the old German ideas, which had now taken living root in +this soil, and the Roman ecclesiastical culture, which was vigorously +embraced, met and became intertwined. The first German who made the +universal learning, derived from antiquity, his own, was an Anglo-Saxon, +the Venerable Beda; the first German dialect in which men wrote history +and drew up laws, was likewise the Anglo-Saxon. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> +Despite all their reverence for the threshold of the Apostles they admitted foreign +priests no longer than was indispensable for the foundation of the new +church: in the gradual progress of the conversion they were no longer +needed, we soon find Anglo-Saxon names everywhere in the church: the +archbishops and leading bishops are as closely related to the royal +families, as the heathen high priests had been before.</p> + +<p>It was exactly through the co-operation of both principles, originally +so foreign to one another, that the Anglo-Saxon nature took firm and +lasting form.</p> + +<p>The Kelts had formerly lived under a clan system which, extending over +vast districts, yet displayed in each spot characteristic weaknesses +which the hostility of every neighbour rendered fatal. Then the Romans +had introduced a military administrative constitution, which displaced +this tribal system, while it also subjected Britain to the universal +Empire, of which it formed only an unimportant province. A +characteristic form of life was first built up in Britain by the +Anglo-Saxons on the ruins of the Roman rule. The union into which they +entered with the civilised world was the freely chosen one of the +religion of the human race; they had no other connexion to control them. +Their whole energies being concentrated on the island, they gave it for +the first time, though continually at war with each other, an +independent position.</p> + +<p>Their constitution combines the ideas of the army and the tribe: it is +the constitution of armies of colonists bringing with them domestic +institutions which had been theirs from time immemorial. A society of +freemen of the same stock, who divided the soil among themselves in such +a manner that the number of the hides corresponded to that of the +families (for among no people was there a stronger conception of +separate ownership), they composed the armed array of the country, and +by their union maintained that peace at home which again secured each +man's life and property. At their head stands a royal family, of the +highest nobility, which traces its origin to the gods, and has by far +the largest possessions; from it, by birth and by election combined, +proceeds the King; who then, sceptre in hand, presides in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> +the court of justice, and in the field has the banner carried before him; he is the +Lord, to whom men owe fidelity; the Guardian, to whom the public roads +and navigable rivers belong, who disposes of the undivided land. Yet he +does not stand originally so high above other men that his murder cannot +be expiated by a wergeld, of which one share falls to his family—not a +larger one than for any other of its members,—and the other to the +collective community, since the prince belongs to the former by birth, +to the latter by his office. Between the simple freeman and the prince +appear the eorls, ealdormen, and thanes, in some instances raised above +the mass by noble birth or by larger possessions, natural chiefs of +districts and hundreds, in others promoted by service in the King's +court and in the field, sometimes specially bound to him by personal +allegiance: they are the Witan who have elected him out of his family +(in a few instances they depose him); they concur in giving laws, they +take part in making peace. Now the bishops take place by their side. +They appear with the ealdormen in the judicial meetings of the counties: +if the Gerefa neglects his duty, it is for them to step in; yet they +have also their own spiritual jurisdiction. It is a spiritual and +temporal organisation of small extent, yet of a certain self-sufficing +completeness. Many of the present shires correspond to the old kingdoms, +and bear their names to this day. The bishops' sees often coincide with +the seats of royalty; for the kings wished each to have a bishop to +himself in his little territory, since they had to endow the bishopric. +How many regulations still in force date from these times!</p> + +<p>The Anglo-Saxons always had an immediate and near relation to the +kingdom of the Franks.</p> + +<p>It was with the daughter of a Frankish prince that the first impulse +towards conversion came into a Saxon royal house. By the Anglo-Saxons +again the conversion of inner Germany was carried out, in opposition to +the same Scoto-Irish element which they withstood in Britain. Carl the +Great thought it expedient to inform the Mercian King Offa of the +progress of Christianity among the Saxons in Germany: he looked on him +as his natural ally. Both kingdoms had moreover +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +a common interest as against the free British populations on their western marches, who were +allied with each other across the sea: decisive campaigns of Carl the +Great and King Egbert of Wessex coincide in point of time, and may have +supported each other.</p> + +<p>Similarly, we may suppose that Egbert, who lived a number of years as an +exile at Carl's court, and could not have remained uninfluenced by his +mode of government and improved military tactics, was then also incited +and enabled, after his return, to subdue the little kingdoms and unite +them with Wessex: by the side of the 'Francia' of the continent he +created in the island a united 'Anglia.' But still there subsisted a yet +greater difference. Sprung from the stock of Cerdic, Egbert belonged to +the popular royalty which we find throughout at the head of the invading +Germans; he is, so far, more like the Merovingians whom Carl's +predecessors overthrew, than like Carl himself; and he was almost +entirely destitute of that strong groundwork of military institutions on +which the Carolingians supported themselves. His rise depended much more +on the fact that the old families in Mercia, Northumbria, and Kent had +disappeared, and the succession in general had become doubtful; after +Egbert had conquered the claimants to the throne in a great and bloody +battle, he was recognised by the Witans of the several kingdoms as their +common prince, and his family as that which in fact it now was,—the +leading one of all. After the example of Pipin's family, whose alliance +with the Papacy was the most important historical event of the epoch and +founded Western Christendom, the descendants of Cerdic also got +themselves anointed by the popes—for the religious movement still had +the predominance over every other. The amalgamation of the tribes and +kingdoms found its expression in the Church, through the prestige and +rank of the Archbishop of Canterbury, almost earlier than it did in the +State; the unity of the Church broke down the antipathies of the tribes, +and prepared the way for that of the kingdoms. In the midst of this work +of construction, so incomplete as yet, but so full of hope, of these +birthpangs of a new life, the very existence of the country was +threatened by the rise of a new Great +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> +Power. For so may we well designate the influence which the Scandinavian North exercised by land +over Eastern Europe, and at the same time over all the Western coasts by +sea.</p> + +<p>Only a part of the German peoples had been influenced by the idea of the +Empire or the Church; the inborn heathenism of the rest, irritated by +the losses it had sustained and the dangers that continually threatened +it, roused itself for the most formidable onslaught that the civilised +world has ever had to withstand from the heroic and barbarous children +of Nature.</p> + +<p>The mischief they wrought in Britain, from the middle of the ninth +century onwards, is indescribable.</p> + +<p>The Scoto-Irish schools, then in their most flourishing state (they +trained John Scotus Erigena, of all the scholars of that time the man +who had the widest intellectual range), fell before the Danish, not the +Anglo-Saxon assaults; an element of intellectual activity which might +have been of the greatest importance was thus lost to the Western world. +But the Northmen persecuted the Romano-English forms as bitterly as they +did the Irish. In the places where those Anglo-Saxon scholars had been +trained, who then enlightened the West, the Northmen planted the banner +which announced utter destruction; with twofold rapacity they threw +themselves on the more remote abbeys which seemed to derive protection +from their inaccessibility, and to guarantee it by their dignity; in +searching for the treasures which they believed had been placed in them +for security, they destroyed the monuments and means of instruction +which were really there; in Medeshamstede, where there was a rich +library, the flames raged for fourteen days. The half-formed union of +the various districts into one kingdom seems to have crippled rather +than strengthened the power of local resistance: the Danes became +masters of Kent and of East-Anglia, of Northumberland, and even of +Mercia; at last Wessex too, after already suffering many losses, was +invaded; from both sides at the same moment, from the inland and from +the coast, the deluge of robber-hordes poured over its whole extent.</p> + +<p>Things had come to such a point that the Anglo-Saxon community seemed +inevitably devoted to the same ruin +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +which had overtaken first the +Britons and then the Romans, they seemed doomed to make way for another +reconstruction. Britain would have become an outpost of the restored +heathenism, which could then have been with difficulty repulsed from the +Eastern and Western Frankish empires, afflicted as they were by similar +attacks, and governed by the discordant and weak princes who then ruled +them. At this moment of peril King Alfred appeared. It was not merely +for his own interests, nor merely for those of England, but for those of +the world, that he fought. He is rightly called 'the Great;' a title +fairly due only to those who have maintained great universal interests, +and not merely those of their own country.</p> + +<p>The distress of the moment, and the deliverance from it, have been kept +in imperishable remembrance by popular sagas and church legends. It is +well worth the trouble to trace out in the authenticated traditions, +brief as they are, the causes that decided the event. We may state them +as follows:—Since the attacks of the Vikings were especially ruinous, +from their occupation of the strong places whence they could command and +plunder the open country, one step in the work of liberation was taken +when Alfred, for the first time, wrested from them a stronghold which +they had seized, deep in the west. Then he, too, occupied strong +positions, and knew how to defend them. With the bravest and most +devoted of his nobles, and of the population that had not yet submitted, +he established a hill-fortress on a height rising like an island out of +the standing waters and marshlands in the still only slightly cultivated +land of Somersetshire; this not only served him as an asylum, but also +as a central point from which he too ranged through the land far and +wide, like the enemy, except that his object was to guard it, and make +it ring once more with the already forgotten name of the King. Around +his banners gathered, with reviving courage, the population of the +neighbouring districts also: the Saxons could again appear in the open +field; from their advancing shield-wall the disorderly onsets of the +Vikings recoiled, the victory was theirs. Hereupon, moreover, as if the +decision between the two religions depended on the result of the war, +the leader of the heathens +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> +came over to Christianity, and took an +Anglo-Saxon name. The Danes attached themselves to the principles and +the powers which they had come forth to destroy.</p> + +<p>King Alfred is a marvellous phenomenon: suffering from a disease which +sometimes broke out with violence, and which he never ceased to feel for +a single day of his life, he not merely withstood the extreme of peril +at that moment so big with ruin, but also founded a system of resistance +throughout the kingdom, in which his arms so worked together by sea and +land that each new band of Vikings betook themselves again to their +ships, and those that had already penetrated into the country, gave way +step by step. We remark with interest how, under Alfred and his +children, his son who succeeded him, and his manlike daughter, the +protecting fortresses advance from place to place, and provide free +space for the Anglo-Saxon community. The culture already existing, the +whole future of which had been saved by Alfred, attained in him its +fullest development. How many years had passed since the hour when an +illuminated initial letter gave him his first taste for a book, before +he could master even the elementary branches of knowledge! then he +devoted his whole efforts to instil new life into the studies that had +almost perished, and to give them a national character. He not merely +translated a number of the later authors of antiquity, whose works had +contributed most to the transmission of scientific culture; in the +episodes which he interweaves in them he shows a desire for knowledge +that reaches far beyond them; but especially we find in them a +reflective and thoughtful mind, solid sense at peace with itself, a +fresh way of viewing the world, a lively power of observation. This King +introduced the German mind with its learning and reflection into the +literature of the world; he stands at the head of the prose-writers and +historians in a German tongue—the people's King of the most primeval +kind, who is also the teacher of his people. We know his laws, in which +extracts from the books of Moses are combined with restored legal usages +of German origin; in him the traditions of antiquity are interpenetrated +by the original tendencies of the German mind. We completely weaken the +impression<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> +made on us by this great figure, so important in his first +limited and arduous efforts, by comparing him with the brilliant names +of antiquity. Each man is what he is in his own place.</p> + +<p>Though the Anglo-Saxon monarchy wanted that element of authority which +the kings of other German tribes drew from the Roman government by +transmission or succession, yet it had strengthened itself, like the +others, by union with the Church. Alfred, too, was at Rome in his +boyhood: it stood him in good stead that he had been anointed, and, as +men said, adopted by a Roman pope. In the reconquest of the land, Church +ideas had played an important part. It was impossible to drive out the +invading foes, they could only be held in check; never would they have +submitted to the Anglo-Saxon commonwealth had they not at the same time +been converted to Christianity. Nothing, moreover, contributed more to +this than the effort, which was then the order of the day in the +Christian world, to base the organisation of the Church on monasticism: +from Italy this tendency spread to Germany, from South France to North, +from thence to England, where it produced its greatest effect. Now the +power of conversion is inherent only in sharply-defined doctrines; and +it was precisely this tendency that penetrated the Northern natures: the +sons of the Vikings became the champions of monachism; to the fury with +which the fathers had destroyed the monasteries succeeded in the sons a +zeal to restore them. And in what good stead this stood the Anglo-Saxon +kings! The kingly power obtained, through the splendour which the union +with religion bestowed on its victorious arms, a reverential recognition +by the old native population as well as by the invaders.</p> + +<p>Alfred's grandson had regained Northumbria by a somewhat doubtful title, +and had then maintained his right in a great battle, renowned in song; +his great-grandson, Edgar, in one of his charters thanks the grace of +God which had permitted him to extend his rule further than his +predecessors, over the islands and seas as far as Norway, and over a +great part of Ireland. We are not to look on it as a mere piece of +vanity, when he seeks after new titles for his power, when +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> +he calls himself Basileus and Imperator; the former is the title of the Eastern, +the latter of the Western emperors; he will not yield the precedence to +either the one or the other, though the latter are so closely related to +him by blood. We cannot express the feeling of a supreme power, +independent of men, derived from the grace of God, the King of kings, +more strongly than it was expressed by Edgar under Dunstan's influence; +the ruling motives of life in Church and State make it conceivable that +a monkish hierarch, such as Dunstan, shared, as it were, the King's +power, and shaped the course of the authority of the state.</p> + +<p>It was still the ancestral Anglo-Saxon crown which glittered on Edgar's +head, but, if we may so say, its splendour had at the same time received +a monkish and hierarchic colouring. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The words of some MSS. in Caesar's Commentaries, iv. 25, +'deserite, milites, si vultis, aquilam, atque hostibus prodite,' might +well be taken for the genuine words, originally noted down in his +Ephemerides (journal).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> +Βρεττανιαν μεντοι οἱ +Ρωμαιοι ανασωσασθαι ουκετι +εσχον, αλλ' ουσα ὑπο τυραννοις +απ' αυτου εμενε. Procop. de bello Vand. I. No. +2. p. 318 ed. Bonn. Compare Zosimus, vi. 4. on, we may assume, the +better authority of Olympiodorus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The simplest form of the Saga occurs in Gildas, with very +few historical ingredients. Nennius enlarges it with Anglo-Saxon +traditions. Beda has combined both with some notices from the real +history. Since the departure of the Romans was rightly fixed about 409, +and Gildas said the Britons had rest for forty years, Beda settled that +the Saxons arrived in 449.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Beda, Hist. Eccl. ii. 2. Some have wished to consider the +remark, that Augustine had been then long dead, as a later +interpretation, 'ad tollendam labem caedis Bangorensis;' this, however, +is against the spirit of that age.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> 'Omnem orbem, quocunque ecclesia Christi diffusa est per +diversas nationes et linguas uno temporis ordine.' Beda, Hist. Eccl. +iii. 14.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BI_II" id="BI_II"></a> +TRANSFER OF THE ANGLO-SAXON CROWN TO THE NORMANS AND PLANTAGENETS.</p> + +<p>In the families of German national kings we not unfrequently find among +the women a hideous mixture of ambition, revenge, and bloodthirstiness, +which brings kings and kingdoms to ruin. In England it appears, despite +of Christianity and monastic discipline, in its most atrocious form +after the death of Edgar. His eldest son, for some years his successor, +was treacherously murdered by his stepmother (who wished to advance her +own son to the throne), at a visit which he paid her as he returned from +hunting. It was that Edward whose innocence and leaning towards the +Church have gained him the name of Martyr. The son of the murderess did +ascend the throne, but the guilt of blood seemed to cleave to the crown; +he met with the obedience of his father's times no more. The Anglo-Saxon +magnates seized the occasion which this crime, or the subsequent +vacillation of the government between violence and weakness, offered +them, to aim at an independent position, and to indulge in a personal +policy, each man for himself.</p> + +<p>At this very moment the Danes renewed their invasions.</p> + +<p>Little did Edgar and those around him understand their position, when +they attributed the peace they enjoyed to their own military power, in +the splendid and extensive display of which they took delight. In +reality it was the state of the world at large that brought this peace +about. First of all, it was due to the settlement of the Normans in +North Gaul, under the condition that they should be of one religion and +one realm, and should fulfil the natural duty +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> +of keeping off fresh incursions: the current of Northern invasion thus lost its aim and +direction. But it was of still more decisive effect at the first that +the energetic family which arose in North Germany, and even assumed the +imperial authority, not content with warding off the Danes, sought them +out in their own country instead, and carried the war against heathenism +into the North. The Saxons beyond the sea were indebted for the peace +which they enjoyed chiefly to the great and splendid deeds of arms of +their kindred on the mainland. How much all depended on this became very +clear when Otto II, in the full glow of great enterprises, met with an +unlooked for and early death. Within the empire two able women and their +advisers succeeded in maintaining peace; but in Denmark, as in other +neighbouring countries, the hostile elements got the upper hand. The +Danish king's son, Sven Otto, abandoned the religion which he regarded +as a yoke laid on him by the German conquerors; he could not destroy the +order of things established in Denmark, but he revived the old +sea-king's life, and threw himself with the old superiority of the +Viking arms on the English coasts.</p> + +<p>Ethelred on this attack fell into the greatest distress, mainly because +he was not sure of his great nobles. How often did the commanders of the +fleet desert it at the moment of action, and the leaders of the inland +levies go over to the enemy! Ethelred sought for safety by an alliance +with the Duchy of Normandy, then daily rising to greater power. Thus +supported, he proceeded to unjustifiable outrages against his domestic +as well as his foreign foes. The great nobles whom he suspected were +mercilessly killed or exiled, and their children blinded. The Danes who +remained in the land he caused to be murdered all on one day.</p> + +<p>The consequences of this deed necessarily recoiled upon himself. When +Sven some years after again landed with redoubled enmity, which was to a +certain extent justified, he experienced no effectual resistance +whatever; Ethelred had to fly before him and quit the island. But now +that Sven too, who had been already saluted by many as King, died in the +first enjoyment of his victory, a question +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +arose which extended far beyond the personal relations and embarrassments of the moment.</p> + +<p>The influence always exercised by the Witans of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms +in determining the succession to the throne remained much the same when +they were all fused into a single kingdom; even among the descendants of +Alfred, the great men designated the sovereign. In the disturbed state +of things in which they now found themselves, the lawful King having +fled, and the other, who had put himself into actual possession of the +supreme authority, being dead, they framed the largest conception of +their right. They formally made conditions with Ethelred for his return, +and he consented to their demands through his +son.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> +Since he, however, +did not fulfil his promise—for how could he have altered his +nature?—they held themselves released from their engagement to maintain +this family on the throne. Sven's son, Canute, had taken his father's +place among the Danes; he had been long ago baptised, he was of a +character which commanded confidence, and possessed at the time +overwhelming power. After Ethelred's death the lay and spiritual chiefs +of England decided to abandon the house of Cerdic for ever, and to +recognise Canute as their King. How many jarls and thanes of Danish +origin do we find around the kings under all the last governments. Edgar +was especially blamed for the very reason that he took them under his +protection. But they had been subjected only by war; no hereditary +sentiment of natural loyalty attached them to the West Saxon royal +house. The ecclesiastical aristocracy was besides determined by +religious considerations; to them these disasters and crimes seemed +sufficient proof of the truth of those prophecies of coming woe which +Dunstan was believed to have uttered. They repaired to Canute at +Southampton, and concluded a peace with him, the conditions of which +were that they would abandon the descendants of Ethelred for ever, and +recognise Canute as their King; he, on the other hand, promised to +fulfil the duties of a King truly, in both spiritual and temporal +relations.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> +Yet once more, Ethelred's eldest son, Edmund +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> +Ironsides, who was himself half a Dane by birth, roused himself to a vigorous +resistance: London and a part of the nobility took his side; he gained +through force of arms a settlement by which, though indeed he lost the +best part of the land and the capital itself, he maintained the crown; +he died however, soon after, and then the whole country recognised +Canute as King. The last scion of the royal house in the land was +banished, and all the claims of the family to the crown again declared +void. The Anglo-Saxon magnates undertook to make a money payment to the +Danish host; in return they received the pledge from the King's hand, +and the oath by his soul taken by his chiefs.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> +It was a treaty between +the Anglo-Saxon and the Danish chiefs, by which the former received the +King of the latter as also their own.</p> + +<p>This extremely important event links the centuries together, and +determines the future fortunes of England. The kingly house, whose right +and pre-eminence was connected with the earliest settlements, which had +completed the union of the realm and delivered it from the worst +distress, was at a moment of moral deterioration and disaster excluded +by the spiritual and temporal chiefs, of Anglo-Saxon and Danish origin. +They had first tried to limit it, to bind it by its own promise; when +this led to nothing, they annihilated its right by a formal resolution +of the realm, and procured peace by raising to the throne another +sovereign who had no right by birth. Canute did not owe the crown to +conquest, though his greater power contributed to the result, but to +election, which now appeared as the superior right: hitherto the Witan +had always exercised it within the limits of the royal family; this time +they disregarded that family altogether.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +Canute decreed or allowed some bloody acts of violence, in order to +strengthen the power that had fallen to his lot; but afterwards he +administered it with a noble spirit answering to his position. He became +the leading sovereign of the North: men reckoned five or six kingdoms as +subject to him. England was the chief of them all, even for him; it was +in possession of the culture and religion which he wished should prevail +in the rest: the missionaries of the North went forth from Canterbury. +England itself, however, gained a higher position in the world by its +union with a power which ruled as far as Norway and North America, and +carried on commerce with the East by the Baltic. In Gothland the great +emporium of the West, Arabic as well as Anglo-Danish coins are found; +the former were carried from the North as far as England. Canute +favoured the Anglo-Saxon mode of life; he liked to be designated the +'successor of Edgar;' he confirmed his legislation; and it was his +intention, at least, to rule according to the laws: as he even submitted +himself to the military regulations of the Huskarls, so he commanded +right and law to be administered in civil matters without respect to his +own person.</p> + +<p>But a union of such different kingdoms could only be a transitory +phenomenon. Canute himself thought of leaving England again independent +under one of his sons.</p> + +<p>With this object he had married Ethelred's widow Emma. For, according to +Anglo-Saxon ideas, the Queen was not merely the King's wife, but also +sovereign of the land, in her own right. It was settled that the +children of this marriage should succeed him in England. Probably Canute +did not wish the inheritance of the crown in his house to depend merely +on the goodwill of the Witan.</p> + +<p>After Canute's death we can observe a wavering between the principles of +election and birthright. The magnates again elected, but limited their +choice to the King's house. After the extinction of the Danish-Norman +family, they came back to the English-Norman one; they called the son of +Ethelred and Emma, Edward the Confessor, to the throne of his fathers, +though, it is true, without leaving him much power. This lay rather in +the hands of the Earls Godwin of Kent and Leofric of Mercia; especially +in the former,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> +whose wife was related to Canute, did the Anglo-Saxon +spirit of independence energetically manifest itself. He was once +banished, but returned and recovered all his offices. When however, +Edward too died without issue, the dynastic question once more came +before the English magnates. It might have seemed most consistent to +recall the Aetheling Edgar a member of the house of Cerdic from exile, +and to carry on the previous form of government under his name. But the +thoughts of the English chiefs no longer turned in that direction. Not +very long before a king from the ranks of the native nobility had +ascended the throne of the Carolingians in the West Frank empire; in the +East Frank, or German empire, men had seen first the mightiest duke, +then one of the most distinguished counts, attain the imperial dignity. +Why should it not be possible for something similar to happen in England +also? The very day on which Edward the Confessor died, Godwin's son, +Harold, was elected by the magnates of the kingdom, and crowned without +delay<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> +(Jan. 5, 1066). The event now happened which was only implied +in what occurred at Canute's accession: the house of Cerdic was +abandoned, and the further step taken of raising another native family +to its throne.</p> + +<p>It was not this time a pressing necessity that brought it about; but we +cannot deny that, if carried through, it opened out an immeasurable +prospect.</p> + +<p>For such would have been the case, if the attempt to found a Germanic +Anglo-Saxon kingdom under Harold, and maintain it free from any +preponderating foreign influence had been successful. By recalling Edgar +the influence of Normandy, against which the antipathies of the nation +had been awakened under the last government, would have been renewed. +But just as little were those claims to be recognised which the Northern +kings put forward for the re-establishment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> of their supremacy. Even as +regards the Papacy, the government began to adopt an independent line of +conduct.</p> + +<p>The question now was, whether the Anglo-Saxon nation would be unanimous +and strong enough to maintain such a haughty position on all sides.</p> + +<p>The first attack came from the North; it was all the more dangerous, +from the fact that an ambitious brother of the new King supported it: +only by an extreme effort were these enemies repelled. But, at the same +moment, an attack was threatened from another enemy of infinitely +greater importance—Duke William of Normandy. It was not only this +sovereign, and his land, but a new phase of development in the history +of the world, with which England now entered into conflict.</p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BI_II_I" id="BI_II_I"></a>The Conquest.</p> + +<p>Out of the antagonism of nationalities, of the Empire and the Church, of +the overlord and the great chiefs, in the midst of invasions of foreign +peoples and armies, the local resistance to them and their occupations +of territory, a new world had, as it were, been forming itself in +Southern Europe, and especially in Gaul. Still more decidedly than in +England had the invading Vikings in France attached themselves to the +national element, even in the second generation they had given up their +language; they discovered at the same time a form which reconciled the +membership in the kingdom, and the recognition of the common faith, with +provincial freedom. In France no native power successfully opposed and +checked the advancing Normans, such as that which the Danes had +encountered in England. On the contrary they exercised the greatest +influence over the foundation of a new dynasty. A system developed +itself over the whole realm, in which, both in the provincial +authorities and in the lower degrees of rank, the possession of land and +share in public office, feudalism and freedom, interpenetrated each +other, and made a common-weal which yet harmonised with all the +inclinations that lend charm and colouring to individual life. The old +migratory impulse and spirit of warlike enterprise set before itself +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +religious aims also, which lent it a higher sanction; war for the +Church, and conquest (which meant for each man a personal occupation of +land) were combined in one. Starting from Normandy, where great warlike +families were formed that found no occupation at home (for these young +populations are wont to multiply quickest), North French love of war and +habits of war transplanted themselves to Spain and to Italy. How must it +have elevated their spirit of enterprise when in the latter country the +Papacy, which had just thrown off the supremacy of the emperor, and +entered on a new stage in the development of its power, made common +cause with their arms, and a practised Norman warrior, Robert Guiscard, +appeared as Duke of Apulia and Calabria 'by grace of God and of S. Peter +and, under his protection, of Sicily also in time to come'!<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> +The Pope +gave him lands in fief, which had hitherto belonged to the Greek Empire, +and which the Germans had been unable to conquer; he promised, in +return, to defend the prerogatives of S. Peter. Between the hierarchy +which was striving to perfect its supremacy, and the warlike chivalry of +the 11th century, an alliance was formed like that once concluded with +the leaders of the Frankish host. The ideas were already stirring from +which proceeded the Crusades, the foundation of the Spanish kingdoms, +and the creation of the Latin Empire at Constantinople. In the princely +fiefs of the French Crown, and above all in Normandy, they seized on +men's minds. Chivalrous life and hierarchic institutions, dialectic and +poetry, continual war at home and ceaseless aspirations abroad, were +here fused into a living whole.</p> + +<p>In the Germanic countries also this close alliance of hierarchy and +chivalry now sought to win influence, but here it met with a strenuous +resistance. In England, Edward the Confessor had tried to prepare the +way for it: Godwin and his house opposed it. And when the former named +the Norman Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, and the latter drove him +out, the English quarrels became connected with those of Rome; Stigand, +the archbishop put in by Godwin, received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> his pallium from Pope +Benedict X, who had been elected in the old tumultuous manner once more +by the neighbouring Roman barons, but had to succumb to Hildebrand's +zeal for a regular election by the cardinals, on which the emancipation +of the Papacy depended. It seemed, then, intolerable at Rome that there +should be a primate of the English Church, connected by his Church +position with a phase of the supreme priesthood now condemned and +abolished: it is very intelligible that this priesthood in its present +form took up a hostile position towards the England of that time. In +this, moreover, it found an ally ready to act in Duke William of +Normandy, who wished to be regarded as the born champion of the +Anglo-Saxon dynasty, and as the natural successor to its rights. Once +already his father had collected a fleet to restore the exiled +Aethelings, and was only kept back from an invasion by unfavourable +weather. There had often since been rumours, that Edward had destined +Duke William to be his successor; men asserted that Harold had +previously recognised this right, and that in return William's daughter, +and a part of the land as an independent possession, had been promised +him.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> +In his own position William had cleared the ground for himself +with a strong hand. He had beaten his feudal lord in the open field, and +thus not only recovered a frontier fortress lost during his minority, +but also strengthened the independence of the duchy. At the same time +William had vanquished his rebellious vassals in arms, banished them, +deprived them of their possessions, and got rid, with the Pope's +consent, of an archbishop who was allied with them. Death freed him from +another mighty opponent, the Duke of Brittany, who threatened him with a +great maritime expedition. It throws a certain light on his policy, to +see how he made himself master of the county of Maine in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> 1062. On the +ground that Count Heribert, whom he had supported in his quarrel with +Anjou, had become his vassal and made him his heir,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> +he overran +Maine, and put his adherents in possession of the fortresses which +commanded the land. However we may decide as to the details told us +about his relations to Edward and Harold, it seems undeniable that +William had received provisional promises from both—for Harold loved to +side with Edward. He was not the man to put up with their being broken. +The system, however, which through Harold's accession gained the upper +hand in England, was in itself hostile to the Norman one: and that a +king of England like the present might some day become dangerous to the +duke, amidst all the other hostilities which threatened him, is clear. +To these motives was now added the approbation of the Roman See. The +Pope's chief Council deliberated on the enterprise, above all did the +archdeacon of the Church, Hildebrand, declare himself in its favour. He +was reproached—then or at a later time—with being the author of +bloodshed; he declared that his conscience acquitted him, since he knew +well, that the higher William mounted, the more useful he would be to +the Church.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +Alexander II now sent the duke the banner of the Church. +As a few years before Robert Guiscard had become duke, so now a Norman +duke was to become king, in the service of the Church. The Normans were +still divided in their views as to the enterprise, but when this news +arrived, all opposition ceased, for in the service of S. Peter and the +Church men believed themselves secure of success; then lay and spiritual +vassals emulously armed ships and men; in the harbour of S. Valery, +which belonged to one of those who had been last gained over, the Count +of Ponthieu, the fleet and the troops gathered together.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> +The Count +of Flanders, the duke's father-in-law, secretly favoured the enterprise; +another of his nearest relations, Count Odo of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>Champagne, brought up +his troops in person; Count Eustace of Boulogne armed, to avenge on +Godwin's house an affront he had once suffered at Dover; a number of +leading Breton counts and lords attached themselves to William in +opposition to their duke, who cherished wholly different projects. To +the lords and knights of North France were joined many of lower rank, +whose names show that they came from Gascony, Burgundy, the duchy of +France, or the neighbouring districts belonging to the German Empire. Of +their own free will they ranged themselves round William, to vindicate +the right which he claimed to the English crown, but each man naturally +entertained brilliant hopes also for himself. William is depicted as a +man of vast bodily strength, which none could surpass or weary out, with +a strong hardy frame, a cool head, an expression in his features which +exactly intimated the violence with which he followed up his enemies, +destroyed their states, and burnt their houses. Yet all was not +passionate desire in him. He honoured his mother, he was true to his +wife. Never did he undertake a quarrel without giving fair notice, and +certainly never without having well prepared for it beforehand. He knew +how to keep up a warlike spirit in his vassals: there were seen with him +only splendid men and able leaders; he kept strict discipline. So also +he had seized the moment for his enterprise, at which the political +relations of Europe were favourable to him. The two great realms, which +might otherwise have well interposed, the East Frank (or the +Roman-German) as well as the West Frank, were under kings not yet of +age: the guardianship of the latter lay with the Count of Flanders, who +thought he did enough in not standing openly by his son-in-law, of the +former with great bishops devoted heart and soul to the hierarchic +system.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> +Harold, on the other hand, had no friend or ally, in North +or East, in South or in West. To encounter the combined efforts of a +great European coalition he had only himself and his Anglo-Saxons to +rely on. Harold is depicted as coming forth +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> perfect from the hands of +nature, without blemish from head to foot, personally brave before the +enemy, gentle among his own people, and endowed with natural eloquence. +His enemy's passion for, and knowledge of, war were not in him; the +taste of the Anglo-Saxons was directed more to peaceful enjoyments than +to ceaseless wars. At this moment too they were weakened by great losses +in the last bloody war; many of the most trustworthy and bravest had +fallen, others wavered in their fidelity; Harold had not been able to +put even the coasts in a state of defence; William landed without +resistance, to demand his crown from him. When reminded of his promise +Harold was believed to have answered in the very spirit of Anglo-Saxon +independence, that he had no right to make any such promise without the +consent of the Anglo-Saxon chiefs and people. And not to meet the +invading foe instantly at the sword's point would have seemed to him +disgraceful cowardice. And so William and Harold, the North French +knights and the national war-array of the Anglo-Saxons, encountered at +Hastings. Harold fell at the very beginning of the fight. The Normans, +according to their wont, knew how to separate their enemies by a +pretended flight, and then by a sudden return to surround and destroy +them in isolated bodies. It was the iron-clad, yet rapidly moving +cavalry, which decided the battle.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>William expected, now that his rival had fallen, to be recognised by the +Anglo-Saxons as their King. Instead of this the chiefs and the capital +raised Edgar the Aetheling, grandson of Edmund Ironsides, to the throne: +as though William would retire before a scion of the old West-Saxon +house, of which he professed to be the champion. He held firmly to the +transfer made to him by the last king without regard to any third +person, ratified as it was by the Roman See, and marched on the capital.</p> + +<p>Edgar was a boy, and the magnates were at variance as to who should have +the authority to exercise guardianship over him. When William appeared +before the city, and threatened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> the walls with his siege-machines, it +too lost courage. The embassy which it sent him was amazed at the +grandeur and splendour of his appearance, was convinced as to the right +which King Edward had transferred to him,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> +and penetrated by the +danger which a resistance, in itself hopeless, would bring on the city. +Aldermen and people abandoned Edgar, and recognised William as King. +There is an old story, that the county of Kent, on capitulating, made +good conditions for itself. To the nobles also, who submitted by +degrees, similar terms may have been accorded, but their position was +almost entirely altered. We need notice only this one point. Their chief +right, which they exercised to a perhaps unauthorised extent, was that +of electing the King; they had now elected twice, but the first election +was annulled by defeat in the open field, the second by increasing +superiority in arms; they had to recognise the Conqueror, who claimed by +inheritance, as their King, whether they would or no. There is something +almost symbolic of the resulting state of things in the story of +William's coronation, which was now celebrated by the tomb of Edward the +Confessor at Westminster. For the first time the voices of the +Anglo-Saxons and the Normans were united to greet him as King, but the +discordant outcry of the two languages seemed a sign of conflict to the +troops gathered outside, and made the warlike fury, so hardly kept under +control, boil up again in them; they set the houses of London on fire. +Whilst all hurried from the church, the ceremony it is said was +completed by shuddering priests in the light of the flames: the new King +himself, who at other times did not know what fear was, trembled.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> + +<p>By this coronation-acclaim, two constituent elements of the world, which +had been fundamentally at conflict with each other, became indissolubly +united.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> +That against which the Anglo-Saxons had set themselves to guard with all +their strength during the last period, the inroad of the Norman-French +element into their Church and their State, was now accomplished in +fullest measure. William's maxim was, that all who had taken arms +against him and his right had forfeited their property; those who +escaped, and the heirs of those who had fallen, were deprived alike. In +a short time we find William's leading comrades in the war, as earls of +Hereford, Buckingham, Shrewsbury, Cornwall; his valiant brothers were +endowed with hundreds of fiefs; and when the insurrection which quickly +broke out led to new outlawries and new confiscations, all the counties +were filled with French knights. From Caen came over the blocks of +freestone to build castles and towers, by which they hoped to bridle the +towns and the country. It is an exaggeration to assume a complete +transfer of property from the one people to the other; among the tenants +in chief about half the names are still Anglo-Saxon. At first, those who +from any even accidental cause had not actually met William in arms were +left in possession of their lands, though without hereditary right: +later, after they had conducted themselves quietly for some time, this +too was given back to them. In the next century it excited surprise that +so many great properties should have remained in the hands of the +Anglo-Saxons.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> + It would have been altogether against William's plan, +to treat the Anglo-Saxons as having no rights. He wished to appear as +the rightful successor of the Anglo-Saxon kings: by their laws he would +abide, only adding the legal usages of the Normans to those of the +Danes, Mercians, and West Saxons; and it was not merely through his +will, but also by its higher form, and connexion with the ideas of the +century, that the Norman law gained the upper hand. But however much we +may deduct from the usual exaggerations, this fact remains, that the +change of ownership which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> took place, like the change in the +constitution and the general state of things, was of enormous extent: +the military and judicial power passed entirely into the hands of the +victors in the war. And in the Church alterations no less thoroughgoing +ensued. Under the authority of Papal legates, the great office-holders +of the English Church, who had been opposed to the newly arisen +hierarchic system, were mercilessly deprived of their places. The King +was afterwards personally on tolerably good terms with Stigand, the +Archbishop of Canterbury, but was not inclined on his account to oppose +the Church. The archbishopric, and with it the primacy of England, +passed to the man in whom the union of the Church authority and +orthodoxy of that which we may call the especially hierarchic century +was most vividly represented, the man who had been the chief agent in +establishing the dogma of Transubstantiation, the great teacher of Bec, +Lanfranc. In most of the bishoprics and abbeys we find Normans of +kindred tendency. It was precisely in the enterprise against England +that the hierarchy concluded its compact with the hereditary feudal +state, which was all the more lasting in that they were both still in +process of formation.</p> + +<p>In this way was England attached by the strongest ties to the Continent, +and to the new system of life and ecclesiastico-political constitution +which had then gained the upper hand in Latin Europe. Under the next +three successors of the Conqueror, none of whom enjoyed a completely +legal recognition, it sometimes appeared as though England would again +tear herself away from Normandy: such variances were not without +influence on home affairs: in the general relations of the country they +wrought no change at all. On the contrary, these were developed on a +still larger scale, owing to the complicated family connexions which so +peculiarly characterise that epoch. From the county of Anjou which, like +the dominion of the Capets, had been formed in the struggle against the +invasion of the Normans, a sovereign arose who had the right to rule the +Norman conquests, the son of the Conqueror's granddaughter, Henry +Plantagenet. He had become, though not without appeal to the sword, +which his father wielded powerfully on his behalf, master of Normandy, +and had the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span>n married Eleanor of Poitou, who brought him a great part of +South France: he then succeeded more by fair means than by force in +establishing his right to the throne of England. Henry was the first to +establish in France the power of the great vassals, by which the crown +was long in danger of being overthrown. The Kings of Castille and +Navarre submitted to his arbitration. And under a sovereign whose +grandfather had been King of Jerusalem, and one of the mightiest rulers +of that Western kingdom established in the East, the tendencies, which +had led so far, could not fail to extend themselves to the utmost in all +their spheres of action? The hierarchic and chivalrous spirit of +Continental Europe, which under the Normans had seized on England, was +much strengthened by the accession of the Plantagenets. It thus came to +pass that after the disastrous loss of Jerusalem, the knights of Anjou +and of Guienne, from Brittany (for Henry had added this province also to +his family possessions) and from Normandy, gathered together in London, +and took the Cross in company with the English. England formed a part of +the Plantagenet Empire—if we may apply this word to so anomalous a +state—and contributed to its extension, even though no interest of its +own was involved. But towards such a result the relations which this +alliance established between England and Southern Europe had long +tended. Not seldom was the military power of the provinces over the sea +employed for enterprises that aimed at the direct advantage of England +itself. Whether and when the German element without this influence would +have become master of the British group of islands none could say. The +English dominion over Ireland in particular is derived from Henry II, +and his alliance at that time with the Papacy; he crossed thither under +the Pope's authorisation: at the Pope's word the native kings did homage +to him as their lord.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> +And the foreign-born Plantagenets struck +living root in England itself. As Henry II's mother was the daughter of +a princess descended from the West-Saxon house, he was hailed by the +natives as their lawfully-descended King; in accordance with Edward the +Confessor's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> prophecy, that from the severed bough should spring up a +new tree: they traced his descent without scruple back to Wodan. This +King, moreover, has impressed his mark deeply on English life; to this +day justice is administered in England under forms established by him.</p> + +<p>The will of destiny cannot be gainsaid. Just as Germany without its +connexion with Italy, so England without its connexion with France, +would never have been what it is. More than all, the great commonwealth +of the western nations, whose life pervades and determines the history +of each separate state, would never have come into existence. But on +this ground first, amidst continual warfare, was gradually accomplished +the formation of the nationalities. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Se in omnibus eorum voluntati consensurum, consiliis +acquieturum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Florentius Wigorniensis: 'Post cujus (Aethelredi) mortem +episcopi abbates duces et quique nobiliores Angliae, in unum congregati +pari consensu in dominum et regem Canutum sibi elegere—ille juravit, +quod et secundum deum et secundum seculum fidelis eis esse vellet +dominus.' The oath which Ethelred had taken was, however, only 'secundum +deum.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Florentius, 593: 'Accepto pignore de manu sua nuda cum +juramentis a principibus Danorum, fratres et filios Eadmundi omnino +despexerunt eosque esse reges negaverunt.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> In Ingulphus (Savile Script. 511) it is said expressly: +per Archiepiscopum Eboracae, Aedredum (Aldredum). But it is surprising +that the Bayeux Tapestry expressly names Stigand (Lancelot: Description +de Tapisserie de Bayeux, in Thierry, I). Yet Harold could not possibly +have meant, by passing over the Archbishop of Canterbury, to declare him +to be incompetent, since he had been appointed by his party.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Juramentum fidelitatis Roberti Guiscardi: 1059 in +Baronius, Annales Eccles. ix. 350.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The simplest statement occurs in the Carmen de bello +Hastingensi, p. 352, according to which Edward promised the succession, +and sent ring and sword to the duke by Harold; but as early as in +William of Jumièges we have the tale of Harold's captivity in Ponthieu, +and the promise made him, and the chief outlines of what in Guilielmus +Pictaviensis, and Ordericus Vitalis, lies before us with further +embellishments, and to which the Bayeux Tapestry (itself, too, a kind of +historical memorial of the time) adds some further traits.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Guilielmus Pictaviensis, Gesta Wilhelmi ducis, in Duchesne +189, already relates this in reference to the English affair.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Gregorii Registrum, vii. 23; Mansi, xx. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> William of Jumièges, Hist. vii. 34. 'Ingentem exercitum ex +Normannis et Flandrensibus ac Francis ac Britonibus aggregavit.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Guilielmus Pictaviensis 197 assures us that help was +promised from Germany in the name of Henry IV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, III. § 245. 'Magis +temeritate et furore praecipitati quam scientia militari Wilhelmo +congressi.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> 'Contulit Eguardus quod rex donum sibi regni Monstrat et +adfirmat vosque probasse refert.' So Guido (Carmen de bello Hastingensi, +737) makes Ansgard on his return speak to the citizens.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Ordericus Vitalis 503. In Guido the ceremony is described +with the greatest calmness, as though it passed undisturbed; but the +conclusion of his work seems wanting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 10. 'Miror singularis +excellentiae principem, in subactam et sibi suspectam Anglorum gentem +hac usum misericordia, ut non solum colonos indempnes servaret, verum +ipsis regni majoribus feudos suos et amplas possessiones relinqueret.' +In Madox, History of the Exchequer, ii. 391. In Domesday Book the memory +of Edward the Confessor is always treated with the greatest respect. +Ellis, Introduction to Domesday Book, i. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> 'Ut illius terrae populus te sicut dominum veneretur.' +Breve of Hadrian IV.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BI_III_I" id="BI_III_I"></a> +THE CROWN IN CONFLICT WITH CHURCH AND NOBLES.</p> + +<p>Highly as we may estimate the due appreciation and expression of those +objective ideas, which are bound up with the culture of the human race, +still the spiritual life of man is built up not so much on a devout and +docile receptivity of these ideas as on their free and subjective +recognition, which modifies while it accepts, and necessarily passes +through a phase of conflict and opposition.</p> + +<p>In England the authority both of Church and State now came forward with +far more strength than before. The royal power was a continuation of the +sovereignty inherited from Anglo-Saxon times, but, leaning on its +continental resources, and supported by those who had taken part in the +Conquest, it developed itself much more durably. The clergy of the land +were far more closely and systematically bound to the Papacy; thus it +had become more learned and more active. The one sword helped the other; +just at this very time, the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury were +depicted as the two strong steers that drew the plough of England.</p> + +<p>But yet, below all this there existed a powerful element of opposition. +After the new order of things had existed more than eighty years, among +a portion of the Anglo-Saxon population the design was started of +putting a violent end to it, of destroying at one blow all those +foreigners who seemed its representatives, just as the Danes had all +been murdered on one day.</p> + +<p>It was an evil thought, and all the more atrocious because manifold ties +had been already gradually formed between the two populations. How could +they ever become fused into one nation if the one was always plotting +the destruct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span>ion of the other?</p> + +<p>It was not merely by alliances of blood and family, but even still more +by great common political and ecclesiastical interests that the English +nationality, which contains both elements, was founded. And, in truth, +the leading impulse towards it was that the conquerors, no less than the +conquered, felt themselves oppressed by the yoke which the two supreme +authorities laid on them, and hence both combined to oppose them. But +centuries elapsed before this could be effected. The first occasion for +it was given when the two authorities quarrelled with each other, and +alternately called on the population to give its voluntary aid.</p> + +<p>For, as the authorities which represent the objective ideas are of +different origin, they have never in our Western Europe remained more +than a short time in complete harmony with each other. Each retains its +natural claim to be supreme, and not to endure the supremacy of the +other. The one has always more before its eyes the unity of the whole, +the other the needs and rights of the several kingdoms and states. +Amidst their antagonism European life has moulded itself and made +progress.</p> + +<p>Close as their union was at the time of the Conquest of England, yet +even then their quarrel broke out. Though the Conqueror pledged himself +again to pay a tribute which the Anglo-Saxon kings had formerly charged +themselves with, and which had been long unpaid, yet this was not +sufficient for the Roman See: Gregory VII demanded to be recognised as +feudal lord of England. But this was not what William understood, when +he had allowed the papal banner to wave over the fleet that brought him +to England. It was not from the Pope's authorisation that he derived his +claim to the English crown, as if this had been merely transferred to +him by the Papal See, but from the Anglo-Saxon kings, as whose heir and +legal successor he wished to be regarded. He answered the Pope that he +could enter into no other relation to him than that in which his +predecessors in England had stood to previous popes.</p> + +<p>For the first time the popes had to give up altogether the attempt to +make kings their feudal dependents; they attemp<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>ted, however, an almost +deeper encroachment into the very heart of the royal power, when they +then formed the plan of severing the spiritual body corporate, which +already possessed the most extensive temporal privileges, from their +feudal obligation to the sovereigns. The English kings opposed them in +this also with resolution and success. Under the influence of the father +of scholasticism, Anselm of Canterbury, Primate of England, a +satisfactory agreement was arranged long before the Concordat was +obtained in Germany. In general there was little to fear, as long as the +Archbishop of Canterbury had a good understanding with the Crown; and +this was the case in the first half of the 12th century, if not on all +points, yet, at least on all leading questions. Far-reaching differences +did not appear until the higher ecclesiastics embraced the party of the +Papacy, which happened in England through Thomas Becket.</p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BI_III_II" id="BI_III_II"></a>Henry II and Becket.</p> + +<p>It was precisely from him that this would have been least expected. He +had been the King's Chancellor, or if we may avail ourselves of a +somewhat remote equivalent expression, his most trusted cabinet +minister, and had as such, in both home and foreign affairs, rendered +the most valuable services. The introduction of scutage is attributed to +him, and he certainly had a large share in the acquisition of Brittany. +It was through the direct influence of the King that he was elected +archbishop.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> +But from that hour he seemed to have become another man. +As he had hitherto rivalled the courtiers in splendour, pleasure, and +pomp, so would he now by strictness of life equal the sanctity of the +saints; as hitherto to the King, so did he now attach himself to the +interests of the Church. It might, so we may suppose, be some +satisfaction to his self-esteem, that he could now confront his stern +and mighty sovereign as Archbishop 'also by the grace of God,' for so he +designates himself in his letter to the King; or he might feel himself +bound to recover the possessi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>ons of his Church, which had been wrested +from it by the Crown or the high nobility. But, as spiritually-minded +men are moved more by universal ideas than by special interests, so for +Becket the determining impulse without doubt lay above all in the +sympathy which he devoted to the hierarchic movement in general.</p> + +<p>Those were the times in which the attempt of the Emperor Frederic I to +call a council, and in it to decide on a contested papal election, had +created general excitement among the peoples and churches of Southern +Europe, which would only consent to be led by a pope independent of the +empire. Driven from Italy, Alexander III, the Pope rejected by the +Emperor, found a cordial reception in France; and here he now collected +on his side a papal council in opposition to the imperial one, in which +the cardinals, whose election the Emperor was trying to annul, and the +bishops of Spain and South Italy, and those of the collective Gaulish +dioceses (more than a hundred in number), and the English bishops also, +gathered around him, and laid the Pope elected by the Emperor under the +anathema. It was inevitable that the idea of the Church, as independent +of the temporal power, should here find its strongest expression. Some +canons were passed which prohibited the usurpation of ecclesiastical +property by the laity, and made it a crime in the bishops to allow +it.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>Thomas Becket was welcomed in this council with a seductive kindness; +but besides this, what is harder than to set oneself against the common +feeling of one's own order, when moderation already appears to be +apostasy? He returned to England filled with the ideas of hierarchic +independence; in preparing to carry it through, he necessarily brought +on the conflict which had hitherto been avoided.</p> + +<p>The Plantagenet King, whose whole heart was in the work of securing the +obedience of the manifold provinces that had fallen to his lot; who +hastened ceaselessly from one to the other (when people thought him far +away in South<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> France, he had already recrossed the sea to England), +ever occupied in extending his inherited power by institutions of a +legal and administrative nature, was not inclined to give way to the +Church in this attempt. He would neither make the election of the higher +clergy free, nor allow their excommunication to be valid without State +control; he not only maintained the right of the lay courts to try +ecclesiastics for heinous offences, which else often remained +unpunished; but, even in the sphere of spiritual jurisdiction, he +claimed to hear appeals in the last instance without regard to the Pope. +In all this the lay and spiritual nobility agreed with him; in a Council +at Clarendon they framed 'constitutions,' in which they declared these +rules to be the law of the realm, as it had always been observed, and +ought to be observed henceforth.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>Becket did not possess the inflexible obstinacy which distinguishes most +of the champions of the hierarchy. As the accordant voice of Europe +moved him to take up the hierarchic principles, so now the accordant +voice of his country's rulers made an impression on him: he listened to +the ecclesiastics who entreated him not to draw the King's displeasure +on them, and to the laymen, who prayed him not to bring on them the +necessity of executing it on the ecclesiastics: he virtually accepted +the Constitutions of Clarendon. But then again he could not prevail on +himself to observe them. Only when his vacillation endangered him +personally, so that he could expect nothing else to follow but a +condemnation by a new assembly of the royal court, did he come to a +decision. Then he took the hierarchic side resolutely; in contradiction +to the Constitutions, he appealed to the Pope. It is a remarkable day in +English history, that 14th October 1164, on which Thomas Becket, after +reading mass, appeared before the court without his archiepiscopal +dress, but cross in hand. He forbade the earl, who wished to announce +the judgment to him, to speak, since +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +no layman had power to sit in +judgment on his spiritual father;<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> +he again put himself under the +protection of God and the Roman Church, and then passed from the court, +no man venturing to lay hands on him, still armed with his cross, to a +church close by, from whence he escaped to the Continent. By this he +brought into England the war of the two powers, which had already burst +into flame in Italy and Germany. The archbishop and primate rejected the +supreme judicial authority of the Curia Regis; only in the chief pontiff +at Rome did he recognise his rightful judge: by undertaking to bring +into full view the complete independence of the spiritual principle on +this ground also, he broke down that unity of authority, which had, been +hitherto maintained in the English realm, and entered into open war with +his King.</p> + +<p>Henry II was, like most of the sovereigns of that age, above all things +a warrior; you could see by his stride that he spent his days on +horseback; and he was an indefatigable hunter. But yet he found time +besides for study; he took pleasure in solving, in the company of +scholars, the difficulties of the theologico-philosophical problems +which then largely occupied men's minds; there is no doubt that he also +fully understood these politico-ecclesiastical questions. He was by no +means a good husband, rather the contrary, but, in other things, he +could control himself; he was moderate in eating and drinking. Success +did not make him overweening, but all the more prudent:<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> +ill-success +found him resolute; yet it was remarked that he was more severe in +success, milder in adversity. If contradicted, he showed all the +excitability of the Southern French nature; he passed from promises to +threats, from flatteries to outbursts of wrath, until he met with +compliance. His administration at home witnesses to a noble conception +of his mission and to a practical understanding; from his lion-like +visage shone forth a pair of quiet eyes, but how suddenly did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> they +flame up with wild fire, if the passion was roused that slumbered in the +depths of his soul! It was the passion of unlimited power; an ambition +for which, as he once said, the world appeared to be too small. He never +forgave an opponent; he never reconciled himself with an enemy or took +him again into favour.</p> + +<p>He would of himself have been much inclined to abandon Alexander III, +and attach himself to the Pope set up by the Emperor: his ambassadors +took part in a German diet at which the most extreme steps were approved +of. But Henry was not sufficiently master of his clergy nor, above all, +of his people for this; the solemn curse of Thomas Becket wrought on men +from far away. Was there really any foundation for what men then said, +that the King thought it better that his foe should be in the country +rather than out of it? An apparent reconciliation was brought about, +which, however, left the main questions undecided, each side only +consenting generally to a peace with the other. Becket did not allow +himself to be hindered by it, on his return to England, from +excommunicating leading ecclesiastics who had supported the King's +party. But at this Henry's deep-seated wrath awoke. Beset by the exiles +with cries for protection, he let the complaint escape him in the +presence of his knights, that among so many to whom he had shown favour +there was not one who had courage enough to avenge the insults offered +to him.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> +As opposed to the Church sympathies which through the clergy +wrought on all people, the temporal state was mainly kept together by +the reciprocal relations of the feudal lord and sovereign to his vassals +and knights, and of them to him: to spiritual reverence was opposed +personal devotion. But these feelings, too, as they have their +justification, so they have their moral limitations; they are as capable +of exaggeration and excess as all others. Enflamed by the King's words +which seemed to touch the honour of knighthood, four of his knights +hastened to Canterbury, and sought out the man, who dared to bid +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>the +King defiance in his own kingdom; as Becket refused to recall the +excommunication, they murdered him horribly in the cathedral. When +required to obey the King, Becket was wont to reserve the rights of the +Church and the priesthood; for this reservation he died.</p> + +<p>Henry II by calling forth, intentionally or not, this brutal act of +violence in the ecclesiastical strife, drew on himself the catastrophe +of his life.</p> + +<p>By Becket's murder the ideas of Church independence gained what was yet +wanting to them, a martyr: his death was more advantageous to them than +his life could ever have been. The belief that the victim wrought +miracles, which were ascribed to him in increasing measure, at first +slight, then more and more surprising ones, viz. cures of incurable +diseases,—who does not know the resistless nature of this illusion, +bound up as it is with the nearest needs of man in every form?—made him +the idol of England. Henry II had to live to see the man who had refused +him the old accustomed obedience, reverenced among his people with +almost divine honours as one of the greatest saints that had ever lived. +The great Hohenstaufen in the unsuccessful struggle with the Papacy was +at last brought to declare that all he had hitherto done rested on an +error; and in like manner, but one far more humiliating and painful, +Henry II had to do penance, and receive the discipline of the scourge, +at the tomb of the man who had been murdered by his loyal subjects. On a +hasty glance it seems as though his Constitutions were established, but +a more accurate inquiry shows that the articles which displeased the +Pope were left out. The hierarchic ideas gained the day in England also.</p> + +<p>It was precisely the Church quarrel that fed the discords which broke +out in the King's own house. His eldest son found a pretence for his +revolt, and essentially promoted it, by alleging that the murderers of +the glorious martyr were unpunished; he on his side promised the clergy +to make good all existing injuries, since what belonged to the Church +should not serve man's ostentation. The example of the elder wrought on +the younger sons too, who, to withstand their father, recognised the +supremacy <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> +of the King of France. Henry's last years were filled with +depression, and even with despair; when dying he was believed to have +bequeathed his curse to his children. In the cloisters his death was +ascribed to the intercession and merits of S. Thomas.</p> + +<p>For with the acceptance of the hierarchic ideas the prestige of their +martyr grew day by day. In the crusade of 1189 men saw him appear in +dreams, and declare that he was appointed to protect the fleet, to calm +the storms.</p> + +<p>It was under these auspices that the chivalry of the Plantagenet realm +took part in the Third Crusade: King Richard (in whom the ideas of +Church and Chivalry attained their highest splendour) at their head gave +back to the already lost kingdom of Jerusalem, in despite of a very +powerful foe, a certain amount of stability: as he served the hierarchic +views with all his power, there was no question under him as to any +dispute between Church and State. But this power itself could not be +increased owing to his absence. Whilst he fought for the Church far +away, elements of resistance were stirring in his realm which had been +there long ago, and soon after his death came to the most violent +outbreak.</p> + +<p class="sect"><a name="BI_III_III" id="BI_III_III"></a>John Lackland and Magna Charta.</p> + +<p>Despite all the community of interests between the sovereigns of the +Conquest and their vassals, grounds of hostility between them had never +been altogether wanting. The Conqueror's sons had to make concessions to +the great lords, because their succession was not secure; they needed a +voluntary recognition, the price of which consisted in a relaxation of +the harsh laws with which the monarchy had at first fettered every +department of life. But when the great nobles had managed, or decided, +contests for the throne, Were they likely to feel bound unconditionally +to obey the man whom they had raised? Besides Henry II in his +ecclesiastical quarrel needed the consent of his vassals; his +court-Assemblies were no longer confined to proclamations of ordinances +from the one side only; consultations were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> held, leading to decisions +that concerned them all.</p> + +<p>But what is now surprising is the fact, that even the associates in the +Conquest, and much more their descendants, claimed the rights which the +Anglo-Saxon magnates had once possessed. They, too, appealed incessantly +to the <i>Laga</i>, the laws of Edward the Confessor, by which was meant the +collection of old legal customs, the observation of which had been +promised from the first. Following the precedent of their kings, the +families that had risen through the Conquest regarded themselves as the +heirs of the fallen Anglo-Saxon chiefs, into whose place they had +stepped. The rights of the old Witan and of the vassals of the new +feudal state became fused together.</p> + +<p>We must now lay greater weight than is commonly done on the incidents +that occurred during King Richard's absence. He had entrusted the +administration of the realm to a man of low origin, William, bishop of +Ely, who carried it on with great energy, and not without the pomp and +splendour, which grace authority, but arouse jealousy. Hence lay and +spiritual chiefs combined against him: with Earl John, the brother of +the absent King, at their head, they banished the hated bishop by the +strong hand, and of their own authority set another in his place. The +city of London, which had been already allowed the election of its own +magistrates by Henry II, had then formed a so-called <i>Communia</i> after +the pattern of the Flemish and North French towns; bishops, earls, and +barons, swore to support the city in it.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>These first attempts at an opposition by the estates obtained fresh +weight when on Richard's death a contest again arose about the +succession. Earl John claimed it for himself, but Arthur, an elder +brother's son, seemed to have a better right, and had been moreover +recognised at once in the South French provinces. The English nobles +fortified their castles, and for some time assumed an almost threatening +position; they only acknowledged John on the assurance that each and all +should have their rights.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> +John's possession of the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span>crown was +therefore derived not merely from right of inheritance, but also from +their election.</p> + +<p>A strong territorial confederacy had thus gradually grown up, +confronting the royal power with a claim to independent rights; events +now happened that roused it into full life.</p> + +<p>King John incurred the suspicion of having murdered Arthur, who had +fallen into his hands, to rid himself of his claims; he was accused of +it by the peers of France, and pronounced guilty; on which the +Plantagenet provinces which were fiefs of the French crown went over to +the King of France at the first attack. The English nobility would at +least not fight for a sovereign on whom such a heinous suspicion lay: on +another pretence it abandoned him.</p> + +<p>But then broke out a new quarrel with the Church. The most powerful +pontiff that ever sat in the Roman See, Innocent III, thought good to +decide a disputed election at Canterbury by passing over both +candidates, including the King's, and caused the election of, or rather +himself named, one of his friends from the great school at Paris, +Stephen Langton. As King John did not acknowledge him, Innocent laid +England under an Interdict.</p> + +<p>Alike careless and cruel, naturally hasty and untrustworthy, of doubtful +birthright, and now rejected by the Church, John must have rather +expected resistance than support from the great men of the realm. He +tried to assure himself of those he suspected by taking hostages from +their families; he confiscated the property of the ecclesiastics who +complied with the Pope's orders, and took it under his own management; +he employed every means which the still unlimited extent of the supreme +authority allowed, to obtain money and men; powerfully and successfully +he used the sword. But in the long run he could not maintain himself by +these means. When a revolt broke out in Wales at the open instigation of +the Pope, and the King's vassals were summoned to put it down, even +among them a general discontent was perceptible; John had reason to +dread th<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>at if he came near the enemy with such an army he might be +delivered into their hands or killed: he did not venture to carry out +the campaign. And meanwhile he saw himself threatened from abroad also. +King Philip Augustus of France armed, to attack his old opponent at home +(whom he had already driven from in those provinces over which he +himself was feudal sovereign), and to carry out the Pope's +excommunication against him. He boasted, probably with good grounds, of +having the English barons' letters and seals, promising that they would +join him. He would have restored all the fugitives and exiles; the +Church element would have raised itself all the more strongly, in +proportion to its previous depression; a general revolt would have +accompanied his attack, the English government according to all +appearance would have been lost.</p> + +<p>King John knew this well: to avoid immediate ruin he seized on a means +of escape which was completely unexpected, but quite decisive—he gave +over his kingdom in vassalage to the Pope.</p> + +<p>What William I had so expressly rejected was now accepted in a moment of +extreme pressure, from which such a step was the only means of escape. +The moment the Pope was recognised as feudal lord of England, not only +must his hostility cease, but he would be bound to take the realm under +his protection. He now forbade the King of France, whom he had before +urged on to its conquest, to carry out the invasion, which was already +prepared.</p> + +<p>It appears as if the barons had originally agreed with the King's +proceeding, although they did not entirely approve its form. They +maintained that they had risen up for the Church's rights,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> +and saw +in the Pope a natural ally. They thought to gain their own purpose all +the more surely now that Stephen Langton received the see of Canterbury, +a man who, while he represented the Papal authority, at the same time +zealously made their interests his own. At the very m<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>oment when the +archbishop absolved the King from the excommunication, he made him swear +that he would restore the good laws, especially those of King Edward, +and would do all according to the legal decisions of his courts. It may +be regarded as the first time that a Norman-Plantagenet king's +administration was acted on by an obligatory engagement, when King John, +on the point of taking the field against some barons whom he regarded as +rebels, was hindered by the archbishop who reminded him that he would +thus be breaking his last oath, which bound him to take judicial +proceedings. The tradition that a forgotten charter of Henry I was +produced by the archbishop (who was certainly, as his writings show, a +scholar of research), and recognised as a legal document which gave them +a firm footing, may admit of some doubt; there is no doubt that it was +Stephen Langton who gathered around him the great nobles and bound them +by a mutual engagement, to defend, even at the risk of life, the old +liberties and rights which they derived from Anglo-Saxon times.</p> + +<p>It was, in fact, of considerable importance that the primate, on whose +co-operation with the King the Norman state originally rested, united +himself in this matter as closely as possible with the nobles; among all +alike, without regard to their origin, whether from France or from +England, had arisen the wish to limit the crown, as it had been limited +in the Anglo-Saxon period.</p> + +<p>Here, however, they had to discover that the Pope was minded to protect +the King, his vassal, not only against attacks from abroad, but also +against movements at home. The engagements which the barons had formed, +when he released them from their oath of fidelity to the King, he now +declared to be invalid and void. The legate in England reported +unfavourably on their proceedings, and it was seen that he was +intimately allied with the King. The war was still raging on the +continent, and the King had been again defeated, at Bouvines, July 27, +1214; he had returned disheartened, but not without bodies of +mercenaries, both horse and foot, which excited anxiety in the allied +nobles. This feeling was strengthened by the fact that, after the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> death +of a chancellor connected with them by family, and on good terms with +them, he raised a foreigner, Peter des Roches, to that dignity, and it +was believed that this foreigner would lend a hand to any attempt at +restoring the previous state of things. Acts of violence of the old +sort, and the King's lusts, which brought dishonour into their families, +added to their indignation. In short, the barons, far from breaking up +their alliance, confirmed it with new oaths. While they pressed the King +to accept the demands which they laid before him, they sent one of the +chief of their number, Eustace de Vescy, to Rome, to win the Pope to +their cause, by reminding him of the gratitude due to them for their +services in the cause of the Church. As lord of England, for they did +not hesitate to designate him as such, he might admonish King John, and, +if necessary, force him to restore unimpaired the old rights guaranteed +them by the charters of earlier Kings.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p>But not so did Innocent understand his right of supreme lordship in +England; he did not side with those who had helped to win the victory +for him over the King, but with the King himself, to whose sudden +decision he owed its fruits—the acknowledgment of his feudal +superiority. He blamed the archbishop for concealing the movements of +the barons from him, and for having, perhaps, even encouraged them, +though knowing their pernicious nature: with what view was he stirring +questions of which no mention had been made either under the King's +father or brother? He censured the barons for refusing the scutage, +which had been paid from old times, and for their threat of proceeding +sword in hand. He repeated his command to them to break up their +confederacy, under threat of excommunication.</p> + +<p>As one step lower the primate and nobles, so in the highest sphere +Innocent and John were in alliance. The Papacy, then in possession of +supremacy over the world, made common cause with royalty. Would not the +nobles, some from reverence for the supreme Pontiff's authority, others +from <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +a sense of religious obligation, yield to this alliance? Such was +not their intention.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>The King proffered the barons an arbitration, the umpire to be the Pope, +or else an absolute reference of the whole matter to him, who then by +his apostolic power could settle what was right and lawful. They could +not possibly accept either the one or the other, after the known +declarations of the Pope. As they persevered in their hostile attitude, +the King called on the archbishop to carry out the instructions of a +Papal brief, and pronounce the barons excommunicated. Stephen Langton +answered that he knew better what was the true intention of the holy +father. The Pope's name this time remained quite powerless. Rather it +was preached in London that the highest spiritual power should not +encroach on temporal affairs; Peter, in the significant phrase of the +time, could not be Constantine as well.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> +Only among the lower +citizens was there a party favourable to the King, but they were put +down at a blow by the great barons and the rich citizens. The capital +threw its whole weight on the side of the barons. They rose in arms and +formally renounced their allegiance to the King; they proclaimed war +against him under the name of 'the army of God.' Thus confronted by the +whole kingdom, in which there appeared to be only one opinion, the King +had no means of resistance remaining, no choice left.</p> + +<p>He came down—15th June, 1215—from Windsor to the meadow at Runnymede, +where the barons lay encamped, and signed the articles laid before him, +happy enough in getting some of them softened. The Great Charter came +into being, truly the 'Magna Charta,' which throws not merely all +earlier, but also the later charters into the shade.</p> + +<p>It is a document which, more than any other, links together the +different epochs of English history. With a renewal of the earliest +maxims of German personal freedom it combines a settlement of the rights +of the feudal Estates: on this <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>twofold basis has the proud edifice of +the English constitution been erected. Before all things the lay nobles +sought to secure themselves against the misuse of the King's authority +in his feudal capacity, and as bound up with the supreme jurisdiction; +but the rights of the Church and of the towns were also guaranteed. It +was especially by forced collections of extraordinary aids that King +John had harassed his Estates: since they could no longer put up with +this, and yet the crown could not dispense with extraordinary resources, +a solution was found by requiring that such aids should not be levied +except with the consent of the Great Council, which consisted of the +lords spiritual and temporal. They tried to set limits to the arbitrary +imprisonments that had been hitherto the order of the day, by definite +reference to the law of the land and the verdict of sworn men. But these +are just the weightiest points on which personal freedom and security of +property rest; and how to combine them with a strong government forms +the leading problem for all national constitutions.</p> + +<p>Two other points in this document deserve notice. In other countries +also at this epoch emperors and kings made very comprehensive +concessions to the several Estates: the distinctive point in the case of +England is, that they were not made to each Estate separately, but to +all at the same time. While elsewhere each Estate was caring for itself, +here a common interest of all grew up, which bound them together for +ever. Further, the Charter was introduced in conscious opposition to the +supreme spiritual power also; the principles which lay at the very root +of popular freedom breathed an anti-Romish spirit.</p> + +<p>Yet it was far from possible to regard them as being fully established. +There were also conditions contained in the Charter, by which the legal +and indispensable powers of the King's government were impaired: the +barons even formed a controlling power as against the King. It could not +be expected that King John, or any of his successors, would let this +pass quietly. And besides, was not the Pope able to do away with the +obligation of which he disapproved? We still possess the first draft of +the Charter, which presents considerable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +variations from the document +in its final form, among others the following. According to the draft +the King was to give an assurance that he would never obtain from the +Pope a revocation of the arrangements agreed on; the archbishop, the +bishops, and the Papal plenipotentiary, Master Pandulph, were to +guarantee this assurance. We see to what quarter the anxieties of the +nobles pointed, how they wished above all to obtain security against the +influences of the Papal See. Yet this they were not able to obtain. +There was no mention in the document either of the bishops or of Master +Pandulph; the King promised in general, not to obtain such a revocation +from any one; they avoided naming the Pope.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>In reality it made no difference, whatever might be promised or done in +this respect. Innocent III was not the man to accept quietly what had +taken place against his declared will, or to yield to accomplished +facts. On the authority of the words 'I have set thee over the nations +and over the kingdoms,' which seemed to him a sufficient basis for his +Paramount Right, he gave sentence rejecting the whole contents of the +Charter; he suspended Stephen Langton, excommunicated the barons and the +citizens of London, as the true authors of this perverse act, and +forbade the King under pain of excommunication to observe the Charter +which he had put forth.</p> + +<p>And even without this King John had already armed, to annul by force of +arms all that he had promised. A war broke out which took a turn +especially dangerous to the kingdom, because the barons called the heir +of France to the English throne and did him homage. So little were the +feelings of nationality yet developed, that the barons fought out the +war against their King, supported by the presence and military Power of +a foreign prince. For the interests of the English crown it was perhaps +an advantage that King John died in the midst of the troubles, and his +rights passed to his son Henry, a child to whom his father's iniquity +could not be imputed.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> +In his name a royalist party was formed by +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> +the joint action of Pembroke, the Marshal of the kingdom and the Papal +Legate, which at last won such advantages in the field, that the French +prince was induced to surrender his claim, which he himself hardly held +to be a good one—the English were designated as traitors by his +retinue,—and give back to the barons the homage they had pledged him. +But he did so only on the condition that not merely their possessions, +but also the lawful customs and liberties of the realm should be secured +to them.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> +At a meeting between Henry III and the French prince at +Merton in Surrey, it was agreed to give Magna Charta a form, in which it +was deemed compatible with the monarchy. In this shape the article on +personal freedom occurs; on the other hand everything is left out that +could imply a power of control to be exercised against the King; the +need of a grant before levying scutage is also no longer mentioned. The +barons abandoned for the time their chief claims.</p> + +<p>It is, properly speaking, this charter which was renewed in the ninth +year of Henry III as Magna Charta, and was afterwards repeatedly +confirmed. As we see, it did not include the right of approving taxes by +a vote.</p> + +<p>Whether men's union in a State in general depends on an original +contract, is a question for political theorists, and to them we leave +its solution. On the other hand, however, it might well be maintained +that the English constitution, as it gradually shaped itself, assumed +the character of a contract. So much is already involved in the first +promises which William the Conqueror made at his entry into London and +in his agreement with the partisans of Harold. The same is true of the +assurances given by his sons, especially the second one: they were the +price of a very definite equivalent. More than any that had gone before +however does Magna Charta bear this character. The barons put forward +their demands: King John negociates about them, and at last sees himself +forced to accept them. It is true that he soon takes arms +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> to free +himself from the obligation he has undertaken. It comes to a struggle, +in which, however, neither side decidedly gains the upper hand, and they +agree to a compromise. It is true the barons did not expressly stipulate +for the new charter when they submitted to John's son (for with John +himself they could certainly have never been reconciled), but yet it is +undeniable that without it their submission would never have taken +place, nor would peace have been concluded.</p> + +<p>As, however, is generally the case, the agreement had in it the germs of +a further quarrel. The one side did not forget what it had lost, the +other what it had aimed at and failed to attain. Magna Charta does not +contain a final settlement, by which the sovereign's claims to obedience +were reconciled with the security of the vassals; it is less a contract +that has attained to full validity, than the outline of a contract, to +fill up which would yet require the struggles of centuries. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> He says himself later, 'terror publicae potestatis me +intrusit,' in Gervasius, 497.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Canones Concilii Turonensis, Article III, 'ut laici +ecclesiastica non usurpent;' and Article I of those previously omitted +in Mansi, XXI. 1178 seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Concilium Clarendoniae, 8 Cal. Febr. MCLXIV, Article VIII, +de appellationibus. 'Si archiepiscopus defuerit in justitia exhibenda, +ad dominum regem perveniendum est postremo; ita quod non debeat ultra +procedi absque assensu domini regis.' Wilkins, i. 435.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Rogeri de Hoveden Annales ed. Savile, 283. 6. 'Prohibeo +vobis ex parte omnipotentis dei et sub anathemate, ne faciatis hodie de +me judicium, quia appellavi ad praesentiam domini papae.' None, however, +of the accounts we have can be looked on as quite accurate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> 'Ambigua fata formidans.' Knyghton de eventibus Angliae, +2391.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Gervasius 1414 'se ignobiles et ignavos homines +nutrivisse, quorum nec unus tot sibi illatas injurias voluerit +vindicare.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> 'Episcopi comites et barones regni—juraverunt quod ipsi +eam communiam et dignitatem civitatis Londinensis custodirent.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Hoveden, p. 450, 'quod redderet unicuique illorum ius +suum, si ipsi illi fidem servaverint et pacem.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> 'Quod ipsi audacter pro libertate ecclesiae ad mandatum +suum se opposuerint,—honores quos ei (Papae) et romanae ecclesiae +exhibuistis, id per eos coactus fecistis.'—Mauclerc, literae ad legem, +in Rymer, Foedera, i.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Mauclerc, literae de negotio Baronum, in Rymer, Foedera, +i. 185: 'Magnates Angliae—instanter domino Papae supplicant, quod cum +ipse sit dominus Angliae vos—compellat, antiquas libertates suas—eis +illaesas conservare.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Literae Johannis regis, quibus quae sit baronum contumacia +narrat. Apud Odiham, 29 die Maii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> In Matthew Paris: 'Quod non pertinet ad papam ordinatio +rerum laicarum.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Articuli magnae cartae libertatum, § 49. Magna carta regis +Johannis. In Blackstone, the Great Charter, 9, 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Matthew Paris. 'Nobiles universi et castellani ei multo +facilius adhaeserunt, quia propria patris iniquitas filio non debuit +imputari.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Forma pacis inter Henricum et Ludovicum, in Rymer, i. 221. +'Coadiutores sui habeant terras suas—et rectas consuetudines et +libertates regni Angliae.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BI_IV" id="BI_IV"></a> +FOUNDATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION.</p> + +<p>There is a very accurate correspondence in this epoch also between the +general history of the Western world and events in England: these last +form but a part of the great victory of the hierarchy and its advance in +power, which marks the first half of the 13th century. By combining with +the vassals the Popes had overcome the monarchy, and had then in turn +overcome the vassals by combining with the monarchy and its endangered +rights. It must not be regarded as a mere title, an empty word, if the +Pope was acknowledged to be feudal Lord of England: his legates, Gualo, +Pandulph, Otho, and with them some native prelates, devoted to him +(above all that Peter des Roches, who, by his conduct when Bishop of +Winchester, through the mistrust awakened, incurred almost the chief +responsibility of the earlier troubles), spoke the decisive word in the +affairs of the kingdom and crushed their opponents. It was reported that +Innocent IV was heard to say, 'Is not the King of England my vassal, my +servant? At my nod he will imprison and punish.'<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> +Under this +influence the best benefices in the kingdom were given away without +regard to the freedom of election or the rights of patrons, and in fact +mostly to foreigners. The Pope's exchequer drew its richest revenues +from England; there was no end to the exactions of its subordinate +agents, Master Martin, Master Marin, Peter Rubeo, and all the rest of +them. Even the King surrounded himself with foreigners. To his own +relations and to the relations of his Provençal wife fell the most +profitable places, and the advantages arising from his paramount feudal +rights; they too exercised much influence on public affairs, and that in +the interests of the Papal power, with which they were allied. Riotous +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +movements occasionally took place against this system, but they were +suppressed: men suffered in silence as long as it was only the exercise +of rights once acknowledged. But now it happened that the Popes in their +war with the last of the Hohenstaufen, whom they had resolved to +destroy, proposed to employ the resources of England and in a very +different manner than before. They awoke Henry III's dynastic ambition +by promoting the elevation of his brother to be King of the Romans, and +destining his younger son Edmund for the crown of Naples and Sicily. +King Henry pledged himself in return to the heaviest money-payments. It +began to appear as if England were no longer a free kingdom, using its +resources for its own objects: the land and all its riches was at the +service of the Pope at Rome; the King was little more than a tool of the +hierarchy.</p> + +<p>It was at this crisis that the Parliaments of England, if they did not +actually begin, yet first attained to a definite form and efficiency.</p> + +<p>The opposition of the country to the ecclesiastico-temporal government +became most conspicuous in the year 1257, when Henry, happy beyond +measure in his son's being raised to royal rank by the Apostolic See, +presented his son to the Great Council of the nation, already wearing +the national costume of Naples, and named the sum, to the payment of +which he had pledged himself in return. The Estates at once refused +their consent to his accepting the crown, which they considered could +not be maintained owing to the untrustworthiness of the Italians, and of +the Romish See itself, and the distance of the country; the money-pledge +excited loud displeasure. Since they were required to redeem it, they +reasonably enough gave it to be understood that they ought to have been +consulted first. It was precisely the alliance of the Pope and the King +that they had long felt most bitterly; they said truly, England would by +such a joint action be as it were ground to dust between two millstones. +As, however, despite all remonstrances, the demands were persevered +with,—for the King had taken on himself the debts incurred by Pope +Alexander IV in the Neapolitan war, and the Pope had already +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> referred +to England the bankers entrusted with the payments,—a storm of +opposition broke out, which led to what was equivalent to an overthrow +of the government. The King had to consent to the appointment of a +committee for reforming the realm, to be named in equal proportions by +himself and by the barons; from this, however, was selected a council of +fifteen members, in which the King's opponents had a decisive majority. +They put forth Statutes, at Oxford, which virtually stripped the King of +his power; he had to swear to them with a lighted taper in his hand. The +Pope without hesitation at once condemned these ordinances; King Louis +IX of France also, who was called in as arbiter, decided against them: +and some moderate men drew back from them: but among the rest the zeal +with which they held to them was thus only inflamed to greater violence. +They had the King in their power, and felt themselves strong enough to +impose their will on him as law.</p> + +<p>Without doubt they had the opinion of the country on their side. For the +first time since the Conquest the insular spirit of England, which was +now shared even by the conquerors themselves, manifested itself in a +natural opposition to all foreign influence. The King's half-brothers +with their numerous dependents were driven out without mercy, their +castles occupied, their places given to the foremost Englishmen. The +Papal legate Guido, one of the most distinguished members of the Curia, +who himself became Pope at a later time, was forbidden to enter England. +Most foreigners, it mattered not of what station or nationality, were +forced to quit the realm: it went hard with those who could not speak +English. The leader of the barons, Simon de Montfort, was solemnly +declared Protector of the kingdom and people; he had in particular the +lower clergy, the natural leaders of the masses, on his side. When he +was put under the ban of the Church his followers retorted by assuming +the badge of the cross, since his cause appeared to them just and +holy.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> +At this very juncture it was that the attempt was made to form a +Parliamentary Assembly corresponding to the meaning of that word.</p> + +<p>The Statutes or Provisions of Oxford contain the first attempt to effect +this, by enacting that thrice every year the newly formed royal Council +should meet together with twelve men elected by the Commonalty of +England, and consult on the affairs of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> +There is no +doubt that these twelve belonged to the nobles and were to represent +them: the decisive point lies in the fact that it was not a number of +nobles summoned by the King, but a committee of the Estates chosen by +themselves that was placed by the side of the Council. The Council and +the twelve persons elected formed for some years an association that +united the executive and legislative powers.</p> + +<p>But this continued only as long as the King acquiesced in it. When he +had the courage to resist, it is true that in the first encounter which +ensued, he was himself taken prisoner: but his partisans were not +crushed by this; and soon after his wife, who had collected about her a +considerable body of mercenaries, in concert with the Pope and the King +of France, thought herself strong enough to invade England. Simon felt +that he needed a greater, in other words, a broader, basis of support. +And the design he then conceived has secured him an imperishable memory. +He summoned first of all representatives of the knights of the shires, +and directly afterwards representatives of the towns and the Cinque +Ports, to form a Parliament in conjunction with the nobles of the realm. +This was not an altogether new thing in the European world; we know that +in the Cortes of Aragon, as early as the 12th century, by the side of +the high nobility and the ecclesiastics there appeared also the Hidalgos +and the deputies of the Commons; and Simon de Montfort might well be +aware of this, since his father had been in so many ways connected with +Aragon. In England itself under King<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> John men had come very near it +without however carrying it through: not till afterwards did the +innovation appear a real necessity. In opposition to the one-sided power +exercised by the foreigners, nothing was so much insisted on in daily +talk and in the popular ballads as the propriety of calling the natives +of the land to counsel, since to them its laws were best known. This +justifiable wish met with adequate satisfaction now that the Commons +were summoned; the public feeling against the foreigners, on which Simon +de Montfort necessarily relied, thus found expression. The assembly +which he called together doubtless sympathised with his party views. As +he invited only those nobles to it who remained true to him (they were +not more than twenty-three in number), so he appears to have summoned +those only of the towns which adhered to him unconditionally. But the +arrangement involved more than was contemplated from his point of view.</p> + +<p>Amid the storms he had called forth Simon de Montfort perished: the King +was freed, the royal authority re-established. A new Papal legate +entered London in the full splendour of his office, Cardinal Ottoboni; +Guido having meanwhile himself obtained the tiara, and using every means +to subdue the unbending spirits, from which danger even to the Church +was dreaded.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> +Yet the old state of things was not restored: neither +the rule of foreigners, nor the absolute dependence on the Papal policy. +The later government of Henry III has a different character from the +earlier: the legate himself confirmed Magna Charta in the shape finally +accepted. It is not merely at the great national festivals that we find +representatives of the towns present, whom the King has summoned; it is +beyond a doubt that one of the most important statutes of the time was +passed with their consent.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> +Yet regulations for the summons of +representatives from the towns were as little fixed by law +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> +as those for +voting the taxes. It would by no means harmonise with the constitution +of Romano-German states, that organic institutions should come into full +force in mere antagonism to the highest authority. They must coincide +with the interests of that authority, as was the case in England under +Henry's warlike son Edward I.</p> + +<p>Without doubt Edward, who once more revived in the East the reputation +of the Plantagenet Kings for personal valour, would have preferred to +fight there for the interests of Christendom, he even speaks of it in +his will; or else he would have wished to recover from the French crown +the lands which his father had inherited, and which had passed into +French possession; but neither the one nor the other was possible; +another object was assigned to his energy and his ambition, one more +befitting an English king: he undertook to unite the whole island under +his sceptre.</p> + +<p>In Wales, the conquest of which had been so often attempted and so often +failed, there lived at this time Prince Llewellyn, whose personal +beauty, cunning, and high spirit fitted him to be a brilliant +representative of the old British nationality. The bards, reviving the +old prophecies, promised him the ancient crown of Brutus; but when he +ventured out of the mountains, he was overpowered and fell in a +hand-to-hand conflict. The English crown was not to fall to his lot, but +Edward transferred the title of Prince of Wales to his own son. The +great cross of the Welsh, the crown of Arthur, fell into his hands: he +no longer tolerated the bards: their age passed away with the Crusades.</p> + +<p>From Wales Edward turned his arms against Scotland. There Columban had +in former days anointed as king a Scottish prince, who was also of +Keltic descent; how the German element nevertheless got the upper hand +not merely in the greatest part of the country, but also in the ruling +family, is the great problem of early Scottish history: a thoroughly +Germanic monarchy had arisen, but one which after it had once given a +home to the Anglo-Saxons who fled before the Normans, thought its honour +concerned in repelling all English influences. A disputed succession +gave Edward I an opportunity of reviving the claims of his predecessors +to the overlordship +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> +of Scotland: he gave the Scotch a king, whom the +Scotch rejected simply because he was the English King's nominee. The +war, which sometimes seemed ended—there were times at which Edward +could regard himself as the Lord of all Albion,—ever blazed out again; +above all, the support the Scotch received from the King of France +brought about complications which filled all Western Europe with trouble +and war; but it was in the home politics of England that their effect +was destined to be greatest.</p> + +<p>Compelled to make incessant efforts, which exhausted the resources of +the crown, Edward appealed to the voluntary assistance of his subjects. +He laid down to them the principle, that their common perils should be +met with their united strength, that what concerns all must also be +borne by all. In the war against Wales he had gathered together the +representatives of the counties and the towns, to hear his demands and +to act accordingly; chiefly to vote him subsidies. After the victory he +had called an assembly of nobles, knights, and towns, to take counsel +with them about the treatment of the captives and the country. Similarly +he drew together the representatives of the towns in order to decide the +affairs of Scotland. With especial emphasis did he call for their united +help against Philip the Fair of France, who thought to destroy the +English tongue from off the earth: knights and towns were pledged to +help in carrying out the resolutions thus adopted by common consent.</p> + +<p>In spite of all this appealing to free participation in public matters, +Edward I did not refrain from the arbitrary imposition of taxes, and +those the most oppressive: the eighth, even the fifth part of men's +income. For the campaign in Flanders he summoned the under-tenants as +well as the tenants in chief. We find instances of arbitrary seizure of +whatever was necessary for the war.</p> + +<p>King Edward excused this by his maxim that the interests of the land +must be defended with the resources of the land,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> +but we can conceive +how, on the boundary line between two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> different systems, acts of +violence, which combined the arbitrariness of the one with the +principles of the other, caused a general agitation. In the year 1297 +the spiritual lords under their archbishop, as well as the temporal ones +(who denied the obligation to serve beyond the sea) under the Constable +and Marshal, set themselves energetically to oppose the King. The +people, which had the most to suffer from the arbitrary exactions, took +their side with cordial approval. They set forth all the grievances of +the country, and insisted on their immediate and final redress.</p> + +<p>To avoid the pressure, the King had already quitted England, to carry on +his campaign in Flanders: the demand was laid before the Councillors +whom he had left behind as assessors to his son, who was named Regent. +They however were in great perplexity, partly from the trouble of this +agitation itself, but mainly from the revolt in Scotland which had +broken out in a formidable manner. William Walays, like one of those +Heyduck chiefs who rise in Turkey against the established order of +things, the right of which they do not recognise, had come down from the +hill country, at the head of the fugitives and exiles, a robber-patriot, +of gigantic bodily strength and innate talent for war. His successes +soon increased his band to the size of an army; he beat the English in a +pitched battle, and then swept over the borders into the English +territory. If the royal commissioners would oppose a strong resistance +to this inroad, they must needs ratify a provisional concession of the +demands brought forward. The King, who had meanwhile reached Flanders, +which the French had entered from two sides, could not possibly yield to +the Scottish movement—whether he wished to carry on the war or make a +truce: nothing therefore remained to him but to confirm the concessions +made by his councillors.</p> + +<p>It is not absolutely certain how far these had gone; one word of +discussion may be allowed on the matter.</p> + +<p>The historians of the time have maintained that the right of voting the +taxes was granted to the Estates, and in fact conjointly to the nobles +whether spiritual or temporal, and the representatives of the counties +and towns: the copy of a statute is extant, in which this is very +expressly stated.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> +But since the statute does not exist in an +authentic shape, and is not to be found in the Rolls of the Realm, we +cannot safely base any conclusion on it. As to the date too at which it +may have been passed, our statements waver between the twenty-eighth and +the thirty-fourth year of Edward. On the other hand we find in the +collection of charters an undoubted charter of confirmation given at +Ghent and dated 5 November 1297, in which not merely are the Great +Charter of Henry III and the Forest Charter confirmed, but also some new +arrangements of much importance guaranteed, and confirmed by +ecclesiastico-judicial regulations.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> +According to it the grants of +taxes and contributions which had been hitherto made to the King for his +wars were not to be regarded as binding for the future. He reserves only +the old customary taxes: to the higher clergy, the nobility, and the +commons of the land the assurance is given, that under no circumstances, +however pressing, should any tax or contribution or requisition—not +even the export duty on wool—be levied except by their common consent +and for the interests of all.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> +In the Latin text all sounds more open +and less reserved: but even the words of the authentic document include +a very essential limitation of the prerogative of the crown, which +hitherto had alone exercised the right of estimating what the state +needed and of fixing the payments by this standard. The King was averse +at heart to the limitation even in this form. When he came back from +Flanders after concluding a truce with France, and army and people were +met together at York, to carry out a great campaign against Scotland, he +was pressed to confirm on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> English soil the concessions which he had +granted on foreign ground.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> +He held it advisable that the campaign +should be first carried through; four of his confidential friends swore +in his stead (since an oath in person was thought unbecoming to the +King), that, the campaign ended, the confirmation should not be wanting. +The enterprise was most successful, it led to a great victory over the +Scots, and it was the leaders of the English aristocracy who did the +best service there; nevertheless, when they met together next Lent +(1299) in London, the King strove to avoid an absolute promise: he +wished to expressly reserve the undefined 'rights of the crown.' But +this delay aroused a general storm: and as he was quite convinced that +he could not, under this condition, reckon on further support in the war +which still continued, he at last submitted to what was unavoidable, and +allowed his clause to drop.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>I do not know whether I am mistaken in ascribing to these concessions a +different character from that of the earlier ones. It was not a +sovereign defeated and reduced to the deepest humiliation who made them, +nor did the barons obtain articles which aimed at securing their own +direct supremacy: the concessions were the result of the war, which +could not be carried on with the existing means. When Edward I laid +stress on the necessity of greater common efforts, the counter-demand +which was made on him, and to which he yielded, merely implied that a +common resolution should be previously come to. His concessions included +a return for service already done, and a condition for future service. +It did not abase the royal authority; it brought into clear view the +unity of interests between the crown and the nation.</p> + +<p>Another great crisis united them for the second time. As Edward led the +forces of England year by year across the Tweed, to compel the Scots to +acknowledge his overlordship by the edge of the sword, the Pope who +assumed himself to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> +be the Suzerain of the kingdoms of the world, +Boniface VIII, met him with the assertion that Scotland belonged to the +Church of Rome, the King therefore was violating the rights of that +Church by his invasions. To confront the Pope, King Edward thought it +best, as did Philip the Fair of France about the same time, to call in +his Estates to his aid, since without them no answer to the claim was +possible. The Estates then in a long letter not merely maintain the +right of the English crown, but also reject the Pope's claim to decide +respecting it as arbiter, as incompatible with the royal dignity: even +if the King wished it, yet they would never lend a hand to anything so +unseemly and so unheard of.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> +The King, without regard to the Pope, +continued his campaigns against Scotland with unabated energy.</p> + +<p>It marks the character of Edward I that he nevertheless did not break +with the Papacy on this account; so too he still raised taxes that had +not been voted, and held Parliaments in the old form: when +representatives of the counties and towns were summoned it is not always +clear whether they were elected or named.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> +Edward I could not free +himself from the habits of arbitrary rule and the old ideas connected +with them. But with all this it is still undeniable that under him the +monarchy took a far more national position than before; it no longer +stood in a hostile attitude as against the community of the land, but +belonged to it.</p> + +<p>And his successors soon saw themselves forced to complete still further +the foundations of a new state of things, which had been thus laid.</p> + +<p>Under Edward II the old ambition of the barons to take a preponderant +part in the government reappeared once more with the greatest violence. +The occasion was afforded by the weakness of this sovereign, who allowed +his favourite, the Gascon Gaveston, a disastrous influence on affairs. +Discontented with this, the King's nearest cousin, Thomas of Lancaster, +placed himself at the head of the great nobles, as indeed he was +believed to have sworn to his father in law<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> (whose rich possessions +passed to him, and who feared a return of the foreign influences), that +he would adhere to the interest of the barons, which was also that of +the country. In the fourth year of his government Edward was obliged to +accept all the regulations made by a Committee of the Nobles called the +'Ordainers.'</p> + +<p>Without advice of the nobles he was forbidden either to begin a war, or +to fill up high offices of State, or even to leave the country: the +officers of the crown were to be responsible to them. Gaveston had to +pay for his short possession of influence by death without mercy.</p> + +<p>It was long before the King found men who had the courage to defend the +lawful authority of the crown. At last the two Hugh Despencers undertook +it: under their leadership the barons were defeated, and Thomas of +Lancaster in his turn paid for his enterprises with his life. For in +England, if anywhere, the assumption of power led inevitably to the +scaffold.</p> + +<p>It is hardly needful to say that the regulations of the Ordainers were +now revoked. But must not some means be also thought of, to prevent +similar acts of violence for the future? It was deemed necessary to +declare even the form, under cover of which they had been ratified, +invalid for all time. And so an enactment was now made, in which the +first definite idea of the Parliamentary Monarchy becomes visible. It +was declared that never for the future should any ordinance affecting +the King's power and proceeding from his subjects be valid, but only +that should be law which was discussed, agreed on, and enacted in +Parliament by the King with the consent of the prelates, the earls and +barons, and the commonalty of the realm.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> +For it was above all things +necessary to withdraw the legislative authority for ever from the +turbulent grandees. The monarchy opposed to them its alliance with the +commonalty of the realm, as it was expressed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> +by the representatives of +the knights and the commons. Among the founders of the English +constitution these Hugh Despencers, through whom the legislative power +was first transferred to the united body of King Lords and Commons, take +a very important position.</p> + +<p>This thought was however rather one left for the future to carry out, +than one which swayed or contented the English world at the time. Edward +II fell before a new attack of the revolted barons, with whom even his +wife was allied: he had to think it a piece of good fortune that, on the +ground of his own abdication, his son was acknowledged as his successor. +The latter however could only obtain real possession of the royal power +by overthrowing the faction to which his father had succumbed. While he +restored the memory of the two Despencers, who had been condemned and +executed by the barons, he also decided to carry on a Parliamentary +government; it is the first that existed in England.</p> + +<p>For the general course of the development it is significant that the +rights of Parliament in relation to the voting of taxes, and now also to +legislation as a whole, were acknowledged before an appropriate form was +found for its consultations. In the first years of Edward III its four +constituent parts, prelates, barons, knights, and town deputies, held +their debates in four different assemblies; but gradually the two first +were fused into an Upper, the two last into a Second House, without any +definite law being laid down to that effect: the nature of things led to +the custom, the custom in course of time became law.</p> + +<p>That which had been already preparing under the first Edward came under +the third for the first time into complete operation, viz. the +participation of the Estates in the management of foreign affairs and of +war.</p> + +<p>In the year 1333 the Parliament advised the King to break the peace with +Scotland, which the barons had concluded of their own authority +according to their own views, not to put up with any more outrages, and +not merely to take back the lost border-fortress of Berwick, but to +force the Scots to acknowledge the supremacy of England.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> +In the year 1337 and afterwards the Parliament more than once approved +the King's plan of asserting the claim he had through his mother on the +French throne by force of arms and through alliances with foreign +princes,<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> +and promised to support him in it with their lives and +properties; it was all the more ready for this, as France had been +repeatedly threatening England with a new Conquest. In the year 1344 the +Peers, each in his own name, called on the King to cross the sea and not +let himself be hindered by any one, not even by the Pope, from appealing +to the judgment of God by battle. The clergy imposed on themselves a +three-years' tenth, the counties a fifteenth, the towns two tenths; the +great nobles followed him in person with their squires and horsemen, +without even alluding to their old remonstrances. So that splendid army +made its appearance in France, in which the weapons of the yeomen vied +with those of the knights, and which, thanks chiefly to the former, won +the victory of Cressy. Whilst the King made conquests over the French, +his heroic Queen repelled the Scotch. In these wars the now united +nation, which put forth all its strength, came for the first time to the +feeling of its power, to a position of its own in the world and to the +consciousness of it. The King of Scotland at that time, and the King of +France some years later, became prisoners in England.</p> + +<p>A period followed in which England seemed to have obtained the supremacy +in Western Europe. The Scots purchased their King's freedom by a truce +which bound them to long and heavy payments, for which hostages were +given as a security. A peace was made with the French by which Guienne, +Gascony, Poitou, and such important towns as Rochelle and Calais were +surrendered to the English. The Prince of Wales, who took up his +residence at Bordeaux, mixed in the Spanish quarrels with the view of +uniting Biscay to his territories in South France. As the result of +these circumstances and of the well-calculated encouragement of Edward +III, we find that English commerce prospered immensely and, in emulous +alliance with that of Flanders, began to form another great centre for +the general commerce<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> +of the world. It was still chiefly in the hands of +foreigners, but the English made great profits by it. Their riches +gained them almost as much prestige in the world as their bravery.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> +The more money-resources the towns possessed, and the more they could +and did support the King, the greater became their influence on the +affairs of the realm. No language could be more humble than that of +these 'poor and simple Commons,' when they address themselves to 'their +glorious and thrice gracious King and lord.'<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +But for all that their +representations are exceedingly comprehensive and pressing; their grants +are not to take effect, unless their grievances are redressed; they +never leave out of sight the interests of their staple; they assail the +exactions of the officials or the clergy with great zeal. The regard +paid to them gives the whole government a popular character.</p> + +<p>On an attempt of the King to exercise the legislative power in his great +council, they remonstrated; they had no objection to the ordinances +themselves, but insisted that valid statutes could only proceed from the +lawfully assembled Parliament.</p> + +<p>Now too the relations to the Papal See came again into consideration. +Seated at Avignon under the influence of the French crown, the Popes +were natural opponents of Edward III's claims and enterprises; they +sometimes thought of directing the censures of the Church against him. +On the other hand, the complaints in England against the encroachments +and pecuniary demands of the Curia were louder than ever, without +however coming to a rupture on these points. But at last Urban V renewed +the old claim to the vassalage of England; he demanded the feudal +tribute first paid by King John, and threatened King and kingdom, in +case they were not willing to pay it, with judicial proceedings.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> +We know the earlier kings had seen in the connexion with Rome a last +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> +resource against the demands of the Estates: on the King's side it +required some resolution to renounce it. But the very nature of the +Parliamentary government, as Edward III had settled it, involved a +disregard of these considerations for the future. It was before the +Parliament itself that he laid the Papal demands for their consent and +counsel. The Estates consulted separately: first the spiritual and lay +lords framed their resolution, then the town deputies assented to it. +The answer they gave the Pope was that King John's submission was +destitute of all validity, since it was against his coronation-oath, and +was made without the consent of the Estates; should the Pope try to +enforce satisfaction of his demand by legal process or in any other +manner, they would all—dukes earls barons and commons—oppose him with +their united force.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> +The clergy only assented to the declaration of +invalidity; to threaten the holy father with their resistance, they +considered unbecoming. But the declaration of the lay Estates was in +itself sufficient for the purpose: the claim was never afterwards raised +again.</p> + +<p>The Estates had often been obliged to contend against the King and the +Roman See at the same time; now the King was allied with them against +the Papacy. Now that the Parliamentary constitution was established in +its first stage, it is clear how much the union of the Crown and the +Estates in opposition to external influence had contributed to it. It +was destined however shortly to undergo yet other tests. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Matthew Paris, Historia Major ann. 1253, p. 750.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> In Henr. Knyghton, 2445. According to Matthew Paris they +swore, not to let themselves be held back by anything—'quin regnum, in +quo sunt nati homines geniales et eorum progenitores, ab ingenerosis et +alienigenis emundarent.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> 'Les XXIV ont ordene, ke treis parlemens seient par an,—a +ces treis parlemens vendrunt les cunseillers le rei eslus,—ke le commun +eslise 12 prodes hommes ke vendrunt as parlemens—pur treter de besoigne +le rei et del reaume.' On the explanation of this passage, the 'Report +on the dignity of a peer' 102 contains matter wellweighed on all sides.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Letter of Clement IV to Louis IX, in Rainaldus, 1265, p. +167. 'Quid putas—per talia machinamenta quaeri? Nisi ut de regno illo +regium nomen aboleatur omnino: nisi ut Christianus populus a devotione +matris ecclesiae et observantia fidei orthodoxae avertatur.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> 'Convocatis discretioribus regni tam ex majoribus quam +minoribus.' Statute of Marleberge, 1267.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> 'Nostrae voluntatis fuit ut de bonis terrae ipsa terra +conservaretur.' In Knyghton, ii, 2501.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Statutum de tallagio non concedendo, or Nova additio +cartarum; in Hemingburgh, articuli inserti in magna charta.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> 'Carta confirmationis regis Edwardi I,' in the collection +of charters prefixed to the collection of the Statutes in the 'Statutes +of the Realm,' p. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> 'Avuns graunte—as Arceevesques etc. e as Countes—e a +toute la communauté de la terre que mes pur nule busoigne tieu manere +des aydes mises ne prises de nre Roiaume ne prendrums fors ke par commun +assent de tout le Roiaume e a commun profist de meismes le Roiaume, +sauve les auncienes aydes e prises due e acoustumees.' The Articulus +insertus in Magna Charta, according to the other statements, runs, +'nullum Tallagium vel auxilium imponatur seu levetur sine voluntate +atque assensu communi Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum et aliorum liberorum +hominum in regno nostro.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Hemingburgh: eo quod confirmaverat eas in terra aliena.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Matthew of Westminster, 433. 'Procrastinatis quampluribus +diebus demum videns rex quod non desisterent ab inceptis nec +adquiescerent sibi in necessitatibus suis, respondit se esse paratum +concedere et ratificare petita.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> At Lincoln, 21 Feb. 1301. In Rymer, Rainaldus, Spondanus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Report 183; Hallam, Additional Notes 332.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Revocatio novarum ordinationum, 1323, 29 May, Statutes of +the Realm I. 189, 'les choses, qui serount à establir—soient tretées +accordees et establies en parlaments par notre Sr. le Roi et par lassent +des Prelats Countes et Barouns et la communalté du roialme.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Speech of W. Shareshall 1351, Parliamentary History (1762) +i. 295.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> We know the letter of the Duke of Guelders, in which he +praised equally 'lanae commoda,—divitias in comparatione ad alios reges +centuplas,' and the 'probitas militaris, arcuum asperitas,' in Twysden +ii. 2739.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Report 324.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> 'Est en volunté de faire procès devers le roy et son +roialme pur le dit service et cens recoverir.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> 'Qu'ils resisteront et contre esteront ove toute leur +puissance.' Edw Coke first published the document, Institutes iv. 13. In +Urban V's letter to Edward in Rainaldus 1365, 13, the demand is not so +clearly expressed, but mention is made in it of the Nuncio's overtures; +it is to these that the resolution of the Parliament referred.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BI_V" id="BI_V"></a> +DEPOSITION OF RICHARD II. THE HOUSE OF LANCASTER.</p> + +<p>England did not long maintain herself in the dominant position she then +occupied; the plan of extending her rule into Spain proved ruinous to +the Prince of Wales. Not merely was his protégé overpowered by the +French 'Free Companies,' which had gathered round his opponent: a +Castilian war-fleet succeeded in destroying the English one in sight of +the harbour of Rochelle. On this, their natural inclination towards the +King of France awoke in the nobles and towns of South France; without +great battles, merely by the revolt of vassals tired of his rule, Edward +III again lost all the territories conquered with such great glory, +except a few coast towns. Then a gloom settled down around the aged +conqueror. He saw his eldest son, who, though obliged to quit France, in +England enjoyed the fullest confidence and had every prospect of a great +future, sicken away and die. And he too experienced, what befalls so +many others, that misfortune abroad raised him up opponents at home. In +the increasing weakness of old age, which gave rise to many +well-grounded grievances, he could not maintain the independence of the +royal power, with the re-establishment of which he had begun his reign. +He was forced to receive into his Council men whom he did not like. He +was still able to effect thus much, that the succession to the kingdom +came to the son of the Prince of Wales, Richard II. But would he, a boy +of eleven, be able to take the helm of the proud ship? Men saw factions +arise that grouped themselves round the King's uncles, who were not +fully disposed to defend his authority.</p> + +<p>The great question for English history now was, whether the +Parliamentary constitution, whilst it limited the King's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> +prerogative, +would also give him security. For the Commons had been at last admitted +into the King's Council chiefly in order that they might withstand the +violence of the factions. The situation however was not without its +complications, for with the political movement one of yet wider aim was +connected.</p> + +<p>When the kingdom was at the very height of its power there arose in a +college at Oxford the man who began that contest against the Papal +supremacy which has never since ceased. John Wiclif attached himself +first of all to the political movements of his time. One of his earliest +writings was directed against the feudal supremacy of the Popes over +England. He supported the Parliament's complaints of Romish Provisions +and exactions of money, with great learning and at great length. Had his +activity confined itself to these subjects, he would be hardly more +remembered than perhaps Marsilius of Padua. What gave him quite a +special significance was the fact that he brought into clear view the +contradiction between the ruling form of the Church and the original +documents of the Faith. From the claim of the Popes to be Christ's +representatives, he drew the conclusion that they ought also to observe +the Gospel which comes from the God-Man, follow His example, and give up +their worldly power.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> +The leading Church dogma, that most closely +connected with the hierarchic system, the dogma of Transubstantiation, +he attacked as being one which equally contradicted Scripture and +Reason. He urges his proofs with the acuteness of a skilful Schoolman, +but throughout he shows a deep inner religious feeling. We may +distinguish in him two separate tendencies. His appeal to Scripture, his +attempt to make it accessible to the people, his treatment of dogmatic +and religious questions which he will allow to be decided only by +Revelation,—all this makes him an evangelic man, one of the chief +forerunners of the German Reformation. But, as he himself felt, his +strength lay rather in destruction than in construction. In asserting +the doctrine that the title to office +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> +depends for its validity on +personal worth, that even the rule of temporal lords rests on the favour +in which they stand with God, and in raising subjects to be the judges +over their oppressive masters, he entered on a path like that which the +Taborites and the leaders of the peasants in Germany afterwards +took.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>And these were precisely the doctrines for which his scholars, who +traversed the land to make them known, found a well prepared soil in the +people of England. How could the rise of popular elements fail to call +forth a kindred effort also among the lower classes? The belief arose +that Nature intended all men to be equal. The country people spoke of +their primitive rights, traces of which were found in the memorials of +the Conqueror's times, and which had then been taken from them. When +now, instead of seeing these respected, they were subjected to new +impositions, and this with harshness and insolence, they rose in open +revolt. So overpowering was the attack which they directed against the +capital and the King's palace, that Richard II found himself forced to +grant them a charter which secured them personal freedom. Had they +contented themselves with this, they might have done best for themselves +and perhaps for the crown, but when they demanded yet further and more +extreme concessions, they roused against themselves the whole power of +the organised State, for which they were as yet no match. The Mayor of +London himself struck down with his dagger the leader of the bands, Wat +Tyler, because he seemed to threaten the King; the Bishop of Norwich was +not hindered by his spiritual character from levelling his lance against +the insurgents;<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> +after which he accompanied the leaders, who were +taken and condemned to death, to the scaffold, with words of comfort; in +other places the lay nobles did their best. When therefore in the next +Parliament the King brought forward the proposal to declare the serfs +free by a united resolution,—for the p<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span>revious charter that had been +wrung from him was considered invalid,—both Lords and Commons rejected +it, as tending to disinherit them and prove pernicious to the kingdom.</p> + +<p>It is not to be supposed that a movement like this, which the lower +class of citizens in the towns had joined, just as in the German peasant +war, and which was mainly directed against the landed gentry, could be +stifled by one defeat: it continued to ferment uninterruptedly in men's +hearts.</p> + +<p>Still less did the condemnation passed by Convocation on the deviations +from the teaching of the Church effect their suppression. On the basis +of Wiclif's doctrines grew up the sect of the Lollards, which condemned +the worship of images, pilgrimages, and other external church +ceremonies, designated the union of judicial authority with spiritual +office as unnatural—'hermaphroditism'—rejected excommunication with +abhorrence, and made secret and systematic war against the whole Church +establishment.</p> + +<p>But further besides these feuds there was one within the State system +itself which now became most conspicuous.</p> + +<p>In the midst of the general ferment how necessary had a strong and +resolute hand become! But Richard's government had shown itself somewhat +weak; by many it was suspected of having meant to turn the disturbances +to its own advantage. The commons, who mainly represented the lower +gentry and the upper citizens, abandoned him, and attached themselves to +the nobles, just as these revived their old jealousy against the crown. +For the almost inevitable result of success in suppressing a popular +agitation is to heighten the self-confidence of an aristocracy. +Impatient at being excluded from all share in the government, and +strengthened in his ambition by the military disasters of the last +years, the youngest of Richard's uncles, Thomas of Gloucester, put +himself at the head of the grandees, whose plans the commons, instead of +opposing, now on the contrary adopted as their own. The great questions +arose, which have so often since then convulsed the European world, as +to the relation of a Parliamentary assembly to the Monarchy, and their +respective rights.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> +The first demand of the English Parliament was that the ministers of +State should be named by it, or at least should be responsible to it. +Much as this demand itself implies, yet even more extensive views were +behind. The Peers told the King plainly that if he would not rule +according to the common law and with their advice, it was competent for +them to depose him, with consent of the people, and to raise another of +the royal house to the throne;<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> +they threatened him openly with the +fate of Edward II.</p> + +<p>Richard could do nothing but submit. Eleven lords were appointed to +restore order in the country; Richard had to swear to carry out all they +should ordain (November 1386). There remained but one way by which to +oppose this open violence: the King collected the chief judges at +Nottingham, and laid the question before them, whether the Commission +now forced upon him did not contravene the royal power and his +prerogative. The judges were far from so interpreting the Constitution +of England as to allow that the King is unconditionally bound by the +commands of Parliament. They affirmed under their hand and seal that the +appointment of that Commission against the King's will contravened his +legal prerogative; those by whom he had been forced to accept it, and +who had revived the recollection of the statute against Edward II, they +declared to be guilty of high treason. But Parliament itself saw in this +sentence not a judgment but an intolerable outrage. At its next sitting +it summoned the judges before its tribunal, and in its turn declared +them to be themselves guilty of high treason. Chief Justice Tresilian +died a shameful death at Tyburn. The King lived to find yet harsher laws +laid upon him: his uncle Gloucester was more powerful than he was +himself.</p> + +<p>He was not however disposed to bear this yoke for ever. He first freed +himself from the war with France, which tied his hands; by his marriage +with Charles VI's young daughter he sought to win that king over as an +ally on his own side; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> +at home too he gained himself friends; when all +was prepared, he struck a sudden blow (July 1397), which no one would +have expected from him. He removed his leading opponents (above all his +uncle Gloucester, and Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury), banished them +or threw them into prison: then he succeeded in getting together a +Parliament in which his partisans had the upper hand. It moreover +completely adopted the ideas of the judges as to the Constitution; it +revoked the statutes which had been forced on the +King,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> +and gave +effect to the sentence of Nottingham. By making the King a very +considerable grant for his lifetime, it freed him from the necessity of +summoning it anew; he rose at once to a high pitch of self-confidence: +he was believed to have said that the laws of England consisted in his +word of mouth.</p> + +<p>In England, just as in France at the same epoch, political opinions and +parties ebbed and flowed in ceaseless antagonism. Richard's success was +only momentary. He too, like so many of his ancestors, had incurred a +grievous suspicion; the crime laid to his charge was that his uncle, who +died in prison, had been murdered there by his command. Besides his +absolute rule was not free from arbitrary acts of many kinds; among the +great nobles each trembled for his own safety; the clergy, never on good +terms with Richard, were impatient at being deprived of their Primate, +who was to them 'the tower in the protecting bulwark of the Church.' In +the capital too men were against a rule which seemed to put an end to +popular influence; it needed only the return of an exile, the young +Henry of Lancaster (whom the King would not allow to take possession of +his inheritance by deputy, and who in conformity with the feeling of the +time broke his ban to do himself right); all men then deserted the King; +the nobles could now think of carrying out the threat which they had +once hurled against him.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> +Richard was compelled to call a Parliament, and at the moment it met to +pronounce his own abdication. The Parliament was not contented with +accepting this; it wished to put an end to all doubt for the future, and +to establish its own right for ever.</p> + +<p>A long list of articles was drawn up, from which it was concluded that +the King had broken his coronation oath and forfeited his crown; the +assembled Estates, when severally and conjointly consulted, held them +sufficient to justify them in proceeding to the King's deposition. They +named Proctors, two for the clergy, two for the high nobility—one for +the earls and dukes, the other for the barons and bannerets, two for the +knights and commons—one for the Northern, the other for the Southern +counties. They sat as a court of justice before the vacant throne, with +the Chief Justice in their midst: then the first spiritual commissioner, +the Bishop of S. Asaph, rose, and in the place and name and under the +authority of the Estates of the realm announced the sentence of +deposition against the late King, and forbade all men to receive any +further commands from him. Some opposition was raised; it is said that +the Bishop of Carlisle very expressly denied the right of subjects to +sit in judgment on their hereditary +sovereign;<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> +but how could this +have had any effect against the Parliament's claim which had been +formulated so long?</p> + +<p>As the crown was now regarded as vacant, Henry of Lancaster arose,—in +the name of God, as he said, whilst he made the sign of the cross on his +forehead and breast,—to claim it for himself, in virtue of his birth +and the right which accrued to him through God and the help of his +friends. It was not properly speaking an election that now took place: +the spiritual and lay lords, as well as the other members of the +Parliament, were asked what their opinion of his claim was: the answer +of all was that the Duke should be their King. When, conducted by the +two archbishops, he ascended the vacant throne, he was greeted with the +joyous acclaim +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> +of those assembled. The Archbishop of Canterbury made a +speech full of unction, the drift of which was, that henceforth it would +not be a child, such as the late sovereign had been, self-willed and +void of understanding, but a Man that would rule over them, in the full +maturity of his understanding, and resolved to do not so much his own +will as the will of God.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> + +<p>Thus did the spiritual and lay nobility, in and with the Parliament, +make good their claim to dispose of the crown. They went to work against +Richard II with less reserve than against Edward II. In the latter case +the Queen had taken part in the movement; they had set the son in his +father's stead. But this time they did not wait for the actual +consummation of the King's marriage; they raised a prince to the throne +who had openly opposed him in the field, and was not even the next in +succession. For there were still the descendants of an elder brother +left, who according to English usage had a prior right. The Parliament +held itself competent to settle on its own authority even the succession +to the crown. It enacted that it should belong to the King's eldest son, +and after him to his male issue, and on their failure to his brothers +and their issue. The proposal formally to exclude succession in the +female line did not pass; but for a long while to come the actual +practice had that effect.</p> + +<p>Besides the motives involved in the extension of the Power of the +Estates in and for itself there was yet another reason for such a +proceeding. And this arose out of the growth, and increasing urgency, of +the religious divisions. The Lollards preached, and taught in schools, +according to their views: in the year 1396 in a petition to Parliament +they traced all the moral evils and defects of the world to the fact +that the clergy were endowed with worldly goods, and showed the +advantage which would arise from the application of these to the service +of the state and the prosecution of +war.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> +They seem to have flattered +themselves that by this they would +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> +win over the lay lords, but they +were completely mistaken. For these remarked on the contrary that their +own property had no better legal foundation than that of the +clergy,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> +and only attached themselves to the rights of the Church all the more +zealously.</p> + +<p>That which would have been impossible under Richard II's vacillating +government, the first Lancaster now undertook: in full agreement with +the Estates he a few days after his accession announced to Convocation +that he purposed to destroy heretics and heresies to the best of his +power.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> +In the next Parliament a statute was drawn up in which +relapsed heretics were condemned to the flames. And still more +remarkable than this mode of punishment, which was that of the +Church-law, is the regulation of the procedure in this statute. In +former times the sentence had been pronounced by the archbishop and the +collective clergy of the province, and the King's consent had to be +asked before it was executed. The decision was now committed to the +bishop and his commissary, and the sheriff was instructed to inflict the +punishment without further appeal, and to commit the guilty to the fire +on the high grounds in the country, that terror might strike all the +bystanders. It is clear how much the power of the bishops was thus +extended. Soon after, on the proposal of the lay lords, at whose head +the Prince of Wales is named, a further statute passed, in which to +spread the rumour that King Richard was yet alive, and to teach that the +prelates ought to be deprived of their worldly goods, are treated as +offences of equal magnitude and threatened with a similar punishment; +the object being alike in both,—to raise a tumult. And in fact, when +Henry V himself had ascended the throne, an outbreak did occur, in which +these causes co-operated. The Lollards were strengthened in their +resistance to the government of the house of Lancaster by the rumour +that their rightful King was yet alive. Henry +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> +V was obliged to crush +them in open battle, and then force them to remain quiet by a new +statute, which enacted the confiscation of their goods as +well.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> +His alliance and friendship with the Emperor Sigismund was based on the +fact, that he regarded the Hussites as only the successors of the +Lollards.</p> + +<p>This orthodox tendency was now moreover combined with a strict +Parliamentary government. Under the Lancasters there is no complaint as +to illegal taxes; they allowed the moneys voted by the Parliament to be +paid over to treasurers named by itself and accountable to it; that +which earlier Kings had always rejected as an affront, the claim of +Parliament to exercise a sort of supervision over the King's household, +the Lancasters admitted; the royal officers were bound by oath to +observe the statutes and the common law; the prerogative, hitherto +exercised by the Kings, of softening the severity of the statutes by +proclamations contravening their purpose was expressly abolished.</p> + +<p>The Lancasters owed their rise to their alliance with the clergy and the +Parliament: a fact which determined the character and manner of their +government. The most manifold results might be expected, even beyond the +borders of England, from their having by this very alliance won for +themselves a great European position.</p> + +<p>Nowhere was greater interest taken in Richard's fate than at the French +court. Louis Duke of Orleans, whose voice was generally decisive there, +once challenged the first Lancaster to a duel, and when he refused it +pressed him hard with war. That Owen Glendower could once more maintain +himself as Prince in Wales was entirely due to his French auxiliaries. +That we find Henry IV more secure of his throne in his later years than +in his earlier is a phenomenon the explanation of which we seek in vain +in English affairs alone: it results from the fact that his powerful +foe, Louis of Orleans, was murdered in the year 1407 at the instigation +of John Duke of Burgundy, and that then the quarrel of the two +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> parties, +which divided France, burst out with increased violence, and remained +long undecided. From the French there was no longer anything to fear: +they emulously sought the alliance of the highest power in England; +there even arose circumstances under which the Lancasters could think of +renewing the claims of Edward III, from whom they too were descended.</p> + +<p>At the time that Henry V ascended the English throne, the Orleanists had +again gained the preponderance in France: they unfurled the Oriflamme +against the Duke of Burgundy, who was now in fact hard pressed. Henry +negociated with them both. But while the Orleanists made difficulties +about granting him the independent possession of the old English +provinces, Burgundy declared himself ready to acknowledge him as +King.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> +The common interests moreover of home politics allied him with +this house.</p> + +<p>Henry could reckon on the sympathies of a part of the population of +France, when he led the power of England across the sea. A successful +battle in which he destroyed the flower of the French nobility gave him +an undoubted superiority. The vengeance which the Orleanists wreaked +even under these circumstances on the Duke of Burgundy, who was now +murdered in his turn, brought the Burgundian party over completely to +his side, together with the greater part of the nation. Things went so +far that Charles VI of France decided to marry his daughter to the +victorious Lancaster and to acknowledge him, as his heir after his +death, as his representative during his life.</p> + +<p>It was a very extraordinary position which Henry V now occupied. The two +great kingdoms, each of which by itself has earlier or later claimed to +sway the world, were (without being fused into one) to remain united for +ever under him and his successors. Philip the Good of Burgundy was bound +to him by ties of blood and by hostility to a common foe: as heir of +France Henry sat in the Parliament +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> +by which the murderers of the last +duke, who were also the chief opponents of the new state of things, were +prosecuted. Another promising connexion was opened to him by the +marriage of the youngest of his brothers with Jaqueline of Holland and +Hainault, who possessed still more extensive hereditary claims. Henry +recommended the eldest to Queen Johanna of Naples to be adopted as her +son and heir. The King of Castile and the heir of Portugal were +descended from his father's sisters. The pedigrees of Southern and +Western Europe alike met in the house of Lancaster, the head of which +thus seemed to be the common head of all.</p> + +<p>In England Henry did not neglect to guard the rights of the National +Church; but at the same time no one exerted himself more energetically +to close the schism: the solemn condemnation of Wiclif's doctrines by +the General Council of Constance served to vouch for his attitude in +religious matters: the English Church obtained in it a place among the +great National Churches.</p> + +<p>Henry V found himself in the advantageous position of a potentate raised +to power by a usurpation for which he was not however personally +responsible. He could spare and reinstate Richard II's memory, as much +as in him lay, though he owed the crown to his overthrow. That he +furthered and advanced also in France the municipal and parliamentary +interests, which were his mainstay in England, procured him the +obedience which was there paid him, and a European influence. In his +moral character Henry ranks above most of the Plantagenets. He had no +favourites and let no unjust acts be imputed to him. He was stern +towards the great and careful for the common people; at his first word +men could tell what they had to expect from him. The French were +frightened at the keenness of his expression, but they reverenced his +high spirit, his bravery and truthfulness. 'He transacts all his affairs +himself; he considers them well before he undertakes them; he never does +anything fruitlessly. He is free from excesses, and truthful: he never +makes himself too familiar. On his face are visible dignity and supreme +power.'<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> +He possessed in full measure the bold impulses +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> +of his ancestors, their attention to the general affairs of Western +Christendom. In the war with the Lollards he was once wounded; that he +recovered from his wound was designated as the work of divine +Providence, which had destined him to be the conqueror of the Holy Land. +He informed himself about its state as it was then constituted under the +Mameluke rule: a Chronicle of Jerusalem and a History of Godfrey of +Bouillon were two of the books he loved most to read. And without doubt +such an undertaking would have been the true means, if any such means +were possible, of uniting more closely, by common undertakings successes +and interests, the realms already bound together under one sceptre. The +Ottomans had not yet extended themselves in the East with their full +force: something might yet have been effected there; for the King of +France and England, who was yet young in years, a great future seemed to +be at hand.</p> + +<p>Sometimes it seems as though fortune were specially making a mock of +man's frailty. In this fulness of power and of expectations, Henry V was +attacked by a disease which men did not yet know how to cure and to +which he succumbed. His heir was a boy, nine months old.</p> + +<p>Of the two surviving brothers of the deceased King, the younger ruled +England under the already established predominance of the Estates of the +Realm, while the elder governed France with an increased participation +on the part of the Estates: their efforts could only be directed towards +preserving these kingdoms for their nephew Henry VI. We might almost +wonder that this succeeded so well for a time: in the long run it was +impossible. The feeling of French nationality, which had already met the +victor himself with secret warnings, found its most wonderful expression +in the Maid who revived in the French their old attachment to their +native King and his divine right; the English, when she fell into their +hands, with ungenerous hate inflicted on her the punishment of the +Lollards: but the Valois King had already gained a firm footing. It was +Charles VII who understood how to appease +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +the enmity of Burgundy, and +in unison with the great men of his kingdom to give his power a peculiar +organisation corresponding to its character, so that he was able to +oppose to the English troops better armed than their own, and make the +restoration of a firm peace even desirable for them. But this reacted on +England in two ways. The government, which was inclined for peace, fell +into as bitter a quarrel as any that had hitherto taken place with the +national bodies politic, which either did not recognise this necessity, +or attributed the disasters incurred to bad management. The man most +trusted by the King fell a victim to the public hate. But, besides this, +there arose—awakened by these events and in a certain analogy with what +happened in France—the recollection of the rights which had been set +aside by the accession of the house of Lancaster. Their representative, +Richard Duke of York, had hitherto kept quiet; for he was fully +convinced that a right cannot perish merely because it lies dormant. +Cautiously and step by step, while letting others run the first risk, he +at last came forward openly with his claim to the crown. Great was the +astonishment of Henry VI, who as far as his memory reached had been +regarded as King, to find his right to the highest dignity doubted and +denied. But such was now the case. The nation was split into two +parties, one of which held fast to the monarchy established by the +Parliament, while the other wished to recur to the principle of +legitimate succession then violated. Not that political conviction was +the leading motive for their quarrel. First of all we find that the +opponents of the government—though themselves of Parliamentary +views—rallied round the banners of the hitherto forgotten right of +birth. Every man fought, less for the prince whose device he bore, the +red or the white rose, than for his own share in the enjoyment of +political power. On both sides there arose chiefs of almost independent +power, who clad their partisans in their own colours, at whose call +those partisans were ready any moment to take arms: they appointed the +sheriffs in the counties and were lords of the land. But when blood had +once been shed, no reconciliation of the parties was possible. Ha, cried +the victor to the man who begged for mercy, thy father +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> slew mine, thou +must die by my hand. In vain did men turn to the judges: for the +statutes contradicted each other, and they could no longer decide where +the right lay. From the Parliaments no solution of these questions could +be expected; each served the victorious party, whose summons it obeyed, +and condemned its opponent. As the resources on each side were tolerably +equal, even the battles were not decisive: the result depended less upon +real superiority than on accidental desertions or accessions, and most +largely on foreign help. After the English had failed, during the +antagonism of Valois and Burgundy, in establishing their supremacy on +the Continent, the quarrel—quieted for a moment—which broke out again +between Louis XI and Charles the Bold in the most violent manner, +reacted on them with all the more vehemence. King Louis would not endure +that a good understanding should exist between Edward IV and Duke +Charles, to whom Edward had married his sister: he drew the man who had +hitherto done the most for the Yorkist interests, the Earl of Warwick, +over to his own side; and scarcely had the latter appeared in England +when Edward IV was forced to fly and Henry VI was reinstated. Louis had +prepared church-thanksgivings to God for having given the English a king +of the blood of France and a friend to that country. But meanwhile +Edward was helped by Charles the Bold, to whom he had fled, though not +openly in arms, yet with ships which he hired for him, with considerable +sums of money, and even with troops which he allowed to join +him.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> +To these, his Flemish and Easterling troops, it was chiefly attributed that +Edward gained the upper hand in the field and recovered his throne. But +what a state of things was this! The glorious crown of the Plantagenets, +who a little while before strove for the supremacy of the world, was +now—stained with blood and powerless as it was—tossed to and fro +between the rival parties.</p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> 'I take it as a holesome counsell, that the Pope leeve his +worldly lordship to worldly lords as Christ gafe him and move all his +clerks to do so.' Wickleffs Bileve, in Collier i. Rec. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> 'Quod nullus est dominus civilis, nullus est episcopus, +nullus est praelatus, dum est in mortali peccato—quod domini temporales +possunt auferre bona temporalia ab ecclesia habitualiter delinquente vel +quod populares possunt ad eorum arbitrium dominos delinquentes +corrigere.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Walsingham: 'Antistes belliger velut aper frendens +dentibus.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> 'Si rex ex maligno consilio—se alienaverit a populo suo +nec voluent per jura regni et statuta et laudabiles ordinationes cum +salubri consilio dominorum et procorum regni gubernare et +regulari—extunc licitum est eis cum communi assensu et consensu populi +regem ipsum de regali solio abrogare et propinquiorem aliquem de stirpe +regia loco ejus sublimare.' In Knyghton ii. 2683.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> 'Comme chose fait traitoirousement et encontre sa regalie, +sa coronne et sa dignitée—le roy de lassent de touts les s<sup>rs</sup> et +cōēs ad ordeine et establi que null tiel commission ne autre +sembleable jammes ne soit purchacez pursue ne faite en temps advenir.' +Statutes of the Realm II. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Hayward, Life of King Henry IV, gives a detailed copy of +this speech, which however can possess no more claim to authenticity +than the words that Shakespeare puts into the Bishop's mouth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Le record et procès de la renonciation du roi Richard avec +la deposition. Twysden, ii. 2743.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Conclusiones Lollardorum porrectae pleno parliamento. +Wilkins iii. 222. From the document in 229 we see that these doctrines +had penetrated into Oxford.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> The temporal possessions with which the prelates are as +rightly endowed as it has been or might be best advised by the laws and +customs of our kingdom; and of which they are as surely possessed as the +lords temporal are of their inheritances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Convocatio 6 die Oct. 1389 ... modus procedendi contra +haereticos. Wilkins iii. 238, 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> He imputes to them, 'l'entent de adnuller la foie +chretienne auxi a destruer le roi mesme et tous maners estates dicell +royaume et auxi toute politie et les leies de la terre.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Treaty of 23rd May 1414. Certainly Duke John in September +1414 concluded the treaty of Arras which is based on the assumption of +his having no understanding with England; but he never ratified it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> 'De diligence portoit le gonphanon de ses besoignes.' +Chastellain, Chronique du duc Philippe, ch. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Chastellain, Chronique des derniers ducs de Bourgogne, ch +191. 'Le duc cognossoit bien, que ceste mutacion en Angleterre étoit +pratiquée pour le desfaire et non pour autre fin.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="INT_II" id="INT_II"></a>BOOK II.</h2> + +<p class='center'><br />ATTEMPTS TO CONSOLIDATE THE KINGDOM INDEPENDENTLY IN ITS TEMPORAL AND +SPIRITUAL RELATIONS. +</p> + +<p>We may regard it as the chief result of the Norman-Plantagenet rule, +that England became completely a member of the Romano-German family of +nations which formed the Western world. In however many ways the +invading nobility had mingled with the native houses, it yet held fast +to its ancient language; even now it is part of the ambition of the +great families to trace their pedigree from the Conquerors. Attempts had +been made, sometimes of a more political, sometimes of a more doctrinal +nature, to break loose from the hierarchy, which prevailed throughout +these nations; but they had only increased its strength; the native +clergy saw that its safety lay in the strictest adherence to the maxims +of the Universal Church. Similarly the character of the Estates in +England was akin to that of those in North France and especially in the +Netherlands; on this rests the sympathy which the enterprises of Edward +III and Henry V met with; for it was indeed the feeling of these +centuries, that the members of any one of the three Estates felt +themselves quite as closely bound to the members of the same Estate in +other lands as to their own countrymen of the other Estates. There was +but one Church, one Science, one Art in Europe: one and the same mental +horizon enclosed the different peoples: a romance and a poetry varying +in form yet of closely kindred nature was the common possession of all. +The common life of Europe flowed also in the veins of England: an +indestructible foundation for culture and progressive civilisation was +laid. But we saw to what point matters had come notwithstanding, as +regards the durability of its internal system and its power. The +Plantagenets had extended the rule of England over Scotland and Ireland: +in the latter it still subsisted, but only within the narrow limits of +the Border Pale; in the former it was altogether overthrown. The best +result that had been effected in home politics, the attempt to unite the +Powers of the country in Parliament had, after a short and brilliant +success, led to the deepest disorder by disregarding the rights of +birth. The degraded crown above all had thus become the prize of battle +for Pretenders allied with France or Burgundy. But it could not possibly +remain thus. The time was come to give the English realm an independent +position and internal order corresponding at once to its insular +situation and to the degree of culture it had attained.</p> + +<p>The first who attempted this with some success was Edward IV, of the +house of York, who in the war of the Roses had remained master of the +field.</p> + +<p>But everywhere there began once more an era of autocratic princes. </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_I" id="BII_I"></a> +RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREME POWER.</p> + +<p>Edward IV was a most brilliant figure, the handsomest man of his time, +at least among the sovereigns, so that the impression he thus made was +actually a power in politics; we find him incessantly entangled in love +affairs: he was fond of music and enjoyment of all kinds, the pleasures +of the table, the uproar of riotous company: his debauched habits are +thought to have shortened his life, and many a disaster sprung from his +carelessness; but he had also Sardanapalus' nature in him: with quickly +awakening activity he always rose again out of his disasters; in his +battles he appeared the last, but he fought perhaps the best; and he won +them all. In the history of European Monarchy he is not unworthy to be +ranked by the side of Ferdinand the Catholic, Charles the Bold, Louis +XI, and some others who regained prestige for their dignity by the +energy of their personal character.</p> + +<p>In itself we must rate it as important that he made good the birthright +of the house of York, independent as it was of the maxims of Parliament, +or rather contradictory to them, and maintained the throne. He deemed +himself the direct successor of Richard II; the three kings who had +since worn the crown by virtue of Parliamentary enactments were regarded +by him as usurpers. We have Fortescue's contemporary treatise in praise +of the laws of England, which (written for a prince who never came to +the throne) contains the idea of Parliamentary right which the house of +Lancaster upheld: but Edward IV did not so apprehend it. He allowed the +lawfulness of his accession to be recognised by Parliament, because this +was of use to him: but otherwise he paid little regard to its +established rights. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> +We find under him for five years no meeting of +Parliament; then a Parliament that had met was prorogued some four or +five times without completing any business, till it at last agreed to +raise the customs duties, included under the names of Tonnage and +Poundage; a revenue which being voted to the Kings for life (and this +came gradually to be regarded as a mere formality) gave their government +a strong financial basis. Other Parliaments repaid their summons with +considerable grants, with large and full subsidies: yet Edward IV was +not content even with these. Under him began the practice, by which the +wealthy were drawn into contributions for his service in proportion to +their property, of which the King knew how to obtain accurate +information; these contributions were called Benevolences because they +were paid under the form of personal freewill offerings, though none +dared to refuse them:<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> +we may compare the imposts which in the +Italian republics the dominant parties were wont to inflict on their +opponents. Though holding Church views in other points, and at any rate +a persecutor of the Lollards, he did not however allow the clergy to +enter on their temporalities without heavy payments: he created +monopolies in the case of some especially profitable articles of trade. +In short, he neglected no means to render the administration of the +supreme power independent of the money-grants of Parliament. He made +room for the royal prerogative as understood by the old kings, as well +as for the right of birth.</p> + +<p>But yet he had not established a secure position, since the party of the +enemy was still very powerful, and after his early death a quarrel broke +out in his own house which could not fail to destroy it.</p> + +<p>To the characteristic traits of the Plantagenets, their world-wide +views, their chivalry abroad, their versatility at home, the ceaseless +war they waged with each other and with others +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> +for power, their +inextinguishable love of rule, belongs also the way in which those who +held power rid themselves of foes within their own family. As formerly +King John had murdered in prison Arthur the lawful heir to the throne, +so Richard II imprisoned and murdered his uncle Thomas of Gloucester, +who was dangerous to himself. Richard II, like Edward II, died by the +hand of a relative who had wrested the crown from him; of the details of +his death we have not even a legend left. Another Gloucester, who had +for many years guarded the crown for the infant Henry VI, was, at the +very moment when he might become dangerous to the new government, found +dead in his bed. So Henry VI perished in the Tower the day before Edward +IV made his entry into London. Edward IV preferred to have his brother +Clarence, though already under sentence of death, privately killed. But +the most atrocious murder of all was that of the two infant sons of +Edward IV himself; they were both murdered at once, as was fully +believed, at the behest of their uncle Richard III, who had put himself +in possession of the throne. I know not whether the actual character of +Richard answered to that type of inborn wickedness which commits crime +because it wills it as crime, such as following the hints of the +Chronicle<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> +a great poet has drawn for us in imperishable traits, and +linked with his name: or whether it was not rather the love of power, +that animated the whole family, which in Richard III grew step by step +into a passion that made him forget all laws human and divine: enough, +he did such deeds that the world's abhorrence weighs justly on him.</p> + +<p>But it was owing to the internal discord of the ruling family that +throughout the course of its history a path was made for political and +national development, and so it was now: these crimes opened a way out +of the disorders of the time. For as Richard, while continuing to +persecute the house of Lancaster, struck still harder blows against the +chief members of that of York, he gave occasion to the principal persons +of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> +both parties, who were equally threatened, and had the same interest +in opposing the usurper, to draw nearer to each other.</p> + +<p>The widowed Queen Elizabeth, who was lingering out her life in a +sanctuary, was brought into secret connexion through the mediation of +distinguished friends with the mother of the man who now came forward as +head of the Lancasters, Henry Earl of Richmond, and it was determined +that Henry and Elizabeth's daughter, in whom the claims of both lines +were united, should marry each other, a prospect which might well +prepare the way for the immediate combination of the two parties. Henry +of Richmond at their head was then to confront the usurper and chase him +from the throne. The fugitives scattered about in the sanctuaries and +churches called him to be their +captain.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>The question arises—it has been often answered in the negative—whether +Henry was rightfully a Lancaster, and whether he had any well-grounded +claims on the English crown. He loved to derive his family from the hero +of the Welsh, the fabulous Arthur. His grandfather, Owen Tudor, a +Welshman, was brought into connexion with the royal house by his +marriage with Henry V's widow, Catharine of France: for unions of royal +ladies with distinguished gentlemen were then not rare. And Owen Tudor +of course obtained by this a higher position, but there could be no +question of any claim to the crown. This was derived simply from the +fact that the son of this marriage, Edmund Tudor Earl of Richmond, +married a lady of the house of Somerset, descended by her father from +John of Gaunt, the ancestor of the Lancasters, by his third marriage +with Catharine Swynford. It has been said that this marriage, in itself +of an irregular nature, was only recognised as legitimate by Richard II +on the condition that the issue from it should have no claim to the +succession—and so it is in fact stated in the often printed Patent. But +the original of the document still exists, and that in two forms, one of +which is in the Rolls of Parliament, the other +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> +on the Patent Rolls. In +the first the limitation is wanting, in the second it exists, but as an +interpolation by a later hand. It may be taken as admitted that Richard +II in legitimising the marriage did not make this condition, and that it +was first inserted by Henry IV (who took offence at the legitimisation +of his half-brothers) at the ratification. But the legitimisation once +effected could not possibly be limited in a one-sided manner by a later +sovereign. I think no objection can be made to the legality of Henry +VII's claim, which then passed over to his +successors.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> +The limitation belonged to those proceedings of one-sided caprice by which +Henry IV tried to secure for his direct descendants the perpetual +possession of the crown. It was not from him, but from his father, the +founder of the family, that the Earls of Richmond derived their claim.</p> + +<p>Now that the banner of a true Lancaster appeared again in the field, and +the discontented Yorkists, ill-treated by Richard, joined him, it might +certainly be hoped that the usurper would be overthrown, and that a +strong power would emerge from the union of both lines. Yet the issue +was even then very doubtful.</p> + +<p>As in the earlier civil wars, so now too the help of a foreign power was +necessary. With French help the Earl of Richmond led about 2000 men, of +which not more than perhaps 800 were English, to +Wales;<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> +in his further advance he was joined by proportionately considerable +reinforcements; yet he did not number more than 5000 men under his +banners, badly clothed and still worse armed, when Richard with his +chivalry came upon him in overwhelming numbers. Henry would have been +lost, had he not found partisans in Richard's ranks. Even before the +engagement the desertion from Richard began: then in the middle of the +battle the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> +chief division of his army passed over to Henry. Richard +found the death he sought: for he was resolved to be King or die: on the +battlefield itself Henry was proclaimed King.</p> + +<p>There is no doubt that he owed to his union with the house of York, +whose right was then generally regarded as the best, not only his +victory, but the joyous recognition also which he experienced +afterwards: yet his whole nature revolted against basing his state on +this union: he cherished the ambition of ruling only through his own +right.</p> + +<p>At the first meeting of Parliament, which he did not call till he was +fully in possession and crowned King, he was met by a very genuinely +English point of law. It arose from the fact that many members of the +Lower House had been attainted by the late government. How could they +make laws who were themselves beyond the pale of law? Who could cleanse +them from the stain that clove to them? This objection could be raised +against Henry himself. In this perplexity recourse was had to the +judges: and they decided that the possession of the crown supplied all +defects, and that the King was already King even without the assent of +Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> +In the general disorder things had gone so far, that it +was necessary to find some power outside the continuity of legal forms, +from which they might start afresh. The actual possession of the throne +formed this time the living centre round which the legal state could +again form itself. By exercising the authority inherent in the +possession of the crown, the King could effect the revocation of the +sentences that weighed on his partisans and on a large portion of the +Parliament. After the legal character of that Assembly had been +established, it proceeded to recognise Henry's rights to the crown in +the words used for the first of the Lancastrian house.</p> + +<p>In the papal bull which ratified Henry's succession, three grounds are +assigned for it: the right of war, the undoubted nearest right to the +succession, and the recognition by Parliament. On the first the King +himself laid great stress:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +he once designates the issue of the battle +as the decision of God between him and his foes. He thus avoided any +mention of the marriage with Edward IV's daughter, which he did not +complete till he was acknowledged on all sides. The papal bull declared +that the crown of England was to be hereditary in Henry's descendants, +even if they did not spring from the Yorkist marriage.</p> + +<p>We can easily understand this: Henry would not tolerate by his side in +the person of his wife a joint ruler of equal, and even better, right +than his own; but we can understand also that this proceeding drew on +him new enmities. At the very outset the widowed Queen gave it to be +understood that her daughter was rather lowered than raised by the +marriage. The whole party of York moreover felt itself contemned and +insulted. To the ferment of displeasure and ambition into which it fell +must be attributed the fact that a pair of adventurers, who acted the +part of genuine descendants of the house of York, Lambert Simnel and +Perkin Warbeck, supported from abroad, found the greatest sympathy and +recognition in England. The first Henry VII had to meet in open battle, +the second he got into his hands only by a great European combination.</p> + +<p>But he did not wish to have always to encounter open disturbance. He was +entirely of the opinion which his chancellor gave, that enmities of such +a sort could not be extinguished by the sword of war, but only by +well-planned and stringent laws which would destroy the seed of +rebellion, and by institutions strong enough to administer those laws. +Above all he found it intolerable that the great men kept numerous +dependents attached to them under engagements which were publicly +paraded by distinctive badges. The lower courts of justice and the +juries did not do the service expected from them in dealing with the +transgressions of the law that came before them. Uncertainty as to the +supreme authority, and the power which the great party-leaders +exercised, filled the weaker, who had to sit in judgment on them, with +dread of their sure revenge. To put an end to this disorder Henry VII +established the Starchamber. With consent of the Parliament, from which +all hostile pa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>rty-movements +were excluded, he gave his Privy Council, +which was strengthened by the chief judges, a strong organisation with +this end in view. It was to punish all those personal engagements, the +exercise of unlawful influence in the choice of sheriffs, all riotous +assemblies, lastly to have power to deal with the early symptoms of a +tumult before it came to an outbreak, and that under forms which were +not usual in the English administration of justice. This powerful +instrument in the hands of government might be much abused, but then +seemed necessary to keep in check unreconciled enemies and the spirit of +faction that was ever surging up again. We see the prevailing state of +things from the fact, that the King's councillors themselves, to be +secured against acts of violence, passed a special law, which +characterised attacks on them as attacks on the King himself. But then, +like men who stood in the closest connexion with the King and his State, +they used their authority with unapproachable severity. The internal +tranquillity of England has been thought to be mainly due to the +erection of this court of justice.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> + +<p>Since Henry laid so much stress on his being a Lancaster, it might have +been expected that he would revive the rights of the Parliament. But in +this respect he followed the example of the house of York. He too +imposed Benevolences, like Edward IV, and that to a yet greater extent; +he made an ordinance that what was voluntarily promised should be +exacted with as much strictness as if it were an ordinary tax. Another +source of financial gain, which has brought on him still worse +reproaches, was his commission against infractions of the law. It was +inevitable that in the fluctuation of authority and of the statutes +themselves innumerable illegalities should have taken place. And they +were still always going on. The King took it especially ill that men +omitted to pay the dues which belonged to the crown in right of its +feudal superiority. All these negligences and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> failures were now visited +and punished with the severity of the old Norman system, and at the same +time with the officiousness of party-men of the day, who saw their own +advantage in it. This proceeding pressed very many heavily on private +persons and communities, and ruined families, but it filled the King's +coffers. One of his maxims was that his laws should not be broken under +any circumstances, another that a sovereign who would enjoy +consideration must always have money: in this instance both worked +together.</p> + +<p>If we look at the lists of his receipts we find that they consist, as in +other kingdoms, of the crown's revenue proper, which was considerably +increased by the escheated possessions of great families which had +become extinct, the customs duties settled on him for life, the tenth +from the clergy, and the feudal dues. It was estimated that they +produced nearly the same revenue as that of the French kings at this +time, but it was remarked that the King of England only spent about +two-thirds of his income. He did not need a Parliamentary grant, +especially as he kept out of dangerous foreign entanglements. In his +last thirteen years he never once called a Parliament.</p> + +<p>This precisely corresponded to the idea of his government. After all had +become doubtful owing to the alternate fluctuations of parties he had +established his personal claim by the fortune of arms, and made it the +central point of his government. Was he to allow it to be again +endangered by the ceaseless ebb and flow of popular opinion? He founded +a supreme court independent of popular agitation, a finance system +independent of the grants of a popular assembly.</p> + +<p>But he thus found himself under the disadvantage of having to apply +compulsion unceasingly: his government bore throughout the bitter and +hateful character of a party-government. With untiring jealousy he +watched the secret opponents who still looked out for some movement from +abroad, as a signal for fresh revolt: he kept diaries of their doings +and conduct: it was said he availed himself of the confessional for this +purpose: men whose names were from time to time solemnly cursed at S. +Paul's on account of past treasons<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span>, so that they counted for open +enemies, became useful to him as spies. If the decision lay between +services received and suspicious conduct, the latter easily weighed down +the balance, to the ruin of the victim. William Stanley, who had played +the most important part in the battle which decided the fate of the +crown, and was regarded as almost the first man in the realm after the +King, had at the appearance of Perkin Warbeck (who gave himself out as +Edward's younger son, Richard of York) let slip the words, 'he would +take his side, if he were the person he gave himself out to be.' He had +to atone for these words by his death, since he had intimated a doubt as +to the King's lawful right, which might mislead others into sedition. +Gradually the movements ceased: the high nobility showed a loyal +submission to the King: yet it did not attach itself to him, it let him +and his government alone. The King's principle was, to execute the laws +most strictly, yet he was not cruel by nature; if men implored his +mercy, he was ready to grant it. The contracted position of a sovereign, +who maintains his authority with the utmost strictness, does not however +exclude a paternal care for the country. Henry clipped his people's +wings, to accustom them to obedience, and then was glad when they grew +again. We find even that he made out a sketch of how the land should be +cultivated so that every man might be able to live. The people did not +love him, but it did not exactly hate him either: this was quite enough +for Henry VII.</p> + +<p>A slight man, somewhat tall, with thin light-coloured hair, whose +countenance bore the traces of the storms he had passed through; in his +appearance he gave the impression of being a high ecclesiastic rather +than a chivalrous King. He was in this almost the exact opposite of +Edward IV. He too certainly arranged public festivities and spared no +expense to make them splendid, since his dignity demanded it, but his +soul took no pleasure in them, he left them as soon as ever he could; he +lived only in business. In his council sat men of mark, sagacious +bishops, experienced generals, magistrates learned in the law: he held +it to be his duty and his interest to hear their advice. And they were +not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> without influence: one or two were noted as able to restrain his +self-seeking will. But the main affairs he kept in his own hands. All +that he undertook he conducted with great foresight and as a rule he +carried it through. Foreigners regarded him as cunning and deceitful; to +his own people his successful prudence seemed to have something +supernatural about it. If he had personal passions, he knew how to keep +them under; he seemed always calm and sober, sparing of words and yet +affable.</p> + +<p>He directed almost his chief energies to this object, to keep off all +foreign influences from his well-ordered kingdom. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Historiae Croylandensis Continuatio II. 'Concessae sunt +decimae ac quintodecimae multiplices in coetibus clericorum et laicorum, +habentibus in faciendis concessionibus hujusmodi interesse. Praeterea +haereditarii ac possessionati omnes de rebus immobilibus suarum +possessionum partem libere concedebant. Cumque nec omnia praedicta +sufficere visa sunt, inducta est nova et inaudita impositio oneris, ut +per benevolentiam quilibet daret id quod vellet, imo verius quod +nollet.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> At least Sir Thomas More has not invented the nature and +manner of the murder; it is derived from a confession of the persons +concerned in it in Henry VII's time. 'Dightonus traditionis hujus +principale erat instrumentum' (Bacon 212). Tyrel too seems to have known +of it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> 'Videntes, quod si novum conquestionis suae capitaneum +invenire non possent brevi de omnibus actum foret.' Hist. Croyl. 568.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> I take this from Nicolas, Observations on the state of +historical literature, 1830, p. 178. Hume's objection, that the mother's +right came before the son's, is done away with by the fact that men had +in general never yet seen reigning Queens.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> How the world regarded it then we ascertain from the words +of the Chroniques de Jean Molinet, ed. Buchon, iii. 151. 'Le Comte de +Richmond fut couronne et institué Henri VII, par le confort et puissant +subside du roi de France.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> 'A quo tempore Rex coronam assumpserat, fontem sanguinis +fuisse expurgatum—ut regi opera parlamentaria non fuisset opus.' So +Bacon, Henricus VII. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Edw. Coke: 4 Inst. cap. ix. 'It is the most honourable +court, our Parliament excepted, that is in the Christian world.—In the +judges of the same are the grandees of the realm: and they judge upon +confession or deposition or witness.—This court doth keep all England +in quiet.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_II_I" id="BII_II_I"></a> +CHANGES IN THE CONDITION OF EUROPE.</p> + +<p>For the history of the world the decisive event of the epoch was the +rapid rise of the French monarchy, which after it had freed itself from +the English invasions, became master of all the hitherto separate +territories of the great vassals, and lastly even of Brittany, and +rapidly began to make its preponderance felt on all sides.</p> + +<p>Considered in itself no one would have been more called on to oppose +this than the King of England, who even still bore the title of King of +France. In fact Henry did once revive his claim on the French crown, on +Normandy and Guyenne, and took part in a coalition, which was to have +forced Charles VIII to give up Brittany; he crossed to Calais and +threatened Boulogne. But he was not in earnest with these comprehensive +views in his military enterprise, any more than Edward IV had once been +in a similar one. Henry VII was contented when a considerable money +payment year by year was secured to him, as it had been to Edward. The +English called it a tribute, the French a pension. It was acceptable to +the King, and advantageous for his home affairs, just at that +moment—1492—to have a sum of money at his free disposal.</p> + +<p>And no one could have advised him to attach himself unconditionally to +the house of Burgundy. Duke Charles' widow was still alive, who found it +unendurable that the house of York, from which she sprang, should be +dethroned from its 'triumphant majesty, which shone over the seven +nations of the world'—for so she expressed herself. With her the +fugitive partisans of the house of York found refuge and protection: by +herself and her son-in-law Maximilian of Austria the pretenders +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> +were fitted out who contested the crown with Henry VII. Henry could not +really wish Brittany to pass to his sworn foe, so that he might be +threatened from this quarter also at every moment. For how could he +delude himself with the hope that a transitory alliance would prevail +over a dynastic antipathy?</p> + +<p>At this crisis Ferdinand the Catholic of Spain offered him an alliance +and connexion by marriage.</p> + +<p>That which induced this sovereign to do so was above all Charles VIII's +invasion of Italy, and his conquest of Naples, to which the crown of +Aragon had just claims. His plan was to oppose to the mighty +consolidated power of France a family alliance with the +Austro-Burgundian House, with Portugal, above all with England: he hoped +that this would react on Italy, always wont to adhere to the most +powerful party. Ferdinand offered the King of England a marriage between +his youngest daughter Catharine and the Prince of Wales. In the English +Privy Council many objections were made to this; they did not wish to +draw the enmity of France on themselves and would have rather seen the +prince united to a princess of the house of Bourbon, as was then +proposed. It was on Henry VII's own responsibility that the offer was +accepted. In September 1496 an agreement was come to about the +conditions: on 15th August 1497 the ceremony of betrothal took place in +the palace at Woodstock.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> + +<p>The motive which impelled Henry to his decision is sufficiently clear; +it was his relation to Scotland, on which the Spaniards already +exercised influence.</p> + +<p>There the second pretender, Perkin Warbeck, had found a warm reception +from the young and chivalrous James IV: he there married a lady of one +of the chief houses: accompanied in person by this sovereign he made an +attempt to invade England, which only failed owing to the unfavourable +time of the year. The Spanish ambassador Pedro de Ayala +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> +then out of +regard to Henry secured Perkin's withdrawal from Scotland. But in 1497 +the danger revived in a yet greater degree. Warbeck landed in Cornwall +where all the inhabitants rallied round him, and a revolt already once +suppressed broke out again; at this moment James IV, urged on by the +nobles of the land, crossed the border with a splendid army: the +co-operation of the two movements might have placed the King in a +serious difficulty. Again it was the Spanish ambassador who made James +IV determine not to let himself be urged on further; but rather to give +him the commission, to adjust his differences with England. Henry VII +was set free to suppress the revolt in Cornwall; Perkin Warbeck was +taken in his flight.</p> + +<p>As the object of the Spaniards was to sever Scotland from her old +alliance with France, and that too by means of a family alliance, it was +an essential point in their mediation that Henry VII, as he betrothed +his son Arthur to a Spanish Infanta, should similarly betroth his +daughter Margaret to James IV. The understanding with Spain and that +with Scotland went hand in hand.</p> + +<p>And on another side too the alliance with Spain was very useful to the +King of England. Ferdinand had married his elder daughter Juana to +Maximilian's son the Archduke Philip: Philip could not possibly uphold +the Yorkist interests so zealously as his father or his grandmother. It +was an event of importance that at Whitsuntide 1500 a meeting took place +between the English and the Austro-Burgundian Court in the neighbourhood +of Calais. Henry applied himself to win over those whom he knew to be +his enemies: but at the same time he wished it to be remarked that the +Archduke showed him the honour which belongs to a lawful King. If there +were still Yorkist partisans in England, who placed their hopes in the +house of Burgundy, they would find that they had nothing more to hope +from that quarter.</p> + +<p>So the Spanish alliance served the prudent and circumspect politician, +to secure him from any hostile action on the side of Scotland and the +Netherlands. When Catharine in 1501 came to England for her marriage, +she was received with additional joy because it was felt that her near +connex<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span>ion +with the Burgundian house promised good relations with the +Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> + +<p>But never was a more eventful marriage concluded.</p> + +<p>We do not know whether the Prince of Wales had really consummated it +when he died before he was yet sixteen. But the two fathers were so well +satisfied with an alliance which increased the security of the one and +gained the other great consideration in the world, that they could not +bring themselves to give up the family connexion, by which it was so +much strengthened. The thought occurred to Ferdinand—a very unusual one +in the rest of the European world, though not indeed in Spain—of +marrying the Infanta to Henry, brother of the deceased prince, who was +now recognised as Prince of Wales. With his condolence for the loss he +united a proposal for the new marriage. In England from the beginning +men did not hide from themselves that as regarded the future succession, +which ought not to be contested from any side, the matter had its +delicate points. The solution which Henry found shows clearly enough the +natural tactics of the old politician. He obtained from the Roman Court +a dispensation for the new marriage, which expressly included the case +of the first marriage having been consummated. But it almost appears as +though he did not fully trust this authorisation. High as the prestige +of the supreme Pontiff still stood in the world, there were yet cases in +which canonists and theologians doubted as to his dispensing power; men +could not possibly have forgotten that, when Richard III wished to marry +his niece Elizabeth, a number of doctors disapproved of such a marriage, +even if the Pope should sanction it. At any rate Henry VII instigated, +or at least did not oppose, his son's solemnly entering a protest, after +the marriage ceremony between him and Catharine was performed, against +its validity (on the ground of his being too young), the evening before +he entered his fifteenth year, in the presence of the Bishop of +Winchester, his father's chief +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> +Secretary of State. Hence all remained +undecided. Catharine lived on in England: her dowry did not need to be +given up; the general influence of the political union was saved; it +could however be dissolved at any moment, and there was therefore no +quarrel on this account with France, whence from time to time proposals +proceeded for a marriage in the opposite interest. The prince kept +himself quite free, to make use of the dispensation or not.</p> + +<p>For the King himself too, whose wife died in 1503, many negociations +were entered into on both sides. The French offered him a lady of the +house of Angoulême; he preferred Maximilian's daughter, Margaret of +Austria, not indeed for her personal qualities, however praiseworthy +they might be; he stipulated after his usual fashion for the surrender +of the fugitive Edmund de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, who was regarded as +the chief representative of the house of York, and (as once previously +in France) had at that time found a refuge in the Netherlands. Philip, +who after the death of his mother-in-law wished to take possession of +his wife's kingdoms in Spain, was on his voyage from Flanders driven by +a storm on the English coasts: he was Henry's guest at Windsor, +Richmond, and London. Here then the King's marriage with Philip's sister +was concerted, and with it the surrender of Suffolk. Philip strove long +against this: when he yielded, he at least got a promise that Henry VII +would spare the life of the earl, whom he accused of treason. He kept +his word: the prisoner was not executed till after his death.</p> + +<p>Margaret had no inclination to wed herself with the harsh and +self-seeking King, who was growing old: he himself, when Philip shortly +after his arrival in Castile was snatched away by an early death, formed +the idea of marrying his widow Juana, though she was no longer in her +right mind. He opened a negociation about it, which he pursued with zeal +and apparent earnestness. The Spaniards ascribe to him the project of +marrying himself to Ferdinand's elder daughter, and his son to the +younger, and making the latter marriage, which he was purposely always +putting off, the price of his own. One should hardly ascribe such a +folly to the prudent and wise sovereign at his years and with his +failing stren<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>gth. +That he made the proposals admits of no doubt: but we +must suppose that he wished purposely to oppose to the pressure of the +Spaniards for the marriage of his son with the Infanta a demand which +they could never grant. For how could they let the King of England share +in Juana's immense claims of inheritance? Henry wished neither to break +off nor to complete his son's marriage; for the one course would have +made Spain hostile, while the second might have produced a quarrel with +France. Between these two powers he maintained an independent position, +without however mixing in earnest with their affairs, and only with the +view of warding off their enmity and linking their interests with his +own. His political relations were, as he said, to draw a brazen wall +round England, within which he had gradually become complete lord and +master. The crown he had won on the battlefield, and maintained as his +own in the extremest dangers, he bequeathed to his son as an undoubted +possession. The son succeeded the father without opposition, without a +rival—a thing that had not happened for centuries. He had only to +ascend the throne, in order to take the reins of government into his +hand.</p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BII_II_II" id="BII_II_II"></a> +Henry VIII and Cardinal Wolsey in their earlier years.</p> + +<p>But that the political situation should continue as it was could not be +expected. What has not seldom in the history of great kingdoms and +states formed a decisive turning point now came to pass: to the father +who had founded and maintained his power with foresight and by painful +and continuous labour, succeeded a son full of life and energy, who +wished to enjoy its possession, and feeling firm ground under his feet +determined to live in a way more after his own mind. Henry VIII too felt +the need of being popular, like most princes on their accession: he +sacrificed the two chiefs of the fiscal commission, Empson and Dudley, +to the universal hate. In general his father's point of view seemed to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> +him too narrow-hearted, his proceedings too cautious.</p> + +<p>The first great question which was laid before him concerned his +marriage: he decided for it without further delay. No doubt that in this +political reasons came chiefly into account. France had been ever +growing mightier, it had just then struck down the republic of Venice by +a great victory; men thought it would one day or another come into +collision with England, and held it prudent to unite themselves +beforehand with those who could then be useful as allies. At that time +this applied to the Spaniards above all +others.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> +Yet, unless +everything deceives us, political considerations only coincided with the +prince's inclinations. The Infanta was in the full bloom of her age; the +prince, was even younger than herself and against his will had been kept +apart from any association with her, might well be impressed by her: +besides she had known how to conduct herself with tact and dignity in +her difficult position; with a blameless earnest mien she combined +gentleness and loveable qualities. The marriage was carried out without +delay; in the ceremonies of her husband's coronation Catharine could +actually take part as Queen. How fully did these festivities again +breathe the ancient character of chivalrous splendour. Men saw the +King's champion, with his own herald in front, in full armour, ride into +the hall on his war-steed which carried the armorial bearings of England +and France; he challenged to single combat any one who would dare to say +that Henry VIII was not the true heir of this realm; then he asked the +King for a draught of wine, who had it given him in a golden cup: the +cup was then his own.</p> + +<p>Henry VIII had a double reason for confidence on his throne,—the blood +of the house of York also flowed in his veins. In European affairs he +was no longer content with keeping off foreign influences, he wished to +take part in them like his ancestors with the whole power of England. +After the dangers which had been overcome had passed out of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> memory +of those living, the old delight in war awoke again.</p> + +<p>When France now began to encounter resistance in her career of victory, +first through Pope Julius II, then through King Ferdinand, Henry did not +hesitate to make common cause with them. It marks his disposition in +these first years, that he took arms especially because men ought not to +allow the supreme Priest of Christendom to be +oppressed.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> +When King +Louis and the Emperor Maximilian tried to oppose a Council to the Pope, +Henry VIII dissuaded the latter from it with a zeal full of unction. He +drew him over in fact to his side: they undertook a combined campaign +against France in which they won a battle in the open field, and +conquered a great city, Tournay. Aided by the English army Ferdinand the +Catholic then possessed himself of Navarre, which was given up to him by +the Pope as being taken when it was in league with an enemy of the +Church. Louis's other ally, the Scottish King James IV, succumbed to the +military strength of North England at Flodden, and Henry might have +raised a claim to Scotland, like that of Ferdinand to Navarre: but he +preferred, as his sister Margaret became regent there, to strengthen the +indirect influence of England over Scotland. On the whole the advantages +of his warlike enterprises were for England small, but not unimportant +for the general relations of Europe. The predominance of France was +broken: a freer position restored to the Papacy. Henry VIII felt himself +fortunate in the full weight of the influence which England had won over +European affairs.</p> + +<p>It was no contradiction of the fundamental ideas of English policy, when +Henry VIII again formed a connexion with Louis XII, who was now no +longer formidable. He even gave him his younger sister to wife, and +concluded a treaty with him, by which he secured himself a money +payment, as his predecessors had so often done before. Yet he did not +for this break at all with Ferdinand the Catholic, though he had reason +to complain of him: rather he concluded a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> +new alliance with him, only +in a less close and binding manner. He would not have endured that the +successor of Louis XII (who died immediately after his marriage), the +youthful and warlike Francis I, after he had possessed himself of Milan, +should have also advanced to Naples. For a moment, in consequence of +these apprehensions, their relations became less close: but when the +alarm proved to be unfounded, the alliance was renewed, and even Tournay +restored for a compensation in money. Many personal motives may have +contributed to this, but on the whole there was sense and system in such +a policy. The reconquest of Milan did not make the King of France so +strong that he would become dangerous, particularly as on the other side +the monarchy which had been prepared by the Spanish-Netherlands' +connexions now came into existence, and the grandson of Ferdinand and +Maximilian united the Spanish kingdoms with Naples and the lordship over +the Netherlands.</p> + +<p>To this position between the two powers it would have lent new weight +and great splendour if the German princes could have been induced to +transfer to the King of England the peaceful dignity of a Roman-German +Emperor. He bestirred himself about this for a moment, but did not feel +it much when it was refused him.</p> + +<p>But now since the empire too was added to the possessions in Spain, +Italy, and the Netherlands, and hence redoubled jealousy awakened in +King Francis I, which held out an immediate prospect of war, the old +question came up again before King Henry, which side England was to take +between them, and that in a more pressing form than ever. A special +complication arose from the fact that yet another person with separate +points of view now took part in the politics of the age.</p> + +<p>In another point Henry VIII departed from his father's tactics and +habits; he no longer sat so regularly with his Privy Council and +deliberated with them. He had been persuaded that he would best secure +himself against prejudicial results from the discords that reigned among +them, by taking affairs more into his own hand. A young ecclesiastic, +his Almoner<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +Thomas Wolsey, had then gained the greatest influence over +him; he had been introduced alike into business and into intimacy with +the King by Fox, Bishop of Winchester, who wished to oppose a more +youthful ability to his rivals in the Privy Council. In both relations +Wolsey was completely successful. It stood him in good stead that +another favourite, Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who had married +Henry's sister (Louis XII's widow), and was the King's comrade in +knightly exercises and the external show of court-life, for a long time +remained in intimate friendship with him. Wolsey was conversant with the +scholastic philosophy, with Saint Thomas Aquinas; but that did not +hinder him from cooperating also in the revival of classical studies, +which were just coming into notice at Oxford: he had a feeling for the +efforts of Art which was then attaining a higher estimation, and an +inborn talent for architecture, to which we owe some wonderful +works.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> +The King too loved building; the present of a skilfully cut +jewel could delight him; and he sought honour in defending the +scholastic dogmas against Luther's views; in all this Wolsey seconded +and supported him, he combined state-business with conversation. He +freed the King from the consultations of the Privy Council, in which the +intrinsic importance of the matter always weighs more than one's own +will; Henry VIII first felt himself to be really King when business was +managed by a favourite thoroughly dependent on him, trusted by him, and +in fact very capable. Wolsey showed the most many-sided activity and an +indefatigable power of work. He presided in court though he was not +strong in law; he mastered the department of finance; the King named him +Archbishop of York, the Pope Cardinal-Legate, so that the whole control +of ecclesiastical matters fell into his hands; foreign affairs were +peculiarly his own department. We have a considerable number of his +political writings and instructions remaining, which give us an idea of +the characteristics of his mind. Ve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>ry +circumstantially and almost +wearisomely do they advance—not exactly in a straight line—weighing +manifold possibilities, multiplied reasons: they are scholastic in form, +in contents sometimes fantastic even to excess, intricate yet acute, +flattering to the person to whom they are addressed, but withal filled +with a surprising self-consciousness of power and talent. Wolsey is +celebrated by Erasmus for his affability, and to a great scholar he may +have been accessible, but to others he was not so. When he went to walk +in the park of Hampton Court, no one would have dared to come within a +long distance of him. When questions were asked him he reserved to +himself the option of answering or not. He had a way of giving his +opinion so that every man yielded to him; especially as the possession +of the King's favour, which he enjoyed, made it impossible to oppose +him. If the government was spoken of, he was wont to say, 'the King and +I,' or 'we,' or at last 'I.' Just because he was of humble origin, he +wished to shine by splendid appearance, costly and rare furniture, +unwonted expenditure. Early one morning his appointment as Cardinal +arrived, that same morning at mass he displayed the insignia of his new +dignity. He required outward tokens of reverence, and insisted on being +served on bended knee. He had many other passions, of which the chief +was ecclesiastical ambition pervaded by personal vanity.</p> + +<p>It gave him high satisfaction that both the great powers emulously +courted the favour and friendship of his King, of which he seemed to +have the disposal.</p> + +<p>In June 1520 took place within the English possessions on French soil +the meeting between Henry VIII and Francis I, which is well designated +as the Field of the Cloth of Gold. It was properly a great tournament, +proclaimed in both nations, to which the chief lords yet once more +gathered in all their splendour. With the festivities were mingled +negociations in which the Cardinal of York played the chief part.</p> + +<p>Immediately before this in England, and just afterwards on the +continent, Henry VIII met Charles V also, with less show but greater +intimacy; the negociations here took +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> +the opposite direction.</p> + +<p>In 1521, when war had already broken out between the two great powers, +the cardinal in his King's name undertook the part of mediator. There in +Calais he sat to a certain degree in judgment on the European powers. +The plenipotentiaries of both sovereigns laid their cases before him: +with apparent zeal and much bustle he tried at least to conclude a +truce: he complained once of the Emperor, that he disregarded his good +advice though weighty and to the point: on which the latter did come a +step nearer him. It was a magnificent position if he understood and +maintained it. The more powerful both princes became, the more dangerous +to the world their enmity should be, the more need there was of a +mediating authority between them. But the purity of intention which is +required to carry out such a task is seldom given to men, and did not +exist in Wolsey. His ambition suggested plans to him which reached far +beyond a peace arbitration.</p> + +<p>When he promoted that first interview with Francis I against the will of +the great men and of the Queen of England, the Emperor's ambassadors, +who were thrown into consternation by it, remarked that the French King +must have promised him the Papacy, which however, they add, is rather in +the Imperial than in the royal gift. It does not appear that the Emperor +went quite so far at once, he only warned the cardinal against the +untrustworthy promises of the French, and sought to bring him to the +conviction—while making him the most advantageous offers—that he could +expect everything from him.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> +Clear details he reserved till they met +in person; and then he in fact drew him over completely to his side. +Under Wolsey's influence King Henry, immediately on the outbreak of the +war, gave out his intention of making common cause with the Emperor. For +he had not, he said, so little understanding as not to see that the +opportunity was thus offered him of carrying out his predecessors' +claims and his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> +own, and he wished to use it. Only he preferred not to +commence war at once, since he was not yet armed, and since a broader +alliance should be first formed. The cardinal hoped to be able to draw +the Pope, the Swiss, and the Duke of Savoy, as well as the Kings of +Portugal, Denmark, and Hungary, into it. What an impression then it must +have made on him, when Pope Leo X, without being pressed, at once allied +himself with the Emperor! Wolsey's attempt at mediation—no room for +doubt about it is left by the documents that lie before us—was only +meant as a means of gaining time. At Calais Wolsey had already given the +imperial ambassadors, in the presence of the Papal Nuncio, the most +definite assurances as to the resolution of his King to take part in the +war against France. Before he returned to England to call the Parliament +together, which was to vote the necessary ways and means, he visited the +Emperor at Bruges. At the last negociations, being at times doubtful +about his trustworthiness, Charles V held it doubly necessary to bind +him by every tie to himself. He then spoke to him of the Papacy, and +gave him his word that he would advance him to that +dignity.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> + +<p>The opportunity for this came almost too soon. When Leo X died, just at +this moment, Wolsey's hopes rose in stormy impatience. When the Emperor +renewed his assurance to him, he demanded of him in plain terms to +advance his then victorious troops to Rome, and put down by main force +any resistance to the choice proposed. Before anything could be done, +before the ambassador whom Henry VIII despatched at once to Italy +reached it, the cardinals had already elected, and elected moreover the +Emperor's former tutor, Hadrian. But was not this a proof of his +irresistible authority? Hadrian's advanced age made it clear that there +would be an early vacancy: and to this Wolsey now directed his hopes. He +gave assurance that he would administer the Papacy for the sole +advantage of the King and the Emperor: he thought then to overpower the +Fre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span>nch, +and after completing this work he already saw himself in spirit +directing his weapons to the East, to put an end to the Turkish rule. At +his second visit to England the Emperor renewed his promise at Windsor +castle; he spoke of it in his conferences with the +King.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> +Altogether the closest alliance was concluded. The Emperor promised to marry +Henry's daughter Mary, assuming that the Pope would grant him the +necessary dispensation. Their claims to French territories they would +carry out by a combined war. Should a difficulty occur between them, +Cardinal Wolsey was fixed on as umpire.</p> + +<p>So did the alliance between the houses of Burgundy and Tudor come to +pass, the basis of which was to be the annihilation of the power of the +Valois, and into which the English minister threw his world-wide +ambition. From England also a declaration of war now reached Francis I. +Whilst the war in Italy and on the Spanish frontiers made the most +successful progress, the English, in 1522 under Howard Earl of Surrey, +in 1523 under Brandon Earl of Suffolk, both times in combination with +Imperial troops, invaded France on the side of the Netherlands, +invasions which, to say the least, very much hampered the French. +Movements also manifested themselves within France itself, which awoke +hopes in the King that he might make himself master of the French crown +as easily as his father had once done of the English. Leo X had already +been persuaded to absolve the subjects of Francis I from their oaths to +him. It was in connexion with this that the second man in France, the +Constable of Bourbon, slighted in his station, and endangered in his +possessions, resolved to help himself by revolting from Francis I. He +wished then to recognise no other King in France but Henry VIII: at a +solemn moment, after receiving the sacrament, he communicated to the +English ambassador, who was with him, his resolution to set the French +crown on King Henry's head: he reckoned on a numerous party declaring +for him. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> +And in the autumn of 1523 it looked as if this project would +be accomplished. Suffolk and Egmont pressed on to Montdidier without +meeting with any resistance: it was thought that the Netherland and +English forces would soon occupy the capital, and give a new form to the +realm. Pope Hadrian was just dead at Rome; would not the united efforts +of the Emperor and the King of England succeed, by their influence on +the conclave, especially now that they were victorious, in really +raising Wolsey to the tiara?</p> + +<p>This however did not happen. In Rome not Wolsey but Julius Medici was +elected Pope; the combined Netherland and English troops retreated from +Montdidier; Bourbon saw himself discovered and had to fly, no one +declared for him. This last is doubtless to be ascribed to the vigilance +and good conduct of King Francis, but in the retreat of the troops and +in the election of the Pope other causes were at work. In the conclave +Charles V certainly did not act with as much energy for Wolsey as the +latter expected: Wolsey never forgave him. But he too has been accused +of having basely abused the confidence of the two sovereigns: he had +kept up friendly connexions all along with Francis I and his mother, and +they likewise had given him pensions and presents: he had purposely +supported the Earl of Suffolk so ill that he was forced to +retreat.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> +Of all the complaints raised against him, not so much before the world +as among those who were behind the scenes, this was exactly the most +hateful and perhaps the most effectual.</p> + +<p>In 1524 the English took no active part in the war. Not till February +1525, when the German and Spanish troops had won the great victory of +Pavia and King Francis had fallen captive into the Emperor's hands, did +their ambitious projects and thoughts of war reawaken.</p> + +<p>Henry VIII reminded the Emperor of his previous promises, and invited +him to make a joint attack on France itself +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +from both sides: they would +join hands in Paris; Henry VIII should then be crowned King of France, +but resign to the Emperor not merely Burgundy but also Provence and +Languedoc, and cede to the Duke of Bourbon his old possessions and +Dauphiné. The motive he alleges is very extraordinary: the Emperor would +marry his daughter and heiress, and would at some future time inherit +England and France also and then be monarch of the +world.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> +Henry declares himself ready to press on with the utmost zeal, provided he can +do it with some security, and himself undertake the conduct of the war +in the Netherlands and the support of Bourbon. The letter is from +Wolsey, full of copious and pressing conclusions; but should not the +far-reaching nature of its contents have been a proof even to him that +it could never be taken in earnest?</p> + +<p>Charles V could not possibly enter into the plan. He had lent it a +hearing as long as it lay far away, but when it came actually close to +view, it was very startling for him. The union of the crowns of France +and England on the head of Henry VIII would in itself have deranged all +European relations, above all it would have raised that untrustworthy +man, who was still all powerful in his Council, to a most inconvenient +height of power. The Spanish kingdoms too were pressing for the +settlement of their succession. He was in the full maturity of manly +youth: he could not wait for Mary of England who had barely completed +her tenth year: he resolved to break off this connexion, and give his +hand to a Portuguese princess, who was nearly of his own age.</p> + +<p>It could not be otherwise but that to the closest union, which was +broken at the moment when it might well have been able to attain its +object, the bitterest discord should succeed. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Zurita Anales de Aragon v. 100. The Spanish ambassador who +then negociated the marriage was Doctor Ruyz Gonzales de Puerta. But the +idea was much older: in 1492 at the first alliance mention was made of +it (v. II); in the recently published Journal of an English Embassy to +Spain, there appears in March 1489, 'donne Katherine al notre princess +de Angleterre.' Memorial of Henry VII, 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Zurita v. 221. 'La princesa fue recibida con tanta alegria +communemente de todos, que affirmavan aver de ser esta causa, no solo de +muy grande paz y presperidad de sodo a' quel reyno, pero de la union del +y de los estados de Flandes.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Zurita vi. 193. 'Por que el rey Luys cada dia se yva +haziendo mas poderoso y no teniendo el rey de Inglaterra confederation y +adherencia con los que avian de ser enemigos forçosos del rey de +Francia, quedava aquel reyno en grande peligro.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> He accepts the doctrine: 'Christi vicarium nullum in +terris judicem habere nosque ei debere vel dyscholo auscultare.' Lettres +de Louys XII, iii. 307.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> As it is said in Cavendish, Cardinalis Eboracensis:— +</p> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">'My byldynges somptious, the roffes with gold and byse<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Craftely entaylled as conning could devise,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">With images embossed most lively.'<br /></span> +</div></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> In an opinion given at Corunna it is said that he must be +persuaded, 'qu'il prende pour agreable et accepte ce que l'empereur lui +a offert, luy traynant d'une souppe en miel parmy la bouche, que n'est +le (que du) bien, que l'empereur luy veut (20 April 1520).' Monumenta +Habsburgica ii. 1. 177, 183.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> In a letter to his ambassador, the Bishop of Badajoz, the +Emperor mentions 'les propos, que luy (au cardinal) avons tenu a Bruges +touchants la papalité.' Monumenta Habsburgica ii. 1. 501.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Wolsey mentions in his letter to the King 'the conference +and communications, which he (the Emperor) had with your grace in that +behalf.' In Burnet iii. Records p. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Du Bellay au Grandmaistre 17 October 1529, in Le Grand, +Histoire du divorce iii. 374: 'Que il avait toujours en tems de paix et +de guerre intelligence secrette a Madame, de la quelle la dicte guerre +durant, il avoit eu des grants presens, qui furent cause, que Suffolc +estant a Montdidier il ne le secourut d'argent comme il devoit dont +advint que il ne print Paris.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> The Instructions to Tunstall and Wingfield (30 March +1525), hitherto known only from the extract in Fiddes, are now printed +in the State Papers vi. 333. Compare my German History, Bk. IV. ch. 2, +but the statement there made needs revision in accordance with the +newly-found documents.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_III" id="BII_III"></a> +ORIGIN OF THE DIVORCE QUESTION.</p> + +<p>Perhaps it is not a matter of such very great weight whether the Emperor +did his best for Wolsey in the conclave, or Wolsey his best for the +Emperor in the campaign of 1523. That the result did not correspond to +the expectations on either side was quite enough to bring about an +estrangement. What could the Emperor do with an English minister who was +not in a condition to support warlike enterprises properly? what could +the English do with an ally who appropriated to himself exclusively the +advantages of the victory they had won? Henry VIII, while trying to win +the French crown, had only weakened it, and thereby given the house of +Burgundy a preponderance in European affairs, by which all other powers, +and himself as well, felt themselves threatened.</p> + +<p>After the battle of Pavia a feeling prevailed throughout the world that +the rule of Spain and Burgundy would be intolerable, if France were no +longer independent. The ministers of the Pope in Rome first came to a +consciousness of this: as the best means of restoring the balance, they +looked to the dissolution of the alliance between Henry VIII and Charles +V. The Pope's Datary, Giberti, made approaches to the English Court, +though still with timid caution, in order in the first place only to +propose a reconciliation between England and +France.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> +To his joy he remarked that Henry VIII and Cardinal Wolsey were more +inclined to this plan than he had expected. If not before yet certainly +since his alienation from the Emperor, the cardinal had entered into +secret negociations with the mother of the King of France: the last +proposals to the Emperor had been only an attempt to turn the success of +his arms to the advantage of England also: when he rejected them, the +cardinal entered into the French connexion with increased zeal. Before +the end of the summer of 1523 peace between England and France was +effected with the sympathising co-operation of Rome.</p> + +<p>In it the Regent Louise accepted the conditions laid down by the +cardinal: she did not neglect to secure him by a considerable pension. +From the beginning she had on her side also tried to excite his +world-wide ambition; for Francis I and Henry VIII, if once they became +friends, would do noble deeds to their own-undying renown and to the +glory of God, and the direction of their enterprises would fall to the +cardinal.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> + +<p>Even after Henry VIII abandoned him, the Emperor still kept the upper +hand. He extorted the Peace of Madrid; the League of the Italian princes +with France, by which its execution was to have been hindered, and to +which England lent her moral support without actually joining it, led +Charles V to new victories, to the conquest of Rome, and hence to a +position in the world which now did really threaten the freedom of all +other nations. The necessary result was that France and England drew +still more closely together. Cardinal Wolsey appeared in France; a close +alliance was concluded and (not without considerable English help) an +army sent into the field, which in fact gained the upper hand in Italy +and restored to the Pope, who had escaped to Orvieto, some feeling of +independence. Soon the largest projects were formed on this side also, +in which the two Kings expected to have the Pope entirely with them. The +French declared their wish to conquer Naples and never restore it to the +Emperor, not even under the most favourable conditions. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> Wolsey thought +that the Pope might pronounce the deposition of the Emperor in Naples +and even in the Empire, for which certain German electors could be won +over; he boasted that he would bring about such a revolution as had not +been seen for a century.</p> + +<p>It was at this crisis in the general situation, and when an attempt was +being made to direct politics towards the annihilation of the Emperor, +that the thought occurred of dissolving Henry VIII's marriage with the +Emperor's aunt, the Infanta Catharine.</p> + +<p>It is very possible, as a contemporary tradition informs us, that Wolsey +was instigated to this by personal feelings. His arrogant and wanton +proceedings, offensive by their excesses, and withal showing all the +priestly love of power, were hateful to the inmost soul of the pure and +earnest Queen. She is said to have once reproached him with them, and to +have even repelled his unbecoming behaviour with a threatening word, and +he on his part to have sworn to overthrow +her.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> +But this personal motive first became permanently important when joined with a more +general one. The Queen was by no means so entirely shut out from the +events of the day as has been asserted; in moments of difficulty we find +her summoning the members of the Privy Council before her to discuss the +pending questions with them. When Wolsey began a life and death struggle +with the Emperor, the influence of the Queen, whose most lively +sympathies were with her nephew, stood not a little in his way; it was +his chief interest to remove her.</p> + +<p>It was indeed the feeling of the time, that family unions and political +alliances must go hand in hand. At the very first proposal for a +reconciliation between England and France, Giberti had advised the +marriage of the English princess Mary, who had been rejected by the +Emperor, with a French prince, and there had been much negociation about +it. But owing to the extreme youth of the princess it was soon felt +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +that this would not lead to the desired end. If a definitive rupture was +to take place between England and the Burgundo-Spanish power, Henry +VIII's marriage with Catharine must be dissolved and room thus made for +a French princess. This marriage however was itself the result of that +former state of politics which had led to the first war with France. +Wolsey formed the plan of marrying his King, in Catharine's stead, with +the sister or even with the daughter of Francis I who was now growing +up:<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> +then only would the alliance between the two powers become +indissoluble. When he was in France in 1527, he said to the Regent, the +King's mother, that within a year she would live to see two things, the +most complete separation of his sovereign from Spain, and his +indissoluble union with +France.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> + +<p>But to these motives of foreign policy was now added an extremely +important reason of home policy: this lay in the precarious state of the +Succession.</p> + +<p>When the King several years before was congratulated on the birth of his +daughter, with an intimation that the birth of a son might have been +still more acceptable, he replied quickly, they were both still young, +he and his wife, why should they not still have a son? But gradually +this hope had ceased, and as hitherto no Queen had ever reigned in her +own right in England, the opinion gained ground that at the King's death +the throne would fall vacant. It had a little before created a party +among the people for the Duke of Buckingham, when he maintained that he +was the nearest heir to the crown, and would not let it be taken from +him. He had been executed for this: Mary's right to the succession met +with no further opposition; but even so it was still always a doubtful +future that lay before the country. People wished to marry Mary at one +time to the Emperor, at another to the King or a prince of France: so +that her claim to the inheritance of the crown +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +should pass to the house +of Burgundy or to that of Valois. But how dangerous this was for the +independence of the country! Henry would surely not have lost himself in +Wolsey's intrigues, had he had a son and heir, to represent the +independent interests of England.</p> + +<p>In other times relations of this kind would have probably been reckoned +as in themselves sufficient reason for a divorce: but not so in that +age. The very essence of marriage lies in this, that it raises the +union, on which the family and the order of the world rests, above the +momentary variations of the will and the inclination; by the sanction of +the Church it becomes one of that series of religious institutions which +set limits on every side to individual caprice. No one yet dared so far +to deny the religious character of marriage, as to have avowed mere +political views in wishing for a separation, either before the world, or +even to himself. But now there was no want of spiritual reasons which +might be brought forward for it. The King's own confessor revived the +doubts in him which had once been raised before his marriage with his +brother's widow. And when the King was then reminded that such a +marriage had been expressly forbidden in the books of Moses, and +threatened with the punishment of childlessness, how could it fail to +make an impression on him, when this threat seemed to be strictly +fulfilled in his case? Two boys had been born to him from this marriage, +but both had died soon after their birth. Even within the Catholic +Church it had been always a moot point whether the Pope could dispense +with a law of Scripture. The divine punishment inflicted on the King, as +he thought, seemed to prove that the Pope's dispensation (encroaching as +it did on the region of the divine power), on the strength of which the +marriage had been concluded, had not the validity ascribed to it. +Scruples of this sort cannot be said to be a mere pretence; they have +something of the half belief, half superstition, so peculiarly +characteristic of the spirit of the age and of that of the King. And +none could yet foresee what results they implicitly involved.</p> + +<p>It still appeared possible that the Pope would revoke the dispensation +given by one of his predecessors, especially +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +as some grounds of +invalidity could be found in the bull itself. Wolsey's idea was that the +Pope, in the pressing necessity he was under of ranging England and +France against the preponderance of the Emperor, could be brought to +consent to recall the dispensation, and this would make the marriage +null and void from the beginning. Always full of arrogant assumption of +an influence to which nothing could be impossible, Wolsey assured the +King that he would carry the matter +through.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> + +<p>When tidings of this proposal first reached Rome, those immediately +around the Pope took special notice of the political advantages that +might accrue from it. For hitherto there was a doubt whether Henry VIII +was really so decidedly in favour of France as was said: a project like +this, which would make him and the Emperor enemies for ever, left no +room for doubt about it. When the Pope saw himself secure of this +support in reserve, his word, in a matter which concerned the highest +personal and civil interests, acquired new weight even with the +Emperor.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> + +<p>It is undeniable that the Pope at first expressed himself favourably. It +appeared to make an especial impression on him, that the want of a male +heir might cause a civil war in England, and that this must be +disadvantageous to the Church as +well.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> +He only asked not to be +pressed as long as he was in danger of experiencing the worst +extremities from the overwhelming power of the Emperor. In the spring of +1528, when the French army advanced victoriously into the Neapolitan +territory and drove back the Emperor's forces to the capital, Wolsey's +request for full powers to inquire into the affair in England was taken +into earnest consideration by the Pope. It was at Orvieto, in the Pope's +working room, which was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +also his sleeping-chamber: a couple of +cardinals, the Dean of the Roman Rota, and the English plenipotentiaries +sat round the Pope, to talk over the case thoroughly. One of the +cardinals declared himself against the Commission demanded by Wolsey, +since such a grant contravened the usage of the last centuries in the +Roman tribunals; the Pope answered, that in a matter concerning a King +who had done such service to the Holy See, they might well deviate from +the usual forms; he actually delegated this Commission to Cardinal +Campeggi, whom the English esteemed as their friend, and to Wolsey.</p> + +<p>By this nothing was yet effected: it even appears as though Clement VII +had given tranquillising promises to the Emperor; the Bishop of Bayonne +declared that the Pope's intention was thus to keep both sides dependent +on him—but it was at all events one step on the road once taken, which +aroused hope in England that it would lead to the desired end.</p> + +<p>But let us picture to ourselves the enormous difficulty of the case. It +lay above all in the inner significance of the question itself. In his +first interview with Henry VIII Campeggi remarks that the King was +completely convinced of the invalidity of the Papal dispensation, which +could not extend to Scripture precepts. No argument could move him from +this; he answered like a good theologian and jurist. Campeggi says, an +angel from heaven would not make him change his opinion. He could not +but see that Wolsey cherished the same view.</p> + +<p>But was it possible for the Roman court to yield in this and to revoke a +dispensation, which involved the very substance of its spiritual +omnipotence? It would have thus only strengthened, and in reality +confessed, the antagonism against its authority which was based on Holy +Scripture. Campeggi could not yield a hair's breadth.</p> + +<p>The only solution lay—and Campeggi was authorised to attempt it—in +inducing Queen Catharine to renounce her place and dignity. Soon after +his arrival he represented to her at length how much depended on it for +her and the world, and promised her that in return not only all else +should be secured to her that she could desire, but above all that +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> +succession of her daughter also should be guaranteed. The wish, in which +both Pope and King agreed, that she should enter a convent, Campeggi at +first did not mention to her; he thought she would herself seek for some +expedient. But she avoided this. Campeggi had spoken to her in the name +of the Pope: she only said she thought to abide till death in obedience +to the precepts of God and of the Church: she would ask for counsellors +from the King, would consult with them, and then communicate to the Holy +Father what her conscience bade her. Her consent still remained +possible. This gained, the legate would have no need to mention further +the validity or invalidity of the dispensation. He was still hoping for +it, when Wolsey came to him one morning early (26 Oct. 1528) and told +him the Queen had asked the King for leave to make her confession to him +(Campeggi), and had obtained it. A couple of hours later the Queen +appeared before him. She told him of her earlier marriage, which was +never really consummated; that she had remained as unchanged by it as +she had been from her mother's womb; and this destroyed all grounds for +the divorce. Campeggi was however far from drawing such a conclusion; he +advised her in plain terms to make a vow and enter a convent, repeating +the motives stated before, to which he now added the example of a Queen +of France. But his words died away without effect. Queen Catharine +declared positively that she would never act thus; she was called by God +to her marriage, and resolved to live and die in it. A judgment might be +pronounced in this matter; if the marriage was declared to be invalid, +she would submit, she would then be as free as the King; but without +this she would hold fast to her marriage union. She protested, in the +strongest terms conceivable, that they might kill her, they might tear +her limb from limb, yet she would not change her mind; had she two +lives, she would lay them both down in such a cause. It would be better, +she said, for the Pope to try to divert the King from his design; he +would then be able to trust all the more in the inclination of her +kinsman the Emperor to help in bringing about a peace.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +In the presence of the counsellors given her at her wish, both legates +repeated two days later in a formal audience their admonition to the +Queen not to insist on a definite decision; but already Campeggi had +little hope left; he was astonished that the lady, usually so prudent, +should in the midst of peril so obstinately reject judicious +advice.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> + +<p>The question between King and Queen was, we might say, also of a +dogmatic nature. Had the Pope the right to dispense with the laws of +Scripture or had he not? The Queen accepted it as it had been accepted +in recent times, especially as the presupposed conditions of a marriage +had not been fulfilled in her case. The King rejected it under all +circumstances, in agreement with scholars and the rising public opinion.</p> + +<p>But into this question various other general and personal reasons now +intruded themselves. If the question were answered in the negative +Wolsey held firmly to the view of forming an indissoluble union between +France and England, of securing the succession by the King's marriage +with a French princess, of restoring universal peace; to this he added +the project, as he once actually said in confidential discourse, of +reforming the English laws, doubtless in an ecclesiastical and monarchic +sense; if he had once accomplished all this, he would retire, to serve +God during the rest of his life.</p> + +<p>But he had already (and a sense of it seems almost to be expressed in +these last words so unlike his usual mode of thought) ceased to be in +agreement with his King. Henry VIII wished for the divorce, the +establishment of his succession by male offspring, friendship with +France, and Peace: but he did not care for the French marriage. He was +some years younger than his wife, who inclined to the Spanish forms of +strict devotion, and regarded as wasted the hours which she spent at her +dressing table. Henry VIII was addicted to knightly exercises of arms, +he loved pleasant company, music, and art; we cannot call him a gross +voluptuary, but he was not faithful to his wife: he already had a +natural son; he was ever entangled in new +connexi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>ons +of this kind. Many +letters of his survive, in which a tincture of fancy and even of +tenderness is coupled with a thorough sensuousness; just in the fashion +of the romances of chivalry which were then being first printed and were +much read. At that time Anne Boleyn, a lady who had lately returned from +France, and appeared from time to time at Court, saw him at her feet; +she was not exactly of ravishing beauty, but full of spirit and grace +and with a certain reserve. While she resisted the King, she held him +all the faster.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> + +<p>The reasons of home and foreign policy mentioned above, and even the +religious scruples, have their weight; but we cannot shut our eyes to +the fact that this new passion, nourished on the expectation of the +divorce which was not unconditionally refused by the spiritual power, +gave the strongest personal impulse to carry the affair through.</p> + +<p>The position of parties in the State also influenced it. Wolsey who had +diminished the consequence of the great lords, and kept them down, and +offended them by his pride, was heartily hated by them. Adorned though +he was with the most brilliant honours of the Church, yet for the great +men of the realm he was nothing but an upstart: they had never quite +given up the hope of living to see his fall. But if he brought the +French marriage to pass, as he designed, he would have won lasting +support and have become stronger than ever. Besides the great men took +the Burgundian side, not that they wished to make the Emperor lord of +the world, but on the other hand they did not want a war with him: +merchants and farmers saw that a war with the Netherlands, where they +sold their wool, would be an injury to all. When Wolsey flattered the +Pope with the hope of an attack on the Netherlands, he was, the Bishop +of Bayonne assures us, the only man in the country who thought of it. He +felt keenly the universal antipathy which he had awakened, and spoke of +the efforts and devices he would have need of, +to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> +maintain himself.</p> + +<p>It was therefore just what the nobles wanted, that Wolsey fell out with +the King in a matter of such engrossing nature, and that they found +another means of access to him.</p> + +<p>The Boleyns were not of noble origin, but had been for some time +connected with the leading families. Geoffrey the founder of the house +had raised himself by success in business and good conduct to the +dignity of Lord Mayor of London. His son William married the daughter of +the only Irish peer who had a seat and vote in the English Parliament, +Sir Thomas Ormond de Rochefort, Earl of Wiltshire. His titles passed +through his daughter to his grandsons, of whom one, Thomas Boleyn, was +created Viscount Rochefort, and married the daughter of the Duke of +Norfolk; his daughter was Anne Boleyn: she took high rank and an +especially distinguished position in English society because her uncle, +Thomas Duke of Norfolk, was Henry VIII's chief lay minister (he held the +place of High Treasurer) and was at the same time the leading man of the +nobility. He had the reputation of being versed in business, cultivated, +and shrewd; he was Wolsey's natural opponent. That the King showed an +inclination to his niece, against the cardinal's views, was for him and +his friends a great point +gained.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> +It was soon seen that Anne's +influence had obtained the recall of an opponent of Wolsey, who had +insulted him and was banished from the +Court.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> +It was of the greatest +importance for home affairs, that the King was inclined to make Anne +Boleyn his wife. The English kings in general did not think marriages in +their own rank essential. Henry's own grandfather, Edward IV, had +married a lady of by no means distinguished origin. It was seen +beforehand that, if this happened, Wolsey could not maintain himself, +and authority would again fall into the hands of the chief families. +Even the cardinal's old friend, the Earl of Suffolk, now joined this +combination: the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> +whole of the nobility sided with it.</p> + +<p>But besides this the chief foreign affairs took a turn which made it +impossible to carry out Wolsey's political ideas. In the summer of 1528 +the attacks of the allies on Naples were repulsed, and their armies +annihilated. In the spring of 1529 the Emperor got the upper hand in +Lombardy also. How utterly then did the oft-proposed plan, of depriving +him of the supreme dignity, sink into nothingness: he was stronger than +ever in Italy. The Pope was fortunate in not having joined the allies +more closely; the relations of the States of the Church with Tuscany +made a union with the Emperor necessary; he had a horror of a new +quarrel with him. And as the Emperor now took up the interests of his +mother's sister in the most earnest manner, and protested against +proceeding by a Commission granted for England, the Pope could not +possibly let the affair go on unchecked. When the English ambassadors +pressed him, he exclaimed to them (for apart from this he would gladly +have shown more favour to the King) that he felt himself as it were +between anvil and hammer. Divers proposals were made, one more +extraordinary than the other, if only the King would give up his +demand;<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> +but this was no longer possible. The two cardinals, Campeggi +and Wolsey, had to begin judicial proceedings: King and Queen appeared +before the Court, Articles were put forward, witnesses heard: the +Correspondence shows that the King and Anne Boleyn expected with much +confidence a speedy and favourable +decision.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> +Wolsey too did not yet +abandon this hope. It was thought at the ti<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span>me that he did not do all he +might have done for it, that in fact he no longer favoured it, seeing as +he did that it would turn out to the advantage of his +rivals.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> +But it was in truth his fate, that the consequences of the design which +originated with him recoiled on his own head. If it succeeded, it must +be disadvantageous to him: if it failed, he was lost. The exhortations +he addressed to the French Court, to exert yet once more its whole +influence with the Papal Court for this matter, sound like a cry of +distress in extreme peril. He had only undertaken it to unite France and +England; the thing was reasonable and practicable, the Pope would not +wish by refusing it to offend both crowns at once; he would value it +more highly than if he himself were raised to the Papacy. But he had now +to find that King Francis, as well as Pope Clement, was seeking a +separate peace with the Emperor. Wolsey had given Henry the strongest +assurances on this point, that such a thing would never happen, France +would never separate herself from him. But yet this now happened, and +how could any influence from that quarter on the Roman Court be still +expected in favour of England, in a matter which was so highly offensive +to the Emperor! The legates received from Rome distinct instructions to +proceed slowly, and in no case to pronounce a +decision.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> +While King Henry and those around him were eagerly expecting it, the cardinals +(using the holidays of the Roman Rota as a pretence) announced the +suspension of their proceedings.</p> + +<p>It appeared in an instant into what a violent ebullition of wrath, which +unsettled every thing, the King fell in consequence; it seemed as if all +his past way of governing had been a mistake. In contradiction to many +of the older traditions of English history he had hitherto ruled chiefly +through ecclesiastics to the disgust of the lay lords: now he betook +himself to the latter, to complain of the proceedings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> of the two +cardinals. These were still in the hall where they had sat, when Suffolk +and some other lords appeared, and bade them bring the matter to an end +without delay, even if it were by a peremptory decree, that might be +issued on the next day, on which the holidays would not have begun. But +the prorogation was in fact only the form under which the cardinals +fulfilled their orders from Rome; they could not possibly recall it. +Suffolk broke out into the exclamation that cardinals and legates had +never brought good to England. The two spiritual lords looked at each +other with amazement. Had they any feeling that his words contained a +declaration of war on the part of the lay element in the State against +ecclesiastical and foreign influences in general? Wolsey, at any rate, +could not shut his eyes to the significance of such a war. He often said +that what Henry VIII took in hand he could not be brought to give up by +any representations; he had sometimes tried it, he had fallen at his +feet, but it had been always in vain.</p> + +<p>Henry contained himself yet a while, as hopes had been given him that +the proceedings might be resumed. But when a Breve came, by which +Clement VII recalled his Commission and evoked the question of the +divorce to Rome, he saw clearly that the influence of the Emperor in the +Pope's Council had quite gained the upper hand over his own on this +point. He was resolved not to submit to it. Had he not, before the mayor +and aldermen of London, declared with a certain solemnity his resolution +to carry through the divorce for the good of the land? his passion and +his ambition had joined hands for this purpose before the eyes of the +country. To prevent the need of recoiling, he formed a plan of +incalculable importance, the plan of separating his nation and his +kingdom from the spiritual jurisdiction of the Roman See. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> 'Giberto al Vescovo di Bajusa. 3 Luglio. Ci sono avisi +d'Ingliterra de' 14 del passalo che mostrano gli animi di la e +massimamente Eboracense non dico inclinati ma accesi di desiderio di +concordia con Francia'.... Lettere di principi I. 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> 'Le dit Cardinal sera conducteur, moderateur et gouverneur +de toutes les entreprises.' The Regent's Instructions in Brinon, +Captivité de François I. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Riccardus Scellejus de prima causa divortii (Bibliotheca +Magliabecch. at Florence). 'Catharina ita stomachata est, ut de Vulseji +potentia minuenda cogitationem susciperet, quod ille cum sensisset, qui +ab astrologo suo accepisset, sibi a muliere exitium imminere, de regina +de gradu dejicienda consilium inivit.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Lodovico Falier, Relatione di 1531 'avendo trattato, di +dargli a sorella del Cristianissimo adesso maritata al re di Navarra, +gli promese di far tanto con S. Sta che disfacesse le nozze.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Du Bellay au Grandmaistre 21 October 1528; after Wolsey's +own narrative in Le Grand, Histoire du divorce de Henri VIII, iii. 186.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> He says so himself. Bellay's letter in Le Grand iii. 318.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> In Sanga to Gambara, 9 February 1528. L. d. p. ii. 85. 'La +cosa che V. S. sa, che non potrà seguire senza gran rottura, fa S. S. +facile a creder che posse essere ciò che dice (Lotrec).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> 'Considering the nature of men, being prone into +novelties—the realm of England would not only enter into their +accustomed divisions, but also would owe or do small devotion unto the +church: wherefore his Holiness was right well content and ready to +adhibit all remedy that in him was possible as in this time would +serve.' Knight to the Cardinal, 1 Jan. 1528, in Burnet i. Collect. p. +22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Incorrupta. Campeggi's letters to Sanga, 17, 26, 28 Oct. +1528. Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana, 18 Oct. p. 25 seq. He gives his +motive for communicating what the Queen said to him in confession as +being her own wish. The archives too have long kept their secret.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> According to Ricc. Scellejus, she prays the King, 'ne +pergat suam oppugnare castitatem, quae dos erat maxima, quam posset +futuro offerre marito, quaque violanda reginam etiam dominam +proderet,—quoniam se illi fidelitatis sacramento obligasset.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> It seemed helpful to their working against the cardinal. +Particularities of the life of Queen Anne, in Singer's Cavendish ii. +187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Du Bellay in Le Grand iii. 296. 'Le duc de Norfolk et sa +ande commencent deja à parler gros (28 Jan. 1520).'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> In a letter of Sanga to Campeggi (Lettere di diversi +autori eccellenti p. 60), we read the following words: 'In quanto alla +dispensa di maritar il figliolo con la figliola del re, se con haver in +questa maniera stabilita la successione S. M. si rimanesse del primo +pensiero della dissolutions S. Bne inclineria assai Più.' This looks as +if a marriage between Henry VIII's natural son and Mary was spoken +of.—So I wrote previously. The thing is quite true. Campeggi writes 28 +Oct. to Sanga. 'Han pensato si maritar la (la figliola) con dispensa di +S. Sta al figlio natural del re, a che haveva pensato anch'io per +stabilimento della successione.' (Monumenta Vaticana p. 30.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Sanga to Campeggi 2 Sept. 1528 in the Lettere di diversi +autori eccellenti, Venetia 1556, p. 40. 'V. Sra. vedra l'esito che ha +havuto l'impresa del regno.—Bisogna che S. Bne vedendo l'imperatore +vittorioso non si precipiti a dare all'imperatore causa di nuova +rottura.... Sia almanco avvertita di non lasciarsi costringere a +pronuntiare senza nuova et expressa commissione di qua.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Falier says so very positively.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Sanga 29 May. 'S. Bne ricorda che il procedere sia lento +et in modo alcuno non si venghi al giudicio.' Of the same date is +Bellay's letter in which those exhortations of Wolsey to the French +Court are contained.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_IV" id="BII_IV"></a> +THE SEPARATION OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH.</p> + +<p>Already at Orvieto Stephen Gardiner had told the Pope that, if the King +did not obtain justice from him, he would do himself justice in his own +kingdom. Later it was plainly declared to the Pope that, if they saw the +Emperor had the ascendancy in his Council, the nobility of England with +the King at their head would feel themselves compelled to cast off +obedience to Rome. It seems as though the Roman Court however had no +real fear of this. For the King, so they said, would do himself most +damage by such a step.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> +The Papal Nuncio declared himself positively +convinced, that it was necessary to deal with the English sharply and +forcibly, if one would gain their respect.</p> + +<p>But these tendencies were more deeply rooted among the English than was +remembered at Rome. They went back as far as the Articles of Clarendon, +the projects of King John, the antipapal agitation under Edward III; the +present question which involved an exceptionable and personal motive, +exposed to public disapprobation, nevertheless touched on the deepest +interests of the country. The wish to make the succession safe was +perfectly justifiable. According to Clement VII's own declarations, the +English were convinced that he was only hindered by regard for the +Emperor from coming to a decision which was essential to them. His +vacillation is very intelligible, very natural: but it did not +correspond to the idea of the dignity with which he was clothed. There +was to be an independent supreme Pontiff for this very +reason,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +that right might be done in the quarrels of princes, without respect of +persons, according to the state of the case. It clashed with the idea of +the Papacy that alterations of political relations exercised such a +decisive influence as they did in this matter. There was indeed +something degrading for the English in their being made to feel the +reaction of the Emperor's Italian victory, and his preponderance, in +their weightiest affairs.</p> + +<p>Henry VIII had now made up his mind to throw off that ecclesiastical +subjection, which was politically so disadvantageous; the circumstances +were very favourable. It was the time at which some German +principalities, and the kingdoms of the North, had given themselves a +constitution which rested on the exclusion of the hierarchic influences +of Rome: the King could reckon on many allies in his enterprise. +Moreover he had no dangerous hostilities to fear, as long as the +jealousy lasted between the Emperor and King Francis. Between them Henry +VIII needed only to revert to his natural policy of neutrality.</p> + +<p>And the accomplishment of the affair was already prepared in the country +itself, through no one more than through Cardinal Wolsey.</p> + +<p>The dignity of legate, which was granted him by Pope Leo, and then +prolonged for five, for ten years, and at last for life, gave him a +comprehensive spiritual authority. He obtained by it the right of +visiting and reforming all ecclesiastical persons and institutions, even +those which possessed a legal exemption of their own. Some orders of +monks, which contended against it, were reduced to obedience by new +bulls. But from the visitation of the monasteries Wolsey proceeded to +their suppression: he united old convents (such as that one which has +brought down to recent times the name of an Anglo-Saxon king's daughter, +Frideswitha, from the eighth century) with the splendid colleges which +he endowed so richly, for the advancement of learning and the renown of +his name, at Oxford and at Ipswich. His courts included all branches of +the ecclesiastical and mixed jurisdiction, and the King had no scruple +in arming him with all the powers of the crown which were necessary for +the government of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span>Church. What aspirations then arose are shewn by +the compact which Wolsey made with King Francis I to counteract the +influence which the Emperor might exert over the captive Pope. When it +was settled in this, that whatever the cardinal and the English prelates +should enact with the King's consent should have the force of law, does +not this imply at least a temporary schism?</p> + +<p>When Clement became free, he named Wolsey his Vicar-General for the +English Church: his position was again to be what it had been from the +beginning, the expression of the unity between the Pope and the Crown. +But now how if this were dissolved? The victorious Emperor exercised a +still greater influence over the Pope when free than he had ever done +over him when captive. Under these circumstances Wolsey submitted to the +supreme spiritual power, the King resolved to withstand it: it was +exactly on this point that open discord broke out between them. For a +time the cardinal seemed still to maintain his courage; but when on St. +Luke's day—the phrase ran that the evangelist had disevangelised +him—the great seal was taken from him, he lost all self-reliance. +Wolsey was not a Ximenes or a Richelieu. He had no other support than +the King's favour; without this he fell back into his nothingness. He +was heard to wail like a child: the King comforted him by a token of +favour, probably however less out of personal sympathy than because he +could not be yet quite dispensed +with.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> +The High Treasurer, Norfolk, +who generally acted as first minister, received the seals, and held them +till some time afterwards Thomas More was named Chancellor. While these +administered affairs in London, Suffolk, as President of the Privy +Council, was to accompany the King in person. The chief direction of the +administration passed over to the two leading lay lords.</p> + +<p>Henry VIII's resolution to call the Parliament together was of almost +greater importance for the progress of events than the alteration in the +ministry.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +During the fourteen years of his administration Wolsey had summoned +Parliament only once, and that was when, in order to carry on the war in +alliance with the Emperor against France, he needed an extraordinary +grant of money. But his opening discourses were received with silence +and dislike. Never, says a contemporary who was present, was the need of +money more pressingly represented to a Parliament and never was there +greater opposition; after a fortnight's consultation the proposal only +passed at a moment when the members of the King's household and court +formed the majority of thosepresent.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> +The Parliament and the +country always murmured at Wolsey's oppressive and lavish finance +management;<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> +a later attempt to raise taxes that had not been voted +doubled the outcry against him. His fall and the convocation of a +Parliament seemed a return to parliamentary principles in general, which +in themselves exactly agreed with the view taken by the King in the +present questions.</p> + +<p>In the first years of Henry VIII the Parliament had wished to do away +with some of the most startling exemptions of the clergy from the +temporal jurisdiction, for instance in reference to the crimes of felony +and murder; the ecclesiastics had on the other hand extended their +jurisdiction yet further, even to cases that had reference solely to +questions of property. Hence the antagonism between the two +jurisdictions had revived at that time with bitter keenness. It is +noticeable that the temporal claims were upheld by a learned Minorite, +Henry Standish, who declared it to be quite lawful to limit the +ecclesiastical privileges for the sake of the public good; especially in +the case of a crime that did not properly come before any spiritual +court. Both sides then applied to the King: the ecclesiastics reminded +him that he ought to uphold the rights of Holy Church, the laymen that +he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> +should maintain the powers of jurisdiction belonging to the crown. +The King's declaration was favourable to the laymen; he recommended the +clergy to acquiesce in some exceptions from their decretals. But the +contest was rather suspended than decided. Wolsey's government followed, +in which the spiritual courts extended their powers still further, and +in reality exercised an offensive control over all the relations of +private life. Even the ecclesiastics did not love his authority: they +acquiesced in it because it was ecclesiastical: the laity endured it +with the utmost impatience.</p> + +<p>It was inevitable that at the first fresh assembly of a Parliament these +contests about jurisdiction should be mentioned. The Lower House began +its action with a detailed charge against the spiritual courts, not +merely against their abuses and the oppression that arose from them, but +against their very existence and their legislation; the clergy made laws +without the King's foreknowledge, without the participation of any +laymen, and yet the laity were bound by them. The King was called on to +reconcile his subjects of the spiritual and temporal estate with each +other by good laws, since he was their sole head, the sovereign, lord +and protector of both parties.</p> + +<p>It was a slight phrase.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> +'the sole head of his subjects spiritual +and temporal,' but one of the weightiest import. The very existence of +the clergy as an order had hitherto depended precisely on their claim to +a legislative power independent of the temporal supremacy as being their +original right: on its universal maintenance rested the Papacy and its +influence on the several countries. Were the clergy now to leave it to +the King, who however only represented the temporal power, to adjust the +differences between their legislation and that of the state? Were they, +like the laity, virtually to recognise him as their Head?</p> + +<p>It is clear that they would thus sever themselves from the great union +under one spiritual Head, from the +constitution<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> +of the Latin Church. +Whoever it was that introduced the word 'Head,' no doubt had this in +view. The King and the laity took it up, they wished only to induce the +clergy themselves to come to a resolution in this sense.</p> + +<p>The chief motive which was to serve this purpose is connected with the +lordship which the Popes possessed in England in the thirteenth century, +or rather with the reaction against it which went on throughout the +fourteenth. This is most distinctly expressed in the statutes of 1393, +which threatened with the severest penalties all participation in any +attempt, to the injury of the King's supremacy, to obtain a +church-benefice from Rome; and this too even where the King had given +his consent to it. Clergy and laity were thus allied against the +encroachments of the Roman Curia. Wolsey was now accused of having +transgressed thisstatute:<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> +he had in virtue of his legatine power +given away benefices, and established a jurisdiction by which that of +the King was encroached on; he was found guilty of this in regular form. +He anticipated the full effect of this sentence by submitting without +any defence and surrendering all his property to the King. It was then +that York House in Westminster, with its gardens and the land adjoining, +the Whitehall of later times, passed into the possession of the +crown.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> +He still kept his archbishopric; we find him soon after at +Caywood, the palace belonging to it, and in fact even busied once more +with his buildings. At times the King again thought of his old +counsellor, and to many it quite seemed as though he might yet recover +power. In those days the general belief was, that Anne Boleyn had +exerted her whole influence against it. But most of the other persons of +distinction in court and state were also opposed to Wolsey. Did he then +really, as was imputed to him, try to gain a party among the clergy, and +move the Pope to pronounce excommunication against the +King?<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> +A pretext at any rate was found for arresting him as a traitor: +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> +but as he +was being brought to the Tower, he died on the way. He wished, so far as +we know, to starve himself to death; it was at that time supposed that +in his wish to die he was aided by help from others.</p> + +<p>Neither for his mental nor for his moral qualities can Wolsey be +reckoned among men of the first rank; yet his position and the ability +which he showed in it, his ambition and his political plans, what he did +and what he suffered, his success and his fall, have won him an +imperishable name in English history. His attempt to link the royal +power with the Papacy by the closest ties rent them asunder for ever. No +sooner was he dead than the clergy became subject to the Crown—a +subjection which could forebode nothing less than this final rupture.</p> + +<p>The whole clergy was so far involved in Wolsey's guilt that it had +supported his Legatine Powers, and so had shared in the violation of the +statutes. It shows the English spirit of keeping to the strict letter of +the law, that the King, though he had for years given his consent and +help in all this, now came forward to avenge the violation of the law. +To avert his displeasure the Convocation of Canterbury was forced to +vote him a very considerable sum of money, yet even this did not satisfy +him. Rather it seemed to him the fitting and decisive moment for forcing +the clergy, conformably with the Address of the Commons, to accept the +Anglican point of view. He demanded from Convocation the express +acknowledgment that they recognised him as <i>the Protector and the +Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy of England</i>; he commanded the +judges not to issue the Act of Pardon unless this acknowledgment were at +once incorporated with the bill for the money payment. It is not hard to +see what made him choose this exact moment for so acting; it was the +serious turn which the affair of his Divorce had taken at Rome. He had +once more made application to the Curia to let it be decided in England; +the Cardinals discussed the point in their Consistory, Dec. 22, 1530, +but resolved that the question must come of right before the Assessors +of the Rota, who should afterwards report on it to the Sacred +College.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> +What their sentence would be +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> +was the less doubtful, since +the Curia was now linked closer than ever with the Emperor, who had just +closed the Diet of Augsburg in the way they wished, and was now about to +carry out its decrees. The traces of a new alliance with Rome, which was +imputed to Wolsey as an act of treason, must have contributed to the +same result. The King wished to break off this connexion by a +Declaration, which would serve him as a standing-ground later on, and +show the Court of Rome that he had nothing to fear from it. On Feb. 7, +1531, the King's demand was laid before both Houses of Convocation. Who +could avoid seeing its decisive significance for the age? The clergy, +which had without much trouble agreed to the money-vote, nevertheless +strove long against a Declaration which altered their whole position. +But a hard necessity lay on them. In default of the Pardon, which, as +the judges repeatedly assured them, depended on this Declaration, they +would have found themselves out of the protection of the King and the +Law. They sent two bishops, to get the King's demand softened by a +personal appeal; Henry VIII refused to hear them. They proposed that +some members of both Houses should confer with the Privy Council and the +judges; the answer was that the King wished for no discussion, he wanted +a clear answer. Thus much however they ascertained, that the King would +be content with a mode of statement in which he was unconditionally +recognised as the protector and sovereign of the Church and clergy of +England, but as its supreme head only so far as religion allows. This +was comprehended in the formula <i>in so far as is permitted by the law of +Christ</i>, an expression which men might assent to on opposite grounds. +Some might accept it from seeing in it only the limitation which is set +to all power by the laws of God; others from thinking that it excluded +generally the influence of the secular power on what were properly +spiritual matters. When the clause was laid before them, at the morning +sitting of Feb. 11, it was received with an ambiguous silence; but on +closer consideration, it was so evidently their only possible resource, +that in the afternoon, first the Upper House of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> +Convocation, and then +the Lower, gave their consent. Then the King accepted the money-bill, +and granted them in return the Act of +Pardon.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p>The clergy had yet other causes for seeking the King's protection. The +writings of the Reformers, which attacked good works and vows, the Mass +and the Priesthood, and all the principles on which the ecclesiastical +system rested, found their way across the Channel, and filled men's +minds in England also with similar convictions. The only safeguard +against them lay in the King's power; his protection was no empty word, +the clergy was lost if it drew on itself Henry's aversion, which was now +directed against the Papal See.</p> + +<p>The heavy weight of the King's hand and the impulse of self-preservation +were however not the only reasons why they yielded. It is undeniable +that the conception of the Universal Church, according to which the +National Church did but form part of a larger whole, was nearly as much +lost among the clergy as among the laity. In the Parliament of 1532 +Convocation had presented a petition in which they desired to be +released from the payments which had been hitherto made to the supreme +spiritual authority, especially the annates and first-fruits. The +National Church was the existing, immediate authority—why should they +allow taxes to be laid on them for a distant Power, a Power moreover of +which they had no need? As the bishops complained that this injured +their families and their benefices, Parliament calculated the sums which +Rome had drawn out of the country on this ground since Henry VII's time, +and which it would soon draw at the impending vacancies; what losses the +country had already suffered in this way, and would yet +suffer.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> + +<p>The tendency of men's minds in this direction showed itself also in the +understanding come to on the chief question of all.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> +Parliament renewed its complaints of the abuses in the ecclesiastical +legislation, and learned men brought out clearly the want of any divine +authority to justify it; at last the bishops virtually renounced their +right of special legislation, and pledged themselves for the future not +to issue any kind of Ordinance or Constitution without the King's +knowledge and consent. A revision of the existing canons by a mixed +commission, under the presidentship of their common head, the King, was +to restore the unity of legislation.</p> + +<p>The clause was then necessarily omitted by which the recognition of the +Crown's supremacy over the clergy had been hitherto limited. The +defenders of the secular power put forth the largest claims. They said, +the King has also the charge of his subjects' souls, the Parliament is +divinely empowered to make ordinances concerning them +also.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> + +<p>So a consolidation of public authority grew up in England, unlike +anything which had yet been seen in the West. One of the great statutes +that followed begins with the preamble that England is a realm to which +the Almighty has given all fulness of power, under one supreme head, the +King, to whom the body politic has to pay natural obedience, next after +God; that this body consists of clergy and laity; to the first belongs +the decision in questions of the divine law and things spiritual, while +temporal affairs devolve on the laity; that one jurisdiction aids the +other for the due administration of justice, no foreign intervention is +needed. This is the Act by which, for these very reasons, legal appeals +to Rome were abolished. It was now possible to carry out what in +previous centuries had been attempted in vain. All encroachments on the +prerogative of the 'Imperial Crown' were to be abolished, the supreme +jurisdiction of the Roman Curia was to be valid no longer; appeals to +Rome were not only forbidden but subjected to penalties.</p> + +<p>The several powers of the realm united to throw off the foreign +authority which had hitherto influenced them, and which limited the +national independence, as being itself a higher +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> +power.</p> + +<p>As the oaths taken by the bishops were altered to suit these statutes, +the King set himself to modify his coronation oath also in the same +sense. He would not swear any longer to uphold the rights of the Church +in general, but only those guaranteed to the Church of England, and not +derogatory to his own dignity and jurisdiction; he did not pledge +himself to maintain the peace of the Church absolutely, but only the +concord between the clergy and his lay subjects according to his +conscience; not, unconditionally, to maintain the laws and customs of +the land, but only those that did not conflict with his crown and +imperial duties. He promised favour only for the cases in which favour +ought to find a +place.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> + +<p>How predominant is the strong feeling of aggrandisement, of personal +right, and of kingly independence!</p> + +<p>Henry VIII too regarded himself as a successor of Constantine the Great, +who had given laws to the Church. True, said he, kings are sons of the +Church, but not the less are they supreme over Christian men. Of the +doctrines which came from Germany none found greater acceptance with him +than this—that every man must be obedient to the higher powers. We +possess Tyndale's book in which these principles are set forth; by Anne +Boleyn's means it came into Henry's hands. That Pope Clement summoned +him formally before his judgment-seat, he declared to be an offence to +the Kingly Majesty. Was a Prince, he exclaims, to submit himself to a +creature whom God had made subject to him; to humble himself before a +man who, in opposition to God and Right, wished to oppress him? It would +be a reversal of the ordinance of +God.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> + +<p>Whilst we follow the questions which here come into discussion—on the +relations of Church and State, the rights of nations and +kings—questions of infinite importance for this as for all other +states, we almost lose sight of the affair of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> +Divorce, which had +been the original cause of quarrel, and which had meanwhile moved on in +the direction given it once for all. Pope Clement restrained himself as +much as possible, he still more than once made advances to the King and +offered him conciliatory terms; but the King had already gone too far in +his separation from Rome to be able to accept them. At the beginning of +1533 he celebrated his marriage with Anne Boleyn privately. He had once, +when he was still waiting for the Pope's decision, tried to influence it +by favourable opinions of learned +theologians.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> +With this view he +had applied to the most distinguished universities in Italy and Germany, +in France and in England itself; and managed to obtain a large number of +decisions, by which the Pope's right of dispensation was denied; and +this in spite of the constant efforts in various ways of the Imperial +agents; even the two mother-universities, Bologna and Paris, had +declared in his favour. He protested that he had been thereby enabled in +his conscience to free himself from the yoke of an unlawful union, +bordering on incest, and to proceed to another marriage. But all the +more urgent was it that the legality of this marriage should be +recognised according to the forms at that time lawfully valid. He no +longer wished for a recognition from the Pope; he laid the question +before the two Convocations of the English Church-provinces. For the +general course of Church history we must admit it to be an event of the +highest significance, that they dared to pronounce the dispensation of +Pope Julius II invalid according to God's law. The authority hitherto +regarded as the expression of God's will on earth was found guilty, by +the representatives of the Church of one particular country, of +transgressing that will. It now followed that the King's marriage, +concluded on the strength of that dispensation, was declared by the +Archbishop's court at Canterbury null and void, and invalid from the +beginning. Catharine was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +henceforth to be treated no longer as Queen +but only as still Princess-dowager.</p> + +<p>She was unable to realise the things that were happening around her. +That she was expected to renounce her rank as Queen awoke in her quite +as much astonishment as anger. 'For she had not come to England,' she +said, 'on mercantile business at a venture, but according to the will of +the two venerated kings now dead: she had married King Henry according +to the decision of the Holy Father at Rome: she was the anointed and +crowned Queen of England; were she to give up her title, she would have +been a concubine these twenty-four years, and her daughter a bastard; +she would be false to her conscience, to her own soul, her confessor +would not be able to absolve her.' She became more and more absorbed in +strict Catholic religious observances. She rose soon after midnight, to +be present at the mass; under her dress she wore the habit of the third +order of S. Francis; she confessed twice and fasted twice a week; her +reading consisted of the legends of the saints. So she lived on for two +years more, undisturbed by the ecclesiastico-political statutes which +passed in the English Parliament. Till the very end she regarded herself +as the true Queen of England.</p> + +<p>Immediately after the sentence on Catharine followed Anne's coronation, +which was performed with all the ancient ceremonial, all the more +carefully attended to because she was not born a princess. On the +Thursday before Whitsuntide she was escorted from Greenwich by the Mayor +and the Trades of London, in splendidly adorned barges, with musical +instruments playing, till she was greeted by the cannon of the Tower. +The Saturday after she went in procession through the City to +Westminster. The King had created eighteen knights of the Order of the +Bath. These in their new decorations, and a great part of the nobility, +which felt itself honoured in Anne's elevation, accompanied +her:<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> +she sat on a splendid seat, supported by and slung between horses: the +canopy over her was borne by the barons of the Cinque Ports; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> +her hair was uncovered, she was charming as always, and (it appears) not without +a sense of high good fortune. On Sunday she was escorted to Westminster +Abbey by the Archbishop of Canterbury and six bishops, the Abbot of +Westminster and twelve other abbots in full canonicals: she was in +purple, her ladies in scarlet, for so old custom required; the Duke of +Suffolk bore the crown before her, which was placed on her head by the +hands of the archbishop. Nobles and commons greeted her with emulous +devotion, the ecclesiastics joined in; they expected from her an heir to +England.—Not a son, but a daughter, Elizabeth, did she then bear +beneath her heart.</p> + +<p>Anne's coronation was at the same time the complete expression of the +revolt of the nation collectively from the Roman See: it is noteworthy +that Pope Clement VII, in his all-calculating and temporising policy, +even then reserved to himself the last word. As he had once yielded to +the Emperor, to conclude his peace with him, so now again—for he did +not wish to be entirely dependent on him—he had entered into close +relations with King Francis, who on his side saw in the continuance of +his union with England one of the conditions of his position in Europe. +The political weight of England reacted indirectly on the Pope: he +indeed annulled Archbishop Cranmer's decision, but he could not yet +bring himself to take a further step, often as he had promised the +Emperor and pledged himself in his agreements to do +so.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> +Charles V supplied his ambassador at Rome with yet another means to advance (as he +expressed himself) the decision of the proceedings with the Pope and +with the Holy See—for he made a distinction between them. The Pope +inquired of him what, after this had ensued, would then be done to carry +it out. The Emperor answered, his Holiness should do what justice +pledged him to do, what he could not omit if he would fulfil his duty to +God and the world, and maintain his own importance; this must come +first, the Church must use all its own means before it called in the +temporal arm: but if the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +matter came to that point, he would not fail +to do his part; to declare himself explicitly beforehand might excite +religious scruples.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> +And however much the policy of the Pope might +waver, there could be no doubt about the decision of the Rota. On the 23 +March 1534 one of the auditors, Simonetta, bishop of Pesaro, made a +statement on the subject in the consistory of the cardinals: there were +only three among them who demanded a further delay: all the rest joined +without any more consideration in the decision that Henry's marriage +with Catharine was perfectly lawful, and their children legitimate and +possessed of full rights. The Imperialists held this to be a great +victory, they made the city ring with their cries of 'the Empire and +Spain':<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> +yet even then the French did not give up the hope of +bringing the Pope to another mind. But meanwhile in England the last +steps were already taken.</p> + +<p>King Henry reckons it as honourable to himself that he had not yielded +to the offer of the Roman Court, made to him indirectly, to decide in +his favour, but had set himself against its usurped jurisdiction, +without being influenced by the +proposal,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> +not for himself alone but +in the interest of all kings. Yet once more had he laid the question +before learned ecclesiastics, whether the Pope of Rome had any authority +in England by divine right; as the University of Oxford declares, their +theologians had searched for this through the books of Holy Scripture +and its most approved interpreters; they had compared the places, +conferred with each other on them and come at last to the conclusion, to +answer the King's question unreservedly in the negative. The Cambridge +scholars and both Convocations declared themselves in the same sense. On +this the Parliament had no scruple in abrogating piece by piece the +hierarchic-Romish order of things; it was nothing but a revocable right +which they had hitherto <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span>borne with. The Annates were transferred to the +crown; never more was an English bishop to receive his pallium from +Rome. It was made penal to apply for dispensing faculties; with their +abolition the fees usually paid for them also ceased. The oldest token +of the devotion of the Anglo-Saxon race to the Roman See, the Peter's +penny, was definitely abolished. Care was taken that for the appeal in +the last resort, hitherto made to the Roman courts, there should be a +similar court at home. On the other hand the King granted a greater +freedom in the election of bishops, at least in its outward forms. The +existing laws against heretics were confirmed, though those independent +proceedings of the bishops which had been usual in the times of the +Lancasters received some limitation. For the episcopal constitution and +the old doctrine were to be retained: the wish was to establish an +Anglo-Catholic Church under the supremacy of the crown. The King added +to his titles the designation of 'Supreme Head on earth of the Church of +England immediately under God.' The Parliament awarded him the right of +Visitation over the Church in reference to abuses and even to errors, as +well as the right of reforming them. For the exercise moreover of the +Papal authority, which so far passed over to him, he had an example +before him which he had only to follow. Wolsey for a series of years, as +Legate of the Pope and then as his Vicar General, had administered the +English Church by means of English courts: the unity of the English +common-weal had been represented in his twofold power as legate and +first minister; practically it was no violent change when the King +himself now appointed a Vicar General who, empowered by him, exercised +this authority without any reference to the Pope. It was an assistant of +Wolsey, Thomas Cromwell, who was at the same time Keeper of the Great +Seal, who regulated the management of these affairs in a way not +altogether new to him. From this point of view Wolsey represents exactly +the man of the transition, who occupied the intermediate position in +nationalising the English Church.</p> + +<p>Though Henry VIII did not always follow in his father's footsteps, he +was yet his genuine successor in the work he began. What the first Tudor +achieved in the temporal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> domain, viz. the exclusion of foreign +influence, that the second extended to spiritual affairs. The great +question now was, whether the conflicting elements, in themselves +independent but ceaselessly agitated by their connexion with the rest of +Europe, would continue loyal to the idea of the common-weal; then even +their opposition might become a new impulse and help to perfect the +power of the State and the Constitution. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> 'Quasi che quello, che minacciano, non fosse prima a +danno loro.' So it is said in a letter of Sanga, April 1529, Lettere di +diversi autori p. 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> 'Pour ce qu'il n'est encoires temps qu'il meure que +premierement l'on n'ayt entendu et veriffié plusieurs choses.' Chapuis +to Charles V, 25 Oct. 1529, in Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor +Charles V, p. 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> A letter printed in Fiddes (Life of Wolsey, Records II. +p. 115, no 58), adds to the laconic parliamentary notices the desirable +explanation: 'the knights being of the King's council, the King's +servants and gentlemen ... were long time spoken with and made to see (a +misprint for "say") yea, it may fortune, contrary to their heart.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Giustiniani: Four Years, I. 162. 'They see that their +treasure is spent in vain, and consequently loud murmurs and discontent +prevail through the kingdom.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> 'The only head sovereign lord and protector of both the +said parties, your subjects spiritual and temporal.' Petition of the +Commons 1529, in Froude, History of England i. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Indictment in Fiddes, Life of Wolsey p. 504.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> 'Pro domino rege, de recuperatione.' Ibid. Collections +no. 103.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Falier: 'cominciò a machinar contra la corona con S. +Sta.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Pallavicino, Concilio di Trento III, XIV, V, from a Roman +diary.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Original accounts in Burnet iii. 52, 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Proceedings in Burnet, History of the Reformation i. 117. +Strype had already remarked its difference from the original demands.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Matters to be proposed in Convocation (in Strype, +Ecclesiastical Memorials i. 215.) 'That the King's Majesty hath as well +the care of the souls of his subjects as their bodies, and may by the +law of God by his Parliament make laws touching and concerning as well +the one as the other.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Facsimile in Ellis's Original Letters, Ser. ii. vol i. +But this alteration cannot have taken place at the beginning of his +government. This would presuppose all the results won by so much effort. +The handwriting too is not that of a boy, but of a grown man.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Instruction for Rochefort, State Papers vii. 427.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Jean Joachim au roi (de France) 15 Feb. 1510, afinche +questa opinion (della Faculta di Parigi) insieme con altre opinion delle +universita di Angliterra et d'altrove per M<sup>r</sup>. Winschier [father of Anne +Boleyn] al papa si possino monstrar o presentar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> 'The moste part of the nobles of the realm.' Cranmer's +letter to Hawkyns. Archaeologia xviii. 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> In the treaty of Bologna (1 Feb. 1533) is an article, +'pro administranda justitia super divortio Anglicano et—amputando omnem +superfluam dilationem'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Instruccion para el Conde de Cifuentes y Rodrigo Avalos. +Papiers d'état de Granvelle ii. 45</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> In a later report to the Emperor it is said, that the +rights of the Queen and Princess were recognised, 'a l'instante +poursuite de S. Me. Imperiale.' Ibid. ii. 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> In Halliwell, Letters of the Kings of England i. 337.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_V" id="BII_V"></a> +THE OPPOSING TENDENCIES WITHIN THE SCHISMATIC STATE.</p> + +<p>Among the results of these transactions in England that which most +directly concerned the higher interests of the nation was the abolition, +by a formal decision of Parliament, on religious grounds, of the +hereditary title of the King's daughter by his Spanish Queen, and the +recognition of the succession of Queen Anne's issue to the throne, even +in the case of her having only the one daughter who had been meanwhile +born. This does not depend so much on the actual measures taken as on +the fact, that now, according to Wolsey's plan, the government had +broken with the political system which had prevailed hitherto, and +indeed in a sense that went far beyond his views. Not merely was a +French alliance avoided; the separation from the Church of Rome was to +become the basis of the whole dynastic settlement of England.</p> + +<p>At home men felt most the harshness and violence of basing a political +rule on Church ideas. The statute contains threats of the sharpest +punishments against all who should do or write or even say anything +against it: a commission was appointed, in which we find the Dukes of +Norfolk and Suffolk, which could require every one to take an oath of +conformity to it. It was to be carried out with the full weight of +English adherence to the law.</p> + +<p>It was to this very statute that Bishop Fisher of Rochester and Sir +Thomas More fell victims. They did not refuse to acknowledge the order +of succession itself thus enacted, for this was within the competence of +Parliament, but they would not confirm with their oath the reason laid +down in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> +statute, that Henry's marriage with Catharine was against +Scripture and invalid from the beginning. More ranks among the original +minds of this great century: he is the first who learnt how to write +English prose; but in the great currents of the literary movement he +shrank back from the foremost place: after he had aided them by writings +in the style of Erasmus, he set himself as Lord Chancellor of England to +oppose their onward sweep with much rigour: he would not have the Church +community itself touched. Of the last statute he said, it killed either +the body if one opposed it, or the soul if one obeyed: he preferred to +save his soul. He met his death with so lively a realisation of the +future life, in which the troubles of this life would cease, that he +looked on his departure out of it with all the irony which was in +general characteristic of him. The fact that the Pope at this moment had +named Bishop Fisher cardinal of the Roman Church seems to have still +more hastened his execution. They both died as martyrs to the ideas by +which England had been hitherto linked to the Church community of the +West and to the authority of the Papacy.</p> + +<p>If we turn our eyes abroad, the succession statute above all must have +made a most disagreeable impression on the Emperor Charles V. He saw in +it a political loss, an injury to his house, and indeed to all sovereign +families, and a danger to the Church. With a view to opposing it, he +formed the plan of drawing the King of France into an enterprise against +England. He proposed to him the marriage of his third son, the Duke of +Angoulême, with the Princess Mary, who was recognised as the only lawful +heiress of England by the Apostolic See, and whose claims would then +accrue to this +prince.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> +And they would not be difficult, so he said, +to establish, as a great part of the English abhorred the King's +proceedings, his second marriage, and his divergence from the Church. At +the same time the Emperor proposed the closest dynastic union of the two +houses by a double marriage of his two children with a son and a +daughter of Francis I. What in the whole world would he not have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +attained, if he had won over France to himself! His combination embraced +as usual West and East, Church and State, Italian German and Northern +affairs.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the success of such a scheme was not probable; but independently +of this, Henry VIII had good cause to prepare himself to meet the +superior power of the Emperor, with whom he had so decidedly broken. As +we have already hinted, he could have no want of allies in this +struggle. It was under these circumstances that he entered into +relations with the powerful demagogues who were then from their central +position at Lubeck labouring to transform the North, and to sever it +from all Netherlandish-Burgundian influence. But it was of still more +importance to him to form an alliance with the Protestant princes and +estates of Germany proper, who had gradually become a power in +opposition to Pope and Emperor. In the autumn of 1535 we find English +ambassadors in Germany, who attended the meeting of the League at +Schmalkald, and the most serious negociations were entered on. Both +sides were agreed not to recognise the Council which was then announced +by the Pope, for the very reason that the Pope announced it, who had no +right to do so. The German princes demanded an engagement that if one of +the two parties was attacked, the other should lend no support to its +enemy; for the King this was not enough; he wished, in case he was +attacked, to be able to reckon on support from Germany in cavalry, +infantry, and ships, in return for which he was ready to give a very +considerable contribution to the chest of the League. It was even +proposed that he should undertake the protection of the +League.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> + +<p>All this however was based on a presupposition, which could not but lead +the English to further ecclesiastical changes. It was not a schism +affecting the constitution and administration of justice, but a complete +system of dissentient Church doctrines, with which Henry VIII came in +contact. The German Protestants made it a condition of their alliance +with England, that there should be full agreement between them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> as to +doctrine.</p> + +<p>We may ask whether this was altogether possible.</p> + +<p>If we compare the Church movements and events that had taken place +during the last years in Germany and in England, their great difference +is visible at a glance. In Germany the movement was theological and +popular, corresponding to the wants and needs of the territorial state; +in England it was juridico-canonical, not connected with appeals to the +people or with free preaching, but based on the unity of the nation. +Though the German Diet had for a moment inclined to the Reform and had +once even given it a legal sanction, it afterwards by a majority set +itself against it: to carry it through became now the part of the +minority, the Protesting party. In England on the contrary all proceeded +from the plan of the sovereign and the resolutions of Parliament, in +which the bishops themselves with few exceptions took part. Perhaps a +more deep-seated ground of difference may be that the German bishops +were more independent than the English, and that an Emperor was then +ruling who, being at the same time King of Spain and Naples, troubled +himself little about the unity of Germany in particular; while in +England a newly-formed strong political power existed which made the +national interests its own and upheld them on all sides.</p> + +<p>Despite all this the English Schism had nevertheless a deep inner +analogy with the German Reformation.</p> + +<p>From the beginning the dispute as to jurisdiction was based on the +historical point of view, on which Luther too laid much stress. +Standish, who has been already mentioned, derived the right to limit the +ecclesiastical prerogatives, from this among other grounds, that there +were Christian churches in which they were altogether rejected, for +instance the rule as to the celibacy of the clergy was not accepted by +the Greeks. He inferred too, that, as no one disputed the claim of the +Greek Church to be Christian, the conception of the universal Church +must be different from that which Romanism asserts. Both countries also +found the groundwork of the true church-community in Scripture. In the +chief instance before them, that of the divorce, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> +the German theologians +were not of the same mind as the English; but both sides agreed in this, +that there was a revealed will of God, which the ecclesiastical power +might not contravene: the conviction took root that the Papacy did not +represent the highest communion of men with divine things, but that this +rested on the divine record alone. The use of Scripture had at last +influenced various questions in England also. For abolishing the Annates +it was argued that such an impost contradicts a maxim of the Apostle +Paul; for doing away the Papal jurisdiction, that no place of Scripture +justifies it. This is what was meant when the assertion that the Papacy +is of divine right was denied. This becomes quite clear when Henry VIII +instead of the previous prohibitions against distributing the Bible in +the vernacular gave his licence for it. As he once declared with great +animation, the advancement of God's word and of his own authority were +one and the same thing.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> +The engraved title-page of the translation +which appeared with his <i>privilegium</i> puts into his mouth the expression +'Thy word is a light to my feet.' The order soon followed to place a +copy of the Book of books in every church: there every man might look +into the disputed places, and convince himself, by this highest of +codes, as to the rightfulness of the procedure that had been chosen.</p> + +<p>But then it was impossible to stop at mere divergences of jurisdiction. +The German interpretation of Scripture gained ground in every direction: +a theological school grew up, though only here and there, which adhered +to it more or less openly.</p> + +<p>It must needs have had the greatest effect, that the followers of this +view obtained a great number of bishoprics. The archbishopric of +Canterbury had already fallen to the lot of a man who had completed his +theological training in Germany: this very man, Thomas Cranmer, had +carried through the divorce; his was one of those natures which must +have the support of the supreme power to help them to follow out their +own views; as they then appear enterprising and courageous, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> +so do they +become pliant and yielding when this favour fails them; they do not +shine through moral greatness, but they are well suited to preserve, +under difficult circumstances, what they have once embraced, for better +times. Hugh Latimer was cast in a sterner mould; he actually dared, in +the midst of the persecutions, to admonish the King, whose chaplain he +was, of the welfare of his soul and his duty as King. However little +this act effected for the moment, yet he may have thus contributed to +enlighten the King (who now and then showed him personal goodwill) as to +his title of 'Defender of the Faith.' Latimer was a fervent and +effective preacher: he was made bishop of Worcester. Nicolas Shaxton, +Bishop of Salisbury, Hilsey of Rochester, Bisham of S. Asaph's and then +S. David's, Goodrich of Ely, were all disposed to Protestantism. Edward +Fox who had been named Bishop of Hereford, had at Schmalkald openly +declared the Pope to be Antichrist, and assured the Protestants in the +strongest manner of his sovereign's inclination to attach himself to +their Confession. It was the grand union of these biblical scholars +among the bishops, which in the Convocation of 1536 undertook to carry +through the work of drawing their church nearer that of Germany. Latimer +opened the war by a fervent sermon against image-worship, indulgences, +purgatory, and other doctrines or rites which were at variance with the +Bible. Cranmer proved that Holy Scripture contains all that is necessary +for man to know for the salvation of his soul, and that tradition is not +needed. The Bishop of Hereford communicated it, as an experience of his +journey, that the laity everywhere would now be instructed only out of +the Revelation. Thomas Cromwell, who took part in the sittings as the +King's representative, lent them much support, and once brought with him +a Scottish scholar who had just returned from Wittenberg, to combat the +received doctrine of the +Sacrament.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> +On the other side also stood +men of weight and consideration, Lee archbishop of York who had +expressly opposed himself, together with his clergy, to the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> +adoption of the King's new title, Stokesley of London who broke a lance for the +seven sacraments, Gardiner of Winchester and Longland of Lincoln who +after contributing materially to the King's divorce nevertheless +rejected any alteration in doctrine, Tonstall of Durham, Nix of Norwich.</p> + +<p>It seems as though the King, who was still busied in the Parliament +itself with the confirmation of his church regulations, thought he +detected in this party too much predilection for the Papacy. He found +another motive in the necessity of having allies for the coming Council; +he decisively took the side of Reform. Ten articles were laid before the +Convocation in his name, the first five of which are taken from the +Augsburg Confession or from the commentaries on it; as to these the +Bishop of Hereford agreed with the theologians of Wittenberg. In them +the faithful were referred exclusively to the contents of the Bible, and +the three oldest creeds; only three sacraments were still recognised, +Baptism, Penance, and the Lord's Supper. The real presence was +maintained in them, in the words of those commentaries, and entirely in +Luther's original +sense.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> +But still this tendency was not yet so +strong as to be able to make itself exclusively felt. In the following +articles, the veneration, even the invocation, of saints, and no small +part of the existing ceremonies, were allowed—though in terms which +with all their moderation cannot disguise the rejection of them in +principle. Despite these limitations the document contains a clear +adoption of the principles of religious reform as they were carried out +in Germany. It was subscribed by 18 bishops, 40 abbots and priors, 50 +members of the lower house of Convocation: the King, as the Head of the +Church, promulgated it for general observance. His vicegerent in Church +affairs commanded all the clergy entrusted with a cure of souls to +explain the articles, and also at certain times to lay before the people +the rightfulness of the abrogation of Papal authority. He required them +to give warnings against image-worship, belief in modern miracles, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> +pilgrimages. Children were henceforth to learn the Lord's Prayer, the +articles of the Creed, and the Ten Commandments in +English.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> +It was the beginning of the Church service in the vernacular, which was rightly +regarded as the chief means of withdrawing the national Church from +Romish influence.</p> + +<p>But Cromwell was also engaged in another enterprise, not less hostile +and injurious to the Papacy.</p> + +<p>As many of the great men in State and Church thought, so thought also +the pious members of the monasteries and cloistered convents; they +opposed the Supremacy, not as they said from inclination to +disobedience, but because Holy Mother Church ordered otherwise than King +and Parliament ordained.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> +The apology merely served to condemn them. +In the rules they followed, in the Orders to which they belonged, the +intercommunion of Latin Christianity had its most living expression; but +it was exactly this which King and Parliament wished to sever. Wolsey +had already, as we know, and with the help of Cromwell himself, taken in +hand to suppress many of them: but in the new order of things there was +absolutely no more place for the monastic system; it was necessarily +sacrificed to the unity of the country, and at the same time to the +greed of the great men.</p> + +<p>But it cannot be imagined that innovations which struck so deep could be +carried through without opposition. After all the efforts of the old +kings to establish Christianity in agreement with Rome, after the +victories of the Papacy when the kings quarrelled with it, and the +violent suppression of all dissent, it was inevitable that the belief of +the hierarchic ages, which is besides so peculiarly adapted to this end, +had in England as elsewhere sunk deep into men's minds, and in great +measure still swayed them. Was what had been always held for heresy no +longer to merit this name because it was avowed by the ruling powers? In +the northern counties neither the clergy nor the people would hear of +the King's supremacy; they continued to pray for the Pope; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> +Cromwell's injunctions were disregarded. It may be that horrible abuses and vices +were prevalent in the cloisters, but all did not labour under such +reproaches; many were objects of reverence in their own districts, and +centres of hospitality and charity. It would have been wonderful if +their violent destruction had not excited popular discontent. And this +temper was shared by those who enjoyed the chief consideration in the +provinces. Among the nobles there were still men like Lord Darcy of +Templehurst, who had borne arms against the Moors in the service of +Isabella and Ferdinand: how offensive to them must innovations be which +ran counter to all their reminiscences! The lords in these provinces +were believed to have pledged their word to each other to suppress the +heresies, as they called the Protestant opinions, together with their +authors and abettors. The country people, who apprehended yet further +encroachments, were easily stirred up to commotion; collections of money +were made from house to house, and the strongest men of each parish +provided with the necessary weapons: in the autumn of 1536 open revolt +broke out. A lawyer, Robert Aske, placed himself at its head; he set +before the people all the damage that the suppression of the monasteries +did to the country around, by diverting their revenues and abstracting +their treasures. In a short time he had gained over the whole of the +North. The city of York joined him; Darcy admitted him into the strong +castle of Pomfret: in that broad county only one single castle still +held out in its obedience to the government: then the neighbouring +districts also were carried away by the movement: Aske saw an army of +thirty thousand men around him. He took the road to London to, as he +said, drive base-born men out of the King's council, and restore the +Christian church in England: he called his march a 'Pilgrimage of +Grace.' But when he came into contact with royal troops at Doncaster he +paused; for it was not a war, which would cost the country too dear, but +only a great armed remonstrance in favour of the old system that he +contemplated. He contented himself with presenting his +demands—suppression of heresies, restitution of the supreme charge of +souls to the Pope, restoration of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> +the monasteries, and in particular +the punishment of Cromwell with his abettors, and the calling of a +Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<p>When we consider that Ireland was in revolt, Cornwall in a state of +ferment, men's Catholic sympathies stirred up by foreign princes, it is +easy to understand how some voices in the King's Privy Council were +raised in favour of concession. Henry VIII, a true Tudor, was not the +man to give in on such a point. He upbraided the rebels in haughty words +with their ignorance and presumption, and repeated that all he did and +ordered was in conformity with God's law and for the interests of the +country; but it was mainly by promising to call a Parliament at York +that he really laid the gathering storm. But at the first breach of the +law that occurred he revoked this +promise;<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> +if he had relaxed the +maintenance of his prerogative for a moment, he exercised it immediately +after all the more relentlessly. He at last got all the leaders of the +revolt into his hands, and appeared to the world to be conqueror. But we +cannot for this reason hold that the movement did not react upon him. +His plan was not, and in fact could not be, to incur the hostility of +his people or endanger the crown for the sake of dogmatic opinions. +True, he held to his order that the Bible should be promulgated in the +English tongue, for his revolt from the hierarchy, and demand of +obedience from all estates, rested on God's written word: nor did he +allow himself to swerve from the legally enacted suppression of the +monasteries; but he abandoned further innovations, and an altered +tendency displayed itself in all his proclamations. Even during the +troubles he called on the bishops to observe the usual church +ceremonies: he put forth an edict against the marriage of priests +(although he had been inclined to allow it) from regard to popular +opinion. The importation of books printed abroad, and any publication of +a work in England itself without a previous censorship, were again +prohibited. Processions, genuflexions, and other pious +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> +usages, in church and domestic life, were once more recommended. The sharpest +edicts went forth against any dissent from the strict doctrine of the +Sacrament and against any extreme variations in doctrine. The King +actually appeared in person to take part in confuting the misbelievers. +He would prove to the world that he was no heretic.</p> + +<p>It had also already become evident that no invasion by the Emperor was +at present impending. Soon after his overtures to the King of France, +Charles V perceived that he could not win him over to his side. In the +Spanish Council of State they took it into consideration that Henry +VIII, if anything was undertaken against him, would at all times have +the King of France on his side, and in his passionate temperament might +be easily instigated to take steps which they would rather +avoid.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> +After Catharine's death they made mutual advances, which it is true did +not bring about a good understanding, but yet excluded actual +hostilities. It would only disturb our view if we were here to follow +one by one the manifold fluctuations in the course of these political +relations and negociations. One motive in favour of peace under all +circumstances was supplied by the ever-growing commerce between England +and the Netherlands, on which the prosperity of both countries depended, +and the destruction of which would have been injurious to the sovereigns +themselves. When, some time after, the prospect of an alliance with +France against England was presented to him by the interposition of the +new Pope, Paul III, Charles declined it. He remarked that the German +Protestants, to whom his attention must be mainly directed, would be +strengthened by +it.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> +At the most an interruption of this system +could only be expected in case civil disturbances in England invited the +Emperor to make a sudden attack. Once it even appeared +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> +as if a Yorkist movement might be combined with the religious agitation. A descendant of +Edward IV, the Marquis of Exeter, formed the plan of marrying the +Princess Mary, and undertaking the restoration of the old church system. +He found much sympathy in the country for this plan; the co-operation of +the Emperor with him might have been very dangerous.</p> + +<p>Henry lost no time in fortifying the harbours and coasts against such an +attack.</p> + +<p>But the chief means of preventing all dangers of this kind lay in +cutting from under them the ground on which they rested. Henry VIII was +not minded to yield a jot of the full power he had inherited: on the +contrary his supremacy in church matters was confirmed in 1539 by a new +act of Parliament: another finally ordained the suppression of the +greater abbeys also, whose revenues served to endow some new bishoprics, +but mainly passed into the possession of the Crown and the Lords: the +unity of the Church and the exclusive independence of the country were +still more firmly established. But the more Henry was resolved to abide +by his constitutional innovations, the more necessary it seemed to him, +in reference to doctrine, to avoid any deviation that could be +designated as heretical. And though he some years before made advances +to the Protestants because he needed their support against the Emperor +and the Pope, things were now on the contrary in such a state that he +could feel himself all the safer, the less connexion he had with the +Germans. Under quite different auspices of home and foreign politics was +the religious debate, that had led in 1536 to the Ten Articles, resumed +three years later. The bishops who held to the old belief were as steady +as ever and, so far as we know, bound together still more closely by a +special agreement. They knew how to get rid of the old suspicion of +their having thought of restoring the Papal supremacy and jurisdiction, +by showing complete devotion to the King. On the other hand the +Protestants had suffered a very sensible loss in Bishop Fox of Hereford, +who had always possessed much influence over the King, but had died +lately. An understanding between the two parties on questions which were +dividing the whole world was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +not to be thought of; they confronted each +other as irreconcilable antagonists. The debates were transferred on +Norfolk's proposal to Parliament and Convocation; at last it was thought +best that each of the two parties should bring in the outline of a bill +expressing its own views. This was done: but first both bills were +delivered to the King, on whose word, according to the prevailing point +of view, the decision mainly depended. We may as it were imagine him +with the two religious schemes in his hand. On the one side lay +progressive innovation, increasing ferment in the land, and alliance +with the Protestants: on the other, change confined to the advantages +already gained by the crown, the contentment of the great majority of +the people, who adhered to the old belief, peace and friendship with the +Emperor. The King himself too had a liking for the doctrines he had +acknowledged from his youth. The balance inclined in favour of the +bishops of the old belief: Henry gave their bill the preference. It was +the bloody bill of the Six Articles, mainly, so far as we know, the work +of Bishop Gardiner of Winchester.</p> + +<p>The doctrine of transubstantiation and all the usages connected with it, +private masses and auricular confession, and the binding force of vows, +were sanctioned anew; the marriage of priests and the giving the cup to +the laity were prohibited; all under the severest penalties. The whole +of the high nobility to a man agreed to it: the Lower House raised the +resolutions of the clergy into law.</p> + +<p>How completely did the German ambassadors, who had come over with the +expectation of seeing the victory in England of the theologians who were +friendly to them, find themselves deceived! They still however cherished +the hope that these resolutions would never be carried out. Their ground +for hope lay in the King's marriage with a German Protestant princess, +which was just then being arranged.</p> + +<p>Some years before Anne Boleyn had fallen a victim to a dreadful fate. +How had the King extolled her shortly before his marriage as a mirror of +purity, modesty and maidenliness! hardly two years afterwards he accused +her of adultery under circumstances which, if they were true, would +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> +make her one of the most depraved creatures under the sun. If we go +through the statements that led to her condemnation, it is difficult to +think them complete fictions: they have been upheld quite recently. If +on the other hand we read the letter, so full of high feeling and inward +truthfulness, in which Anne protests her innocence to the King, we +cannot believe in the possibility of the transgressions for which she +had to die. I can add nothing further to what has been long known, +except that the King, soon after her coronation, in November 1533, +already showed a certain discontent with +her.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> +Was it after all not +right in the eyes of the jealous autocrat that his former wife's lady in +waiting now as Queen wore the crown as well as himself? Anne Boleyn too +might not be without blame in her demeanour which was not troubled by +any strict rule. Or did it seem to the King a token of the divine +displeasure against this marriage also, that Anne Boleyn in her second +confinement brought a stillborn son into the world? It has been always +said that the lively interest she took in the progress of the outspoken +Protestantism, whose champions were almost all her personal friends, +contributed most to her fall. For the house from which she sprung she +certainly in this respect went too far. In the midst of religious and +political parties, pursued by suspicion and slander, and in herself too +tormented by jealousy, endangered rather than guarded by the possession +of the highest dignity, she fell into a state of excitement bordering on +madness.</p> + +<p>On the day after her execution the King married one of her maids of +honour, the very same who had awakened her jealousy, Jane Seymour. She +indeed brought him the son for whom his soul longed, but she died in her +confinement.</p> + +<p>In the rivalry of parties Cromwell after some time formed the plan of +strengthening his own side by the King's marriage with a German +princess; he chose for this purpose Anne of Cleves, a lady nearly +related to the Elector of Saxony, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> +whose brother as possessor of +Guelders was a powerful opponent of the Emperor. This was at the time +when the Emperor on his way to the Netherlands paid a visit to King +Francis, and an alliance of these sovereigns was again feared. But by +the time his new wife arrived all anxiety had already gone by, and with +it the motive for a Protestant alliance for the King had ceased. Anne +had not quite such disadvantages of nature as has been asserted: she was +accounted amiable:<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> +but she could not enchain a man like Henry; he +had no scruple in dissolving the marriage already concluded; Anne made +no opposition: the King preferred to her a Catholic lady of the house of +Howard. But the consequent alteration was not limited to the change of a +wife. The hopes the Protestants had cherished now completely dwindled +away: it was the hardest blow they could receive. Cromwell, the person +who had been the main instrument in carrying out the schism by law, and +who had then placed himself at the head of the reformers, was devoted to +destruction by the now dominant party. He was even more violently +overthrown than Wolsey had been. In the middle of business one day at a +meeting of the Privy Council he was informed that he was a prisoner; two +of his colleagues there tore the orders which he wore from his person, +since he was no longer worthy of +them;<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> +that which had been the ruin +of so many under his rule, a careless word, was now his own.</p> + +<p>Now began the persecution of those who infringed the Six Articles, on +very slight grounds of fact, and with an absence of legal form in +proving the cases, that held a drawn sword over innocent and guilty +alike. Bishops like Latimer and Shaxton had to go to the Tower. But how +many others atoned for their faith with their life! Robert Barnes, one +of the founders of the higher studies at Cambridge, well known and +universally beloved in Germany, who avowed the doctrines imbibed there +without reserve, lost his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> +life at the stake. For what the peasants had +once demanded now again came to pass;—the heretics perished by fire +according to the old statutes.</p> + +<p>After some time a check was given to extreme acts of violence. Legal +forms were supplied for the bloody laws, which softened their severity. +To Archbishop Cranmer, who was likewise attacked, the King himself +stretched out a protecting hand. When he once more made common cause +with the Emperor against France, and undertook a war on the Continent, +he previously ordered the introduction of an English Litany, which was +to be sung in processions. The fact that the Bible was read in the +vernacular, and popular devotional exercises retained in use, saved the +Protestant ideas and efforts, despite all persecution, from extinction.</p> + +<p>It gives a disagreeably grotesque colouring to the government of Henry +VIII to see how his matrimonial affairs are mixed up with those of +politics and religion. Queen Catharine Howard, whose marriage with him +marked also the preponderance of the Catholic principle, was without any +doubt guilty of offences like those which were imputed to her +predecessor Anne: at her fall her relations, the leaders of the +anti-Protestant party, lost their position and influence at court. The +King then married Catharine Parr, who had good conduct and womanly +prudence enough to keep him in good temper and contentment. But she +openly cherished Protestant sympathies; and she was once seriously +attacked on their account. Henry however let her influence prevail, as +it did not clash with his own policy.</p> + +<p>Now that once the sanctity of marriage had been violated, the place of +King's wife became as it were revocable; the antagonistic factions +sought to overthrow the Queen who was inconvenient to them; that which +has been at various times demanded of other members of the household, +that they should be in complete agreement with the ruling system, was +then required with respect to their wives, and indeed to the wife of the +sovereign himself; the importance of marriage was now shown only by the +violence with which it was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> dissolved.</p> + +<p>This self-willed energetic sovereign however by no means so completely +followed merely his own judgment as has been assumed. We saw how after +Wolsey's fall he at first inclined to the protestant doctrines, and then +again persecuted them with extreme energy. He sacrificed, as formerly +Empson and Dudley, so Wolsey and now Cromwell to the public opinion +roused against them. He recognised with quick penetration successive +political necessities and followed their guidance. The most +characteristic thing is that he always seemed to belong body and soul to +these tendencies, however much they differed from each other: he let +them be established by laws contradictory to each other, and insisted +with relentless severity on the execution of those laws.</p> + +<p>Under him, if ever, England appears as a commonwealth with a common +will, from which no deviation is allowed, but which moves forward +inclining now to the one side now to the other. It was no part of Henry +VIII's Tudor principles and inclinations to call the Parliament +together; but for his Church-enterprise it was indispensable. He gave +its tendencies their way and respected the opinion which it represented: +but at the same time he knew how to keep it at all times under the sway +of his influence. Never has any other sovereign seen such devoted +Parliaments gathered round him; they gave his proclamations the force of +law, and allowed him to settle the succession according to his own +views; they then gave effect to what he determined.</p> + +<p>In this way it was possible for Henry VIII to carry through a political +plan that has no parallel. He allowed the spiritual tendencies of the +century to gain influence, and then contrived to confine them within the +narrowest limits. He would be neither Protestant nor Catholic, and yet +again both; an unimaginable thing, if it had only concerned these +opinions: but he retained his hold on the nation because his plan of +separating the country from the Papal hierarchic system, without taking +a step further than was absolutely necessary, suited the people's views.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> +In the earlier years it appeared as though he would alienate Ireland by +his religious innovations, since there Catholicism and national feeling +were at one. And there really were moments when the insurgent chiefs in +alliance with Pope and Emperor boasted that with French and Scotch help +they would attack the English on all sides and drive them into the sea. +But there too it proved of infinite service to him that he defended +dogma while he abandoned the old constitution. In Ireland the +monasteries and great abbeys were likewise suppressed; the O'Briens, +Desmonds, O'Donnels, and other families were as much gratified as the +English lords and gentlemen with the property almost gratuitously +offered them. Under these circumstances they recognised Henry VIII as +King of Ireland, almost as if they had a feeling of the change of +position as regards public law into which they thus came: they received +their baronies from him as fiefs and appeared in Parliament.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of his life Henry once more drew the sword against +France in alliance with the Emperor. What urged him to this however was +not the Emperor's interest in itself, but the support which the party +hostile to him in Scotland received from the French. Moreover he did not +trouble himself to bring about a decisive result between the two great +powers: he was content with the conquest of Boulogne. He had reverted to +his father's policy and resolved not to let himself be drawn over by any +of his neighbours to their own interests, but to use their rivalry for +his own profit and +security.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p> + +<p>And he was able to do yet more than his father to increase England's +power of defence against the one or the other. We hear of fifty places +on the coast which he fortified, not without the help of foreign +master-workmen: the two great harbours of Dover and Calais he put into +good condition and filled them with serviceable ships. For a long time +past he had been building the first vessels of a large size (such as the +Harry and Mary Rose) which then did service in the +wars.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> +It may be +that the property of the monasteries was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> +partly squandered and ought to +have been better husbanded: a great part of their revenues however was +applied to this purpose, and conferred much benefit on the country so +far as its own peculiar interests were concerned.</p> + +<p>The characteristic of his government consists in the mixture of +spiritual and temporal interests, the union of violence with fostering +care. The family enmities, which Henry VII had to contend with, are +combined with the religious under Henry VIII, for instance in the +Suffolk family: as William Stanley under the father, so Fisher and More +under the son, perished because they threw doubt on the grounds for the +established right, and still more because they challenged that right +itself. It raised a cry of horror when it was seen how under Henry VIII +Papists and Protestants were bound together and drawn to the place of +execution together, since they had both broken the laws. Who would not +have been sensible of this? Who would not have felt himself distressed +and threatened? Yet at the opening of the Session of 1542, after the +Chancellor had stated in detail the King's services (who had taken his +place on the throne), Lords and Commons rose and bowed to the sovereign +in token of their acknowledgment and gratitude. In the Session of 1545 +he himself once more took up the word. In fatherly language he exhorted +both the religious parties to peace; a feeling pervaded the assembly +that this address was the last they would listen to from him; many were +seen to burst into tears.</p> + +<p>For his was the strong power that kept in check the fermenting elements +and set them a law that might not be broken. On their antagonism, by +favouring or restraining them, he established his strong system of +public order. In Henry VIII we remark no free self-abandonment and no +inward enthusiasm, no real sympathy with any livi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>ng man: men are to him +only instruments which he uses and then breaks to pieces; but he has an +incomparable practical intelligence, a vigorous energy devoted to the +general interest; he combines versatility of view with a will of +unvarying firmness. We follow the course of his government with a +mingled sense of aversion and admiration. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Papiers d'état du Cl. de Granvelle ii. 147, 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Documents in the Corpus Reformatorum ii. 1032, iii. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Henry VIII to the judges—in Halliwell i. 342 (25 June +1535).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Burnet, History of the Reformation i. 213. Soames, +History of the Reformation ii. 157.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Seckendorf, Historia Lutheranismi iii. 13, xxxix. p. 112: +my German History iv. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Injunctions given by the authority of the King. Burnet's +Collection p. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Prior of Charterhouse (Houghton), Speech, in Strype i. +313.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Froude, History of England iii. 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> 'The people were unsatisfyed that the parliament was not +held at York; but our King alledged that since they had not restaured +all the religious houses [as they had promised] he was not bound +strictly to hold promise with them.' Herbert, Henry VIII, p. 428.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Los impedimentos en que esta S. M. por la malignidad del +dicho rey de Francia que haze gran fundamento en la adherencia del dicho +rey de Inglaterra, y la obstinacion ceguedad y pertinacia en que esta. +(Report in the State Archives at Paris.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> As it is said in the Emperor's letter of refusal to his +ambassador at Rome. 'Los desviados de Germania se juntarian mas +estrechamente con el rey de Inglaterra.' (Document in the Archives at +Paris.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> In a letter of the Emperor, 2 November, is mentioned 'le +descontentement, que le roi d'Ingleterre prenoit de Anna de Bolans.' +Papiers d'état ii. 224.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Marillac au roi, 8 Juillet 1540. 'Le peuple l'aymoit et +estimoit bien fort, comme la plus douce gracieuse humaine Reyne, qu'ils +eurent onque.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> A description of the scene, which deserves to be known, +is contained in the letter of the French ambassador, Marillac, to the +Constable Montmorency, 23 June 1540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Froude iv. 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Marillac assures us that there were not more than eight +vessels in England over 500 tons, that then the King built in 1540 +fourteen larger ones, among them 'le grand Henri,' over 1800 tons; he +had however 'peu de maistres que entendent a l'ouvrage. Les naufs +(navires) du roi sont fournies d'artillerie et de munition beaucoup +mieux que de bons pilots et de mariniers dont la plus part sont +estrangers.' (Letter of 1 Oct. 1540.)</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_VI" id="BII_VI"></a> +RELIGIOUS REFORM IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH.</p> + +<p>The question arises, whether it was possible permanently to hold to +Henry's stand-point, to his rejection of Papal influence and to his +maintenance of the Catholic doctrines as they then were. I venture to +say, it was impossible: the idea involves an historical contradiction. +For the doctrine too had been moulded into shape under the influence of +the supreme head of the hierarchy while ascending to his height of +power: they were both the product of the same times, events, tendencies: +they could not be severed from each other. Perhaps they might have been +both modified together, doctrine and constitution, if a form had been +found under which to do it, but to reject the latter and maintain the +former in its completed shape—this was impracticable.</p> + +<p>When it was seen that Henry could not live much longer, two parties +became visible in the country as well as at court, one of which, however +much it disguised it, was without doubt aiming at the restoration of the +Pope's supremacy, while the other was aiming at a fuller development of +the Protestant principle. Henry had settled the succession so that first +his son Edward, then his elder daughter (by his Spanish wife), then the +younger (by Anne Boleyn), were to succeed. As the first, the sovereign +who should succeed next, was a boy of nine, it was of infinite +importance to settle who during the time of his minority should stand at +the helm. The nearest claim was possessed by the boy's uncle on the +mother's side, Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, who had begun to play a +leading part in Henry's court and army, was in close alliance with Queen +Catharine Parr, and like her cherished Protestant +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> +sympathies. But the +Norfolks with their Catholic sympathies who had previously so long +exercised a leading influence on the government, would not give way to +him. Norfolk's son, the Earl of Surrey, adopted the immoral plan of +ensnaring the King, who though dying was yet supposed to be still +susceptible to woman's charms, by means of his sister, in order to draw +him back to the side of his family and the strict Catholics: a plot +which failed at once when his sister refused to play such a part. The +ambitious announcements into which he allowed himself to be hurried away +could only bring about the opposite result: he himself was executed, his +father thrown into prison, and the man who could have done most in the +Catholic direction, Bishop Gardiner, was struck out of the list of those +who, after the King's death, were to form the Privy +Council.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> +Immediately afterwards, January 1547, Henry died. He had composed the +Privy Council of men of both tendencies in the hope, as it appears, that +in this way his system would be most surely upheld. But men were too +much accustomed to see the highest power represented in one leading +personage, for it to continue long in the hands of a Board of +Councillors. From the first sittings of the Privy Council Edward VI's +uncle, the Earl of Hertford, came forth as Duke of Somerset and +Protector of the realm. In him the reforming tendency won the upper +hand.</p> + +<p>It appeared at once with full force at the Coronation, which was not +celebrated at all after the form traced out by Henry VIII, since even +this would have tied them far too much to the existing system; Cranmer, +in the discourse which he there addressed to the young King, departed in +the most decided manner from all the ideas hitherto attached to a +coronation. Whither had the times of the first Lancaster departed, in +which a special hierarchic sacredness was given to the Anointing through +its connexion with Thomas Becket? Becket's shrine had been destroyed. +The present Archbishop of Canterbury went back to the earliest times of +human history: he brought forward the example of Josias, who +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +likewise came to the government in tender years and extirpated the worship of +idols: so might Edward VI also completely destroy image-worship, plant +God's true service, and free the land from the tyranny of the Bishop of +Rome; it was not the oil that made him God's anointed, but the power +given him from on high, in virtue of which he was God's representative +in his realm. His duty to the Church was changed into his duty to +religion: instead of upholding the existing state of things, it at once +pledges and empowers him to reform the +Church.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> + +<p>The great question now was, how an alteration could be prepared in a +legal manner, and how far it would be possible to maintain in this the +constitution of the realm in its relation to the states of Europe. On +the ground of the supremacy and of a precedent of Henry VIII, they began +with a resolution to despatch commissions throughout the realm, to +revive the suppressed Protestant sympathies; the precedent was found in +the ordinances that had once proceeded from Thomas Cromwell, just as if +they had not in the least been annulled by what had happened since, but +simply set aside by party feeling and neglect. They were to enquire +whether, as therein ordered, the bishops had preached against the Pope's +usurpation, the parish priests had taught men to regard not outward +observances but fulfilment of duty as the real 'good works,' and had +laboured to diminish feast-days and pilgrimages. Above all, images to +which superstitious reverence was paid were at last to be actually +removed: the young were to be really taught the chief points of the +faith in English, a chapter of the Bible should be read every Sunday, +and Erasmus' Paraphrase employed to explain it. In place of the sermon +was to come one of the Homilies which had been published under the +authority of the Archbishop and King. For this last ordinance also +authority was found in an injunction of Henry VIII. Archbishop Cranmer, +whose work they are, establishes in them the two principles, on which he +had already proceeded in 1536, one that Holy Scripture contains all that +it is necessary for men to know, the other that forgiveness of sins +depends<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> +only on the merits of the Redeemer and on faith in Him. On this +depends absolutely the possibility of rooting out of men's minds the +belief in the binding force of Tradition, and the hierarchic views as to +the merit of good works. The Archbishop's views were promoted by +eloquent and zealous preachers such as Matthew Parker, John Knox, Hugh +Latimer; more than all by the last, who had been released from the +Tower, weak in body but with unimpaired vigour of spirit. The fact of +his having maintained these doctrines in the time of persecution, his +earnest way and manner, and his venerable old age doubled the effect of +his discourses.</p> + +<p>No direct alteration could be thought of so long as the Six Articles +still existed with their severe threats of punishment. In the Parliament +elected under the influence of the new government it needed little +persuasion to procure their repeal. The Protector assured the members +that he had been urgently entreated to effect this, since every man felt +himself endangered.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> + +<p>One of those popular beliefs gained ground, which are often more +effective in great assemblies than elaborate proofs: the conviction that +doctrine and authority were too closely akin for the separation from +Rome to be maintained without deviation in doctrine; the breach must be +made wider if it was to continue, and the hierarchic doctrines give way.</p> + +<p>So it came about that by a unanimous resolution of Convocation, which +Parliament confirmed, the alteration was approved, which almost more +than any other characterises those Church formularies that deviate from +the Romish, the administration of the communion in both kinds.</p> + +<p>Now it was exactly from this that the transformation of the whole divine +worship in England proceeded. The very next Easter (1548) a new form for +the communion office was published in English. This was followed, +according to a wish expressed by the young King, by a Liturgy for home +and church use, in which the revised Litany of Henry VIII was also +included. In this 'Common Prayerbook' they everywhere +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> +kept to what was before in use, but everywhere also made changes. The Reforming +tendencies obtained the upper hand in reference to its doctrinal +contents; thus even one of the rubrics previously in favour by which +auricular confession was declared to be indispensable was now omitted; +it was left to every man's judgment to avail himself of it or not. At +times they again sought out what had been disused in later ages: they +recurred to Anglo-Saxon usages. The Common Prayer-book is a genuine +monument of the religious feeling of this age, of its learning and +subtlety, its forbearance and decision. In the Parliament of 1549 it was +received with admiration: men even said it was drawn up under the +inspiration of the Holy Spirit. The order went forth for its adoption in +all churches of the land, no other liturgy was to be used; it has +nourished and edified the national piety of the English +people.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> + +<p>And just as it was now asserted that in all this they were only carrying +out the views of the deceased King, as he had set them forth many years +before and had at the last again proclaimed them, so now Somerset +undertook to carry through another of his intentions as well, which was +closely connected with his religious plans.</p> + +<p>In 1542 Henry VIII had agreed with some of the most powerful nobles of +Scotland that in that country too the Church should be reformed, all +relations with France broken off, and the young Queen brought to England +in order if possible to marry his son Edward at some future day. The +scheme broke down owing to all kinds of opposition, but the idea of +uniting England and Scotland in one great Protestant kingdom had thus +made its appearance in the world and could never again be set aside. The +ambition to realise +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> +it filled the soul of Somerset. When, before the +end of the summer of 1547, he took up arms, he hoped to bring about an +acknowledgment of England's old supremacy over Scotland, to prepare the +way for the future union of both countries by the marriage, and to +annihilate the party there which opposed the progress of Protestantism. +A vision floated before him of fusing both nations into one by a union +of dynasty and of creed. It was mainly from the religious point of view +that his ward regarded the matter. 'They fight for the Pope,' wrote +Edward to the Protector when he was already in the field, 'we strike for +the cause of God, without doubt we shall +win.'<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> + +<p>Somerset had already penetrated far into the land when he offered the +Scots to retreat and make peace on the one condition that Mary should +marry Edward VI. But the ruling party did not so much as allow his offer +to be known. A battle took place at Pinkie, in which Somerset won a +brilliant victory. Not a little did this victory contribute to establish +his consequence in the world: even in Scotland some districts on the +borders took the oath of fidelity to King Edward. But in general the +antipathies of the Scotch to the English were all the more roused by it; +they would hear nothing of a wooing, carried on with arms in the hand: +the young Queen was after some time (August 1548) carried off to France, +to be there married to the Dauphin. The Catholic interests once more +maintained their ascendancy in Scotland over those of the English and +the Protestants.</p> + +<p>And how could Somerset's plans and enterprises fail to meet with +resistance in England itself? All the elements were still in existence +that had once set themselves in opposition to King Henry with such +energy. When an attempt +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> +was made in earnest to carry out the +innovations at home, in the summer of 1549, the revolt burst into flame +once more.</p> + +<p>In Cornwall a tumult arose at the removal of an image, and the King's +commissary was stabbed by a priest. The troubles extended to Devonshire, +where men forced the priests to celebrate the mass after the old ritual, +and then took the field with crosses and tapers, and carrying the Host +before them. When their numbers became so large as to embolden them to +put forth a manifesto, they demanded before all—incredible as it may +seem—the restoration of the Six Articles and the Latin Mass, the +customary reverence to the Sacrament and to images. They did not go so +far as to demand the restoration of the authority of the Roman See, like +the rebels under Henry VIII; but they pressed for a fresh recognition of +the General Councils, and of the old church laws as a whole. At least +half of the confiscated church property was to be given back, two abbeys +at least were to remain in each county. But this movement owed its +peculiar character to yet another motive. The enclosures of the arable +land for purposes of pasture, of which the peasantry had been long +complaining, did not merely continue; the nobility, which took part in +the secularisation of the church-lands in an increasing degree, extended +its grasp also to the newly-gained estates. So it came to pass that a +rising of the peasants against the nobles was now united with tendencies +towards church restoration, as in previous times with ideas of quite a +different kind. East and West were in revolt at one and the same time +and for different reasons. On a hill near Norwich, the chief leader, a +tanner by trade, called Ket, took his seat under a great oak which he +called the Oak of Reformation; he had the mass read daily after the old +use: but he also planned a remodeling of the realm to suit the views of +the people. The wildest expectations were aroused. A prophecy found +belief according to which monarchy and nobility were to be destroyed +simultaneously, and a new government set up under four Governors elected +by the common people. And woe to him who wished to reason with the +peasants against their design. They were already bending their bows +against a preacher who attempted to do so, he was only saved with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> +difficulty. But they were still less capable this time of withstanding +the organised power of the State than they had been under Henry VIII. In +Devonshire they were beaten by Lord Russel, the ancestor of the Dukes of +Bedford; in Norfolk, where they had risen in the greatest force, by John +Dudley Earl of Warwick. Under his banners we find German troops as well, +who were untouched by the national sympathies, and in the rebels +combated only the enemies of Protestantism. The government obtained a +complete victory.</p> + +<p>The insurrectionary movement was suppressed, but it once more produced a +violent reaction in home affairs, by which this time the head of the +government was himself struck +down.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> +Among English statesmen there +is none who had a more vivid idea of the monarchical power than the +Protector Somerset. He started from the view that religious and +political authority were united in the hand of the anointed King in +virtue of his divine right. The prayer which he daily addressed to God +is still extant; it is full of the feeling that to himself, as the +representative and guardian of the King, not only his guidance but also +the direction of all affairs is entrusted. Such was also the view of the +young sovereign himself. In one of his letters he thanks the Protector +for taking this employment on him, and for trying to bring his State to +its lawful obedience, the country to acknowledge the true religion, and +the Scots to submission. Somerset did not think himself bound by the +opinion of the Privy Council, since with him, and with no other, lay the +responsibility for the administration of the State. He held it to be +within his competence to remove at pleasure those of its members who +showed themselves adverse to him. He too had that jealousy of power, +which always directs itself against those who stand nearest to it. There +is no doubt that his brother, Thomas Lord Seymour, impelled by a +restless ambition, hoped to overthrow the existing government and put +himself in possession of the highest place, and committed manifold +illegal acts; he—the Lord Admiral of the realm—even entered into +alliance with the pirates in the +Channel.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> +But despite this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> +it was thought at the time very severe when the Protector gave his word that +the vengeance of the law should be executed on his brother. His reason +was that Lord Seymour would not submit to sue in person for mercy to him +the injured party and possessor of power. Such were these men, these +brothers. The one died rather than pray for mercy: the other made the +bestowal of it depend on this prayer, this confession of his supreme +authority.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> +The Protector took all affairs, home and foreign, +exclusively into his own hand. Without asking any one, he filled up the +ministerial and civil posts: to the foreign ambassadors he gave audience +alone. He erected in his house a Court of +Requests,<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> +which encroached not a little on the business of Chancery. The palace in the +Strand, which still bears his name, was to be a memorial of his power; +not merely houses and gardens, but also churches which occupied the +ground, or from which he wished to collect his building materials, were +destroyed with reckless arbitrary power. Great historical associations +are indissolubly linked with this house. For it was Somerset after all, +who through personal zeal opened a free path for the Protestant tendency +which had originated under Henry VIII but had been repressed, and gave +the English government a Protestant character. He connected with this +not merely the Union of Scotland and England, but a yet further idea of +great importance for England itself. He wished to free the change of +religion from the antipathy of the peasantry which was at that time so +prominent. In the above-mentioned dissensions he took open part for the +demands of the commons: he condemned the progress of the enclosures and +gave his opinion that the people could not be blamed so heavily for +their rebellion, as their choice lay only between death by hunger and +insurrection. It seemed as though he wished in the next Parliament by +means of his influence to carry through a legal measure in favour of +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> +commons.</p> + +<p>But by this he necessarily awakened the ill will of the aristocracy. He +was charged with having instigated the troubles themselves by +proclamations which he issued in opposition to the Privy Council; and +with not merely having done nothing to suppress them but with having on +the contrary supported the ringleaders and taken them under his +protection.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> +No doubt this was the reason why the campaign against +the rebels in Norfolk was not entrusted to him, as he wished, but (after +some vacillation) to his rival, John Dudley, Earl of Warwick. The +victory gained by him, with the active sympathy of the nobility, which +was defending its own interests, was a defeat for Somerset. Even those +who did not believe that he had any personal share in the movement, +nevertheless reproached him with having allowed conditions to be +prescribed to himself and his government by the people; the common man +would be King. Financial difficulties arising from an alteration in the +coinage, and ill success in the war against France, contributed to give +his opponents the ascendancy in the Privy Council. Somerset once +entertained the idea of setting the masses in movement on his own +behalf: one day he collected numerous bands of people at Hampton Court, +under cover of summoning them to defend the King, by whose side his +enemies wished to set up a regency. But this pretext had little +foundation, it was only himself whom his rivals would no longer see at +the head of affairs: after a short fluctuation in the relations between +the main personages he was forced to submit. He saved his life for that +time: after an interval he was released from prison and again entered +the Privy Council: then he once more made an attempt to recover the +supreme power by help of the people, but thus drew his fate on himself. +The masses who regarded him as their champion showed him loud and +heartfelt sympathy at his execution.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> +On Somerset's first fall it was said that the Emperor Charles V had a +share in bringing it about, and this is very conceivable; for what +result could be more displeasing to this sovereign than that +Protestantism, which he was putting down in Germany, should have gained +at the same moment a strong position in England: it is certain that the +change of administration was greeted with joy by the court at +Brussels.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p> + +<p>But it brought the Emperor no advantage. At the moment the new +government assumed a hostile attitude towards France: but soon +afterwards the Earl of Warwick, who now took the lead of affairs as Duke +of Northumberland, found himself driven to the necessity of making a +peace with that power, by which Boulogne was given up and Scotland +abandoned to French influence. One article of the treaty contains +indirectly a renunciation of the proposed marriage between the King of +England and the Queen of Scotland. And this treaty was greatly to the +Emperor's disadvantage, since it now set the French free to renew the +hostility against him which had been broken off some years before by an +agreement all in his favour. They allied themselves for this purpose +with the German princes who found the Emperor's yoke intolerable. These +princes had even applied to the English government: and Edward would +personally have been much inclined to lend an ear to their proposals. If +the fear of being involved in war with the Emperor on this account +withheld him from open sympathy, yet it is certain that his general +political attitude essentially contributed to enable them to take up +arms and break the Emperor's ascendancy.</p> + +<p>Among the determining causes of a movement which is part of the history +of the world must be specially reckoned the personal disposition of this +prince, young as he was even at the close of his reign. Somerset had +kept him rather close: the Duke of Northumberland gave him greater +freedom, allowed him to manage his own money, and was pleased +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> +when he made presents and showed himself as King; he was careful to see that +immediate obedience was paid +him.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> +Whilst Edward had been hitherto +almost exclusively busied with his studies, he now turned to knightly +exercises for which he also showed aptitude: he sat well on horseback, +drew his bow and broke his lance as well as any other young man of his +age. But with all this his learning was not +neglected.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> +Edward VI not merely possessed for his years extraordinary and manifold +attainments; the written remains which are extant from his hand display +a rare mental growth. What he has written for instance on his connexion +with the two Seymours, his uncles, indicates a clear and almost a +judicial conception of existing relations, which is very uncommon. On +his tutor's advice, to prevent his passing thoughts from getting +confused, he regularly noted them down, and composed a diary which has +the same characteristics and may be regarded as a valuable historical +monument. But studies and religion coincide in him: he is Protestant to +the core; his chief ambition is by means of his rank and power to place +himself at the head of the Protestant world. The duke could not have +ventured to oppose the progress of the Reformation.</p> + +<p>In the days of distress, after the defeat in the Schmalkaldic war, +England was regarded as the refuge of the gospel: men welcomed the +scholars who fled thither, whose co-operation in the conflict with +Catholicism, still so powerful, was very desirable. In Cranmer's palace +at Lambeth were assembled Italians, French, Poles, Swiss, South Germans +and North Germans; the Secretary of State, William Cecil, who had been +trained in the service of the Protector, but had kept his place after +his fall, obtained them the King's support. Martin Bucer and Paulus +Fagius received promotion at Cambridge, Peter Martyr at Oxford: he there +maintained the Calvinistic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> +views on the communion in a great +disputation. There were Walloon and French churches in the old centres +of Catholic worship, Canterbury and Glastonbury; John a Lasco preached +in the church of the Augustines in London. With no less vigour than +these foreigners did natives, sometimes returned exiles, maintain the +views then prevailing on the Continent. Under these influences it was +impossible, in conformity with the view taken up in 1536, to abide by +the dogmas, which had been put forth by the school of Wittenberg, now +completely overthrown. The difference comes out very remarkably when we +compare the Common Prayer-book of 1549 with the revised edition of 1552. +Originally men had held fast to the real presence in England also: +Cranmer in his catechism expressly declared for it: in the formula of +the first book, which was compiled out of Ambrose and Gregory, this view +was retained:<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> +but men in England had since convinced themselves +that this doctrine had not prevailed so exclusively in Christian +antiquity as had been hitherto thought: following the example of Ridley, +the most learned of the Protestant bishops, the majority had given up +the real presence: in the new Common Prayer-book a controversial passage +was even inserted against it. First on their own impulse, and then with +the help of the Privy Council, the zealous Protestant-minded bishops +removed the high altars from the churches and had wooden tables for the +communion put in their place: since with the word Altar was associated +the idea of Sacrifice.</p> + +<p>It was now inevitable that the question from which all had started in +England, as to the relation between State and Church, should be decided +completely in favour of the secular principle. It is very true that +Cranmer held fast to the objective view of the visible church. If the +ceremonies were altered with which the Romish church imparts the +spiritual consecration, yet in this respect only the mystical usages +introduced in recent centuries were abandoned, and the ritual restored +to the form used in more primitive times, especially in the African +church. But it was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> +surely a violent change, when those who wished to +receive consecration were now previously asked, whether their inward +call agreed both with the will of the Redeemer and the law of the land; +they were required to assent to the principle that Scripture contains +all which it is necessary for man to know, and to pledge themselves to +guard against any doctrine not in conformity with Scripture. It is +generally believed, and the fact is of lasting importance, that the +Convocation of the clergy, a commission of the spiritualty, the +Primate-Archbishop and a number of bishops, took part in the change; but +yet the decisive decrees went forth from the Parliament, to which the +spiritual power had been irrevocably attached since Henry VIII, and +sometimes from the Privy Council alone. To establish a normal form of +doctrine, men set to work to compose a Confession, which was completed +at that time in forty-two Articles. There had been a wish that +Melanchthon should have come over in person to aid in composing it; at +any rate his labours had much influence in deciding the shape it took. +The Articles belong to the class of Confessions, as they were then +framed in Saxony by Melanchthon, in Swabia by Brenz, to be laid before +the coming Council. And it is just in this that their value lies, that +by them England attached herself most closely to the Protestant +community on the Continent. They are the work of Cranmer, who was +entrusted with their composition by the King and Privy Council, and +communicated his labours first to the King's tutor, Cheke, and the +Secretary of State, Cecil: in conjunction with them he next laid them +before the King; with the assistance of some chaplains their final form +was given them; then the Privy Council ordered them to be subscribed. +The influence of the government on the nominations to the office of +bishop was now still more open: the bishops were to hold office as long +as they conducted themselves well,—in other words, as long as the +ruling powers were content with them: the church jurisdiction was no +longer administered in the name of the bishopric, but, like the temporal +jurisdiction, in the King's name and under the King's seal; when they +proceeded to revise the church laws, the primary maxim was, not to admit +anything that contravened +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> +the temporal laws.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> +The use of the power of the keys was also derived by Cranmer from the permission of the +sovereign. Against this ever-increasing dependence some bishops of the +old views made a struggle; to avoid coming into direct conflict with the +supremacy, which they had acknowledged, they put forth the assertion +that it could not be exercised by a King under age; they connived at the +mass being read in side-chapels of their cathedrals, or refused to allow +the change of the altars into communion-tables, or kept alive the +controversy as to the doctrine of faith. The government on their side +persisted in enforcing uniformity. They brought all opponents before a +commission consisting of secular as well as ecclesiastical dignities, +which had no scruple in pronouncing the deprivation of the bishops: a +fate which befell Gardiner of Winchester, Bonner of London, Day of +Chichester, Heath of Worcester. In vain did they plead that the court +before which they were brought was not a canonical one; the government +appealed to the general rights of the temporal power as it had once been +exercised by the Roman Emperors. In the conflict of church opinions the +Protestant-minded prelates now had the upper hand. Many who did not +conform bought toleration from the government by sacrifices of money and +goods. Elsewhere the newly-appointed bishops assented to concessions +which did not always profit even the crown, but sometimes, as at +Lichfield, private persons.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> +Already the further question was +discussed whether there is in fact any essential distinction between +bishops and presbyters: a church of foreigners was set up in London, to +present a pattern of the pure apostolic constitution as an example to +the country. The government which had acquired such a thorough mastery +over the clergy developed an open disinclination to the old forms of +constitution in the church. Who could have said, so long as things +remained in the path thus once entered upon, whither this would lead?</p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Froude iv. 515 (extracts from the documents).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Collier ii. 220 (Records lii).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Proclamation of 8 July 1549 in Tytler, England under +Edward VI and Mary I, p. 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> The point of view under which it was drawn up appears in +a declaration inserted in the edition of 1549: 'the most weighty cause +of the abolishment of certain ceremonies was, that they were abused +partly by the superstitious blindness of the unlearned, and partly by +unsatiable avarice.—Where the old (ceremonies) may be well used there +they [their opponents] cannot reprove the old only for their age. They +ought rather to have reverence unto them for their antiquity, if they +will declare themselves to be more studious of unity and concord, than +of innovations and newfangleness which—is always to be eschewed.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> 12 Sept. 1547 in Halliwell ii. 31. Cranmer appointed a +prayer in church for the marriage of Edward and Mary, 'to confound all +those, which labour to the lett and interruption of so godly a quiet and +amity.' In Somerset's prayer printed, since the first edition of this +book, in Froude v. 47, it is said: 'Look upon the small portion of the +earth, which professeth thy holy name; especially have an eye to thy +small isle of Britain;—that the Scotismen and we might thereafter live +in one love and amity, knit into one nation by the marriage of the +King's Majesty and the young Scotish Queen.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Godwin, Rerum Anglicarum Annales 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Proofs in Froude v. 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> So Queen Elizabeth tells us. Ellis, Letters ii. ii. 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Cecil however was not the first Master of Requests: +Thomas More already appears under this title; Nares, Life of Burghley i. +179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> 'You have suffered the rebels to lie in camp and armour +against the King his nobles and gentlemen; you did comfort divers of the +said rebels.' Articles against the Lord Protector, in Strype, Memorials +of Cranmer ii. 342.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Marillac 26 Oct. 1549. 'Ceux-ci (at the Emperor's court) +font une merveilleuse demonstration de joye de ce que le protecteur est +abattu.' In Turnbull, Calendar of State Papers 1861 p. 47 an Instruction +of the Council is mentioned, 'to acquaint the Emperor with the +proceeding taken against the Duke of Somerset.' We should like to be +better informed about this Instruction, in which too the Emperor was +asked for aid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Soranzo, Relatione d'Inghilterra 1554. 'Per posseder la +sua grazia ben amplamente, non solo faceva qualche spettacolo, per +dargli piacere, ma gli diede liberta di danari.' Florentine Collection +viii. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> As he advises a friend: 'Apply yourself to riding +shooting or tennis—not forgetting sometimes when you have leisure, your +learning, chiefly reading the Scripture.' Halliwell ii. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Wheatly in Soames, History of the Reformation iii. 604.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> In the commission of 32 members (bishops, divines, +civilians, lawyers) we find the names of Will. Cecil, Will Peters, +Thomas Smith.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Compare Heylin, History of the Reformation 50, 101.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_VII" id="BII_VII"></a> +TRANSFER OF THE GOVERNMENT TO A CATHOLIC QUEEN.</p> + +<p>We can easily see how the power of the crown, founded by the first +Tudor, and developed by the second through the emancipation from the +Papacy, was further strengthened under the third. From Edward VI we have +essays, in which he speaks about the spiritual and temporal government +with the consciousness of a sovereign, whose actions depend only on +himself. In the Homilies, which obtained legal sanction, there is found +an express condemnation of resistance to the King, 'for Godes sake, from +whom Kings are, and for orders sake.'</p> + +<p>Whilst men were now expecting that Edward VI would arrive at manhood, +and take the government completely into his own hands, and conduct it in +the sense he had hitherto foreshadowed—not merely carrying out the +Reformation thoroughly at home, but assuming the leadership of the +Protestant world, symptoms appeared in him of the malady to which his +half-brother Richmond had succumbed at an early age. But how then if the +same fate befell him? According to Henry VIII's arrangement Mary was +then to ascend the throne who, through her descent from Queen Catharine +and from an inborn disposition which had become all the more confirmed +by her opposition to her father and brother, represented the Catholic +and Spanish interest. Nothing else could be expected but that she would +employ the whole power of the State in support of her own views, would, +so far as it could possibly be done, bring back the church to its +earlier form, would depress the men who had hitherto played a great part +by the side of the King and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> +subject them to the opposite faction. But +were they quietly to acquiesce in their fate?</p> + +<p>The ambition of the Duke of Northumberland associated itself with the +great interests of religion, to prevent the threatening ruin. He +persuaded the young King that it lay in his power to alter his father's +settlement of the succession, as in itself not conformable to law, +neither Mary nor the younger sister Elizabeth being entitled to the +throne, as the two marriages from which they sprang had been declared +illegal, and a bastard could not be made capable of wearing the English +crown by any act of Parliament. Henry VIII had in his settlement of the +succession passed over the descendants of his elder sister, married in +Scotland, as foreigners, but acknowledged those of the younger, Mary of +Suffolk, as the next heirs after his own children. Mary's elder daughter +Frances had married Henry Grey of Dorset, who had already obtained the +title of Suffolk, and had three daughters, the eldest of whom was Jane +Grey. It was to her, whom the Duke of Northumberland married to one of +his sons, that he now directed the King's attention, and induced him to +prefer her to his sisters. Yet it was not so much to herself in person +as to her male issue that Edward's attention was originally directed. +Never yet had a Queen ruled in England in her own right, and even now +there was a wish to avoid it. Edward arranged that, if he himself died +without male heirs, the male heirs of Lady Frances, and if she too left +none, then those of Lady Jane, should succeed. He hoped still to live +till such an heir should be eighteen years old, in which case he could +enter on the government immediately after himself. If his death occurred +earlier, Jane was to conduct the administration during the interval, not +as Queen but as Regent, and conjointly with a Council of government +still to be named by him.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> +This Council of executors was to avoid +all war, all other change, and especially not to alter the established +religion in any point: rather it was to devote itself to completing the +ecclesiastical legislation in conformity +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> +with that religion, and to the abolition of the Papal +claims.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> +We see that Edward's view was, like +that of many other sovereigns, to secure the continuance of his +political and religious system of government for long years after his +own death. The members of the Privy Council, before whom these +arrangements were laid in the King's handwriting, promised on their oath +and their honour to carry them out in every article, and to defend them +with all their power.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> + +<p>And if the affair had been undertaken in this manner, who could say that +it might not have succeeded? Northumberland did not neglect to form a +strong family interest in favour of the new combination that he +designed. He married his own daughter to Lord Hastings, who was +descended from the house of York, and one of Jane's sisters with the son +of the powerful Earl of Pembroke. He could reckon on the support of the +King of France, to whom the succession of a niece of the Emperor was +odious, and on the consent of the Privy Council, which was in great part +dependent on him; how could the Protestant feeling have failed to gain +him a large party in the country, especially since something might be +said for the plan itself.</p> + +<p>But Edward VI's malady developed quicker than was expected. At the last +moment he was further induced to award the succession not to the male +heirs of Lady Jane, but to herself and her male +heirs.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> +He died with the prayer that God would guard England from the Papacy.</p> + +<p>Lady Jane Grey had hitherto devoted her days to study. For father and +mother were severe and found much in her to blame: on the other hand +quiet hours of inward satisfaction were given her by the instructions of +a teacher, always alike kindly disposed, who initiated her into learning +and an acquaintance with literature: bending over her Plato, she did not +miss the amusement of the chase which others were enjoying +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> +in the Park. After her marriage too, which did not make her exactly happy, she still +lived thus with her thoughts withdrawn from the world, when she was one +day summoned to Sion-House where she found a great and brilliant +assembly. She still knew nothing of the King's death. What were her +feelings, when she was told that Edward VI was dead; that to secure the +kingdom from the Popish faith and the government of his two sisters who +were not legitimate, he had declared her, Lady Jane, his heiress, and +when the great dignitaries of the realm bent their knees and reverenced +her as their Queen! At times they had already talked to her of her claim +to the throne, but she had never thought much of it. When it now thus +became a reality, her whole soul was overcome by it: she fell to the +ground and burst into a flood of tears. Whether she had a full right to +the throne, she could not judge: what she felt was her incapacity to +rule. But whilst she uttered this, a different feeling passed through +her, as she has told us herself: she prayed in the depths of her soul +that, if the highest office belonged to her legally, God might give her +the grace to administer it to his honour. The next day she betook +herself by water to the Tower, and received the homage offered her. The +heralds proclaimed her accession in the capital.</p> + +<p>But here this proclamation was received in silence and even with +murmurs. The succession had been settled by Henry VIII on the basis of +an act of Parliament: nothing else was expected but that this would be +adhered to, and Mary succeed her brother: that Edward without any legal +authorisation of a similar kind had now put a distant relative in his +sister's place, seemed an open robbery of the lawful heir. It made no +impression, that at the proclamation men were reminded of the Popery of +the Princess Mary and her intention to restore the Papal power. +Religious discord had not yet become so strong in England as to make men +forget the fundamental principles of right on its account. The man who +brought the princess the first news of Edward's death (which was still +kept secret) remarks expressly in telling it, that he did not love her +religion but abhorred the attempt to set aside lawful heirs. Mary +prudently betook herself to Norfolk, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> +where she had the most determined friends, to a castle on the sea; so as to be able, if her opponent +should maintain the upper hand, to escape to the Emperor. But every one +declared for her, the Catholics who saw in her the born champion of +their religion and were strongest in those very districts, and the +Protestants to whom the princess made some, though not binding, +promises; she was proclaimed Queen in Norwich. If the Duke of +Northumberland wished to carry out his projects, it was necessary for +him to suppress this movement by force. He at once took the field for +this purpose, with a fine body of artillery and two thousand infantry, +and occupied a position in the neighbourhood of Cambridge.</p> + +<p>It seemed as though the crown would once more be fought for in open +field just as it had been a century before, and that in fact, just as +then, the neighbouring powers would interfere. On Northumberland's side +French help was expected; on the other hand application was already made +to the Emperor to send armed troops over the sea to his +cousin.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> +It was not however this time to reach such a point: while the combination +attempted in favour of Jane Grey met with strong popular resistance, it +was shattered to pieces by internal discord. If the new Queen had such a +good right as they told her, she would share it with none, not even with +her husband; she would not appear as a creature of the Dudleys and a +tool of their ambition: she would only name him a duke and would not +allow him to be crowned with her as King. We recognise in this her high +idea of the kingly power and its divine right; but we can also easily +conceive that the discord which broke out on this point in the family +could not but act on the members of the Privy Council, of whom only a +section were in complete understanding with Northumberland, while the +rest had merely yielded to the ascendancy of his power. While the duke +was expecting armed reinforcements from London, a complete revolution +took place there: under +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> +the management of the Privy Council Mary was +proclaimed Queen, and a summons sent to Northumberland to submit to her. +The fleet which was destined to prevent Mary's flight had already +declared for her; the troops which were called out in the counties to +fight against her crossed over to her side; in Northumberland's camp the +same opinion gained the upper hand: the duke felt himself incapable of +withstanding it: he allowed himself to be carried along by it like the +rest. Men saw the extraordinary spectacle of the man who had marched out +to destroy Mary now ordering her accession to be proclaimed in his +encampment, he accompanied the herald and himself cried out Mary's +name.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> +These English nobles have boundless ambition, they grasp with +bold hand at the highest prizes: but they have no inner power of +resistance, as against the course of events and public opinion they have +no will of their own. However the duke might behave, he could not save +either his freedom or his life. Soon afterwards Mary entered London amid +the joyous shouts of the people. She was still united as closely as +possible with her sister Elizabeth: they appeared together hand in hand. +Jane Grey remained as a prisoner in the Tower, which she had entered as +Queen. Never did the natural right of succession, as it was established +by the testator of the inheritance and the Parliament, obtain a greater +triumph.</p> + +<p>After the succession was decided, the great questions of government came +into the foreground, above all the question what position Mary should +take up with regard to religious matters.</p> + +<p>Among the Protestants the opinion prevailed that it could not yet be +known whether she would not let religion remain in the state in which +she found it. Towns where the Protestant feeling was strongest joyfully +attached themselves to her in this expectation.</p> + +<p>Her cousin, the Emperor Charles, who justly regarded her accession as a +victory, and who from the first moment exercised the greatest influence +on her resolutions, advised her before +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> +all things to moderate her +Catholic zeal. She should reflect that many of the lords by whom she was +now supported, a part of the Privy Council, and the people of London, +were Protestants, and guard against estranging them. She should at once +call a Parliament to show that she meant to rule in the accustomed +manner, and take care that the Northern counties, as well as Cornwall, +where men still held the most firmly to Catholicism, were represented in +it.</p> + +<p>This good advice was not without influence on the Queen. In a tumult +which arose two days after her arrival in the city, she had the Lord +Mayor summoned in order to tell him that she would force no man's +conscience, she hoped that the people would through good instruction +come back to the religion which she herself professed with full +conviction. When she repeated this soon after in a proclamation, she +added that these things must shortly be ordered by common consent. But +of what kind this order would be, there could be already no doubt after +these words: she desired a change, but intended to bring it about in a +legal manner.</p> + +<p>In all the steps taken by her government her Catholic sympathies +predominated. She felt no scruple in using the spiritual rights, which +the constitution gave her, in favour of Catholicism. As 'Head of the +Church next under God,' Mary forbade all preaching and interpretation of +Scripture without special permission. But she entrusted the power of +giving this permission to the same Bishop Gardiner who had offered the +most persevering resistance to the Protestant tendencies of the previous +government. The antagonism between the bishops entered again on an +entirely new phase: the Catholics rose, the Protestants were depressed +to the uttermost. Tonstal, Heath, and Day were, like Gardiner, restored +to their sees on the ground of the protests lodged against the +proceedings taken with reference to them at their deprivation, protests +which were regarded as valid. Ridley had to give up the see of London +again to Bonner: the Bishops of Gloucester and Exeter experienced the +royal displeasure; not merely Latimer but also Cranmer were imprisoned +in the Tower. Everywhere the images were replaced, in many churches the +celebration of the mass was revived. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> +Those preachers who declared +themselves against it had to follow their bishops to prison. The +Calvinistic model-congregation was dissolved. The foreign scholars +quitted the country; and their most zealous followers also fled to the +continent before the coming storm of persecution.</p> + +<p>At the beginning of October the Queen's coronation took place with the +old customary ceremonies, for which the Emperor's leading minister, +Granvella, Bishop of Arras, sent over a vase of consecrated oil, on the +mystical meaning of which great stress was again laid. The Queen had +some scruples about the coronation, as she wished previously to get rid +of her title, 'Head of the Church': but the Emperor saw danger in delay; +he thought the declaration she had in the deepest secrecy made to the +Roman See, that she meant to re-establish its authority, removed any +religious scruple. He fully approved of the coronation preceding the +Parliament, and recommended the Queen, in virtue of her constitutional +right, without any delay to name bishops and prelates, who might be +useful to her at its impending meeting.</p> + +<p>But the supreme power once constituted, as formerly in the civil wars, +so also in the times of the Reformation movement, had always exercised a +decisive influence on the composition of the Parliamentary assemblies; +would not this then be the case when it had declared itself again +Catholic? No doubt the government, at the head of which Gardiner +appeared as Lord Chancellor, used all the means at its disposal to guide +the elections according to its views. It appears to have been with the +same motive that the Queen in a proclamation, which generally breathed +nothing but benevolence, remitted payment of the subsidies last voted +under her brother. Yet we can hardly attribute the result wholly to +this. Parliamentary elections are wont to receive their impulse from the +mistakes of the last administration and the evils that have come to +light: and much had undeniably been done under Edward VI which could not +but call forth discontent. The ferment at home was increased by +financial disorder: church property had suffered enormous losses. But +above all the supreme power had taken a sudden start in breaking through +its ancient bounds. And, last of all, the Protestant +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> +tendencies had +allied themselves with an undertaking which ran directly counter to the +customary law and to previous Parliamentary enactments. And so it might +come to pass that the same feelings swayed the elections which had +mainly brought about Mary's accession.</p> + +<p>But, after all, the result of these elections was not such as to make a +complete return to the Papal authority probable. The Emperor Charles, +who mainly guided the Queen's steps, warned her from attempting it. She +had prayed him to communicate to her the Pope's declarations issued in +favour of her hereditary right: he sent them to her, but with the advice +to make no use of them, since they might involve her in difficulties +without end. It seemed to him sufficient if the Parliament simply +repealed the enactments which had formerly been passed respecting the +invalidity of her mother's marriage with her father. In the bill which +was drawn up on this point in the Upper House it was merely stated that +the marriage, in itself valid and approved by the wisest persons of the +realm, had been made displeasing to the King through evil influences and +annulled by a sentence of Archbishop Cranmer, on whom the greatest blame +fell. To many men this seemed already going too far, since together with +the dispensation the old church authority was again recognised: but as +there was not a word about the Pope in it, this was less apparent: the +bill was passed unanimously. The act might be regarded as a political +one. On the other hand religion was very directly affected by the +proposal to repeal the alterations in the church service which had been +introduced under Edward VI, and to abolish the Common Prayer-book. On +this ensued the hottest conflict. Once the proposal had to be laid +aside: when it was resumed, the debate on it lasted six days: a third of +the members were steadily against it. But in the majority the opinion +again prevailed that Henry VIII's church constitution—retention of the +Catholic doctrines and emancipation from the Papacy—was the most +suitable for England: a resolution was carried to the effect that only +such books as were in use under Henry VIII should be henceforth used in +the church. The new forms of divine service, which contained a clearly +marked body of doctrine, were abolished and the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> +old ones restored.</p> + +<p>The position which the Parliament took up in relation to another +scarcely less important question coincided with this sense of national +independence.</p> + +<p>It was a very widespread wish in England that the Queen should give her +hand to young Courtenay, son of that Marquis of Exeter who had himself +once thought of marrying Mary against her father's wishes. He was a +young man of suitable age, handsome figure, and mental activity; Mary +had not merely freed him from the prison in which her brother had kept +him, but also endowed him with the Earldom of Devon, one of his father's +possessions; in this act many saw a token of personal inclination. +Bishop Gardiner was decidedly in his favour, and we can conceive how a +great ecclesiastic, who had the power of the state in his hands, wished +to altogether exclude every foreign influence; he of course knew that +Courtenay would also conform in church matters.</p> + +<p>Gardiner spoke once with the Queen about it and was very pressing: she +was absolutely against it. The old chronicle is entirely in error when +it repeats the then widespread rumour of Mary's inclination for +Courtenay. Mary told the Imperial ambassador that she was altogether +ignorant of what love was; she had never seen Courtenay but once in her +life, at the moment when she released him. She intended to marry, since +she was assured that the welfare of the realm required it, but not an +Englishman, not one who was a subject. As in other things, so in this, +she requested the Emperor to give her his advice.</p> + +<p>Charles V would not have been absolutely against the plan of his cousin +giving her hand to an English lord, whom England might obey more easily +than a stranger: but, when she showed such an aversion to it, he did not +hesitate for a moment as to what advice to give her. One of his +brother's sons was taken into consideration, but rejected by him on the +ground that there was already much ill-will against Spain stirring in +the Netherlands, and a union of the German line with England might some +day make it difficult for his own son to maintain those provinces: he +therefore proposed him to the Queen. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> +Don Philip, not yet thirty but +already a widower for the second time, was just then negociating for a +marriage with a Portuguese princess. These negociations were broken off +and counter ones opened with England. Mary showed a joyful inclination +to it at the first word: it was to this that her secret thoughts had +turned.</p> + +<p>It looked as if the dynastic union of the Burgundian-Spanish house with +the English, which was also a political alliance and had been violently +broken off at the same time with that alliance, would now be restored +more closely than before, and this time for ever. Men took up the idea +that Philip's eldest son was to continue the Spanish line, as Ferdinand +and his sons the German, but that from the new marriage, if it should be +blest with offspring, an English line of the house of Burgundy was to +proceed: a prospect of the extension of the power of England and of her +influence on the continent, which it was expected would set aside all +opposition.</p> + +<p>In England however every voice was against it, among nobles and commons, +people and Parliament, high and low. The imperial court fully believed +that it was Gardiner who brought the matter forward in Parliament. The +House resolved to send a deputation to the Queen with the request that +she would marry an Englishman. Mary, who had as high an idea of her +prerogative as any of her predecessors or successors, felt herself +almost insulted; she interrupted the speech as soon as she understood +its purport, and declared that Parliament was taking too much on itself +in wishing to give her advice in this matter: only with God, from whom +she derived her crown, would she take counsel +thereon.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> +When the Parliament, not satisfied with this, prepared a fresh application to +her, it was dissolved.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> +But if this happened among men who adhered to her views in other +points, what would those say who saw themselves, contrary to their +expectation, oppressed and endangered by the Queen's measures in +religious matters?</p> + +<p>The agitation was so general that men caught at the hope of putting an +end to all that was begun by a sudden rising. We find a statement which +must not be lightly rejected, that the English nobility, which had taken +great part in the Reformation movement and put itself in possession of +much church property, came to an understanding at Christmas 1553, and +decided on a general rising on the next Palm Sunday, 18th +March:<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> +thus doing as the French, German, Netherlandish and Scotch nobility had +done, who took the initiative in this matter. In Cornwall Peter Carew +was to have the lead, in the Midland Counties the Duke of Suffolk, in +Kent Thomas Wyatt. As the Queen's Privy Council was even now not +unanimous, they hoped to bring about an overthrow of the government +before it was yet firmly established: and either to compel the Queen to +dismiss her evil counsellors and give up the Spanish marriage, or if she +remained obstinate to put her sister Elizabeth in her place, who would +then marry Courtenay. The French, who saw in the Queen's marriage with +the prince of Spain a danger for themselves, urged on the movement, and +had a secret understanding with the rebels; their plan was to support it +by an incursion from Scotland where they were then the masters, and an +attack on Calais.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> +But as often happens with such comprehensive +plans, the government detected them; the attempt to carry them out had +to be made before the preparations were complete; in most of the places +where an effort was made it was suppressed without much trouble. Carew +fled to France; Suffolk, who in vain tried to draw Coventry over to his +side, was captured. On the other hand Sir Thomas Wyatt'<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span>s rising in Kent +was formidable. He collected a couple of thousand men, defeated the +royal troops, some of whom joined him, and as he had the sympathies of a +great part of the inhabitants of London with him, he attempted forthwith +an attack on the capital. But the new order of things had too firm a +legal foundation to be so easily overthrown. The Queen betook herself to +the Guildhall and addressed the assembled people, decided as she was and +confident in the goodness of her cause; the general feeling was in +favour of supporting her. All armed for defence. For a couple of days, +during which Wyatt lay before the city, every one was under arms, mayor, +aldermen and people; the lawyers went to the courts with armour under +their robes: priests were seen celebrating mass with mail under their +church vestments. The Queen had some trustworthy troops, whose leader, +the Earl of Pembroke, told her he would never show his face to her again +if he did not free her from these rebels. When Wyatt at last appeared in +Hyde Park with exhausted and badly fed men, he was met and beaten by an +overwhelming body of Pembroke's troops; with a part of his followers he +was driven into the city, and there made prisoner without much +bloodshed.</p> + +<p>It has always been reckoned to the Queen's credit that amid the alarm of +these days she never quitted the unfortified palace. She had now an +opportunity to rid herself completely of Northumberland's faction. Jane +Grey, whose name at least had been mentioned, her father Suffolk, her +uncle Thomas Grey, were executed; Wyatt also and a great number of the +prisoners paid for their rebellion with their +lives.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> King Edward: My devise for the succession: in 'Chronicle +of Queen Anna, with illustrative documents and notes' by Nicholls, 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> King Edward's Minutes for his last will. In 'Chronicle of +Queen Anna, with illustrative documents and notes' by Nicholls, 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Engagement of the council, the signatures all autograph. +Ibid. 90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> This was done by a correction. The original text was 'to +the Lady Jane's heires masle;' instead of 'Jane's,' the King now wrote +'to the Lady Jane and her h. m. (Nares' Burghley i. 452. Nicholls, 87.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Lettre écrite à l'empereur par ses ambassadeurs en +Angleterre 19 Juill. Luy (au roi de France) sera facile, d'envoyer 2 ou +3 m. Français et quelques gens de chevaux. Plusieurs de ce royaume sont +d'opinion, si V. M. assistoit ma dite dame (Mary) de gens et de secours +contre le dit duc, la dite dame ne diminueroit en rien l'affection du +peuple.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Proclama avec le dict herault Mm. Marie à haute voix. +Lettre des ambassadeurs a l'empereur. Papiers d'état de Granvelle iv. +58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> To the reports of the French and Spanish ambassadors +(compare Ambassades de M<sup>ss</sup>. de Noailles en Angleterre ii. 269, Turner +ii. 204, Froude vi. 124) may be added that of the Venetian: 'ch'ella si +consiglierebbe con dio e non con altri.' I combine this with Noailles' +account; for these ambassadors were immediately informed by their +friends of the deputation and have noted down that part of the Queen's +speech which made most impression on the bystanders.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Soranzo Relatione 79, a testimony worth consideration, as +Soranzo stood in a certain connexion with the rebels.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> So Simon Renard reports 24th Feb. 1553-4 to the Emperor +after Wyatt's confession. 'Le roy feroit emprinse de coustel d'Escosse +et de coustel de Guyenne (it should without doubt be Guisnes) et +Calais': in Tytler ii. 207. Wyatt's statements in the 'State Trials' +refer to a confession which is not given there, and from which the +ambassador may have taken his account.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Renard à l'empereur, 8 Feb. The communications in Tytler, +which come from Brussels, and the Papiers d'état de Granvelle, which +come from Besançon, supplement each other, yet even when taken both +together they are still not quite complete.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BII_VIII" id="BII_VIII"></a> +THE CATHOLIC-SPANISH GOVERNMENT.</p> + +<p>The effort to overthrow Mary's throne had strengthened it: for the +second time she had rallied around it the preponderant majority of the +nation. And this was all the more surprising, since no one could doubt +any longer in what direction the Queen's exclusive religious views would +lead her. In her victory she saw a divine providence, by which it was +made doubly her duty to persevere, without looking back, in the path she +had once taken. In full understanding with her Gardiner proceeded +without further scruple, in the Parliament which met in April 1554, to +attempt to carry through the two points on which all else depended, the +abrogation of the Queen's spiritual title, which implied restoration of +the Pope's authority, and the revival of the old laws against heretics. +These views and proposals however met with unexpected opposition, both +in the nation, and no less in the Privy Council and Parliament, +especially in the Upper House. The lay lords did not wish to make the +bishops so powerful again as they had once been, and rejected the +restoration of the Pope's authority unless they previously had security +for their possession of the confiscated church property. The first +proposition could not, so far as can be seen, even be properly brought +forward:<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> +the second, the revival of the heresy laws, was accepted +by the Commons over whom Gardiner exercised great influence, but the +Peers threw it out. It was especially Lords Paget and Arundel who +opposed Gardiner's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> +proposals in the Privy Council and the Lords and +caused their rejection.</p> + +<p>Only in one thing were the two parties united, in recognising the +marriage contract concluded with Spain: it was passed unanimously by +Parliament.</p> + +<p>In July 1554 Don Philip reached England with a numerous fleet, divided +into three squadrons, with a brilliant suite on board. At Southampton +the leader of one of the two parties, the Earl of Arundel, received him; +Bishop Gardiner, the leader of the other, gave the blessing of the +church to the marriage in Winchester cathedral. The day before the +Emperor had resigned the crown of Naples to his son, to make him equal +with the Queen in rank. How grand it sounded, when the king-at-arms +proclaimed the united titles: Philip and Mary, King and Queen of +England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, Ireland! A title with an almost +Plantagenet sound, but which now however only denoted the closest union +between the Spanish monarchy and the Catholics of England. Philip was +solicitous to gain over the different parties and classes of England: +for he had been told that England was a popular monarchy. He belied his +Spanish gravity and showed himself, despite the stiffness that was his +natural characteristic, affable to every man: he tried to make the +impression, and successfully, that he desired the prosperity of England. +One of the chief resources of the time, that of securing the most +considerable persons by means of pensions, he made use of to a great +extent. Both parties were provided for by annual payments and presents, +Pembroke and Arundel as well as Derby and Rochester. We are assured that +this liberality exercised a very advantageous influence on the +disposition of the country.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> +Gardiner looked on it as a slight, that +he was passed over in the list, for these pensions were considered at +that time an honour, but this did not prevent him from praising the +m<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span>arriage in his sermons as ordained by heaven for the restoration of +religion.</p> + +<p>All now depended on whether the King's influence would be sufficient to +carry at the next meeting of Parliament in November, the proposals which +had been rejected in the last session.</p> + +<p>But for this, according to the view not merely of the English lords, but +of the imperial ambassador and of the Emperor himself, a previous +condition was indispensable. The English nobles must be relieved from +all apprehension lest the confiscated ecclesiastical property should +ever again be wrested from them. Cardinal Pole had been already for some +time residing in the Netherlands: but he was told that his arrival in +England would be not merely fruitless but detrimental unless he brought +with him a sufficient dispensation with regard to this. In Rome the +concession was opposed on the ground that it would be setting a bad +precedent. But when it was pointed out that the English confiscations +did not touch any church lands, but only monastic property, and still +more that without this concession the restoration of obedience to the +church could not be attained, Pope Julius III yielded to the request. +Two less comprehensive forms were rejected by the Emperor: at last one +was granted which would satisfy the English. The form of the absolution +which the Pope was to bestow after their submission was previously +arranged: it was agreed to avoid everything that could remind men of the +old pretensions and awaken the national antipathies.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the elections to Parliament were completed. The proclamation +issued gives the ruling points of view without reserve. An invitation to +elect Catholic members of merit was coupled with the assurance that +there was no intention of disturbing any kind of property. The means +lately used for preventing any hostile influence were not yet +sufficient: the advice was given from Brussels to go back to the older +and stricter forms.</p> + +<p>The leading men of the Upper House were won over: there could be no +doubt about the tone of the Lower. At their first sitting a resolution +to release Cardinal +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> +Pole from the attainder that weighed on him, and +invite him to return to England, passed without opposition. Now the +Emperor had no longer any scruple in letting him go. He said as to this +very matter, that what is undertaken at the wrong time hinders the +result which might else have been expected; everything has its time: the +time for this appeared to him now come. From Philip we have a letter to +his sister Juana in which he extols himself with much satisfaction for +the share he had taken in recalling the cardinal and restoring the Papal +authority. 'I and the most illustrious Queen,' he says in it, 'commanded +the Parliament of the three Estates of the realm to recall him; we +especially used our efforts with the chief among them to induce them to +consent to the cardinal's return: at our order prelates and knights +escorted him to our Court, where he has delivered to us the Breve of his +Holiness.'—'We then through the Chancellor of the realm informed the +Estates of what seemed to us becoming, above all how much it concerned +themselves to come to a conclusion that would give peace to their +conscience.'<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p> + +<p>The Parliament declared itself ready to return to the obedience of the +Roman See, and repeal all the statutes against it, provided that the +cardinal pronounced a general dispensation, that every man might keep +without scruple the ecclesiastical property which had fallen to his +share.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> +On this understanding Cardinal Pole was allowed to exercise +his legatine power, and the King and Queen were entreated to intercede +that the absolution might be bestowed.</p> + +<p>With heartfelt joy Cardinal Pole pronounced it without delay, first at a +meeting of the Parliament in the palace, then with greater solemnity at +S. Paul's at a high mass attended by the Court with a brilliant suite; +among those present were the knights who wore the Burgundian order of +the Golden Fleece, and those who wore the English Order of the Garter. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> +The King stood by the Chancellor when from the outer corridor of the +church he announced the event and its motives to the great crowds there +assembled. It made an impression on the imperial ambassadors that no +outward sign of discontent was heard.</p> + +<p>The agreement that now followed bears more of a juridical than of a +religious character. The jurisdiction was given back to the Pope which +he possessed before the twentieth year of Henry VIII (1529): the +statutes by which it was abolished were severally enumerated and +repealed: on the other hand the Pope's legate in his name consented that +the owners of church property should not be disturbed in their +possession, either now or at any future time, either by church councils +or by Papal decrees. Such property was henceforth to be quite as +exclusively subject to the jurisdiction of the crown as any other; +whoever dared to call in question the validity of the title in any +spiritual court whatever, within or without the realm, was to be +punished as an enemy of the Queen. The cardinal legate strove long to +prevent the two enactments, as to the restoration of obedience and the +title to the ecclesiastical property, from being combined together in +one Act, since it might look as if the Pope's concession was the price +of this obedience to him; he once said, he would rather let all remain +as it was and go back to Rome than yield on this point. But the English +nobility adhered immoveably to its demand; it wished to prevent all +danger of the restoration of obedience becoming in any way detrimental +to its acquisitions, an object which was clearly best secured by +combining both enactments in a single statute, so that they must stand +or fall together; even the King's representations effected no alteration +in this; the cardinal had to comply.</p> + +<p>On the other hand the King's influence, if we believe himself, had all +possible success in the other affair, which was at any rate not less +weighty. 'With the intervention of the Parliament,' he continues in the +above-mentioned letter, 'we have made a law, I and the most illustrious +Queen, for the punishment of heretics and all enemies of holy church; we +have revived the old ordinances of the realm, which will serve this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> +purpose very well.' It was more especially the statute against the +Lollards, by which Henry V had entered into the closest alliance with +the hierarchy, that was to be re-enacted by Parliament. Gardiner had not +been able to carry it through in the previous session, though it was +known that the Queen wished it. Under the King's influence, who was +accustomed to the execution of heretics in Spain, the Lords after some +deliberation let their objections drop and accepted the bill.</p> + +<p>If we put together these four great Acts, the abolition of the Common +Prayer-book, the Spanish marriage, the restoration of obedience to Rome, +and the revival of the heresy laws, we could hardly doubt the intention +of the members of the government, and of the Parliament, to return +completely to the ancient political and religious state of things. With +some members such an intention may have been the predominant one: to +assume it in all, or even in the majority, would be an +error.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> + +<p>The agreement then legalised as to ecclesiastical property, and the +abolition of the monastic system, already formed such an anomaly in the +Roman Catholic church, that the ecclesiastical condition of England +would have always retained a very abnormal character. And the obedience +expressed was by no means complete. For it should have included above +all a recognition of that right of dispensation, about which the +original quarrel had broken out, and the revocation of the order of +succession which was based on its rejection. In fact Gardiner's +intention was to bring matters to this; being besides a great enemy and +even persecutor of Elizabeth, he wished to see her illegitimacy +pronounced in due form;<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> +the resolutions passed seemed necessarily +to lead to it. Men however did not proceed this time so logically in +England. They did not wish to base the future state of the realm on +Papal decrees, but on the ordinances once +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> +enacted by King and Parliament. They could not deceive themselves as to the fact that +Elizabeth, though she conformed outwardly, yet remained true at heart to +the Protestant faith; but not on that account would the Parliament deny +her right to the English throne. It also by no means entertained exactly +Spanish sentiments. The Emperor expressed the wish that his son might be +crowned: his ambassador's advice however was against proposing it in +Parliament; since, with the high ideas entertained in England of the +rights implied in the coronation, this would never be allowed. In the +event of the Queen's dying before Philip, and leaving children, the +guardianship was reserved to him: but even for this object conditions +had been originally proposed which would have been much more +advantageous to him: these the Upper House threw out. So little was even +then the policy of the Queen and King at the same time the policy of the +nation and Parliament. In the Privy Council the old discords continued. +The government obtained a greater unity by the fact that Gardiner, who +now followed the Queen's lead in every respect, carried most of the +members with him by the authority which her favour gave him. As Paget +and Arundel, since they could effect nothing, refused to appear any +more, there always remained a secret support for the discontent that was +stirring. In the beginning of 1555 traces of a conspiracy in favour of +Courtenay were again detected: if the inquiry into it led to no +discovery, it was because—so it was thought—the commission entrusted +with it did not wish to make any.</p> + +<p>At this moment the revived heresy-laws began to be put into execution. +Prosecutions were instituted for statements that under another order of +things would have been considered as fully authorised. Still more than +to single offences was attention directed to any variations in doctrine. +In these proceedings we can remark the points which were then chiefly in +question.</p> + +<p>The first of the accused, one of the earliest and most influential of +the martyrs, John Rogers, was reminded of the article which speaks of +the faith in one holy catholic church; he replied that by it was meant +the universal church of all +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> +lands and times, not the Romish, which on +the contrary had deviated in many points from the main foundation of all +churches, Holy Scripture. Rowland Taylor, who gloried in a marriage +blest with children, which Gardiner would not acknowledge to be a +marriage at all, maintained that Christian antiquity had allowed the +marriage of priests. Gardiner accused him of ignorance. 'But,' said +Taylor, 'I have read the Holy Scripture, the Latin and the Greek +fathers;' a canon of the Nicene council, which was cited on the point, +he interpreted far more correctly than the bishop. John Hooper was +called in question because he held divorce to be permissible on the +ground given in Scripture, and because he found that the view of the +real presence had no foundation in +Scripture.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> +Their offence was the +conception of church-communion as resting on the foundation of Scripture +and extending therefore far beyond Romanism: the most telling defence +could not save them here, for only the carrying out of old laws was +concerned, and these unconditionally condemned such opinions. As the +condemned were being taken back by night to their prison, many +householders came out of their doors with lights in their hands, to +greet them with their prayers and thank them for their steadfastness: a +deep and sorrowful sympathy, but one which scarcely dared to utter +itself, and thus renounced the attempt to effect anything. Rogers +suffered death in London, Hooper at his episcopal see of Gloucester, +Taylor (who on the way showed as much good wit as Sir Thomas More had +formerly done) in his parish, Saunders at Coventry, Ferrar in the +market-place at Caermarthen. Their punishment, in every place where they +had taught, was intended to confirm the doctrines they had rejected. +There have been more bloody persecutions elsewhere: this was +distinguished by the fact that many of the more eminent men of the +nation became its victims. Among them, besides those we have named, were +Ridley, who was looked on as the most learned scholar in England, the +eloquent Latimer, Bradford a man of deep piety, Philpot who united +learning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> +and religion. How could Archbishop Cranmer, who had +contributed almost more than any one to carry through the Reformation, +who had pronounced the divorce of the Queen's mother, possibly find +mercy? He persuaded himself of it once; and, yielding as he was, allowed +himself to be tempted into a recantation, in despite of which he was +condemned to death. But then there awoke in him also the whole +consciousness of the truth of his belief. The hand with which he had +signed the recantation he held firm, and let it burn in unutterable +agony, as an expiation which he imposed on himself, before the flame of +the faggots closed over him. The executions extended themselves over the +whole country and even over the neighbouring islands; the diaries show +that they continued till 1558. Many could have fled, but wished to +testify to the firmness of their belief by dying for it, and thus to +strengthen in their faith the people from whom they were taken away. +Most of them showed a sublime contempt of death, which inflamed others +to imitate them. How many would have been prepared to throw themselves +with their friends into the flames! And no one could say that here there +was any question of tendencies to revolt. The Protestants had on the +whole kept themselves far from it: they did not contest the Queen's +right to the throne; they died as her obedient subjects.</p> + +<p>But now what an impression must these executions produce, combined with +what preceded and followed them.</p> + +<p>Gardiner appears in all this imperious, proud, and with that confident +tone which the possessors of power assume, implying that they regard +themselves as being also mentally superior; Bonner Bishop of London +fanatical, without any power of discernment, and almost bloodthirsty. +His attention was once drawn to the ill effects of his rough acts of +violence; he replied that he must do God's work without fear of men. +Under the last government they had both had much to endure: they had +been deprived by their enemies and thrown into prison: now they employed +the temporal arm in their own favour; they felt no scruple in sentencing +their old opponents to death in accordance with the severity of the laws +which they had again brought into active operation. Such was the issue +of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> +the contest between the bishops under the changing systems of +government.</p> + +<p>As Queen Mary is designated 'The Bloody,' we are astonished when we read +the authentic descriptions, still extant, of her personal appearance. +She was a little, slim, delicate, sickly woman, with hair already +turning grey. She played on the lute, and had even given instruction in +music; she had a skilful hand; on personal acquaintance she made the +impression of goodness and mildness. But yet there was something in her +eyes that could even rouse fear; her voice, which could be heard at a +great distance, told of something unwomanly in her. She was a good +speaker in public; never did she show a trace of timidity in danger. The +troubles she had experienced from her youth, her constant antagonism to +the authority under which she lived, had especially hardened in her the +self-will which is recognisable in all the Tudors. A peculiarity found +elsewhere also in gifted women, that they are weary of all which +surrounds them at home, and give to what is foreign a sympathy above its +worth, had become to her a second nature. She rejected with aversion the +idea of marrying Courtenay, for this reason among others that he was an +Englishman. She, the Queen of England, had no sympathy for the life, the +interests, the struggles of her people: she hated them from her +childhood. All her sympathies were for the nation from which her mother +came, for its views and manners: her husband was her ideal of a man: we +are assured that she even overlooked his infidelities to her because he +did not enter into permanent relations with any other woman. Besides +this he was the only man who could support her in the great project for +which she thought herself marked out by God, the restoration of +Catholicism.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> +This is the meaning of her pledging herself in her +bedchamber before a crucifix, when she had not yet seen him, to give her +hand to him and to no other. For with him and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> +his fortunes were linked the hopes of a restoration of Catholicism. Mary was absolutely +determined to do all she could to strengthen it in England. Gardiner +assures us, and we may believe him in this, that it was not he who +prompted the revival of the old laws against the Lollards; the chief +impulse to it came on the contrary from the Queen. And as those laws +ordered the punishment of heretics by fire, and Parliament had +consented, and the orthodox bishops offered their aid, it would have +seemed to her a blameable weakness, if out of feelings of compassion she +had stood in the way of the execution of those laws, to the suspension +of which the bishops ascribed the spread of heretical opinions. Many of +the horrors which accompanied their execution may have remained +concealed from her; still it cannot be doubted, that the persecutions +would never have begun without her. No excuse can free her memory from +the dark shade which rests on it. For that which is done in a +sovereign's name, with his will and consent, determines his character in +history.</p> + +<p>The conduct of the Queen and her government, without whose help +ecclesiastical authority would have been null and void, had a result +that extended far beyond her time: men began to inquire into the claims +of the temporal power. John Knox, who had now to fly from England before +a Queen, as he had previously from Scotland before a Queen-regent, and +whose word was of weight, poured forth his feelings in a piercing call, +which he himself named 'a blast of the trumpet,' against the right of +women to the government of a country, which ought to be exercised only +by men. And while Knox went no further than the immediate case, others +examined into the powers of all State authority: above all, to prevent +its taking part in religious persecution, they brought forward the +principles according to which sovereignty issues originally from the +people. Mary's government had awakened in Protestantism, and that not +merely in England, the hostility of political theory.</p> + +<p>But besides no man could hide from himself, that discontent, even +without theory, had grown in England in an alarming manner. The French +and Imperial ambassadors +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> +both gave their courts information of it, the +former with a kind of satisfaction, the latter with apprehension and +pain. He laments the bad effect which the religious persecution +produces, makes pressing objections to it and demands that the bloody +zeal of the bishops shall be moderated; but the matter was regularly +proceeding in a kind of legal way; we do not find that he effected +anything.</p> + +<p>The Queen had hitherto flattered herself and her partisans with the hope +that she would give the country an heir to the throne. When this +expectation proved fallacious in the summer of 1555 it produced an +impression which, as the imperial ambassador says, no pen could +describe. The appearance had been caused by an unhealthy condition of +body, which was now looked on rather as a prognostic of her fast +approaching death. It is already clear, remarks the ambassador, that +least confidence can be placed in those who have been hitherto most +trusted: many a man still wears a mask: others even show their ill-will +quite openly. For so badly is the succession at present arranged that my +lady Elizabeth will without doubt ascend the throne on Mary's death and +will restore heresy.</p> + +<p>While things were in this state, Philip II was led to resolve on going +to the Netherlands by the vicissitudes of the French war and his +father's state of health; he wished either to bring about peace, or to +push the war with energy.</p> + +<p>He had hitherto exercised a moderating influence on the government. Not +to let all fall back into the previous party-strife, he thought it best +to give the eight leading members of the Privy Council a pre-eminent +place in the management of business. He could not avoid admitting men of +both parties even among these; but he had already found a man whom he +could set over the others and trust with the supreme rule of affairs in +complete confidence. This was Cardinal Pole, who after Cranmer's death +received the Archbishopric of Canterbury, long ago bestowed on him at +Rome, and was released from the duty of again returning to the Roman +court. He was descended from the house of the Yorkist Suffolks, +persecuted by the earlier Tudors with great severity; but how +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> +completely did this family difference recede before the world-wide +interests of religion! He served with the most entire devotion a queen +of the house of Lancaster-Tudor who on her side reposed in him unlimited +reliance: she wished to have him about her for hours every day. Reginald +Pole was a man of European and general ecclesiastical culture; he shared +in a tendency existing within Catholicism itself, which approached very +nearly to Protestantism on one dogmatic question: we also hear that he +would gladly have moderated the +persecution;<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> +but when it is said, +that the obstinacy of the Protestants hindered him in this, all that can +be implied is, that they held fast to a confession which was now +absolutely condemned by the hierarchic laws, while he was bound and +resolved to carry these laws into effect. His chief care was above all +not to be involved in English party-divisions: he therefore usually +worked with a couple of Italian assistants who shared his sentiments and +his plans. The union of the ecclesiastical and temporal authority is +seen once more in Pole, as it had been in Wolsey: he combined the powers +of a legate with the position of a first minister. His distinguished +birth, his high ecclesiastical rank, the confidence of the King and +Queen, enhanced by completely blameless personal +conduct,<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> +procured him an authority in the country which seemed almost that of the +sovereign.</p> + +<p>A singular government this, composed of an absent king, who however had +to be consulted in all weighty matters, a cardinal, and a dying queen +who lived exclusively in church ideas. Difficulties could not be +wanting: they arose first in church matters themselves.</p> + +<p>We know how much the recognition of the alienation of the church +property, to which Julius III was brought to consent by the Emperor, +contributed to the restoration of church obedience; among the English +nobility it formed the main +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> +ground of its submission. But in May 1555 +Pope Paul IV ascended the Papal throne, in whom dislike of the +Austro-Spanish house was almost a passion, and who wished to base his +ecclesiastical reputation on the recovery of the alienated church +property. His third Bull orders its restoration, including the +possessions of monastic foundations, and the revenues hitherto received +from them. The English ambassadors who had been sent to Rome under +wholly different conditions, to announce the restoration of obedience, +found this Pope there on their arrival. When they mentioned the +confirmation of the alienation of the monastic property, he answered +them in plain terms: for himself he would be ready to consent, but it +lay beyond his power; the property of the church was sacred and +inviolable, all that belonged to it must be restored to the uttermost +farthing. And so ecclesiastically minded was Queen Mary that she in her +heart agreed with the Pope. The monasteries in particular she held to be +an indispensable part of the church-system, and wished for their +restoration. Already the fugitive monks were seen returning: a number of +Benedictines who had remained in the country resumed the dress of their +Order; the Queen made no secret of her wish to restore the monastery of +Westminster in particular. Another side of church life was affected by +the fact that, owing to the suppression of the great abbeys, a number of +benefices, which were dependent on them, had lost their incomes and had +fallen into decay. That Henry VIII should have appropriated to the crown +the tenths and first-fruits, which belonged to the church, seemed to +Queen Mary unjustifiable; she felt herself straitened in her conscience +by retaining these revenues, and was prepared to give them back, +whatever might be the loss to the crown. But she could not by herself +repeal what had been done under authority of Parliament: in November +1555 she attempted to gain over that assembly to her view. A number of +influential members were summoned to the palace, where first Cardinal +Pole explained to them that the receipt of the first-fruits was +connected with the State's claim of supremacy over the church, but that, +after obedience was restored, it had no longer any real justification. +He put forward some further reasons, and then the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> +Queen herself took up +the word. She laid the greatest stress on her personal wish. She asked +the Parliament, after having shown obedience to her in so many ways, to +prove to her that the peace of her soul lay near their hearts, and to +take this burden from her. But the conception of the crown and its +property had in England already ceased to be so merely personal. The +most universally intelligible motive in the whole church-movement was +the feeling, that the resources of the nation ought to be devoted to +national purposes, and every one felt that the diminution of the royal +revenues would have to be made up by Parliamentary grants. In addition +to this, it appeared to be only the first step to such an universal +restitution, as Pope Paul IV clearly contemplated and directed. Was +there not much more to be said for the recovery of the church revenues +from private hands than for their withdrawal from the crown which used +them for public purposes?—A member of the Lower House wished to answer +the Queen at once after her address: but, as he was not the Speaker, he +was not allowed to do so.</p> + +<p>When the proposal came under discussion in the Lower House, it met with +lively opposition. A commission was then appointed, to which the Upper +House sent two earls, two barons, and two bishops, and to which some +lawyers were added; by these the proposed articles were revised and then +laid before them again. The decisive sitting was on the 3rd December +1555. The doors were closed: no stranger was allowed to enter nor any +member to leave the House. After they had sat in hot debate from early +morning till three in the afternoon—just one of those debates, of which +we have to regret that no detailed account has survived—the proposal +was, it is true, accepted, but against such a large minority as was +hitherto unheard of in the English Parliament, 120 votes to 183. Queen +and cardinal regarded it as a great victory, for they had carried their +view: but the tone of the country was still against them. However strong +the stress which the cardinal laid on the statement that the concession +of the crown was not to react in any way on private men's ownership of +church property, the apprehension was nevertheless +universal,<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> +that with the Queen's zeal for the monasteries, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> +and a consistent carrying +out of the Pope's principles, things would yet come to this. But the +interests which would be thus injured were very widespread. It was +calculated that there were 40,000 families which in one way or another +owned part of the church property: they would neither relinquish it nor +allow their title to be called in question. Powerful lords were heard to +exclaim that they would keep the abbey-lands as long as they had a sword +by their side. The popular disposition was reflected in the widespread +rumour, which gained credence, that Edward VI was still alive and would +soon come back.</p> + +<p>From time to time seditious movements showed the insecurity of the +situation. At the beginning of 1556 traces were detected of a plan for +plundering the treasury in order to levy troops with the +money.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> +The Western counties were discontented because Courtenay was removed from +among them: he died subsequently in Italy. Sir Henry Dudley, the Duke of +Northumberland's cousin, rallied around him some zealous and +enterprising malcontents, who planned a complete revolution: he found +secret support in France, whither he +fled.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> +In April 1557 a grandson of the Duke of Buckingham, Thomas Stafford, also coming from France, +landed and made himself master of Scarborough castle. He had only a +handful of followers, but he ventured to proclaim himself Protector of +the realm, which he promised to secure against the tyranny of +foreigners, and 'the satanic designs of an unlawful Queen.' He was +crushed without difficulty. But in the general ferment which this +aroused, it was observed how universal was the wish for a +change.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span></p><p>Meanwhile foreign affairs took a turn which threatened to involve +England in a dangerous complication. The peace between the great powers +had not been concluded: the truce they had made was broken off at the +instigation of the Pope; hostilities began again, and Philip II returned +to England for a couple of months to induce her to join in the war +against France. The diplomatic correspondence shows that the imperial +court from the beginning valued their near relation to England chiefly +as the basis of an alliance against France. We can easily understand how +this early object was now attained. Besides many other previous wrongs, +Stafford's enterprise, which was ascribed to the intrigues of France, +was a motive for declaring war against that Power. And a French war +still retained its old charm for the English: their share in it +surpassed all expectation. The English land forces co-operated with +decisive effect in the great victory of S. Quintin, and similarly the +appearance of the English fleet on the French coasts ensured Philip's +predominance on the ocean. But it is very doubtful whether this was the +part the English power should have played at this moment. By his +father's abdication and retirement into the cloister Philip had become +lord and master of the Spanish monarchy. Could it be the mission of the +English to help in consolidating it in his hands? On the foundation then +laid, and mainly through the peace which France saw herself compelled to +make, its greatness was built up. For the Spanish monarchy the union +with England, which rested on the able use to which the existing +troubles and the personal position of the Queen were turned—and which, +strictly speaking, was still a result of the policy of Ferdinand the +Catholic—was of indescribable advantage: to the English it brought a +loss which was severely felt. They had neglected to put Calais in a +proper state of defence; at the first attack it fell into the hands of +the French. The greatest value was still laid in England on a possession +across the sea, which seemed indispensable for the command of the +Channel; its extension was the main object of Henry VIII's last war: +that now it was on the contrary utterly lost was felt to be a national +disaster; the population of the town, which consisted of English, was +expelled together with the garrison.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> +And as Pope Paul IV was now allied with the King of France, the result +was that he found himself at war with Philip II (whom he tried to chase +from Naples), and hence with England as well. His hatred to the house of +Austria, his aversion to the concessions made in England with reference +to church property, and to the religious position which Cardinal Pole +had hitherto taken up in the questions at issue within the Catholic +Church, determined the Pope to interfere in the home affairs of England +with a strong hand. For these Cardinal Pole was the one indispensable +man, on whose shoulders the burden of affairs rested. But it was this +very man whom Paul IV now deprived of his legatine power, on which much +of his consequence rested, and transferred it to a Franciscan monk.</p> + +<p>But what now was the consequent situation of affairs in England! The +Queen, who recognised no higher authority than that of the Papal See, +was obliged to have Paul IV's messages intercepted, lest they should +become known. While the ashes of the reputed heretics were still smoking +on their Calvaries, the man who represented the Catholic form of +religion, and was working effectively for its progress, was accused of +falling away from the orthodox faith, and summoned to Rome to answer for +it.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile England did not feel herself strong enough, even with the help +that Philip offered, to attempt the reconquest of Calais. The finances +were completely disordered by the war; and the Parliament showed little +zeal in restoring the balance: just before this the Queen had found +herself obliged even to diminish the amount of a subsidy already as good +as voted. However unwilling she might be to take the step after her +previous experiences, she had to decide once more in the autumn of 1558 +on calling a Parliament. Circumstances wore an appearance all the more +dangerous, as the Scotch were allied with the victorious French: the +Queen represented to the Commons the need of extraordinary means of +defence. A number of the leading lords appeared in the Lower House to +give additional weight to the demand of the Crown by their presence. The +Commons, though not quite willingly, were proceeding to deliberate on +the subsidies demanded, when an event happened which relieved them from +the necessity of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> +coming to any resolution.</p> + +<p>A tertian or quartan fever was then prevalent in the Netherlands and in +England, which was very fatal, especially to elderly persons of +enfeebled health.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> +The Queen, who had been for some time visited by +her usual attacks of illness, could not resist this disease, when +suffering besides, as she was, from deep affliction at the +disappointment of all her hopes, and from heart-rending anticipations of +the future: once more she heard mass in her chamber—she died before it +was ended, on the 17 November 1558. Cardinal Pole also was suffering: +completely crushed by this news he expired the following night. It was +calculated that thirteen bishops died a little before or after the +Queen. As if by some predetermined fate the combination of English +affairs which had been attempted during her government came at once to +an end.</p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> The Queen imputed the chief blame to Paget 'Quand l'on a +parlé de la peyne des heretiques, il a sollicité les Seigneurs pour non +y consentir ny donner lieu à peyne de mort' Renard à l'empereur, in +Tytler ii. 386.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Les seigneurs quils ont pension du roy font tels et si +bons offices es contrées et provinces du roy ou ils ont charge que l'on +ne oye dire si non que le peuple est content de l'alliance; ce que +divertit les mauvais.' Renard à l'empereur, 13 Oct. Papiers d'état iv. +348.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Carta del rey Don Felipe a la princesa de Portugal Donna +Juana su hermana, in Ribadeneyra, Historia del Scisma 381.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Renard informs King Ferdinand that this resolution would +be adopted the 29 Nov (Papiers d'état iv. 344), 'Confiant que la +dispense soit generale, pour sans scrupule confirmer la possession des +biens ecclesiastiques es mains de ceux qui les tiennent.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> 'La chambre haulte y faict difficulté pour ce, que +l'autorité et jurisdiction des évesques est autorizee et que la peine +semble trop griefve.' Renard à l'empereur, Papiers d'état iv. 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Renard, ibid. 341. 'Le chancellier insistoit, que l'on +declaira Mme. Elizabeth bastarde en ce parlement' They feared +'l'evidente et congnue contrariété qui seroit en tout le royaume.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Condemnatio Johannis Hooper, in Burnet Coll. iii. 246. +Compare Foxe, Martyrs vol. iii; Soames iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> According to a despatch of Micheli (25 Nov. 1555) she +says to the Parliament: 'che non ad altro fine dalla Maesta di dio era +predestinata e riservata alla successione del regno, se non per servirsi +di lei principalmente nella riduttione alla fede cattolica.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Erat tanta in plerisque animorum obstinatio ac +pertinacia, ut benignitati et clementiae nullum plane locum +relinquerent.' Vita Poli, in Quirini i. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Micheli, Relatione, 'Incontaminatissimo da ogni sorte di +passione et interessi humani, non prevalendo in lui ni l'autorità de +principi ni rispetto di sangue ni d'amicizia.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> 'Assicurando e levando il sospetto, che per quello che +privatamente ciascuno possedeva, non sarebbe mai molestato ni +travagliato.' Micheli, despatch 25 Nov., from whose reports I draw my +notices of these proceedings in general.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Micheli, despatch 1556, 7 April, notes 'la maggior parte +dei gentilhuomini del contado di Dansur (Devonshire) come conscii et +partecipi della congiura.' 5 Magg. 'Tutta la parte occidentale è in +sospetto.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> The Constable to Noailles, Amb. v. 310. 'Le roy a advisé +d'entretenir doulcement Dudelay et secrettement toute fois, pour s'en +servir s'il en est de besoing luy donnant moyen d'entretenir aussi par +de là des intelligences, qu'il faut retenir.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Suriano, despatch 29 April 1557. 'Si è scoperto l'animo +di molti, che non si sono potuti contener di mostrarsi desiderosi di +veder alteration del stato presente.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Godwin 470 'Innumeri perierunt, sed aetate fere +provectiores et inter eos sacerdotum ingens numerus.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="INT_III" id="INT_III"></a>BOOK III.</h2> + +<p class='center'><br />QUEEN ELIZABETH. CLOSE CONNEXION OF ENGLISH AND SCOTCH AFFAIRS.</p> + +<p>To appreciate the motives which led Henry VIII to attach such importance +to a male heir, and to exclude his daughter by the Spanish marriage from +the succession, we need only cast our eyes on what happened under her, +when in spite of all she had become Queen. The idea with which the +Tudors had ascended the throne, and administered the realm, that of +founding a political power strong in itself and alike independent of +home factions and foreign influence, was sacrificed by Mary to her +preference for the nation from which her mother came and from which she +chose her husband. The military power of England served to support the +Spanish monarchy at a dangerous and doubtful moment in the course of its +formation. And while Mary's father and brother had made it the object of +their policy to deprive the hierarchy of all influence over England, she +on the contrary reinstated it: she put the power and all the resources +of the State at its disposal. Though historically deeply rooted, the +Catholic tendency showed itself, through the reactionary rule which it +brought about and through its alliance with the policy of Spain, +pernicious to the country. We have seen what losses England suffered by +it, not merely in its foreign possessions, but—what was really +irreparable—in men of talent and learning, of feeling and greatness of +soul; and into what a state of weakness abroad and dissolution at home +it thereby fell. A new order of things must arise, if the national +element, the creation of which had been the labour of centuries, was not +to be crushed, and the mighty efforts of later ages were not to succumb +to religious and political reaction. </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_I" id="BIII_I"></a> +ELIZABETH'S ACCESSION. TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION.</p> + +<p>During Mary's government, which had been endurable only because men +foresaw its speedy end, all eyes were directed to her younger sister +Elizabeth. She was the daughter of Anne Boleyn, who bore her under her +heart when she was crowned as Queen. After many changes, Henry VIII, in +agreement with Parliament, had recognised her right of inheritance; the +people had risen against the enterprise of the Duke of Northumberland +for her as well as for Mary. And it had also been maintained against +Mary herself. Once, in Wyatt's conspiracy, letters were found, which +pointed at Elizabeth's having a share in it: she was designated in them +as the future Queen. The predominant Spanish-Catholic party had her +examined and would have much wished to find her guilty, in order to rid +themselves of her for ever. But Elizabeth was not so imprudent as to +lend her hand to a movement, which if unsuccessful—a result not hard to +foresee—must destroy her own good title. And moreover she, with her +innate pride, could not possibly have carried out the wishes of the +French by marrying Courtenay, whom her sister had rejected. The letter, +which she wrote to Mary at this crisis, is full of unfeignedly loyal +submission to her Queen, before whom she only wishes to bend her knee, +to pray her not to let herself be prejudiced by false charges against +her sister; and yet at the same time it is highminded and great in the +consciousness of innocence. Mary, who was now no longer her friend, did +not vouchsafe her a hearing, but sent her to the Tower and subjected her +to a criminal examination. But however zealously they sought for proofs +against her, yet they found none: and they dared not touch +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span>her life +unless she were first publicly found guilty. She was clearly the heiress +to the throne appointed under the authorisation of Parliament: the +people would not give up the prospects of the future which were linked +with her. When she appeared in London at this moment of peril, +surrounded by numerous attendants, in an open litter, with an expression +in which hopeful buoyant youth mingled with the feeling of innocence and +distress, pale and proud, she swayed the masses that crowded round her +with no doubtful sympathy.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> +When she passed through the streets +after her liberation, she was received with an enthusiasm which made the +Queen jealous on her throne.</p> + +<p>Yet Elizabeth was not merely the head of the popular opposition to her +sister's policy: from the first moment onwards she was in collision with +another female foe, whose pretensions would determine the relations of +her life. If Henry VIII formerly in settling the succession passed over +in silence the rights of his married sister in Scotland, which had now +come to her granddaughter Mary Stuart, the memory of them was now all +the more vividly revived by the Catholic party in the country. For with +the religious reverence which men devoted to the Papacy it was not at +all possible to reconcile the recognition of Elizabeth, whose very +existence was as it were at variance with it. Nor was a political motive +for preferring Mary Stuart wanting. That for which Henry VIII and +Somerset had striven so zealously, the union of England and Scotland, +would be thus attained at once. They were not afraid that Scotland might +thus become predominant; Henry VII at the conclusion of the marriage, +having his attention drawn to this possible risk, replied with the +maxim, that the larger and more powerful part always draws the smaller +after it. The indispensable condition for the development of the English +power lay in the union of the whole island: this would have ensued in a +Catholic, not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> +in a Protestant, sense. Was not this union of political +advantage and religious concord likely to influence the Privy Council of +England, which under Mary was again zealously Catholic, and also to +influence Queen Mary Tudor herself?</p> + +<p>Great political questions however do not usually present themselves to +men in such perfect clearness, but are seen under the modifying +circumstances of the moment. It was at that time all important that Mary +Stuart had married the Dauphin: she would have united England not merely +with Scotland, but at the same time with France, thus bringing it for +ever under the influence of that country. How revolting must such a +prospect have been to all English feeling! England would have become a +transmarine province of France, it would in time have been absorbed like +Brittany. Above all, French policy would have completely gained the +upper hand in Europe. This apprehension induced the Spanish +statesmen—Elizabeth's eager enemies as long as they expected their King +to have issue of Mary Tudor—when this hope failed, to give the princess +sympathy and attention. Philip II, when her troubles revived (for both +Gardiner and Pole were her enemies), informed her through secret +messengers, that he was her good friend and would not abandon her. Now +that Mary was failing before all men's eyes, and every one was looking +forward to her death, it was his evident interest to further Elizabeth's +accession. In this sense spoke his ambassador Feria, whom he sent at +this moment to England, before the assembled Privy +Council;<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> +even Mary was urged to declare herself to the same effect. From an advice +written for Elizabeth during the first moments of her reign we see that +all still looked very dangerous: she was urged in it to possess herself +of the Tower and there to receive the allegiance of the high officers of +State, to allow no departure from the English ports, and so on. Men +expected turbulent movements at home, and were not without apprehension +of an attempt +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> +at invasion from France. The decision however followed +without any commotion and on the spot. Though most of its members were +Catholic, the Privy Council did not hesitate. A few hours after Mary's +decease the Commons were summoned to the Upper House, to receive a +communication there: it was, that Mary was dead, and that God had given +them another Queen, My lady Elizabeth. The Parliament dissolved; the new +Queen was proclaimed in Westminster and in London. Some days afterwards +she made her entry into the capital amidst the indescribable rejoicings +of the people, who greeted her accession as their deliverance and their +salvation.</p> + +<p>But if this, as we see, involved in its very essence a hostile attitude +towards France and Scotland, on the other hand the question was at once +laid before the Queen, and in the most personal way imaginable, how far +she would unite herself with Spain, the great Power which was now on her +side. Philip resolved, inasmuch as propriety in some measure allowed it, +to ask for her hand—not indeed from personal inclination, of which +there is no trace, but from policy and perhaps from religion: he hoped +by this means to keep England firm to the Spanish alliance and to +Catholicism.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> +And on the English side also much might be said for +it. An ally was needed against France, even to obtain a tolerable peace: +there was some danger that Philip, if rejected by the Queen, might +perhaps marry a French princess; to be secure against the French claims +the Queen seemed to need the support of Spain. Her first answer was not +in the negative. She declared she must consult with Parliament as to the +King's proposal: but he might be assured that, if she ever married, she +would not give any one else the preference over him.</p> + +<p>Well considered, these words announce at once her resolution not to +marry. Between Mary Tudor who thought to bring the crown to the heir of +Spain, and Mary Stuart similarly pledged to the heir of France, nothing +was left for her—since she would not wish the husband of her choice to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> +be of inferior rank—but to remain unmarried. From listening to Philip's +wooing she was kept back by her sister's example, whose marriage had +destroyed her popularity. And for Elizabeth there would have been yet +another danger in this alliance. Was not her legitimacy dependent on the +invalidity of her father's marriage with his brother's widow? It would +be a very similar case if she were to marry her sister's husband. +Besides she would have needed the Pope's dispensation for such a +union—as Philip had already explained to her—while her birth and crown +were the results of a Papal dispensation being declared a nullity. She +would thus have fallen into a self-contradiction, to which she must have +succumbed in course of time. When told that Philip II had done her some +service, she acknowledged it: but when she meditated on it further, she +found that neither this sovereign nor any other influence whatever would +have protected her from her enemies, had not the people shown her an +unlimited devotion.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> +This devotion, on which her whole existence +depended, she would not forfeit. After a little delay she let Philip +know that she felt some scruples as to the Papal dispensation. She gave +weight to the point which had been under discussion, but added that she +was altogether disinclined to marry. We may doubt whether this was her +immoveably formed resolution, considering how often afterwards she +negociated about her marriage. It might seem to her allowable, as an +instrument of policy, to excite hopes which she did not mean to fulfil: +or her views may in fact have again wavered: but these oscillations in +her statements can mean nothing when set over against a great necessity: +her actual conduct shows that she had a vivid insight into it and held +firm to it with tenacious resolution. She was Henry's daughter, but she +knew how to keep herself as independent as he had thought that only a +son could possibly do. There is a deep truth in her phrase, that she is +wedded to her people: regard to their interests kept her back from any +other union.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> +But if she resolved to give up the relation of close union in which +England had hitherto stood with Spain, it was indispensable to make +peace with France. It was impossible to attain this if she insisted on +the restoration of Calais; she resolved to give it up, at first for a +term of years. Of almost the same date as her answer of refusal to +Philip's ambassador is her instruction empowering her ambassador to let +Calais go, as soon as he saw that the Spaniards would conclude their +peace with France without stipulating for its restoration. She was able +to venture this, for however deeply the nation felt the loss of the +place, the blame for it could not be imputed to her. Without repeating +what was then asserted, that her distinct aim was to turn the hatred of +the nation against the late government and its alliance with Spain, we +may still allow that this must have been the actual result, as it really +proved to be. It was indeed said that Philip II, who not merely +concluded peace with France but actually married a daughter of Henry II, +would make common cause with him against England: but Elizabeth no more +allowed herself to be misled by this possibility, which also had much +against it, than Henry VIII had been under similar circumstances. Like +him and like the founder of her family, she took up an independent +position between the two powers, equally ready according to +circumstances for war or peace with one or the other.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile she had already proceeded to measures which could never have +been reconciled with the Spanish alliance, and to ecclesiastical changes +which first gave her position its true character.</p> + +<p>Her earliest intimation of again deviating from the Church was given by +restoring, like a devoted daughter, her father's monument, which Mary +had levelled with the ground. A second soon followed, which at once +touched on the chief doctrine in dispute. Before attending a solemn high +mass she required the officiating bishop to omit the elevation of the +host. As he refused, she left the church at the moment the ceremony was +being consummated. To check the religious strife which began to fill the +pulpits she forbade preaching, like her predecessors; but she allowed +the Sunday Lessons, the Litany, and the Creed to be read in English. +Elizabeth had hitherto conformed to the restored Catholic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> ritual: it +could not be quite said that she belonged to either of the existing +confessions. She always declared that she had read no controversial +writings. But she had occupied herself with the documents of the early +Church, with the Greek and Latin Fathers, and was thoroughly convinced +that the Romanism of the later centuries had gone far astray from this +pattern. She had made up her mind, not as to every point of doctrine, +but as to its general direction: she believed too that she was upheld +and guarded by God, to carry out this change. 'How wonderful are God's +ordinances,' she exclaimed, when she heard that the crown had fallen to +her.</p> + +<p>What course however was now to be taken was a question which, owing to +the antagonism of the factions and the close connexion of all +ecclesiastical and political matters, required the most mature +consideration.</p> + +<p>The Queen was advised simply to revert to Edward VI's regulations, and +to declare all things null and void that had been enacted under Mary, +mainly on the ground that they had been enacted in violation of legal +forms. A speech was laid before her, in which the validity of the last +elections was disputed, since qualified members had been excluded from +the sittings of both houses, although they were good Englishmen: the +later proclamations of summons were held to be null, because in them the +formula 'Supreme Head of the English Church' had been arbitrarily +omitted, without a previous resolution of Parliament, though on this +title so much depended for the commonwealth and people: but no one could +give up a right which concerned a third person or the public interest; +through these errors, which Mary had committed in her blindness, all +that had then been determined lost its force and +authority.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> +But the Queen and her counsellors did not wish to go so far. They remarked that +to declare a Parliament invalid for some errors of form was a step of +such consequence as to make the whole government of the nation insecure. +But even without this it was not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> +the Queen's purpose merely to revert +to the forms which had been adopted under her brother. She did not share +all the opinions and doctrines which had then obtained the upper hand: +she held far more to ceremonies and outward forms than Edward VI or his +counsellors: she wished to avoid a rude antagonism which would have +called forth the resistance of the Catholics.</p> + +<p>In the Parliament that met immediately after the coronation (which was +still celebrated by a Catholic bishop), they began with the question +which had most occupied the late assembly, namely, should the Church +revenues that had been attached to the crown be restored to it. The +Queen's proposal, that they should be left to the crown, was quite the +view of the assembly and obtained their full consent.</p> + +<p>The Parliamentary form of government however had also the greatest +influence on religious affairs. Having risen originally in opposition to +Rome, the Parliament, after the vicissitudes of the civil wars, first +recovered its full importance when it took the side of the crown in its +struggle with the Papacy. It did not so much concern itself with Dogma +for its own sake: it had thought it possible to unite the retention of +Catholicism with national independence. Under Mary every man had become +conscious that this would be impossible. It was just then that the +Parliament passed from its previous compliant mood into opposition, +which was not yet successful because it was only that of the minority, +but which prepared the way for the coming change of tone. It attached +itself joyfully to the new Queen, whose birth necessarily made her adopt +a policy which took away all apprehensions of a union with the Romish +See injurious to the country.</p> + +<p>The complete antagonism between the Papal and the Parliamentary powers, +of which one had swayed past centuries and the other was to sway the +future, is shown by the conduct of the Pope, when Elizabeth announced +her accession to him. In his answer he reproached her with it as +presumption, reverted to the decision of his predecessors by which she +was declared illegitimate, required that the whole matter should be +referred to him, and even mentioned England's feudal relation to the +Papacy:<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> +but Parliament, which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> +had rejected this claim centuries +before, acknowledged Elizabeth as legitimately sprung from the royal +blood, and as Queen by the law of God and of the land; they pledged +themselves to defend her title and right with their lives and property.</p> + +<p>Owing to this the tendencies towards separation from Rome were already +sure to gain the superiority: the Catholic members of the Privy Council, +to whom Elizabeth owed her first recognition, could not contend +effectively against them. But besides this, Elizabeth had joined with +them a number of men of her own choice and her own views, who like +herself had not openly opposed the existing system, but disapproved it; +they were mainly her personal friends, who now took the direction of +affairs into their hands; the change which they prepared looked moderate +but was decided.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth rejected the title of 'Supreme Head of the Church,' because it +not merely aroused the aversion of the Catholics, but also gave offence +to many zealous Protestants; it made however no essential difference +when she replaced it by the formula 'in all causes as well +ecclesiastical as civil, supreme.' Parliament declared that the right of +visiting and reforming the Church was attached to the crown and could be +exercised by it through ecclesiastical commissioners. The clergy, high +and low, were to swear to the ecclesiastical supremacy, and abjure all +foreign authority and jurisdiction. The punishment for refusing the oath +was defined: it was not to be punished with death as under Henry VIII, +but with the loss of office and property. All Mary's acts in favour of +an independent legislation and jurisdiction of the spiritualty were +repealed. The crown appropriated to itself, with consent of Parliament, +complete supremacy over the clergy of the land.</p> + +<p>The Parliament allowed indeed that it did not belong to it to determine +concerning matters really ecclesiastical; but it held itself authorised, +much like the Great-Councils of Switzerland, to order a conference of +both parties, before which the most pressing questions of the moment, on +the power of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> +national Churches, and the nature of the Mass, should be laid.</p> + +<p>The Catholic bishops disliked the whole proceeding, as may be imagined, +since these points had been so long settled; and they disliked no less +the interference of the temporal power, and lastly the presidency of a +royal minister, Nicolas Bacon. They had no mind to commit themselves to +an interchange of writings: their declarations by word of mouth were +more peremptory than convincing. In general they were not well +represented since the deaths of Pole and Gardiner. On the other hand the +Protestants, of whom many had become masters of the controverted +questions during the exile from which they had now returned, put forward +explicit statements which were completely to the point. They laid stress +chiefly on the distinction between the universal, truly Catholic, Church +and the Romish: they sought to reach firm ground in Christian antiquity +prior to the hierarchic centuries. While they claimed a more +comprehensive communion than that of Romanism, as that in which true +Catholicity exists, they sought at the same time to establish a +narrower, national, body which should have the right of independent +decision as to ritual. Nearly all depended on the question, how far a +country, which forms a separate community and thus has a separate +Church, has the right to alter established ceremonies and usages; they +deduced such an authority from this fact among others, that the Church +in the first centuries was ruled by provincial councils. The project of +calling a national council was proposed in Germany but never carried +out: in England men considered the idea of a national decree, mainly in +reference to ritual, as superior to all others. But we know how much the +conception of ritual covered. The question whether Edward VI's +Prayer-book should be restored or not, was at the same time decisive as +to what doctrinal view should be henceforth +followed.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> + +<p>The Catholic bishops set themselves in vain against the progress of +these discussions. They withdrew from the conference: but the Parliament +did not let itself be misled by this: +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> +it adopted the popular opinion, +that they did not know what to answer. At the division in the Upper +House they held obstinately fast to their opinion: they were left +however, though only by a few votes, in the +minority.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> +The Act of Uniformity passed, by which the Prayer-book, in the form which should be +given it by a new revision, was to be universally received from the +following Midsummer. The bishops raised an opposition yet once more, at +a sitting of the Privy Council, on the ground that the change was +against the promises made by Mary to the See of Rome in the name of the +crown. Elizabeth answered, her sister had in this exceeded her powers: +she herself was free to revert to the example of her earlier +predecessors by whom the Papal power was looked on as an usurpation. 'My +crown,' she exclaimed, 'is subject only to the King of Kings, and to no +one else:' she made use of the words, 'But as for me and my house, we +will serve the Lord.' The Protestant bishops had perished at the stake, +but the victory was theirs even in their graves.</p> + +<p>The committee of revision consisted of men, who had then saved +themselves by flight or by the obscurity of a secluded life. As under +Edward men came back to the original tendencies prevalent under Henry +VIII, so they now reverted to the settlement under Edward; yet they +allowed themselves some alterations, chiefly with the view of making the +book acceptable to the Catholics as well. Prayers in which the hostility +of decided Protestantism came forward with especial sharpness, for +instance that 'against the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome,' were left +out. The chief alteration was in the formula of the Lord's Supper. +Elizabeth and her divines were not inclined to let this stand as it was +read in the second edition of Edward's time, since the mystical act +there appeared almost as a mere commemorative +repast.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> +They reverted to a form composed from the monuments of Latin antiquity, from Ambrose +and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> +Gregory, in which the real presence was maintained; this which +already existed in the first edition they united with the view of the +second. As formerly in the Augsburg confession in Germany, so in England +at the last recension of the Common Prayer-book an attempt was made to +keep as near as possible to the traditional system. For the Queen this +had also a political value: when Philip II sent her a warning, she +explained that she was only kept back from joining in the mass by a few +points: she too believed in God's presence in the +Sacrament.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> + +<p>She was of a similar mind in reference to other matters also. If at +first, under pressure from zealous Protestants who saw in images an +occasion for superstition, she ordered their removal, we perceive that +in a short time she regretted it, especially as it made a bad impression +in Wales and the Northern counties; in her chapel men again saw the +cross and the lighted tapers, as before. The marriages entered into by +priests had given much offence, and not unjustly, as they were often +inferior unions, little honourable to them, and lowering the dignity of +their order. Elizabeth would have gladly forbidden them altogether: she +contented herself with setting limits to them by ordering that a +previous permission should be requisite, but she always disliked them. +She felt a natural pleasure in the splendour and order of the existing +church service. For the future also the spiritualty were to be bound to +appear—in the customary dress—in a manner worthy of God's service, +with bent knees and with ceremonious devotion. When they proceeded to +revise the confession drawn up by Cranmer, which two years afterwards +was raised to a law in the shape of the 'Thirty-nine Articles,' they +struck out the places that leant to Zwingli's special view; on the other +hand they added some new propositions, which stated the right of the +higher powers, and the authority of each kingdom to determine religious +usages for +itself.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> +For in this consisted the essence of the alteration, that the Civil +Authority, as it was then composed, decided the church-questions that +arose, and raised its decision into law.</p> + +<p>The Statute was, that no person should hold a public office, whether +spiritual or temporal, who did not conform to this law. Thirteen +bishops, four-and-twenty deans, eighty rectors of parishes, and most of +the heads of colleges resigned. It has been said that this number, about +two hundred, is not very considerable, since the English clergy held +9000 benefices and offices; but it comprehended all those who held the +government of the church and represented the prevalent opinion in it. +The difficulty arose how to replace the bishops in conformity with the +principles of the English church constitution as then retained: perhaps +the difficulty was intentional. There were however two conforming +bishops who had received the laying on of hands according to the Roman +ritual, and two others according to the Reformed: these consecrated the +new Archbishop of Canterbury. It was objected to this act that none of +them was in actual possession of a bishop's see: the Queen declared +every defect, whether as to the statutes of the realm or church-usages, +since time and circumstances demanded it, to be nullified or supplied. +It was enough that, generally speaking, the mystery of the episcopal +succession went on without interruption. What was less essential she +supplied by the prerogative of the crown, as her grandfather had done +once before. The archbishop consecrated was Dr. Parker, formerly +chaplain to Anne Boleyn: a thoroughly worthy man, the father of learned +studies on English antiquities, especially on the Anglo-Saxon times. By +him the laying on of hands and consecration was bestowed on the other +bishops who were now elected: they were called on to uphold at the same +time the idea of episcopacy in its primitive import, and the doctrines +of the Reformation.</p> + +<p>In regard to the election of bishops also Elizabeth went back one step +from her brother's system; she gave up the right of appointment, and +restored her father's regulations, by which it is true a strong +influence was still reserved for the Civil Power. Under her supreme +authority she wished to see the spiritual principle recognised as such, +and <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> +to give it a representation corresponding to its high destiny.</p> + +<p>Thus it must needs be. The principle which comes forward for the first +time, however strong it may appear, has yet to secure its future: it +must struggle with the other elements of the world around it. It will be +pressed back, perhaps beaten down: but in the vicissitude of the strife +it will develop its inborn strength and establish itself for ever.</p> + +<p>An Anglican church,—nationally independent, without giving up its +connexion with the reformed churches of the continent, and reformed, +without however letting fall the ancient forms of episcopacy,—in +accordance with the ideal, as it was originally understood, was at +length, after a hard schooling of trials, struggles, and disasters, +really set on foot.</p> + +<p>But now it is clear how closely such a thoroughgoing alteration affected +the political position. Reckoning on the antipathies, which could not +but hence arise against Elizabeth in the catholic world, and above all +on the consent of the Roman See, the French did not hesitate to openly +recognise the claims of the Dauphiness Mary Stuart to the English +throne. She was hailed as Queen, when she appeared in public: the +Dauphin's heralds bore the united arms of England, Ireland, and +Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> +And this claim became still more important after the +unexpected death of Henry II, when the Dauphin ascended the French +throne as Francis II. The Guises, uncles of Mary the new Queen, who saw +their own greatness in her success and were the very closest adherents +of the church, got into their hands all the powers of government. The +danger of their hostility lay above all in this, that the French already +exercised a predominant influence over Scotch affairs, and hoped in a +short time to become complete masters of that country in the Queen's +right. She moreover had already by a formal document transferred to the +French royal house an eventual right of inheritance to her crown. But if +matters came to this, the old war of England and France would be +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +transferred from the fields of Boulogne and Calais to the Scotch border. +An invasion of the English territory from that side was the more +dangerous, as the French would have brought thither, according to their +custom, German and Swiss troops as well. England had neither fortresses, +nor disciplined troops, nor even generals of name, who could face such +an invasion. It was truly said, there was not a wall in England strong +enough to stand a cannon shot.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> +How then if a defeat was sustained +in the open field? The sympathies of the Catholics would have been +aroused for France, and general ruin would have ensued.</p> + +<p>It was a fortunate thing for Elizabeth that the King of Spain, after she +had taken up a line of conduct so completely counter to his wishes and +ideas, did not make common cause with the French as they requested him. +But she could not promise herself any help from him. Granvella told the +English as emphatically as possible, that they must provide for +themselves. Another Spanish statesman expressed his doubt to them +whether they were able to do so: he really thought England would one day +become an apple of discord between Spain and France, as Milan then was. +It was almost a scoff, to compare the Island that had the power of the +sea with an Italian duchy. But from this very moment she was to take a +new upward flight. England was again to take her place as a third Power +between the two great Powers; the opportunity presented itself to her to +begin open war with one of them, without breaking with the other or even +being exactly allied with it.</p> + +<p>At first it was France that threatened and challenged her.</p> + +<p>And to oppose the French, at the point where they might be dangerous, a +ready means presented itself; England had but to form an alliance with +those who opposed the French interests in Scotland. As these likewise +were in opposition to their Queen, it was objected that one sovereign +ought not to combine with the subjects of another. Elizabeth's leading<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> +statesman, William Cecil, who stood ever by her side with his counsel in +the difficulties of her earlier years, and had guided her steps +hitherto, made answer that 'the duty of self-preservation required it in +this case, since Scotland would else be serviceable to France for war +against England.'</p> + +<p>Cecil took into his view alike the past and the future. It was France +alone, he said, that had prevented the English crown from realising its +suzerainty over Scotland: whereas the true interest of Scotland herself +lay in her being united with England as one kingdom. This point of view +was all the more important, since the religious interest coincided with +the political. The Scots, with whom they wished to unite themselves, +were Protestants of the most decided kind. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> 'Ayant visage pale fier haultain et superbe pour +desguyser le regret qu'elle a.' Renard to the Emperor 24 Feb. 1554, in +Tytler ii. 311. He adds, 'si pendant l'occasion s'adonne, elle (la +reine) ne la punyt et Cortenay, elle ne sera jamais assurée.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> 'Manifestò el contentamiento grande que tendria el rey de +saber que se declaba la sucesion en favor de ella (Isabel), cosa que S. +M. habia descado sempre.' In Gonzalez, Apuntamientos para la historia +del rey Don Felipe II. Memorias de la real academia de historia, Madrid, +vii. 253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> One of the documents which Mackintosh (History of England +iii. 25) missed, the commission for the proposal to Elizabeth, which +gives its contents, was soon after printed in Gonzalez, Documentos I. +405.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Feria: 'Dando a entender, que el pueblo la ha puesto en +el estado que esta, y de esto no reconoce nada ni a V. M., ni a la +nobleza del reino.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> An oration of John Hales to the Queen delivered by a +certain nobleman, in Foxe, Martyrs iii. 978. 'It most manifestly +appeareth, that all their doings from the beginning to the end were and +be of none effect force or autority.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> P Sarpi, Concilio di Trento, lib. v. p. 420, confirmed by +Pallavicino lib. xiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Horne's Papers for the reformed, in Collier ii. 416.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Ribadeneyra: 'No fueron sino tres votos mas, los que +determinaron en las cortes, que se mudasse la religion catolica, que los +que pretendian que se conservasse.' Ribadeneyra says the Queen gained +Arundel's vote by allowing him to hope for her hand, and then laughed at +him; but Feria's despatches show that she mocked at his pretensions even +before her entry on the government.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Soames iv. 675. Liturgiae Britannicae 417.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> From Feria's despatches, Apuntamientos 270.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> In Heylin there is a comparison of the original forty-two +with the later thirty-nine Articles; but he did not venture at last to +do what he proposed at first, give his opinion as to the reason and +nature of the variations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Leslaeus de rebus gestis Scotorum: Henricus Mariam +Reginam Angliae Scotiae et Hiberniae declarandam curavit,—Angliae et +Scotiae insignia in ipsius vasis aliisque utensilibus simul pingi +fingique ac adeo tapetibus pulvinis intexi jussit. (In Jebb i. 206.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> From one of Cecil's first notes, 'if they offered battle +with Almains, there was great doubt, how England would be able to +sustain it.' In Nares ii. 27.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_II" id="BIII_II"></a> +OUTLINES OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.</p> + +<p>In its earliest period church reform was everywhere introduced or +promoted by the temporal governments; in Germany by the government of +the Empire, and by the Princes and towns which did not allow the +authorisation, once given them through the Empire, to be again +withdrawn; in the North by the new dynasties which took the place of the +Union-Princes; in Switzerland itself by the Great-Councils which +possessed the substance of the republican authority. After manifold +struggles and vicissitudes this tendency had at last yet once more +established itself in its full force under Queen Elizabeth in England.</p> + +<p>But another tendency was also very powerful in the world. In South +Europe, France, the Netherlands, and a part of the German territory, the +state attached itself to the principles of the old Church. At this very +time in Italy and Spain this led to the complete destruction of what was +there analogous to the Reformation; it has had more influence on the +later circumstances of these countries than it had then. But where the +religious change had already obtained a more durable footing, as in +France and the Netherlands, politico-religious variances of the most +thoroughgoing nature arose almost of necessity: the Protestantism of +Western Europe was pervaded by anti-monarchical ideas. We noticed how +much everything was preparing for this under Queen Mary in England also: +that it did not so happen was owing to the arrangements made by +Elizabeth. But this tendency appeared in full force in Scotland, and in +fact more strongly there than anywhere else.</p> + +<p>In Scotland the efforts made by all the monarchic powers of this period +in common were not so successful as in the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> +rest of Europe. The kings of +the house of Stuart, who had themselves proceeded from the ranks of the +nobility, never succeeded in reducing the powerful lords to real +obedience. The clannish national feeling, closely bordering on the old +Keltic principle, procured the nobles at all times numerous and devoted +followers: they fought out their feuds among themselves, and then +combined anew in free confederacies. They held fast to the view that +their sovereigns were not lords of the land (for they regarded their +possessions as independent properties), not kings of Scotland but kings +of the Scots, above all, kings of the great vassals, who had to pay them +an obedience defined by laws. It gave the kings not a little superiority +that they had obtained a decisive influence over the appointment to the +high dignities in the Church, but this proved advantageous neither to +the Church nor at last to themselves. Sometimes two vassals actually +fought with each other for a rich benefice. The French abuses came into +vogue here also: ecclesiastical benefices fell to the dependents of the +court, to the younger sons of leading houses, often to their bastards: +they were given or sold <i>in commendam</i>, and then served only for +pleasure and gain: the Scotch Church fell into an exceedingly scandalous +and corrupt state.</p> + +<p>It was not so much disputed questions of doctrine as in Germany, nor +again the attempt to keep out Papal influence as in England, but mainly +aversion to the moral corruption of the spiritualty which gave the first +impulse to the efforts at reformation in Scotland. We find Lollard +societies among the Scots much later than in England: their tendencies +spread through wide circles owing to the anticlerical spirit of the +century, and received fresh support from the doctrinal writings that +came over from Germany. But the Scotch clergy was resolved to defend +itself with all its might. Sometimes it had to sit in judgment on +invectives against its disorderly and luxurious life, sometimes on +refusals to pay established dues: or Lutheran doctrines had been +preached: it persecuted all with equal severity as tending to injure the +stability of holy Church, and awarded the most extreme penalties. To put +suspected heretics to death by fire was the order of the day; happy the +man who escaped the unrelenting persecution +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> +by flight, which was only possible amid great peril.</p> + +<p>These two causes, an undeniably corrupt condition and relentless +punishment of those who blamed it as it well deserved, gave the Reform +movement in Scotland, which was repressed but not stifled, a peculiar +character of exasperation and thirst for vengeance.</p> + +<p>Nor was it without a political bearing in Scotland as elsewhere. In +particular Henry VIII proposed to his nephew, King James V, to remodel +the Church after his example: and a part of the nobility, which was +already favourably disposed towards England, would have gladly seen this +done. But James preferred the French pattern to the English: he was kept +firm in his Catholic and French sympathies by his wife, Mary of Guise, +and by the energetic Archbishop Beaton. Hence he became involved in the +war with England in which he fell, and after this it occasionally +seemed, especially at the time of the invasions by the Duke of Somerset, +as if the English, and in connexion with them the Protestant, sympathies +would gain the ascendancy. But national feelings were still stronger +than the religious. Exactly because England defended and recommended the +religious change it failed to make way in Scotland. Under the regency of +the Queen dowager, with some passing fluctuations, the clerical +interests on the whole kept the upper hand. In spite of a general +sympathy the prospects of Reform were slender. It could not reckon on +any quarrel between the government and the higher clergy: foreign +affairs rather exercised a hostile influence. It is remarkable how under +these unfavourable circumstances the foundation of the Scotch Church was +laid.</p> + +<p>Most of the Scots who had fled from the country were content to provide +for their subsistence in a foreign land and improve their own culture. +But there was one among them who did not reconcile himself for one +moment to this fate. John Knox was the first who formed a Protestant +congregation in the besieged fortress of S. Andrew's; when the French +took the place in 1547 he was made prisoner and condemned to serve in +the galleys. But while his feet were in fetters, he uttered his +conviction in the fiery preface to a work on Justification, that this +doctrine would yet again be +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> +preached in his +fatherland.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> +After he was released, he took a zealous share in the labours of the English +Reformers under Edward VI, but was not altogether content with the +result; after the King's death he had to fly to the continent. He went +to Geneva, where he became a student once more and tried to fill up the +gaps in his studies, but above all he imbibed, or confirmed his +knowledge of, the views which prevailed in that Church. 'Like the first +Reformers of French Switzerland, Knox also lived in the opinion that the +Romish service was an idolatry which should be destroyed from off the +earth. And he was fully convinced of the doctrine of the independence of +the spiritual principle side by side with the State, and believed that +the new spiritualty also was authorised to exclude men from the Church, +views for which Calvin was at that very time contending. Thus he was +equally armed for the struggle against the Papacy and against the +temporal power allied with it, when a transient relaxation of +ecclesiastical control in Scotland made it possible for him to return +thither. In the war between France and Spain the Regent took the side of +France: she lighted bonfires to announce the capture of Calais; out of +antipathy to Mary Tudor and her Spanish government she allowed the +English fugitives to be received in Scotland. Knox himself ventured to +return towards the end of 1555: without delay he set his hand to form a +church-union, according to his ideas of religious independence, which +was not to be again destroyed by any State power.</p> + +<p>Among the devout Protestants who gathered together in secret the leading +question was, whether it was consistent with conscience to go to mass, +as most then did. Knox was not merely against any one doing wrong that +good might come of it, but he went on further to restore the interrupted +Protestant service of God. Sometimes in one and sometimes in another of +the places of refuge which he found he administered the Communion to +little congregations according to the Reformed rite; this was done with +greater solemnity at Easter 1556 in the house of Lord Erskine of Dun, +one of those Scottish +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> +noblemen who had ever promoted literary studies +and the religious movement as far as lay in his power. A number of +people of consequence from the Mearns (Mearnshire) were present. But +they were not content with partaking the Communion; following the mind +of their preacher they pledged themselves to avoid every other religious +community, and to uphold with all their power the preaching of the +Gospel.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> +In this union we may see the origin of the Scotch Church +properly so called. Knox had no doubt that it was perfectly lawful. From +the power which the lords possessed in Scotland he concluded that this +duty was incumbent on them. For they were not lords for themselves, but +in order to protect their subjects and dependents against every +violence. From a distance he called on his friends—for he had once more +to leave Scotland, since the government recurred to its earlier +severity—not again to prefer their own ease to the glory of God, but +for very conscience' sake to venture their lives for their oppressed +brethren. At Erskine's house met together also Lord Lorn, afterwards +Earl of Argyle, and the Prior of S. Andrews, subsequently Earl of +Murray; in December 1557 Erskine, Lorn, Murray, Glencairn (also a friend +of Knox), and Morton, united in a solemn engagement, to support God's +word and defend his congregation against every evil and tyrannical power +even unto death.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> +When in spite of this another execution took place +which excited universal aversion, they proceeded to an express +declaration, that they would not suffer any man to be punished for +transgressing a clerical law based on human ordinances.</p> + +<p>What the influence of England had not been able to effect, was now +produced by antipathy to France. The opinion +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> +prevailed that the King of +France wished to add Scotland to his territories, and that the Regent +gave him aid thereto. When she gathered the feudal array on the borders +in 1557 (for the Scots had refused to contribute towards enlisting +mercenaries) to invade England according to an understanding with the +French, the barons held a consultation on the Tweed, in consequence of +which they refused their co-operation for this purpose. The matrimonial +crown was indeed even afterwards granted to the Dauphin, when he married +Mary Stuart;<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> +but thereupon misunderstandings arose with all the +more bitterness. Meetings were everywhere held in a spirit hostile to +the government.</p> + +<p>It was this quarrel of the Regent with the great men of the country that +gave an opportunity to the lords who were combined for the support of +religion to advance with increasing resolution. Among their proposals +there is none weightier than that which they laid before her in March +1559, just when the Regent had gathered around her a numerous +ecclesiastical assembly. They demanded that the bishops should be +elected for the future by the nobility and gentry of each diocese, the +parish clergy by the parishioners, and only those were to be elected who +were of esteemed life and possessed the requisite capacity: divine +service was to be henceforth held in the language of the country. The +assembled clergy rejected both demands. They remarked that to set aside +the influence of the crown on the elections involved a diminution of its +authority which could not be defended, especially during the minority of +the sovereign. Only in the customary forms would they allow of any +amendments.</p> + +<p>But this assembly was not content with rejecting the proposals: they +confirmed the usages and services stigmatised by their opponents as +superstitious, and forbade the celebration of the sacraments in any +other form than that sanctioned by the Church. The royal court at +Stirling called a number of preachers to its bar for unauthorised +assumption of priestly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> +functions.</p> + +<p>The preachers were ready to come: the lords in whose houses they +sojourned were security for them. And already they had the popular +sympathy as well as aristocratic protection. It was an old custom of the +country that, in especially important judicial proceedings, the accused +appeared accompanied by his friends. Now therefore the friends of the +Reformation assembled in great numbers at Perth from the Mearns, Dundee, +and Angus, that, by jointly avowing the doctrines on account of which +their spiritual leaders were called to account, their condemnation might +be rendered impossible.</p> + +<p>As to the Regent we are assured that she was not in general firmer in +her leaning towards the hierarchy than other Princes of the time, and +had once even entertained the thought that the supreme ecclesiastical +power belonged to +her;<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> +but, perhaps alarmed by the vehemence of the +preachers, she had done nothing to obtain such a power. It now appeared +to her that it would be a good plan to check the flow of the masses to +the place of trial by some friendly words which she addressed to Erskine +of Dun.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> +The Protestants saw in them the assurance of an +interposition in the direction of lenity, and stayed away; but without +regard to this and without delay the Justiciary at Stirling, Henry +Levingstoune, proceeded to business on the day appointed, 20 May 1559. +As the preachers did not appear, those who had become security for them +were condemned to a money-fine, while they themselves were denounced as +rebels,<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> +as having withdrawn themselves from the royal jurisdiction; +an edict followed which pronounced them exiled, and in the severest +terms forbade any to give them protection or favour.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> +The news fell like a spark of fire among the inflammable masses of +Protestants assembled at Perth. The sentence promulgated was an open act +of hostility against the lords, who felt themselves bound by their word +which they had given to the preachers and by their vow to each other. +They considered that the Regent's promise had given them a right against +her; Lord Erskine, whom the others had warned, declared that he had been +deceived by her. While the Regent had prevented a collision between the +two parties at Stirling, she had occasioned in one of them, at Perth, +the outbreak of a popular storm against the hierarchy of the land, their +representatives, and the monuments of their religion. John Knox, who had +come, as he said, to be where men were striving against Satan, called on +them in a fiery sermon to destroy the images which were the instruments +of idolatry. The attempt of a priest, after the sermon, to proceed to +high mass and open the tabernacle of the altar, was all that was needed +to cause a tumult even in the church itself, in which the images of the +saints were destroyed; and the outbreak spreading through the city +directed itself against the monasteries and laid them too in ruins. How +entirely different is Knox from Luther! The German reformer made all +outward change depend on the gradual influence of doctrine, and did not +wish to set himself in rebellious opposition to the public order under +which he lived. The Scot called on men to destroy whatever contravened +his religious ideas. The Lords of the Congregation, who became ever more +numerous, declared themselves resolved to do all that God commands in +Scripture, and destroy all that tended to dishonour his name. With these +objects, and with their co-operation and connivance, the stormy movement +once raised surged everywhere further over the country. The monasteries +were also destroyed in Stirling, Glasgow, and S. Andrews; the abbeys of +Melrose, Dunfermline, and Cambuskenneth fell: and the proud abbey of +Scone, an incomparable monument of the hierarchic feeling of earlier +ages, was, together with the bishop's palace, levelled to the ground. It +may be that the popular fury went far beyond the original intentions of +the leaders, but without doubt it was also part of their purpose, to +make an end above all of the monasteries and abbeys, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> +from which nothing but resistance could be +expected.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> +It has been regarded even in our +days as a measure of prudence, dictated by the circumstances, that they +destroyed these monuments, which by their imposing size and the +splendour of the service performed in them would have always produced an +impression adverse to the Reformation. On the other hand the cathedrals +and parish churches were to be preserved, and after being cleansed from +images were to be devoted to Protestant worship. Everywhere the +church-unions, which were at once formed and organised on Protestant +principles, gained the upper hand. The Mass ceased: the Prayer-book of +King Edward VI took its place.</p> + +<p>So the reformed Scotch Church put itself in possession, in a moment, of +the greatest part of the country. It was from the beginning a +self-governed establishment: it found support in the union of some +lords, whose power likewise rested on independent rights: but it first +gained free play when the French policy of the Regent alienated the +nobility and the nation from her. On the one side now stood the princess +and the clergy, on the other the lords and the preachers. As their +proposals were rejected and preparations made to defend the hierarchic +system with the power of the State, the opposition also similarly arose, +claiming to have an original right: revolt broke out; the church system +of the Romish hierarchy was overthrown and a Protestant one put in its +place. In the history of Protestantism at large the year 1559 is among +the most important. During the very days in which the revised Common +Prayer-book was restored in England (so definitely putting an end to the +Catholic religion of the realm), the monuments of Roman Catholicism in +Scotland were broken in pieces, and the unrevised Common Prayer-book +introduced into the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> +churches. But yet how great was the difference! In +the one country all was done under the guidance of a Queen to whom the +nation adhered, in consequence of Parliamentary enactments, the ancient +forms being preserved as far as possible: here the whole transaction was +completed in opposition to the Regent, under the guidance of an +aristocracy engaged in conflict with her, amidst very great tumult, +while all that was ancient was set aside.</p> + +<p>At the beginning of July the Scotch lords had become masters of the +capital as well, and had reformed it according to their own views, with +the most lively sympathy of the citizens. They were resolved to uphold +the change of religion now effected, cost what it would, and hoped to do +so in a peaceful manner. When Perth again opened her gates to the Regent +after the first tumult, under the condition that she should punish no +one, she promised at the same time to put off the adjustment of all +questions in dispute to the next Parliament. There they intended to +carry at once the recognition of the Reformation in its whole breadth, +and the removal of the French. We perceive that it was their plan in +that case to obey the Regent as before, and to unite the abbey-lands to +the possessions of the crown. 'But if your Grace does not agree to +this,' so runs the letter of a confederate, 'they are resolved to reject +all union with you.'</p> + +<p>It was soon shown that the last was the only alternative. The regent +collected so many French and Scotch troops that the lords did not +venture to stop her return to Edinburgh. They came to an agreement +instead, in which she promised to prosecute no member of the +Congregation, and especially no preacher, and not to allow the clergy on +the ground of their jurisdiction to undertake any annoying proceedings: +in return for which the lords on their side pledged themselves not to +disturb any of the clergy or destroy any more of the church buildings. +It was a truce in which each party, sword in hand, reserved to itself +the power of defending its partisans against the other. The two parties +encountered in Edinburgh. The inhabitants had called Knox to be their +preacher, and when he thought it unsafe to stay in the city after the +Congregation withdrew, another +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> +champion of the Reformation, Willok, +filled his place with hardly less zeal and success. But on the other +side the bishop of Amiens appeared with some doctors of the Sorbonne at +the Regent's court. Here and there the Protestant service was again +discarded; the Paris theologians defended the old dogma among the Scotch +scholars, and made even now some impression; the mass and the preaching +contended with each other. As to the Regent's views there can be no +doubt. She drew the attention of the French court to the frequent +intercourse between the nobles of Protestant views in France and +Scotland, and to the encouragement the Scots had from the French; but +she gave the assurance that she would soon finish with the Scots if she +received support. Some French companies had just landed at Leith, they +had brought with them munitions of war and money: the Regent demanded +four companies more, to make up twenty, and perhaps 100 hommes d'armes; +if only four French ships were stationed at Leith to keep off foreign +assistance, she pledged herself to put down the movement +everywhere.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p> + +<p>Then the Scots also decided that they must employ their utmost means of +resistance. They had framed politico-religious theories, in virtue of +which they believed in their right to do so. The substance of the whole +is that they acknowledged indeed an obligation on the conscience which +required obedience to the sovereign, but at the same time they held that +the obligation came to an end as soon as the sovereign contravened the +known will of God: an idolatrous sovereign, so said the preachers, could +be deposed and punished:—should the supreme Head put off the reform +which was required by God's law, the right and the duty of executing it +falls on the subordinate authorities.</p> + +<p>But the lords claimed also an authority based on the laws of the land. +When the French troops began to fortify Leith, they held themselves +justified in raising remonstrances against it: they demanded that the +Regent should desist from +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> +the design. As she replied with a +proclamation which sounded very offensive to themselves, they had no +scruple in taking up arms. Each noble collected his men round him and +appeared at their head in the field. Relying on the fine army which was +thus brought together, they repeated their demand, with the remark, that +in receiving foreign troops into the harbour-town there was involved a +manifest attempt to enslave the land by force: if the Regent would not +lend an ear to their remonstrances, they being the hereditary +councillors of the crown, they would remember their oath which bound +them to provide for the general welfare. The Regent expressed her +astonishment to the lords through a herald that there should be any +other authority in the realm than that of her daughter, the Queen. She +already felt herself strong enough to order them and their troops to +disperse, on pain of the punishment appointed for high treason. On this +the great men met in the old council-house at Edinburgh, to consider the +question whether it was obligatory to pay obedience to a princess, who +was but regent, and who disregarded the opinion of the hereditary +councillors of the crown. The consultation, at which some preachers +supported the views of the lords with similar arguments, ended in the +declaration that the Regent no longer possessed an authority which she +was using to the damage of the realm. In the name of the King and Queen +they announced to her that the commission she had received from them was +at an end. 'And as your Grace,' so they continued, 'will not acknowledge +us as your councillors, we also will no longer acknowledge you as our +regent.'<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p> + +<p>To this pass matters had now come. The combined interests, on the one +side of the crown and the clergy, on the other of the lords and the +Protestants, came into open and avowed conflict. The Act of Suspension +is but the proclamation of war in a form which would enable them to +avoid directly breaking with their duties towards +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span>their born prince.</p> + +<p>The lords' first enterprise was directed against the French troops which +held Leith in their possession, and which were now first of all to be +driven out of the country: but the hastily-constructed fortifications +there proved stronger than was expected. And not merely were their +assaults on Leith repelled, but the Lords soon saw themselves driven +from their strongest positions, for instance from Stirling; their +possessions were wasted far and wide; the war, which was transferred to +Fife, took an unfortunate turn for them; to all appearance they were +lost if they did not obtain help from abroad.</p> + +<p>But to whom could they apply for it if not to their neighbour, just now +rising in power, Elizabeth Queen of England?</p> + +<p>They might have hesitated, as they had indeed repelled the influence of +Henry VIII and of Somerset, even when it was united with reforming +tendencies. But how entirely different were matters now from what they +had been then! With their own hands they had already given themselves a +Protestant church-system, which was national in a high degree, and +somewhat opposite to the English one. So long as it existed, the +influence England would gain by giving them help could never become the +supremacy, at which it is certain attempts had previously been made.</p> + +<p>We know too the objections which were made in England against a union +with the Scots. To these were added the Queen's decided antipathies to +the new form of church government and to its leaders: she could not bear +the mention of Knox's name. But all these considerations disappeared +before the pressing danger and the political necessity. In opposition to +France, Protestant England and Protestant Scotland, however different +the religious and even the political tendencies prevailing in each of +them, held out their hands to each other.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth had already at an earlier time privately given the Scots some +support: the moment at which she gave them decisive assistance is worth +noticing.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> +The Regent's French and Scotch troops were planning an attack on S. +Andrews, and had made themselves masters of Dysarts; the lords, again +retreating, marched along the coast, and the French were in pursuit when +a fleet hove in sight in the distance. The French welcomed it with +salvos of cannon, for they had no doubt that it was their own fleet, +bringing them help from France, long expected, and now in fact known to +be ready. But it soon appeared that they were English vessels, in +advance of the larger fleet which had put to sea under Vice-admiral +Winter. Nothing remained for the French, when thus undeceived, but to +give up their project and withdraw. But the whole state of things was +thus altered. Soon after this the Scots, to whose assistance English +troops had also come by land, were able to advance against Leith and +resume the suspended siege.</p> + +<p>Everything that is to come to pass in the world has its right time and +hour. Incredible as it may seem, the champion of the strictest +Catholicism, the King of Spain, was at this moment not merely for help +being given to the Scots, but pressing for it; his ministers complained +not that the Queen interfered, but that she did not do so more quickly. +For in the union of Scotland and France, which was already complete in a +military sense, they saw a danger for themselves. The enthusiastic Knox, +who only lived and moved in religious ideas, was, more than he foresaw, +a link in the chain of European affairs. Without the impulse which he +gave to the minds of men, that resistance to the Regent, by which a +complete union with France was hindered, would have been impossible.</p> + +<p>A treaty was made in Berwick between Queen Elizabeth and the Scotch +lords, by which they bound themselves to drive the French out of +Scotland with their united strength. The lords promised to remain +obedient to their Queen, but Elizabeth assented to the additional words, +that this was not to be in such cases as might lead to the overthrow of +the old Scottish rights and liberties. This was a very comprehensive +clause, which placed the further attempts of the Scotch lords against +the monarchical power under English protection.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> +While the siege of Leith was being carried on by land and sea, +commissioners from France appeared on the part of Queen Mary Stuart and +her husband, as they had now assumed the place of the Regent (who had +died in the midst of these troubles), to attempt to bring about an +agreement. The chief among them was Monluc, bishop of Valence, a +well-meaning and moderate man even in religious matters, who, convinced +of the impossibility of carrying on the war any further with success, +gave way step by step before the inflexible purpose of the English +plenipotentiary, William Cecil. He put his hand to the treaty of +Edinburgh, in which the withdrawal of the French troops from Scotland +and the destruction of the fortifications of Leith were stipulated for. +This satisfied the chief demand of the lords, and at the same time +agreed with the wish of the neighbouring Power. The King and Queen of +France and Scotland were no longer to bear the title and arms of England +and Ireland. For Scotland a provisional government was arranged on the +basis of election by the Estates; it was settled that for the future +also the Queen and King should decide on war and peace only by their +advice. It is easy to see how much a limitation of the Scotch crown was +connected with the interests of the Power that was injured by its union +with the crown of France.</p> + +<p>Religion was not expressly mentioned; Queen Elizabeth had purposely +avoided it. But when the Scotch Parliament, to which the adjustment of +the matters in dispute was once more referred in the treaty of +Edinburgh, now met, nothing else could be expected than what in fact +happened. The Protestant Confession was accepted almost without +opposition, the bishops' jurisdiction declared to be abolished according +to the view of the confederate lords, the celebration of the Mass not +only forbidden, but, after the example of Geneva, prohibited under the +severest penalties.</p> + +<p>How mightily had the self-governing church-society, founded three years +and a half before in the castle at Dun, secured its foothold! By its +union with the claims of the aristocracy it had broken up the existing +government not merely of the Church but also of the State. It was of +unspeakable importance for the subsequent fortunes of England that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> this +vigorous living element had been taken under the protection of the Queen +of that country and supported by her.</p> + +<p>But at the same time, if we may so say, it complicated her personal +relations inextricably. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Extract in M'Crie, Life of John Knox 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Knox, History of the Reformation,—a work which some +later insertions have not deprived of its credit for trustworthiness, +which it otherwise deserves,—p. 92. 'That they refussit all society +with idolatri and band them selfes to the uttermost of their powery to +manetein the trew preiching of the evangille, as God should offer unto +thame preichers and opportunity.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> 'That we sall—apply our haill power substance and our +verie lyves, to mantein set forward and establish the most blissit word +of God, and his congregatioun sall labour—to have faithful ministeris, +puirlie and trewlie to minister Christis evangell and sacramentis to his +pepyll.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> According to Leslaeus 205, in this the promise was +specially emphatic, that everything should be done, 'Ne regina nostra +Angliae sceptro excluderetur.' This was during Mary Tudor's lifetime.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> So King James said at the Conference of Hampton Court, +State Trials ii. 85; negociations must have taken place of which we know +nothing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Knox: 'That she wald tak sume better order:' and so in +Calderwood. Buchanan xvi. 590: 'Se interea nihil adversus quemquam +illius sectae molituram.' Spottiswood i. 271: That the diet should +desert and nothing be done to the prejudice of the ministres.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Praefati Paulus Methven, Joannes Cristesoun, Willielmus +Harlaw et Joannes Willok denunciati sunt rebelles S. D. N. regis et +reginae. From the Justiciary records in M'Crie, Note GG. 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Kirkaldy of Grange, one of the leaders of the +Protestants, to Sir Henry Percy, Edinburgh, 1 July, in Tytler vi. 107. +'The manner of their proceeding in reformation is this. They pull down +all manner of friaries and some abbeys, which willingly receive not the +reformation: as to parish churches they cleanse them of images and other +monuments of idolatry and command that no masses be said in them.' Even +now M'Crie says: 'I look upon the destruction of those monuments as a +piece of good policy.' Life of Knox 130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> I find this only in Lesley 215, who is in general the +best informed as to the relations of the Regent with the French court.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> 'As your grace will not acknowledge us, our soverane +lords and ladyis liegis for your subjectis and counssail, na mair will +we acknowledge you for our regent.' Declaration of 23 Oct. 1559.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_III" id="BIII_III"></a> +MARY STUART IN SCOTLAND. RELATION OF THE TWO QUEENS TO EACH OTHER.</p> + +<p>People were now fully satisfied that they had obtained something great, +and had laid a firm foundation for secure relations throughout all +future time: but it became clear at once that this was not the case. +Francis II and his wife seemed to have forgotten that they had promised +on their royal word, in the instructions to their ambassadors, to accept +whatever they should arrange: they refused to ratify the treaty of +Edinburgh. For it was really concluded by the Queen of England with men +in rebellion against them, by whom it was chiefly subscribed. They +regarded it as an insult that the Scots deputed an embassy of great +lords to England, whilst the request to confirm all that was arranged in +Scotland was laid before them, their Queen and their King, by a +gentleman of less distinguished birth. They felt themselves highly +injured by a Parliament being called even before they had ratified the +treaty, without any authorisation on their side. How were they to accept +its resolutions? Francis II on the contrary said, he would prove to the +Scots that they had no power to meet together in their own name, just as +if they were a republic.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> +And as little was he inclined to give up +the title and arms of England according to the treaty: he said he had +hitherto borne them with good right, and saw no reason to give +satisfaction to others, before he had received any himself.</p> + +<p>Those were the days in which the French government, guided by the +Queen's uncles, including the Cardinal of Lorraine, had considerably +repressed the Protestant movements<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> which were stirring in France, had +brought the insurgent princes into its power, and was occupied in +establishing a strict system of obedience in ecclesiastical and +political matters; with kindred aims it sought in Scotland also to +revert to its earlier policy; all concessions made to the contrary it +ignored. I see here, says the English ambassador Throckmorton, more +intention of vengeance than inclination to peace.</p> + +<p>At this juncture occurred the unexpected event which gave French affairs +another shape. King Francis II died at the beginning of December 1559 +without issue; and the Guises could not maintain the authority they had +hitherto possessed. The kingdom which, by the extent and unity of its +power, was wont to exercise a dominant influence over all others, fell +into religious and political troubles which engrossed and broke up its +force.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth took some part also in these movements within France itself: +it was her natural policy to support the opponents of the Guises, who +likewise stood so near her in their religious confession. With their +consent she once occupied Havre, but allowed it without much hesitation +to fall again into the hands of the French government which was then +guided by Catharine Medici, who for some time even made common cause +with the leaders of the Huguenots. We cannot here follow out these +relations any further, for to understand them fully would require us to +go into the details of the changeful dissensions in France: for English +history these are only so far important as they made it impossible for +the French to act upon England.</p> + +<p>On the other hand the entire sequel of English history turns on the +relation to Scotland: Scotch affairs already form a constituent part of +the English, and demand our whole attention.</p> + +<p>At first sight it would not have seemed so impossible to bring about +peace and even friendship between the Queen of Scotland and the Queen of +England: for the former was of course no longer bound to the interests +of the French crown. But this expectation also proved deceitful. A +primary condition would have been the acceptance of the treaty of +Edinburgh;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> +Elizabeth demanded this expressly and as if it were +obligatory on Mary, who would as little consent to it after, as before, +the death of her husband. She ceased to bear the arms of England: all +else she deferred till her arrival in Scotland. Immediately on this, at +the first step, the mutual antipathy broke +out.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> +In consequence of +the refusal to ratify the treaty, Elizabeth declined Mary's request to +be allowed to return home through England. Mary regarded this as an +insult: it is worth while to hear her words. 'I was once,' so she said, +'brought to France in spite of all the opposition of her brother: I will +return to Scotland without her leave. She has combined with my +rebellious subjects: but there are also malcontents in England who would +listen to a proposal from my side with delight: I am a Queen as well as +she, and not altogether friendless, and perhaps I have as great a soul +too.'</p> + +<p>Few words, but they contain motives of jealousy rising out of the depths +of her inmost heart and announce a stormy future. But at first Mary +could not give effect to them.</p> + +<p>Some Catholic lords did indeed request her to come to them in the +northern counties, whence they would escort her to her capital with an +armed force. But who could advise her to begin her government with a +civil war? She would then have herself driven the Protestant lords over +to the side of her foe. But she had connexions with them as well. Their +leader, her half-brother James, Prior of S. Andrews, whom she now +created Earl of Murray, a man of spirit, energy, and comprehensive +views, appeared before her in France; his experience and caution and +even the inner tie of blood-relationship always gave him a great +influence over her resolutions. He showed her how it was possible to +rule Scotland even under existing circumstances, so as to have a +tolerable understanding with Elizabeth, but reserving all else for the +future. These counsels she followed. Not with Elizabeth's help, but yet +without hindrance from her, she arrived at Holyrood in August 1561. +Murray succeeded +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> +in obtaining, though not without great opposition, and +almost by personally keeping off opponents, that she should be allowed +to have mass celebrated before her. He took affairs into his own hands; +the Protestants had the ascendancy in the country and in the royal +council.</p> + +<p>Not that Queen Mary by this fully acquiesced in what had happened, or +recognised the state of affairs in Scotland. She even now confirmed +neither the treaty of Edinburgh, nor the resolutions of Parliament based +on it: but in the first place took possession of her throne, reserving +her dynastic rights.</p> + +<p>A sight without a parallel, these two Queens in Albion, haughty and +wondrous creatures of nature and circumstances!</p> + +<p>They were both of high mental culture. From Mary we have French poems, +of a truth of feeling and a simplicity of language, which were then rare +in literature. Her letters are fresh and eloquent effusions of momentary +moods and wishes: they impress us even if we know that they are not +exactly true. She has pleasure in lively discussion, in which she +willingly takes a playful, sometimes a familiar, tone; but always shows +herself equal to the subject. From Elizabeth also we have some lines in +verse, not exactly of a poetic strain, not very harmonious in +expression, but full of high thoughts and resolves. Her letters are +skilful but, owing to their allusions and antitheses, far from +perspicuous products of reflection, although succinct and rich in +matter. She was acquainted with the learned languages, had studied the +ancient classics and translated one or two, had read much of the +church-fathers: in her expressions there sometimes appears an insight +into the inner connexion between history and ideas, which fills us with +astonishment. In conversation she tried above all things to produce a +sense of her gifts and accomplishments. She shone through a combination +of grandeur and condescension which appeared like grace and sweetness, +and sometimes awakened a personal homage, for which in the depths of her +soul she cherished a longing. She did but toy with such feelings, to +Mary they were a reality. Mary possessed that natural power of womanly +charm which awakens +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> +strong, even if not lasting, passion. Her personal +life fluctuates between the wish to find a husband who could advance her +interests and those passionate ebullitions by which she is also herself +overpowered. This however does not hinder her from devoting all her +attention to the business of government. Both Queens work with like zeal +in their Privy Council: and they only deliberate with men of intimate +trust; the resolutions which are adopted are always their own. Elizabeth +yields more to the wisdom of tried councillors, though even these are +not sure of her favour for a moment, and have a hard place of it with +her. Mary fluctuates between full devotion and passionate hate: she is +almost always swayed by an unlimited confidence in the man who meets her +wishes. Elizabeth lets things come to her: Mary is ever restless and +enterprising.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> +Elizabeth appeared once in the field, to animate the +courage of her troops in a great peril. Mary took a personal share in +the local Scottish feuds: she was seen riding at the head of a small +feudal army against the enemy, with pistols at her saddle-bow.</p> + +<p>But we here discontinue this representation of the antitheses of +character between them, which first acquired historical import through +the differences of position in which the two sovereigns found +themselves.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth was mistress of her State, as well in its religious as its +political constitution. She had revived the obedience once paid to her +father; and remodelled the Church in the decidedly Protestant spirit +which corresponded to her personal position; at first every man +submitted to the new order of things, though many looked on its growth +only with aversion. Mary on the contrary had to accommodate herself to a +form of Church, and even of State, government, which was founded in +opposition to the right of her predecessors, and above all to her own +views. If she ever thought of making her own religion predominant, or of +oppressing that which was newly established, open resistance was +announced to her in threatening +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> +terms by its leader John Knox. However +much this reaction against her religious belief straitened her on the +one side, yet on another side it opened out to her a wider prospect. She +already had numerous personally devoted partisans in Great Britain, both +in Scotland where she could yet once more call them together, and in +England where she was secretly regarded by not a few as the lawful +Queen; but, besides this, she had many in Catholic Europe, which had +become reunited during these years (the times when the Council of Trent +was drawing to a close) around the Papal authority, and was preparing to +bring back those who had fallen away. This great confederacy gave Mary a +position which made her capable of confronting a neighbour in herself so +much more powerful.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth once touched on the old claims of England to supremacy over +Scotland: the ambition of all the Scotch kings, to prove to the English +that they were independent of them, still lived in Mary: when queen was +set over against queen, it took a more sharply-expressed shape; any +whisper of subjection seemed to her an outrage.</p> + +<p>For the moment Mary had, as before mentioned, given up the title of +'Queen of England': but all her thoughts were directed towards the point +of getting her presumptive hereditary right to that kingdom recognised, +and of preparing for its realisation at a later time.</p> + +<p>But now there were two ways by which she might gain her end. She might +either get her claim to the English throne recognised by an agreement +with its present possessor, which did not appear so unattainable, as +Elizabeth was unmarried, and such a settlement would have been legally +valid in England; or she might enter into a dynastic alliance with a +neighbouring great power, so as to be enabled to carry her claims into +effect one day through its military +strength.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p> + +<p>With this last view negociations were during several years carried on +for a marriage with Don Carlos the son of the Spanish +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> +King. For in the same proportion that the union of Scotch and French interests dissolved, +did the opposite alliance between Spain and England become looser. The +most varied reasons made Philip II wish to enter into direct and close +relations with Scotland. Immediately after the death of Francis II, a +negociation was set on foot with a view to this alliance, on Mary's +giving an audience to the Spanish ambassador, to the vexation of Queen +Catharine of France, who wished to see this richest of princes, and the +one who seemed destined to the greatest power, reserved for her own +youngest daughter. After Mary returned to Scotland similar rumours were +renewed, and from time to time we meet with a negociation for this +object. When her minister Lethington was in London in the spring of +1563, he agreed with the Spanish ambassador that this marriage was the +only desirable one: it was longed for by all Scotch and English +Catholics. Soon afterwards the ambassador sent a young member of the +embassy to Scotland, in the deepest secrecy, by a long circuit through +Ireland; not without difficulty he obtained an interview with Mary +Stuart, in which he assured himself of her inclination for the marriage. +In the autumn of 1563 Catharine Medici showed herself well informed +about this negociation and much disquieted by +it.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> +It appeared to depend only on Philip's decision whether the marriage was concluded or +not.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> +After some time the Scotch Privy Council sent the bishop of +Ross to Spain, to bring the matter about. The Queen herself corresponded +on it with Cardinal Granvella and the Duchess of Arschot.</p> + +<p>Don Carlos was too weak, too morbidly excited, to be married when young. +King Philip, who did not wish to feed his ambition, at last gave the +plan up, and recommended, instead of his son, his nephew the Archduke +Charles of Austria.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> +But the one was as disagreeable to the English court as the other. +Elizabeth had announced eternal enmity to Queen Mary if she married a +prince of the house of Austria. Besides, the Spanish influence in +England troubled her: she now saw herself already under the necessity of +demanding and enforcing the recall of the Spanish ambassador, because he +drew the Catholic party round him and incited them to oppose the laws of +England. What might have come of it, if a prince of this house should +now obtain rule over a part of the island itself?</p> + +<p>But while Mary through these secret negociations tried to obtain the +support of a great Catholic house for her claims, she neglected nothing +that could contribute at the same time to make a good and friendly +understanding with Queen Elizabeth possible, and to bring it about. In +the company of her half-brother Murray, who held the reins of government +with a firm hand, supported by his religious and political friends, she +undertook a campaign into the Northern counties (which inclined to +Catholicism), to make them submit to the universal law of the land. Only +one priest was allowed at court, from whom she heard mass; some of those +who read the mass elsewhere were occasionally punished for it; clergymen +who complained of the hardship they experienced were referred to Murray. +This proceeding too was only temporary, it was intended to incline the +Queen of England to her wishes. All quarrel was carefully avoided: on +solemn festivals she drank to the English ambassador, to the health of +his mistress. Besides, there were negociations for a meeting of the two +Queens in person at York, where Mary hoped to be solemnly recognised as +presumptive heiress of +England.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> +However much it otherwise lies +beyond the mental horizon of this epoch of firm and mutually opposed +convictions, Mary was then thought capable of willingly adopting the +forms of the English Church; to this even the Cardinal of Lorraine had +assented. She herself unceasingly declared that she wished to honour +Elizabeth as a mother, as an elder sister. But the Queen of England, +after all sorts of promises, preparations, and delays, declined the +interview. She would +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> +hear absolutely nothing of any recognition of the +claim of inheritance. With naive plainness she inferred that such a +declaration would not lead 'to concord with her sister, the Queen of +Scotland,' since naturally a sovereign does not love his heir;—how +indeed could that be possible, since every one is wont to make the heir +the object of his aim and hopes;—she might increase Mary's importance +by the recognition, but at the same time she would undermine her +own;—whether Mary had a right to the English throne, she did not know +and did not even wish to know: for she was (and as she said this, she +pointed to the ring on her finger in proof) married to the people of +England; if the Queen of Scotland had a right to the English throne, +that should be left to her unimpaired.</p> + +<p>And none could deny that such a declaration as Mary required had its +hazardous side for Elizabeth. Henry VIII's settlement of the succession, +on which Elizabeth's own accession rested, excluded the Scotch line: in +virtue of it the descendants of the younger sister, who were natives of +England, possessed a greater right. And how if the Queen of Scots, when +recognised as heir to England, afterwards gave her hand to a Catholic +prince hostile to Elizabeth? The dangers indicated above would then be +doubled, the followers of the ancient Church would have attached +themselves to the royal couple, and formed a compact party in opposition +to Elizabeth's arrangements, which would never have attained stability.</p> + +<p>To meet this very objection, it was suggested that Mary might marry a +Protestant, in fact Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester, who was looked upon +as the favourite of the Queen of England herself. Elizabeth could have +been quite secure of him: she herself recommended him. Mary was at the +first moment unpleasantly affected by the idea that she was expected to +take as a husband one who was a born subject of England; but she was by +no means decidedly against it, always supposing that in that case +Elizabeth would recognise her right of inheritance in a valid form for +herself and her issue by this marriage. Above all men Murray was in +favour of this. He said, although his power +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> +must be diminished by the +Queen's union with Leicester, yet he wished for it, in so far as it was +bound up with the confirmation of the heirship; for that was the hope by +which he had kept Mary firm to the existing system, and separated her +from her old friends all these years past. Such was without doubt the +case: it is this point of view that renders Mary's policy and conduct +during the last years intelligible. If he, so Murray continued, could +not make his promise good, Mary would think he had deceived her: should +she afterwards marry a Catholic prince, what would be their +position?<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> +Once more was the request brought before Queen Elizabeth. +But even under these circumstances she could not be induced to grant it. +She said, if Mary trusted her and married Leicester, she should never +repent it: but these words, which contained no definite engagement, had +rather an opposite effect on Mary. In the hope of the recognition of her +heirship she had hitherto endured the absolute constraint of her +position: she would even have agreed to the choice of a husband by which +she feared to be disparaged and controlled: for how could she have +concealed from herself, that by it she would have fallen into a +permanent dependence on the policy of England? With all her compliances +and advances she had nevertheless gained nothing. Her vexation relieved +itself by a violent outburst of tears: but during this inward storm she +decided at the same time to drop her union with Elizabeth, and thus +leave herself free for an opposite policy.</p> + +<p>She had refused the Archduke because his possessions were too small to +secure her ends, too distant for him to be able to help her. Then +another suitor presented himself for her hand, who would not indeed +bring her any increase of power, but would strengthen her claims, which +seemed to her very desirable. This was the young Henry Lord Darnley, +through his mother likewise a descendant of Henry VII's daughter +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> +who had married in Scotland, and through his father Matthew Earl of Lennox +related to that family of the Stuarts which was descended from +Alexander, a younger son of James Stuart the ancestor of the Scotch +kings. In his descent there lay a double recommendation for him. It was +remarked also that he had in his favour in Scotland itself the numerous +and important Stuarts (Lord Athol too belonged to them); but mainly that +a scion of this marriage would not find in England any rival of similar +claims, which might be easily the case if young Darnley should marry +into a family of the English nobility and bring it his +rights.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> +Darnley was a youth remarkable for his fine figure, tall and well built; +he made a great impression on the Queen at his very first appearance. In +July 1565 the marriage was celebrated and Henry Darnley proclaimed King: +the heralds named his name first, when they delivered the royal +proclamations.</p> + +<p>He had hitherto, at least publicly, held to the Protestant faith: even +now he occasionally attended the preaching: but after a little wavering +he avowed himself a Catholic and drew over a number of lords with him by +his example. The Catholic interest thus obtained a complete ascendancy +at court.</p> + +<p>And now Mary did not delay a moment longer in making decisive advances +to the Catholic powers. She had in fact no need to fear that the King of +Spain would be offended at her refusing his nephew, if she attached +herself to him in other matters. When she announced her marriage to him, +she not merely requested him to interest himself for her and her +husband's claims in England; she designated him as the man whom God had +raised up above all others to defend the holy Catholic religion, and +asked for his help to enable her to withstand the apostates in her +kingdom: as long as she lived, she would join him against all and every +enemy.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> +This quite fell in with the ideas which Philip himself +cherished. From the park of Segovia in October 1565 he commissioned +Cardinal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> +Pacheco to reassure the Pope with the declaration that he +meant to support the Queen of Scots not less than the Pope himself. In +this they must, he remarked, keep three points in view: first the +subjugation of her rebellious subjects, which he thought not difficult, +as Elizabeth would not support them; then the restoration of the +Catholic Church in Scotland, than which nothing would give him greater +satisfaction; lastly, the most difficult of all, the obtaining the +recognition of her right to the English throne: in all this he would +support the Queen with his counsel and with money: he could not however +come forward himself, it could only be done in the Pope's +name.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> + +<p>The ordinary accounts of the conferences at Bayonne have proved +erroneous, as the proposals which were certainly made there by the +Spaniards were not accepted. But Philip II's resolutions seem not less +comprehensive in this case; these were his hostility to Queen Elizabeth, +still concealed from the world but fully clear to his own consciousness, +and his resolve to do everything in his power to place Mary, if not now, +yet at a future time on the English throne. The great movement he was +designing was to begin from Scotland. Like the Guises at a later time, +so now Mary and her partisans in England and Scotland, if he supported +her, were to be instruments in his hand.</p> + +<p>Mary had the good fortune to break up the seditious combination of some +lords who opposed her marriage. Strengthened by this she prepared for +quite a different state of things. She received money from Spain: Pope +Pius V had promised to support her as long as he had a single chalice to +dispose of. She expected disciplined Italian troops from him: artillery +and other munitions of war were brought together for her in the +Netherlands. Leaning on Rome and Spain the spirited Queen hoped to +become capable of any great +enterprise.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> + +<p>It was clearly to be expected that she would unite a political tendency +with the religious one. In the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> +letter quoted above Philip reminds her +how dangerous to monarchy were the doctrines of the pretended +Gospellers:<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> +opinions like those which Knox, regardless of all else, +put before her personally, as to the limitations of royal power +justified by religion, she as a matter of course would not endure. It is +more surprising to find that she also called in question the rights +which the nobility claimed as against the royal government, assigning a +sort of theoretic ground for her view. The nobles base them, so she +said, on the services of their ancestors; but if the children have +renounced their virtue, neglect honour, care only for their families, +despise the King and his laws and commit treason, must the sovereign +even then still let his power be limited by theirs? How vast were the +plans which this Queen entertained—to restore Catholicism in Scotland, +to resume the war against the nobility in which her ancestors had +failed, to overthrow the Protestant opinions, and therewith to become +one day Queen of England!</p> + +<p>Among those around her was an Italian, David Riccio of Poncalieri in +Piedmont, who had previously been secretary to the Archbishop of Turin, +and then in the same capacity accompanied his brother-in-law, the Conte +di Moretta, who went to Scotland as ambassador of the Duke of Savoy. He +knew how to express himself well in Italian and French, and was besides +skilful in music.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> +As he exactly supplied a voice which was wanting +in the Queen's chapel, she asked the ambassador to let him enter her +service. Riccio was not a blooming handsome man; though still young, he +gave the impression of advanced years: he had something morose and +repellent about him; but he showed himself endlessly useful and zealous, +and won greater influence from day to day. He not merely conducted the +foreign correspondence, on which all now depended and for which he was +indispensable,—it became his office to lay everything before the Queen +that needed her signature, and through this he attained the incalculable +actual power of a confidential cabinet-secretary; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> +he saw the Queen, who +took pleasure in his company, as often as he wished, and ate at her +table. James Melvil, whom she had commissioned to warn her, if he saw +her committing faults, did not neglect doing it in this case; he +represented to her the ill effects which favouring a foreigner drew +after it: but she thought she could not let her royal prerogative be so +narrowly limited.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> +Riccio had promoted the marriage with Darnley: +the latter seemed to depend on +him;<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> +it was even said that the +secretary used at pleasure a signet bearing the King's initials. It was +no wonder indeed if this influence created him enemies, especially as he +took presents which streamed in on him abundantly: yet the real +hostility came from quite another quarter.</p> + +<p>The English Council of State did not fail to notice the danger which lay +in a policy of estrangement on the part of Scotland. It was proposed to +put an end to its progress once for all by an invasion of Scotland: or +at least the wish was expressed to arm for defence, e.g. to fortify +Berwick, and above all to renew the understanding with the Scotch lords; +Murray, whom Mary had in vain tried to gain over by reminding him of the +interest of their family and the views of their father, would most +gladly have delivered Darnley at once into the hands of the English. By +thus openly choosing his side he had been forced, together with his +chief friends, Chatellerault, Glencairn, Rothes, and some others, to +leave Scotland: the Queen, refused with violent words the demand of the +English court that she should receive them again; she called a +Parliament instead for the beginning of March, in which their banishment +was to be confirmed and an attempt made to restore Catholicism. This was +not so difficult, as the resolutions of 1560 had never yet been +ratified. There appeared at court the Catholic lords, Huntley, Athol, +and Bothwell who was ever ready for fighting (he had returned from +banishment); they came to an understanding with Riccio. But now it +happened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> +that the personal union (on which all rested) between the +King, the Queen, and the powerful secretary changed to discord. Darnley, +who wished not merely to be called King but to be King, demanded that +the matrimonial crown should be conferred on him by the Parliament; this +would have given him independent rights. The Queen on her side wished to +keep the supreme power undiminished in her hands: and Riccio may well +have confirmed her in this, as his own importance depended thereon: +Darnley ascribed the opposition he met with from his wife not so much to +her own decision as to the low-born foreigner against whom he now +conceived a violent hatred. His father, Lennox, who cared little for the +restoration of Catholicism in itself, entirely agreed with him as to +this. They held it allowable to put out of the way the intruder who +dared to hinder their house from mounting to the highest honours, and +who by the confidential intimacy in which he stood with the Queen gave +rise to all kinds of offensive rumours. With this object they—for the +instigation came from them—joined in a union with the Protestant +nobles. These regarded Riccio as their most thoroughgoing opponent: they +too wished him to be got rid of; but his death alone could not content +them. A Parliament was to meet at once, from which they expected nothing +but a complete condemnation of their former friends, and absolutely +ruinous resolutions against themselves. They made the overthrow of this +system a condition of their taking a share in getting rid of Riccio. The +King consented that Murray should be again placed at the head of the +government, in return for which the matrimonial crown was promised him.</p> + +<p>On the 7th March the Queen went to the old council-house of Edinburgh to +make the necessary arrangements for the Parliament. The insignia of the +realm, sword crown and sceptre, were borne before her by the Catholic +lords, Huntley, Athol, and Crawford, the heads of those houses which had +once already, in France, offered her their alliance. The King had +refused to take part in the ceremony. She named the Lords of Articles, +who from of old exercised a decisive influence in the Scotch +Parliaments, and restored the bishops +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> +to their place among them. As the +Queen declares, her object was to promote the restoration of the old +religion and to have the rebels sentenced by the assembled Estates. In +Holyrood, besides Huntley and Athol, Bothwell, Fleming, Levingstoun, and +James Balfour had also found favour, all men who had taken an active +part for the restoration of Catholicism or for the re-establishment of +the power of the crown: how much it must have surprised men to find that +the Queen granted Huntley and Bothwell, who had been declared traitors, +admittance into the Privy Council. If the Parliament adopted resolutions +in accordance with these preliminaries, it was to be expected that the +work of political and religious reaction would begin at once, with the +active participation not only of the Pope from whom some money had +already come, but also of other Catholic powers with whom Riccio kept +the Queen in communication.</p> + +<p>A serious danger assuredly for the lords and for Protestantism; there +was not a moment to lose if they wished to avert it; but the attempt to +do so assumed, through the wild habits of the time and the country, that +character of violence which has made it the romance of centuries. The +event had such far-reaching results that we too must devote a discussion +to it.</p> + +<p>In the low, narrow, and gloomy rooms of Holyrood House there is a little +chamber to which the Queen retired when she would be alone: it was +connected by an inner staircase with the King's lodgings. Here Mary was +sitting at supper on Saturday the 9th March 1566, with her natural +sister the Countess of Argyle, her natural brother the Laird of Creich, +who commanded the guard at the palace, and some other members of her +household, among whom was also Riccio; when the King, who had been +expected somewhat earlier, appeared and seated himself familiarly by his +wife. But at the same moment other unexpected guests also entered. These +were Lord Ruthven, who had undertaken to execute the vengeance of King +and country on Riccio, and his companions; under his fur-fringed mantle +were seen weapons and armour: the Queen asked in affright what brought +him there at that unwonted hour. He did not leave her long in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> +doubt. 'I see a man here,' said Ruthven, 'who takes a place that does not become +him; by a servant like this we in Scotland will not let ourselves be +ruled,'<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> +and so prepared to lay hands on him.</p> + +<p>Riccio took refuge near her; the Queen declared that she would punish an +attack on him as high treason, but swords were bared before her eyes, +Riccio was wounded by a thrust over her shoulder, and dragged away: on +the floor and on the steps he received more than fifty wounds: the +King's own dagger was said to have been seen in the body of the murdered +man. This may be doubted, as his jealousy was by no means so real; yet +he said soon after that he was responsible for the honour of his wife. +In the turmoil he had only just stretched out his hand, to guard her +person from any accident. For the nobles, who though acting with the +utmost violence yet did not wish to risk their whole future, it was +enough that he was there: his presence would authorise their act and +give it impunity. When the murder was done Ruthven returned to the Queen +and declared to her that the influence she had given Riccio had been +unendurable to them, as had been also his counsels for the restoration +of the old religion, his enmities against the great men of the land, his +connexions with foreign princes; he announced to her plainly the return +of the banished lords, with whom the others would unite in an opposite +policy. For they had not merely aimed at Riccio: at the same time the +Lords Morton and Lindsay, who had collected a number of trustworthy men, +had advanced with them and beset the approaches to the palace-yard. +Their plan was to get into their hands all their enemies who had +gathered round the Queen. But while their attention was fastened on +Riccio's murder, most of the threatened persons succeeded in escaping. +All the rest who did not belong to the household, and were taken in the +palace, were removed without distinction: the Queen was treated like a +prisoner.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> +She still possessed a certain popularity, as being +hereditary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> +sovereign: a movement arose in the city in her favour, but +this was counterbalanced by the antipathies of the Protestants, and a +declaration of the King sufficed to still it. The next day a +proclamation appeared in his name which directed the members of the +Parliament, who had already arrived, to depart again.</p> + +<p>It was at any rate secured that a restoration of Catholicism or a legal +prosecution of the banished lords was not to be thought of; the original +plan however was not completely carried out. As it appears, the temper +of the country had not been so far prepared beforehand as to make it +possible to deprive the Queen of her power. And the spirited princess +did not let herself be so easily subdued. Above all she succeeded in +gaining over her husband again, to whom the predominance of the lords +was itself derogatory; he helped her to escape and accompanied her in +her flight. When they were once safe in a strong place, her partisans +gathered round her; she placed herself at the head of a force, small +though it was, and occupied the capital; the chief accomplices in the +attack of Holyrood, Morton and Ruthven, fled from the country. She did +not however revert to her old plans: she resumed her earlier connexions +instead, her half-brother Murray again obtained influence, the old +members of the Privy Council stood by his side, after some time Morton +was able to return. Foreigners found that Scotland was as quiet as +before.</p> + +<p>But this apparent quiet concealed a discord destined to produce still +greater complications. The Queen had only learnt afterwards the share +which Darnley had taken in Riccio's murder: it was her husband who had +instigated this insult to her royal honour: how could she ever again +repose confidence in him? And he no longer found support in the lords +whom he had deserted at the moment of the crisis. He was very far now +from obtaining the matrimonial crown or even any real influence: he saw +himself excluded from affairs more than ever, and despised. When his son +was baptised at Stirling, the father could not appear, though he was in +the palace: he was afraid of being insulted in public. His condition +filled him with shame: he often thought of leaving the kingdom, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> +and made preparations for doing so. But he was not able to state and prove +his grievances: he had to acknowledge before the assembled Privy Council +that he had no complaints worth mentioning.</p> + +<p>The Queen on her side had sometimes let drop her wish to be rid of such +a husband. She could not however think seriously of having her marriage +with him dissolved, as this could only be done by declaring it null and +void, and by that step her son, of whom she had just been delivered, and +who was to inherit all her rights, would have been at the same time +declared illegitimate. She was told that means would be found to carry +the matter through without prejudice to her son. She warned her friends +not to undertake anything which, though meant to help her, might prepare +yet more trouble.</p> + +<p>How men stood to each other is clear from the fact that on the one side +Darnley and his father linked themselves with the Catholic party—they +were said to have adopted a plan of seizing the government, in the +Queen's despite, in the name of her new-born son<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>—while on the +other side the rest of the barons pledged themselves not to recognise +him but only the Queen. A league was already concluded between some of +them, originating with Sir James Balfour (who had been marked out for +death by the halter in Holyrood), to rid the world by force of a tyrant +and enemy of the nobility, against whom men must secure their lives.</p> + +<p>Thus all was in preparation for a fresh catastrophe; a new personal +relation of the Queen brought it to pass.</p> + +<p>Among the nobles of Scotland James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, was +especially distinguished for a fine figure, for youthful strength, +intrepid manly courage, proved in a thousand adventures, and decided +character. Though professedly a Protestant, he had attached himself to +the Regent without wavering, and assured the Queen of his assistance +while she was still in France. Can we wonder if Mary, under the pressure +of the party combinations around, needing before +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> +all things a friend personally devoted to her, sought for support in this tried and +energetic man? As she in general prized nothing more highly than bold +and valiant deeds, she had often told him how much she admired him; but +yet more than this,—we cannot doubt that she let herself be drawn into +a passionate connexion with him. Who does not know the sonnets and the +love-intoxicated letters she is believed to have addressed to him? I +would not say that every word of the latter is genuine; through the +several translations—from the French original (which is lost) into the +Scotch idiom, from this into Latin, and then back into French as we now +have them—they may have suffered much alteration: we have no right to +lay stress on every expression, and interpret it by the light of later +events: but in the main they are without doubt genuine: they contain +circumstances which no one else could then know and which have since +been proved to be true; no human being could have invented +them.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> +It does not seem as if Mary's fondness for Bothwell was returned by him in +the same degree: in her letters and poems she is constantly combating a +rival, to whom his heart seems to give the preference. This was +Bothwell's own wife whom he had only shortly before married: she stayed +with him for a time in the neighbourhood of the court, but he took care +that the Queen knew nothing of her being there. As he was before all +things ambitious and desirous of power, he only cared for the Queen's +love and the possession of her person so far as it would enable him to +share her authority and to obtain the supreme power in Scotland. But for +this another thing was necessary; the King must be removed out of the +way. As Darnley had once joined Riccio's political enemies in the +Holyrood assassination, so Bothwell now united himself with Darnley's +enemies with a view to his murder, for which they were already quite +prepared. Morton was asked to join the enterprise this time also: but he +demanded a declaration from the Queen that she was not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> +against it: and this Bothwell could not obtain.</p> + +<p>But, it may be said, was not the Queen in collusion with him? Did she +not purposely bring back her husband, who had fallen sick at Glasgow, to +Edinburgh, and did she not lodge him in a lonely house there not far +from the palace under the pretence that the purer air would contribute +to his recovery, but in fact to deliver him over all the more surely to +destruction? Such has been always the general belief: even her +partisans, the zealous Catholics, at that time inclined to believe that +the Queen at least connived in the +plot.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> +But there was yet another view taken at the time, according to which the better relations that had +begun between husband and wife were not due to hypocrisy but were +genuine, and a complete reconciliation and reunion was to have been +expected: the returning inclination towards her husband was contending +in the Queen with her passion for Bothwell; and he was driven on, by the +apprehension that his prey and the prize of his ambition would escape +him, to hasten the execution of his +scheme.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> +And psychologically the +event might be best explained in this way. But the statement has not +sufficiently good evidence for it to be maintained historically. A poet +might, I think, so apprehend it: for it is one of the advantages of +poetic representation, that it can take up even a slightly supported +tradition, and following it can infer the depths of the heart, those +abysmal depths in which the storms of passion rage, and those actions +are begotten which laugh laws and morality to scorn, and yet are deeply +rooted in the souls of men. The informations on which our historical +representation must be based do not reach so far: on a scrupulous +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> +examination they do not allow us to attain a definite conviction as to +the degree of complicity. Only there can be no doubt as to the fact that +this time too ambition and the lust of power played a great part. If +Bothwell once said he would prevent Darnley from setting his foot on the +necks of the Scotch, he thereby only expressed the feeling of the other +nobles. Yet he executed his murderous plot without their joining in it +and by means of his own +servants.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> +In the house before mentioned he +caused a quantity of gunpowder to be laid under the chamber in which +Darnley slept, in order to blow him into the air: alarmed at the noise +made by opening the door, the young sovereign sprang from his bed; while +trying to save himself, he was strangled together with the page who was +with him: the powder was then fired and the house laid in +ruins.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p> + +<p>So the dreadful deed was done: the news of it filled men at first with +that curiosity which always attaches to dark events that touch the +highest circles; they then busied themselves with the question as to who +would ascend the Scottish throne and give the Queen his hand,—among the +other suitors Leicester now thought the time come for him, and for +renewing good relations between England and Scotland:—but meanwhile to +every man's astonishment and horror a rumour spread that the Queen would +unite herself with the man to whom the murder of her husband was +ascribed. Men fell on their knees before her, to represent the dishonour +she would thus draw on herself, and even the danger into which she would +bring her child. Letters from England were shown her in which the ruin +of all her prospects as to the English throne was intimated, if she took +this step: for it would strengthen the suspicion, which had arisen on +the spot, that she had been an accomplice in her husband's murder. But +she was already no longer her own mistress. Bothwell now did altogether +what he would. He obtained from the lords, who feared him, a declaration +that he was guiltless of any share in the King's murder, and even their +consent to his marriage with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> +the Queen. He said publicly he would marry +the Queen, whoever might be against it, whether she would or not. And if +Mary wished ever again to govern the country, and make the lords feel +her vengeance, Bothwell might appear to her the only man who could +assist her in this. Half of her free will, half by force, she fell into +his power and thus into the necessity of giving him her hand. An +archiepiscopal matrimonial court found in a near relationship between +Bothwell and his wife a pretext for dissolving his previous +marriage.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> +Bothwell was created Duke of Orkney: he began to exercise +the royal power for his own objects; his friends, even the accomplices +in the murder, were +promoted.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p> + +<p>But how could it be expected that the Lords would tolerate in the much +more dangerous hands of Bothwell a power they would not have endured in +Darnley's? Against him they had the full support of the people; filled +with moral aversion to the Queen for the guilt she had incurred, or +which was attributed to her, they expressed their loyalty only in +hostility to her; a general uneasiness showed itself as to the safety of +her son who was likewise threatened by his father's murderers.</p> + +<p>Under a banner on which were depicted the murdered King and his child +the latter praying for help, a great army marched against the castle +where the newly-married pair dwelt. Bothwell merely regarded the hostile +lords as his rivals, who envied him the great position to which he had +raised himself, and thought to rout them all with the feudal array which +gathered round him at the Queen's summons. But at the decisive moment +the feeling of the country infected his own people as well; instead of +being able to fight he had to fly. He was forced to live as a pirate in +the Northern Seas; for he could no longer remain in the country. The +Queen fell into the power of the Lords, who placed her in the strong +castle<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> +which the Douglas had built in the middle of Loch Leven, and +detained her as a prisoner.</p> + +<p>In France it was not wholly forgotten that she had once been the Queen +of that realm; a fiery champion of the Catholics boasted that, if they +would give him a couple of thousand arquebusiers, he would free her from +custody in despite of the Scots; but Catharine Medici, who besides was +no friend of hers, rejected this absolutely, as they had already so many +irons in the fire.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> +On the other hand Elizabeth concerned herself +for the interests of her endangered neighbour with a certain emphasis. +But the Scots were already discontented with the conduct of England, and +complained loudly that since the treaty of Leith nothing good had come +to them from thence;<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> +they were resolved to pay their neighbour no +more attention, but to manage their own affairs for themselves.</p> + +<p>Their path was clearly marked out for them. They had murdered Riccio, +conspired against Darnley, driven Bothwell away, and all for the special +reason that they had tried to create a strong supreme power over them: +they could not possibly allow the Queen, irritated and insulted as she +was, to again obtain the exercise of her power. Mary therefore was +forced to resign the Scotch crown in favour of her son, and to name her +brother Murray regent during his minority. Immediately on this the +ceremony of anointing and crowning the child was performed in an almost +grotesque manner.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> +Two superintendents and a bishop set the crown on +his head, which the Lords there present touched in token of their +consent; two of them, Morton and Hume, then swore in the name of the new +King, James VI, that he would uphold the religion now prevailing in +Scotland, and combat all its enemies.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span></p><p>When after this Murray, who had exiled himself to France, and had taken +no share in the last catastrophe (which he foresaw), returned, he was in +a position once more to conduct the government according to his old +policy, only with greater independence. A Parliament was called which +now for the first time confirmed the statutes made in 1560 in favour of +the Kirk, and also came to such an arrangement about the confiscated +church-property as made it possible for it to exist.</p> + +<p>So ruinous for Mary were the results of her attempt to break through the +combination which formed the condition of her government in Scotland, +and to effect a restoration of the old ecclesiastical and political +forms. Before the power which she wished to overthrow her own had gone +down.</p> + +<p>But she was not yet minded to submit to it. And mainly through a +personal relation which she had entered into with the young George +Douglas, who conceived hopes of her hand, she succeeded in escaping out +of her prison and over the lake, bold and venturous as she always was. +In the country there were many who thought themselves to stand so high +above the bastard Earl of Murray, that they held it a disgrace to obey +him: all these gathered round her; and as she then, the very day after +her escape, revoked her abdication, they bound themselves together to +replace her on the throne. In the league, at the head of which stood the +Hamiltons, we find eight bishops and twelve abbots,—for the +re-establishment of the Catholic Church was part of the plan: a +considerable army was brought into the field with this object. Murray +and his party were however the stronger of the two, they represented the +organised power of the State, and their soldiers were the best +disciplined. The Queen, who, at Langsyde, from a neighbouring eminence, +looked on at the battle between the two armies, had to witness her own +men being scattered without having done the enemy any damage,—Murray is +said to have lost only one man. He himself put a stop to the slaughter +of the fugitives. Still even now her affairs did not seem to those +around her utterly lost, for all her friends had not yet appeared in the +field, and there were still strong places to which she could retreat. +But she aimed not merely at defence, but at overpowering her enemies. As +what she had just seen left her no hope of this in Sco<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span>tland, she +adopted the idea of demanding help from the Queen of England. For the +latter had in the strongest terms made known to the Scotch barons her +displeasure at the treatment of their Queen, which was not in harmony +with the laws of God or man, and had threatened to punish them for the +wound thus inflicted on the royal dignity. She had once sent Mary +herself a jewel as a pledge of her friendship. Mary was warned by those +around her not to put full trust in these assurances. But she was quite +accustomed to take her resolutions under passionate emotion, and could +not then be dissuaded from her views. Through forests and woods, over +stock and stone, without a single woman attendant, without any other +food than the Scotch oatcake, day and night she kept on her way to the +coast, from which she betook herself in a small boat to Carlisle. Her +soul was thirsting to subdue the rebels: her firm trust was to draw +Queen Elizabeth into the war against them: she came, not to seek a +refuge, but to gain troops and assistance. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Throckmorton to Chamberlain, 21 Nov. 1560, in Wright, +Elizabeth i. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Throckmorton, in Tytler, History of Scotland vi. 194. In +a memoir of Cecil, 'a note of indignities and wrongs done by the Queen +of Scots to the Queen's Majesty,' in Murdin 582, the greatest stress is +justly laid on this refusal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Castelnau, Mémoires iii. 13. 'Cette jeune princesse avoit +un esprit grand et inquiète, comme celui du feu Cardinal de Lorraine son +oncle, auxquels ont succedé la pluspart des choses contraires à leurs +délibérations.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> As it is once expressed in one of her letters: 'pour +l'advanchement de mes affaires tant en ce pays (Scotland) qu'en celuy +là, ou je pretends quelque droit (England).' In Labanoff, Lettres et +Mémoires de Marie Stuart i. 247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> 'Que la conveniencia publica, en especial la de la +religion aconsejaba que la reina su ama, se casase con el principe Don +Carlos.' From the ambassador's reports in Gonzalez 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> 'Qu'il ne tiendra, qu'au dit Espagne qu'il (ce mariage) +se ne fasse.' Additions à Castelnau.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Compare Conaeus, Vita Mariae, in Jebb i. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Conversation with Randolph, in Tytler vi. 316. Murray +says to him: 'the Queen would dislike and suspect him, because he had +deceived her with promises which he could not realise: he was the +counsellor and devizer of that line of policy, which for the last five +years had been pursued towards England; he it was that had induced her +to defer to Elizabeth.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Spottiswood, History of the Church of Scotland ii. 25. +'If it should fall him to marry with one of the great families of +England, it was to be feared that some impediment might be made to her +in the right of succession.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> Lislebourc (Edinburgh), 24 July 1565, in Labanoff vii. +430.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Compare Apuntamientos 312. The letter itself in Mignet +ii. App. E.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Sacchinus, Historia societatis Jesu, pp. iii, xiii, no. +166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Fragment d'un Mémoire de Marie Stuart sur la noblesse. +Labanoff vii. 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Mémoire adressé à Cosme I, from the Archivio Mediceo at +Florence, in Labanoff vii. 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> James Melvil, Memoirs 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> From a despatch of Randolph's in Mackintosh, History of +England iii. 73. 'David is he that worketh all, chief secretary of the +Queen of Scotland, only governor to her good man.' Can the date be +right?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> 'Volemo quel galante la e non volemo esser governati per +un servitor.' Letter to Cosimo I, in Tuscany, in Labanoff vii. 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Queen Mary to the Archbishop of Glasgow, 2 April 1566, in +Keith and Labanoff. Of all the reports on this event the most important +and trustworthy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> 'That the king ... suld take the prince our son and crown +him and being crownit as his father suld tak upon him the government.' +Mary to the Archbishop of Glasgow, in Labanoff i. 396.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Compare Robertson, Dissertation on King Henry's murder, +Works i., History of Scotland 243. From a letter of Thuanus to Camden +(1606) it is clear how much trouble it already cost him to arrive at a +decided opinion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> 'Monsenor de Moreta ... anadio (to his narrative of the +event) algunas particularidades, que en juicio del embajador probaban o +inducian mucha sospecha que la reina avia sabido y aun permetido el +suceso.' Apuntamientos 320. The affair has been very wrongly drawn into +the sphere of religious controversy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Account in the collection for the history of the times of +the Emperor Maximilian II, which Simon Schardius embodied in the tomus +rerum Germanicarum iv, not authentic, yet based on what was then held in +Scotland to be true. It runs: 'Rex cum illa se accedente ita suaviter +sermones commutat, ut reconciliatae annulum daret, hoc pacto, ut illa se +in lectum conjugalem intra duos dies admitteret. Erant in aula, qui hanc +offensionem placari minime vellent, unde, priusquam rex voti compos +fieret, eum e medio tollere constituerunt.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Trial of James Earl Bothwell. State trials.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Report of the Nuncio, which agrees fairly with the +statements in Schardius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Mary's confessor told the Spanish ambassador in answer to +his questions: 'Que el caso se habia consultado con los obispos +catolicos y que unanimemente havian dicho que lo podia hacer (casarse) +por que la muger de Bodwell era pariente sua en quarto grado.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Memorandum of Cecil. 'She committed all autority to him +and his compagnons, who exercised such cruelty as none of the nobility +that were counsel of the realm durst abide about the Queen.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Norris to Elizabeth 23 July 1567, in Wright i. 260.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Throckmorton to Cecil: 'upon other accidents [since +Leith] they have observed such things in H. My's doings, as have tended +to the danger of such as she had dealt withall.' Wright 251.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Calderwood ii. 384: 'Modo cha ha usato la regina di +Scotia per liberarsi,' from the Florentine archives, in Labanoff vii. +135.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_IV" id="BIII_IV"></a> +INTERDEPENDENCE OF THE EUROPEAN DISSENSIONS IN POLITICS AND RELIGION.</p> + +<p>If we inquire into the reason why Philip II gave up his previous +relations with England and sided with the Queen of Scots, we shall find +it mainly in the fact that the victory of Protestant ideas in England +exercised a counter-action which was insupportable for the government he +had established in the Netherlands. But that he gave Mary no help in her +troubles, though information was once collected as to how it might be +done, may also be traceable to the disturbances that had broken out in +the Netherlands, the suppression of which occupied all his attention and +resources.</p> + +<p>In 1568 the Duke of Alva was master of the Netherlands: he was already +able to send a considerable force to help the French government, which +had once more broken an agreement forced upon it by the Huguenots; the +stress of the religious war was transferred to France, and there too the +Catholic military force by degrees gained the upper hand.</p> + +<p>It was under these circumstances that Mary Stuart appeared in England +with a demand for help. If in the Netherlands the attempts of the nobles +and the Protestant tendencies had been alike defeated, they had on the +other hand, by a similar union, achieved a decisive victory in Scotland. +Was Elizabeth to join Mary in combating them?</p> + +<p>Elizabeth disliked the proceedings of the Scotch nobles towards their +lawful Queen; the adherents of the Scotch church-system were already +troublesome to her in England: but, however much she found to blame in +them, in the great contest of the world they were her allies. Mary on +the other hand held to that great system of life and thought with which +the English Queen and her ministers had broken. Whatever +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> +Elizabeth might have previously promised, she did not mean to be bound by it under +circumstances so completely +altered.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> +Had she chosen to restore +Mary, she would have opened the island to all the influences which she +desired to exclude. Nor did she wish to let her retire to France, for +while Mary had resided there previously, England had not had a single +quiet day: without doubt the Catholic zeal prevailing there would have +been at once excited in support of her claims to the English throne. An +attempt was again made to reconcile the Scotch nobles with their Queen: +but as this led to an enquiry respecting her share in the guilt of the +King's murder—those letters of Mary to Bothwell now first came to the +knowledge of the public—the dissension became rather greater and quite +irreconcilable.</p> + +<p>One now begins to feel sympathy with the Queen of Scots, especially as +her share in the crime imputed to her is not quite clear. Of her own +free will she had come to England to seek for assistance on which she +thought she could reckon: but high considerations of policy not merely +prevented its being given but also made it seem prudent to detain her in +England.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> +Elizabeth and her ministers brought themselves to prefer +the interests of the crown to what was in itself right and fit. Mary did +not however on this account vanish from the stage of the world: rather +she obtained an exceedingly important position by her presence in +England, where one party acknowledged her immediate claim to the throne, +the other at least her claim to the succession; and hence arose not +merely inconveniences but very serious dangers for the English +government. Even in 1569, at a moment when the Catholic military power +had the superiority in France and the Netherlands, Mary's uncle, the +Cardinal of Lorraine, proposed to the King of Spain an offensive +alliance against Queen Elizabeth.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> +In the civil wars of France they had just +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> +won the victory in two great battles. Who could say what the +result would have been if in the still very unprepared condition of +England an invasion had been undertaken by the combined Catholic powers?</p> + +<p>But the life and the destiny of Europe depend on the fact that the great +general antagonisms are perpetually crossed by the special ones of the +several states. Philip did not wish for an alliance with the French; it +seemed to him untrustworthy, too extensive and, even if it led to +victory, dangerous. He declared with the greatest distinctness, that he +thought of nothing but of putting down his rebels (including at the time +the Moriscoes), and the complete pacification of the Netherlands; he +would not hear of a declaration of war against England. The difficulty +of this sovereign's position on all sides and his natural temperament +were the determining element in the history of the second half of the +sixteenth century. His great object, the re-establishment and extension +of the Catholic religion, he never leaves out of sight for a moment; but +yet he pursues it only in combination with his own special interests. He +is accustomed to weigh all the chances, to proceed slowly, to pause when +the situation becomes critical, to avoid dangerous enterprises. Open war +is not to his taste, he loves secret influences.</p> + +<p>In November 1569 a rebellion broke out in England, not without the +connivance of the Spanish ambassador, but mainly under the impression +made by the Catholic victories in France, as to which Mary Stuart also +had let it be known that they rejoiced her inmost soul. It was mainly +the Northern counties that rose, as had before been the case in 1536 and +1549. Where the revolt gained the upper hand, the Common Prayer-book and +sometimes the English translation of the Bible as well were burnt, and +the mass re-established. Many nobles, above all in the North itself, +still held Catholic opinions. At the head of the present insurrection +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> +stood the Percies of Northumberland, the Nevilles of Westmoreland, the +Cliffords of Cumberland; Richard Norton, who rose for the Nevilles, +venerable for his grey hair, and surrounded by a troop of sons in their +prime, carried the Cross as a banner in front of his men. The nobility +did not exactly want to overthrow the Queen, but it wished to force her +to alter her government, to dismiss her present ministers, and above all +to recognise Mary Stuart's claim to the succession—which would have +given her an exceedingly numerous body of supporters in England and thus +have seriously hampered the Queen. But now the government possessed a +still more decided ascendancy than even in 1549. It had come upon the +traces of the enterprise in time to quell it at its first outbreak, and +had at once removed the Queen of Scots out of reach of the movement. The +commander in the North, Thomas Ratcliffe, Earl of Sussex, one of the +Queen's heroes, who bore himself bravely and blamelessly in other +spheres of action as well as in this, and has left behind him one of the +purest of names, encountered the rebels with a considerable force, +composed entirely of his own men; these the rebels were the less able to +withstand, as they knew that still more troops were on the march. As the +ballad of a northern minstrel says, the gold-horned bull of the +Nevilles, the silver crescent of the Percies, vanished from the field: +the chiefs themselves fled over the Scotch border, their troops +dispersed, their declared partisans underwent the severest punishments. +Many who knew themselves guilty passed over to the Queen's party in +order to escape.</p> + +<p>But at the very time of this victory the war against the Queen at home +and abroad first received its most vivid impulse through the supreme +head of the Catholic faith. Pope Pius V, who saw in Elizabeth the +protectress of all the enemies of Catholicism, had issued the long +prepared and hitherto withheld excommunication against her. In the name +of Him who had raised him to the supreme throne of Right, he declared +Elizabeth to have forfeited the realm of which she claimed to be Queen: +he not merely released her subjects from the oath they had taken to her: +'we likewise forbid,' he added, 'her barons and peoples henceforth to +obey this woman's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> +commands and laws, under pain of +excommunication.'<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> +It was a proclamation of war in the style of +Innocent III: rebellion was therein almost treated as a proof of faith.</p> + +<p>The way in which the Queen opened her Parliament in 1571 forms as it +were a conscious contrast to the Papal bull, and its declaration that +she was deposed. She appeared in the robes of state, the golden coronal +on her head. At her right sat the dignitaries of the English Church, at +her left the lay lords, on the woolsack in the centre the members of the +Privy Council, by the sides stood the knights and burgesses of the lower +house. The keeper of the great seal reminded the Houses of the late +years of peace, in which—a thing without example in England—no blood +had been shed; but now peace seemed likely to perish through the +machinations of Rome. All were of one accord that they must confront +this attempt with the full force of the law. It was declared high +treason to designate the Queen as heretical or schismatic, to deny her +right to the throne, or to ascribe such a right to any one else. To +proselytise to Catholicism, or to bring into England sacred objects +consecrated by the Pope, or absolutions from him, was forbidden and +treated as an offence against the State. What a decidedly antipapal +character did the Church, which retained most of the hierarchic usages, +nevertheless assume! The oath of supremacy became indispensable even for +places at court and in the country districts, in which it had not +hitherto been required. Men deemed the Queen's ecclesiastical power the +palladium of the realm.</p> + +<p>In this form the war of religion appeared in England. The Protestant +exiles from the Netherlands and France sought and found a refuge here in +large bodies; it has been calculated that they then composed +one-twentieth of the inhabitants of London, and they were settled in +many other places. But the fiery passions, which on the Continent led to +the re-establishment of Catholicism, reacted on the old +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> +English families of the Catholic faith as well, and produced, under the +influence of Spanish or Italian agitators, ever new attempts at +overthrowing the government.</p> + +<p>It was just then, there cannot be any doubt of it, that Thomas duke of +Norfolk, who might be regarded as almost the chief noble of the realm, +became concerned in such an attempt. Somewhat earlier the idea had been +entertained that his marriage with Mary Stuart might contribute to +restore general quiet in both kingdoms: but Queen Elizabeth had +abandoned this plan, and he had pledged himself to her under his hand +and seal not to enter into any negociation about it without her previous +knowledge. Nevertheless he had allowed himself to be drawn by an Italian +money-changer, Roberto Ridolfi, who had lived long in England, not +merely into a new agreement with this object in view but into +treasonable designs. Norfolk possessed an immense following among the +nobility of both religious parties: and, as he would not declare himself +a Catholic at once, he thought to have the Protestant lords also on his +side, if he married Mary Stuart, whom many of them regarded as the +lawful heiress of the realm. He applied for the Pope's approval of his +proceedings, and promised to come forward without reserve if a Spanish +force landed in England: he affirmed that his views were not directed to +his own advancement, but only to the purpose of uniting the island under +one sovereign, and re-establishing the old laws and the Catholic +religion. These thoughts hardly originated with the duke, they were +suggested to him by Ridolfi, who himself drew up the instructions with +which Norfolk and Mary despatched him to the Pope and the King of +Spain.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> +Ridolfi had been sent to Mary with full powers from the +Pope, and also well provided with money. When he now appeared again in +Rome with his instructions, which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> +really contained simply the +acceptance of his proposals, he was, as may be imagined, received with +joy: the Pope, who expected the salvation of the world from these +enterprises, recommended them to King Philip. In Spain also they met +with a good reception. We are astonished at the naiveté with which the +Council of State proceeded to deliberate on the proposal of a sudden +stroke by which an Italian partisan undertook to seize the Queen and her +councillors at one of her country-houses. The King at last left the +decision to the Duke of Alva. Alva would have been in favour of the plan +itself, but he took into consideration that an unsuccessful attempt +would provoke a general attack from all sides on the Netherlands, which +were only just subdued and still full of ferment. He thought the King +should not declare himself until the conspirators had succeeded in +getting the Queen into their hands, alive or dead. If Norfolk made his +rising contingent on the landing of a Spanish force in England, Alva on +the other hand required that he should already have got the Queen into +his power before his own master made his participation in the scheme +known.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> + +<p>But while letters and messages were being exchanged in this way (for +Ridolfi held it necessary to be in communication with his friends in +England and Scotland), Elizabeth's watchful ministers had already +discovered all. Even before Ridolfi reached Spain, Elizabeth gave the +French ambassador an intimation of the commission with which the Queen +of Scots had entrusted +him.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> +The latter had not yet received any +kind of answer from Spain when the Earl of Shrewsbury, in whose custody +she then was at Sheffield, reproached her with the schemes in which she +was implicated, and announced to her a closer restriction of her liberty +as a punishment for them: further Elizabeth would not at that time as +yet proceed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> +against her. In Spain and Italy they were still expecting +the Duke of Norfolk to take up arms, when he was already a prisoner. +Elizabeth struggled long against giving him over to the arm of the law, +but her friends held an execution absolutely necessary for her personal +security. On the scaffold in the Tower Norfolk said he was the first to +die on that spot under Queen Elizabeth and trusted he would be the last. +All people said Amen.</p> + +<p>The scheme of this revolt proceeded more from Italy and Rome than from +Spain: King Philip had taken no active part in it, the Duke of Alva had +rather set himself against it: but we need only glance at their +correspondence to perceive how completely nevertheless they were +implicated in the matter. To carry on the war against Elizabeth not in +his own name but in the name, and for the restoration of the rights, of +the Queen of Scotland, would have exactly suited the policy of Philip +II: he thought such an opportunity would never present itself again; +they must avail themselves of it and finish the affair as quickly as +possible, that France might not take part in it. If Alva counts up the +difficulties which manifestly stood in the way of the scheme, yet he +promises to execute the King's wishes with all the means in his power, +with person and property: 'God will still send the King other favourable +opportunities as a reward for his religious +zeal.'<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p> + +<p>Queen Elizabeth expelled the Spanish ambassador, Gueran de Espes, who +had undeniably taken part in Ridolfi's schemes as well as in the last +rising, from England; as soon as he reached Brussels, the English and +Scotch fugitives gathered round him, and communicated to him many new +schemes of invasion, to which his ear was more open than that of the +Duke of Alva. An attack was to be tried, now on Scotland, now on +Ireland, now on England itself.</p> + +<p>We cannot suppose that in England they knew every word that was uttered +about these plans, or that everything +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> +they did believe there was well +grounded. But from year to year men's minds were more and more filled +with the idea that Philip II was the great enemy of their religion and +of their country. In the sphere of classical literature the translation +of Demosthenes in 1570 is noteworthy in this respect. What Demosthenes +says against Philip of Macedon, in regard to the Athenians, the +translator finds applicable to Philip II; he calls the English to open +war in the words of the ancient orator, 'for as it was then, so is it +now, and ever will be.'</p> + +<p>But for this Elizabeth on her side did not feel inclined or prepared. +Many acts of hostility took place at sea in a piratical war, in politics +they stood sharply opposed to each other: but they were not inclined on +either side for an open contest, front to front.</p> + +<p>Above all the English held it necessary now to come to a good +understanding with the other of the two great neighbouring powers. It +stood them in good stead that a tendency to moderate measures gained +sway in France; the English ambassadors took a very vivid interest in +the project of a marriage between Henry of Navarre and Margaret of +Valois. While the victory of Lepanto filled the hearts of the partisans +of Spain with fresh hopes, the jealousy it awakened in the French +contributed largely to their withdrawal from Spain and the Pope, and +their readiness for an alliance with England. The two powers promised +each other mutual support against any attack, on whatever ground it +might at any time be undertaken. A later explanation of the treaty +expressly confirmed its including the case of +religion.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> + +<p>Thus secured on this side the Queen proceeded to carry out an idea which +had immense consequences. It is not a mere suspicion, partially derived +from the result, to suppose that she thought King Philip's combining +with her rebels gave her a right to combine with the King's revolted +subjects: she herself said so once to the French ambassador: while +talking with him, she one day dropped her voice, and said that as Philip +kept her state disturbed, she did not hold herself any longer +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> +bound to treat him with the regard she had hitherto shewn him in the quarrels of +the Netherlands.</p> + +<p>It is not quite true that she supported with her own power the Gueux +('Beggars'), who had fled to the sea from Alva's persecutions, in the +decisive attacks they now made on Brielle and Vliessingen (Brill and +Flushing): but this was hardly needed, it was quite enough that her +feeling was known, she merely let things take their way, she did not +prevent the attack of the rebels against Philip II (powerful at sea as +they were) being supported by the fugitive Walloons residing in England, +and by Englishmen also. It was estimated that there were then in +Vliessingen 400 Walloons and 400 English: 1500 English lay before the +town, to keep off the attacks of the Spaniards. French troops gave aid +in corresponding numbers. They were all recalled at a later time; but +meanwhile the insurrection had gained a consistency which made it +impossible for the Spaniards to subdue the Netherlands.</p> + +<p>As formerly Elizabeth had joined the Scotch lords against the Regent and +the Queen of Scotland, so now she helped the insurgents of the +Netherlands against the King of Spain. In the first case she had Philip +II himself on her side, in the second case France.</p> + +<p>By this policy she found the means of securing herself at home, from the +Spanish attacks. It was more than ever necessary for Philip to +concentrate on the war in the Netherlands all the forces of which he +could dispose. The Queen did not yet take direct part in it, and Philip +had to avoid everything that could induce her to do so. It was not her +object to bring about the independence of the Provinces: but she +insisted on the departure of the Spanish troops, the observance of the +provincial constitutions, and above all assured liberty for the +Protestant faith. In 1575 she offered the King her mediation, not +however without including one special English matter, namely the +mitigation of the severe religious laws in reference to English +merchants in the Spanish countries: the King took the opinion of the +Grand Inquisitor on it. As if he could ever have been in its favour +himself! The Pacification of Ghent in 1576 was quite in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> +accordance with the Queen's views, since it established the supremacy of the Estates, +and freedom of religion for the chief Northern provinces. To maintain +this, she had no hesitation in concluding an alliance with the States, +and in consequence despatching a body of English troops to the +Netherlands. She informed the King himself of this, and requested him to +recall the Stadtholder Don John, his half-brother (who was trying to +break the peace), and to receive the Estates into his favour: she did +not by this think to come to a breach with him.</p> + +<p>The idea of entrusting Don John of Austria, the victor of Lepanto, with +the restoration of Catholicism in West Europe had been at that time +adopted in Rome. His was a fiery nature pervaded by Catholic principles, +and seized with the most vivid ambition to be something in the world and +to effect something. The Irish wished him to be their king; he was to +free Mary Stuart from prison, vindicate her rights alike in Scotland and +in England, and at her side ascend the throne of the British kingdoms +now united in Catholicism. Mary gladly acceded to this, as she had +already long wished for a marriage with the Spanish house. It was +probably to give this combination a firmer basis that she proposed, in +case her son did not prove to be a Catholic, to transfer her claims on +the throne of England to the King of Spain, or to any of his relatives +whom he should name in conjunction with the +Pope.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> +But whom could she mean by these last words but Don John himself, who then stood in +close connexion with the Guises, whom she also recommended most +pressingly to the King. But she had at the same time directed her aim +towards Scotland. There her enemies Murray and Lennox had perished by +assassination; under the following regents, Mar and Morton, Mary had +still nevertheless so many partisans, that they never could have +ventured, as they were requested to do from England, to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> +allow Mary to come to Scotland and be put on her trial: their own power would have +been endangered by it. Mary too believed herself to have prepared +everything there so well for an enterprise by Don John that, as she +says, an overthrow of the Scotch government would infallibly have ensued +if Philip II had only put his hand to the work. And how closely were his +interests bound up with it! Without a conquest of the island-kingdom, as +his brother represented to him, the Netherlands could never be subdued. +But even now he shunned an open rupture. Besides this his brother's +restlessness and thirst for action, and his political intrigues which +were already reacting on Spain, were disagreeable to him; he could not +make up his mind to take a decisive step.</p> + +<p>He had again and again been vainly entreated to interest himself in the +population of Ireland, in which national and religious antagonism +contended against the supremacy of England. One of the confidential +agents secretly sent thither assured him that he was implored by +nine-tenths of the inhabitants to take them under his protection and +save their souls, that is restore them the mass, which they could no +longer celebrate publicly: they appealed to their primeval relationship +with the Iberian people, to ancient prophecies which looked forward to +this, and to the great political interests at stake. Philip was not +disinclined to attempt the enterprise; but he required the co-operation +of France, without doubt to break the opposition of this power in the +affairs of the Netherlands; a condition which could not be made +acceptable to the French by any interposition of Rome.</p> + +<p>And so, if Pope Gregory XIII wished to undertake anything against +Ireland, he had to do it himself. Men witnessed the singular spectacle +of an expedition against Ireland being fitted out on the coasts of the +States of the Church. A papal general from Bologna came to the +assistance of the powerful Irish chief, Fitzmaurice. They commanded the +Irish districts far and wide, and made inroads into the English: for a +long time they were very troublesome, although not really dangerous.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> +King Philip was then busied in an undertaking which interested him still +more closely than even that of the Netherlands: he made good his +hereditary claim to Portugal, without being obstructed in it either by +the opposition of a native claimant or by the counter-working of the +European powers.</p> + +<p>In the face of this success, by which the Spanish monarchy became master +of the whole Pyrenean peninsula and its many colonies in East and West, +it was all the more necessary for the other two powers to hold together. +Many causes of quarrel indeed arose between them. How could the shocking +event of the night of St. Bartholomew fail to awaken all the antipathies +of the English, and indeed of Protestantism in general! Elizabeth did +not let herself be prevented by her treaty from supporting the French +Protestants in the manner she liked, that is without its being possible +to prove it against her. Under Charles IX she contributed to prevent +them from succumbing, under Henry III she helped them in recovering a +certain political position: for this very object the Palsgrave Casimir +led into France German troops paid with English money. Catharine Medici +often reproached her with observing a policy like that of Louis XI. But +the common interest of the two kingdoms was always more powerful than +these differences; frequent and long negociations were carried on for +even a closer union. The marriage of Queen Elizabeth with Catharine's +youngest son was once held to be as good as certain: he actually +appeared personally in England. We refrain from following the course of +these negociations. The interest they awaken constantly ends in +disappointment, for they are always moving towards their object without +attaining it. But perhaps it will repay our trouble to consider the +reasons which came into consideration for and against the proposed +connexion.</p> + +<p>The main reason for it was that England must hinder an alliance between +Spain and France, especially one in favour of the Queen of Scots. And +certainly nothing had stood the English policy in Scotland in such stead +as the good understanding with France. But much more seemed attainable +if France and England were united for ever. They would then be able to +compel the King of Spain to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> +conclude a peace with the Netherlands which +would secure them their liberties; and, if he did not observe it, they +would have grounds for a common occupation of a part of the Provinces. +If there should be any issue of the marriage, this would put an end to +all attacks on Elizabeth's life, and greatly strengthen the attachment +of her subjects.</p> + +<p>But against it was the fact that this marriage would bring the Queen +into disagreeable personal relations; and the country would be as +unwilling to see a French king as it had once a Spanish one. And how +would it be, if a son sprung from the marriage, to inherit both the +French and the English throne? was England to be ruled by a viceroy? +What an opposition the world would raise to the union of these mighty +kingdoms, into what complications might it not lead! Scotland would +again attach itself to the French: the Netherlands and the German +princes would be alienated.</p> + +<p>The members of the Privy Council, after they had weighed all these +considerations, at last pronounced themselves on the whole against it. +They recommended the continuance of the present system,—the support of +the Protestants, especially in France, a good understanding with the +King of Scotland, and the maintenance of religion and justice in +England: thus they would be a match for every threat of the King of +Spain.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p>But that sovereign had one ally against whom these precautions could not +suffice, the Order of Jesuits and the seminaries of English priests +under its guidance.</p> + +<p>Young exiles from England, who were studying in the Universities of the +Netherlands, to prevent the Catholic priesthood from perishing among the +English at home, had been already in Alva's time brought together in a +college at Douay, which was then removed to Rheims as the revolt spread +in the Netherlands. Pope Gregory XIII was not content with supporting +this institution by a monthly subsidy; he was ambitious of imitating +Gregory the Great and exercising +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> +a direct influence on England: he +founded in Rome itself a seminary for the reconversion of that country. +He made over for this purpose the old English hospital which was also +connected with the memory of Thomas Becket. The first students however +fell out with each other, and there was seen in Rome the old antagonism +of the 'Welsh' and the 'Saxons'; in the end the latter gained the upper +hand, it was mainly their doing that the institution was given over to +the Jesuits. Not long after its activity began. Each student on his +reception was bound to devote his powers to spreading the Catholic +doctrines in England; by April 1580 a company of thirteen priests was +ready, after receiving the Pope's blessing, to set out with this object. +The chief among them were Robert Parsons, who passed into England +disguised as a soldier, and Edmund Campion as a merchant. The first went +to Gloucester and Hereford, the other to Oxford and Northampton: they +and the friends who followed them found everywhere a rich +harvest.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> +It was arranged so that they arrived in the evening at the appointed +houses of their friends: there they heard confessions and gave advice to +the faithful. Early in the morning they preached, and then broke up +again; it was customary to provide them an armed escort to guard them +from any mischance.</p> + +<p>Withal the forms of the church-service in England had been so arranged +that it might remain practicable for the Catholics also to take part in +it. How many had done so hitherto, perhaps with a rosary or a Catholic +book of prayers in their hands! The chief effort of the seminarist +priests, on their return to the country, was to put an end to this: they +dissuaded intercourse with the Protestants even on indifferent matters. +The Queen's statesmen were astonished to find how much the number of +recusants increased all at once; from secret presses proceeded writings +of an aggressive, and exceedingly malignant, character; in many places +Elizabeth was again designated as illegitimate, a usurper, no longer as +Queen. On this the repressive system, which had been already set in +motion in consequence of Pope Pius V's bull, was made +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> +more stringent; this is what has brought on the Queen's government the charge of +cruelty. The Catholics too began to compose their martyrologies. One of +the first priests whose execution they describe, Cuthbert Mayne, was +condemned by the jury for bringing the Bull with him into other people's +houses together with some <i>Agnus Dei.</i><a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> +Young people were condemned +for trying to make their way to the foreign seminaries. On the wish of +the missionaries Pope Gregory XIII explained the bull so far, that the +excommunication pronounced in it against all who should obey the Queen's +commands was meant to be in suspense till it was possible to execute it +against the Queen herself on whom it continued to weigh<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>. This +limitation however rather increased the danger. The Catholics could +remain quiet till rebellion was possible, then it became a duty. The +law-courts now sought above all to make the accused priests declare +themselves as to the validity of the bull and its obligation. Men held +themselves justified in extreme severity against those who 'slip into +the country at the instigation of the great enemy, the Pope, and poison +the hearts of the subjects with pernicious +doctrines.'<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> +On this ground Campion met his death; Parsons escaped. Assuredly there were not +so many executed as the Catholic world wished to reckon, but yet +probably more than the statesmen of England admitted. They persisted +that it was not a persecution for religion: and in fact the controverted +questions lay mainly in the region of the conflict between Papacy and +Monarchy: those executed were not so much martyrs of Catholicism as of +the idea of the Papal supremacy over monarchs. But how closely connected +are these ideas with each other! The priests for their part believed +that they were dying for +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> +God and the Church. But the effect which the +English government had in view was, with all its severity, not produced. +We are assured on Catholic authority that in 1585 there were yet several +hundred priests actively engaged. From their reports it is clear that +they were still always counting on a complete victory. They vigorously +pressed for the attempt at an invasion, which they represented as almost +sure of success; 'for two-thirds of the English are still Catholic; the +Queen has neither strong places nor disciplined troops: with 16,000 men +she might be overthrown.' This time also the house of the Spanish +ambassador, Bernardino Mendoza, formed the meeting-point for these +tendencies; he kept up a constant communication with the emigrants who +had been declared rebels, and with the discontented at home, with Mary +Stuart and her friends in Scotland, with the zealous Catholics +throughout the world, especially with the Guises, with whom Philip II +himself now had an understanding. The increasing power of his sovereign +gained him also an ever-increasing consideration.</p> + +<p>It was in these days that the Western and Southern Netherlands were +again subdued by King Philip. After the death of his brother, his nephew +Alexander Farnese of Parma had formed an army of unmixed Catholic +composition, which had naturally from its inner unity gained the upper +hand over the government of the States, which had called now a German +and now a French prince to its head, and was composed of different +religions and nationalities. First the seaports, then the towns of +Flanders, and at last the wealthy Antwerp also, which by its mental +activity and commercial resources had materially nourished the revolt, +fell into the hands of the Spaniards. The Prince of Orange was +assassinated by a fanatic. Alexander of Parma, who ascribed his +victories to the Virgin Mary, pushed on his conquests gradually till +they reached the Northern and Eastern Provinces.</p> + +<p>The reaction of these events, even while they were still in progress, +was first felt in Scotland. There the young King James VI after many +vicissitudes had, while still under age, taken the reins of government +into his own hands: and a son of his great uncle, Esmé Stuart (who +exchanged the title Aubigny which he brought from France for the more +famous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> +name of Lennox, and was a great friend of the Guises and the +Jesuits) obtained the chief credit with him. Lennox promoted +Catholicism, which was not so difficult, as part of the nobility still +adhered to it, at least in secret; he too lived and moved in +comprehensive plans for the re-establishment of the Church. Through the +Guises he hoped to be placed in a position to invade England with a +Catholic army of 15,000 men; if the English Catholics then did their +duty, everything they wanted could be attained: for himself he was +resolved to liberate Mary or die in the attempt. Mary was also to +reascend the Scotch throne: her son was to be co-regent with her, +provided that he himself returned to the bosom of the Catholic Church. +Mary Stuart with her indestructible energy was involved in these designs +also. She commended them warmly to the Pope and the King of Spain: for +it was precisely in Scotland that the universal re-establishment could +best be begun.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> +She wished only to know on what resources in men and +money her friends there might reckon. We must remember the situation and +the peril of these schemes and preparations, if we would understand to +some degree the violent measures on which the Protestant lords in +Scotland resolved. As in a similar case of an earlier time in Germany, +they closed the castle, in which King James was received, against his +attendants: Lennox had to leave Scotland. But the young King was shrewd +enough, and sufficiently well advised, to rid himself of the lords +almost in the same way that they had taken him. He succeeded, chiefly +through the help of the French ambassador, a friend of the Guises. +Hereupon too he seemed much inclined to favour the undertaking with +which Henry Guise occupied himself in 1583, a scheme for a revolution in +the affairs of both countries. Guise hoped, with the support of the King +of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of Bavaria, to be able to effect +something decisive. James VI let his uncle know his full agreement with +the proposed schemes. But, in fact, it +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> +did not seem to matter much +whether he agreed or not. It was reported to Queen Mary, that the +Catholic party in Scotland reckoned on having the most powerful king of +Christendom on their side, with or against James' will; that Philip II +was building so many vessels that in a short time he would become +completely master of the Western ocean, and be able to invade whatever +countries he pleased.</p> + +<p>It is evident how dangerous for England these Scotch movements were in +themselves: Queen Elizabeth thought herself most vulnerable on the side +of Scotland: moreover she already saw herself directly threatened. A +plan fell into her hands, in which the number of ships and men necessary +for an invasion of England, the harbours where they were to land, the +places they were to seize, even the men on whose help they could reckon, +were enumerated.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> +She convinced herself that the plan came from +Mendoza, who held out the prospect of his King's assistance for the +purpose, as the attack was to be made simultaneously from the +Netherlands and from Spain. This time too Elizabeth dismissed the +hostile ambassador; but how could she flatter herself with having thus +exorcised the threatening elements? Now that the foe, with whom she had +been for fifteen years at war—though not an open war yet one of which +both sides were conscious—had become very much stronger, she was forced +to take up a decisive position against him, to save herself from being +overpowered.</p> + +<p>In 1584 her chief minister, William Cecil, now Lord Burleigh, High +Treasurer of the kingdom, drew her attention to this necessity. He +represented to her that she had nothing to fear from any one in the +world except from Spain—but from Spain everything. King Philip had +gained more victories from his cabinet, than his father in all his +campaigns: he ruled a nation which was thoroughly of one mind in +religion, ambitious, brave, and resolute; he had a most devoted party +among the discontented in England. The question +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> +for the Queen was, +whether she hoped to tame the lion or whether she wished to bind him. +She could not build on treaties, for the enemy would not keep them. And, +if he was allowed to subdue the Netherlands completely, no one in the +world could avoid seeing to what object his power would be directed. He +advises the Queen not to let things go so far—for those countries were +the counterscarp of England's fortress—but to proceed to open war, to +withstand the Spaniards in the Netherlands and attack them in the +Indies. 'Better now,' he exclaims, 'while the enemy has only one hand +free, than later when he can strike with +both.'<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> + +<p>In August 1585 Antwerp fell into the hands of the Spaniards; in the +capitulation the case is already taken into consideration, that Holland +and Zealand also might submit. The Northern Netherlands were threatened +from yet another side, as Zutphen and Nimuegen had just been taken by +the Spaniards. In this extreme distress of her natural ally she delayed +no longer. The sovereignty they offered her she refused anew, but she +engaged to give considerable assistance, in return for which, as a +security for her advances, the fortresses Vliessingen and Briel were +given up into her possession. To prove how much she was in earnest in +this, she entrusted the conduct of the war in the Netherlands to Dudley, +Earl of Leicester, who was still accounted her favourite and was one of +the chief confidants of her policy. In December 1585 Leicester reached +Vliessingen; on the 1st of January 1586, Francis Drake appeared before +St. Domingo and occupied it. The war had broken out by land and by sea.</p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Randolph states that the promise was given before +Darnley's death. Strype, Annals iii. i. 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> That this was thought of from the first is not to be +supposed; the Queen had once previously declared herself against it. 'We +fynde her removing either into this our realm or into France not without +great discommodities to us.' Letter to Throckmorton, in Wright i. 253.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Gonzalez, Apuntamientos 338. From the 'short memoryall' +of 1569 in Hayne's State Papers 585 (though much in it is incorrect), we +see that men believed in the union of both crowns against England, with +'the ernest desyre to have the Quene of Scotts possess this crown of +England.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> 'Sentenza declaratoria contra Elizabetta, che si pretende +reina d'Inghilterra.' In Catena, Vita di Pio V, 309. The agreement of +the bull (e.g. as to the 'huomini heretici et ignobili,' who had +penetrated into the royal privy council) with the manifesto of the last +rebellion, is worth observing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> The instructions which Mary and Norfolk gave their +Italian agent for the Roman See are preserved in the Vatican archives +and printed in Labanoff iii. 221. From Leslie's expression +(Negociations, in Anderson iii. 152) that the duke negociated with +Ridolfi through a Mr. Backer, 'because he had the Italian tongue,' and +that then all the plans were communicated to <i>him</i> ('the whole +devises'), we might conclude that Norfolk was in general very much in +foreign hands.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Lo que se platico en consejo 7 Julio 1571. Some other +weighty documents are in Appendix V to Mignet's Histoire de Marie +Stuart, vol. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Already on the 16th April the French ambassador, while +speaking with Elizabeth on the conclusion of the treaty agreed on, +remarks, 'qu'elle a quelque nouvelle offence contre la dite reyne +d'Ecosse,' which could have been nothing else but the first news of the +seizure of one of Ridolfi's servants at Dover on the 10th April, who +then under torture had confessed all.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> 'Vendran otras ocasiones en tiempo di V. M. per pagarle +dios el celo, con que tam caldamente abraza este su negocio.' +Contestation del duque di Alba, in Gonzalez 450.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> De la Mothe Fénélon au roi de France 22 Dec. 1571. +Correspondence diplomatique de Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe Fénélon +iv. 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Sketch of a will, in Labanoff iv. 354. 'Je cedde mes +droits, que je pretends et puis pretendre à la couronne d'Angleterre et +autres seignuries et royaulmes en dependant au roy catholique ou autres +des siens qu'il lui plaira, avesque l'advis et consentement de S. S.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Conference at Westminster touching the Queen's marriage +with the Duke of Anjou 1579. Egerton Papers 78. Sussex, who had +previously given a somewhat different opinion, was one of those who +signed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Sacchinus, Historia societatis Jesu iii. 1; vii. 1; viii. +96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> 'Perche contro alle leggi d'Inghilterra egli havesse +portato seco una bollo papale, alcuni grani benedetti et agnus dei.' +Martyrio di Cutberto Maino, in Pollini, Istoria eccl. delle rivolutioni +d'Inghilterra p. 499. It is a pity that the eminent Hallam had not the +first reports at hand.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Facultates concessae Rob. Personio et Edm. Campiano 14 +April 1580. 'Catholicos tum demum obliget, quando publica ejusdem bullae +executio fieri poterit.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Execution of Justice in England. Somers Tracts i.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Lettre a Don Bernardino de Mendoza 6-8 April 1582. 'La +grande aparence, qu'il ha de pourvenir (parvenir) maintenant au dict +restablissement de la religion en ceste isle, començant pour la Scotia +(par l'Ecosse).' In Mignet App. 522.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> According to the Venetian accounts (Dispaccio di Spagna, +Marzo 1584) the King had sent an experienced soldier as a spy to England +to investigate the possibility of a landing, 'havendo pensato di +concertarsi bene con il re di Scotia, perche ancora egli a un tempo +medesimo si movesse da quella parte.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> The Lord Treasurers advise in matters of Religion and +State. Somers Tracts i. 164.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_V" id="BIII_V"></a> +THE FATE OF MARY STUART.</p> + +<p>How completely the circumstances of these times are misunderstood, when +they are measured by the rules of an age of peace! Rather they were +filled with hostilities in which politics and religion were mingled; +foreign war was at the same time a domestic one. The religious +confessions were at the same time political programmes.</p> + +<p>The Queen took up arms not to make conquests, but to secure her very +existence against a daily growing power that openly threatened her, +before it had become completely an overmatch for her: she provoked an +open war: but she had not done enough when she now, as is necessary in +such cases, took into consideration the training of soldiers, securing +the harbours, fortifying strong places, improving the navy: the most +pressing anxiety arose from the general Catholic agitation in the +country.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth's statesmen were well aware that the sharp prosecution of the +seminarist priests was not enough to put an end to it. With reference to +the laity, the Lord Treasurer, however strict in other respects, +recommends to his sovereign quite a different mode of proceeding. We +should never proceed to capital punishment of such men: we should rather +mitigate the oath imposed on them: in particular we should never force +the nobles to a final decision between their religious inclinations and +their political duties, never drive them to despair. But at the same +time he gives a warning against awakening any hope in them that their +demands could ever be satisfied, for this would only make them more +obstinate. And on no consideration should arms be put into their hands. +'We do not wish to kill them, we cannot coerce them, but we dare +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> not +trust them.' Nothing would be more dangerous than to assume a confidence +which was not really felt.</p> + +<p>Even before this the Privy Council had recommended the Queen to employ +Protestants only in the government of her State, and to exclude all +Catholics from a share in +it.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> +The before-mentioned 'Advice' of Lord +Burleigh is remarkable for extending the Protestant interest and adding +a popular one to it. He thinks it intolerable that the copyholders and +tenants of the Catholic lords, even when they fulfil their obligations +in all other respects, experience bad treatment from them on account of +religion: it is impossible to let many thousand true subjects be +dependent on such as have hostile intentions. The plan Henry VIII had +once entertained, of diminishing the authority of the Lords, is now +brought by the High Treasurer at this crisis once more into vivid +recollection. The Queen is to bind the Commons to herself, to win over +their hearts. And Burleigh advises allowing the followers of dissenting +Protestant Churches, especially the Puritans, to worship as they please: +in preaching and catechising they are more zealous than the +Episcopalians, very far more successful in converting the people, and +indispensable for weakening the popish party. We see how the necessity +of the war acts on home affairs. The chief minister favoured the +elements which were forcing their way out through the existing forms of +the state.</p> + +<p>In this general strain on men's minds their eyes once more turned to the +Queen of Scots in her captivity. What would there have been at all to +fear at other times from a princess under strong custody and cut off +from all the world? But in the excitement of that age she could even so +be still an object of apprehension. Her personal friends had from the +first not seen a great mischance in her enforced residence in England. +For by blameless conduct she refuted the evil report which had followed +her thither from Scotland; and her right as heiress of the crown came to +the knowledge of the whole +nation.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>. +In the days at which we have arrived we +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> +know with certainty that her presence in the country formed +a great lever for Catholic agitation. A report found in the papal +archives has been published, by which it is clear how much support men +promised themselves from her for every resolute +undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> +This document says that since she has numberless partisans, and although in +prison has uninterrupted communication with them, she will always find +means, when the time comes, of giving them notice of the approaching +opportunity: she is resolved to encounter every hardship, nay even death +itself, for the great +cause.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p> + +<p>Occupied with measures of defence on all sides, the English government +had already long been considering how to meet this danger. This was the +very reason why Elizabeth's marriage was so often spoken of with popular +approbation: if she had children, Mary's claims would lose their +importance. Gradually however every man had to confess to himself that +this was not to be expected, and on other grounds hardly to be wished. +Then men thought how to solve the difficulty in another way.</p> + +<p>The chief danger was this: if an attempt on Elizabeth's life succeeded, +the supreme authority would devolve on Mary, who was on the spot, who +cherished entirely opposite views, and would have at once realised +them:—the thought occurred as early as 1579 of declaring by formal act +of parliament that all persons by whom the reigning Queen should be in +any way endangered or injured should forfeit any claim they might have +to the crown;<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> +terms which though general were in reality directed +only against the Queen of Scots; at +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> +that time the proposal was not carried into effect.</p> + +<p>The negociations are not yet completely cleared up which were carried on +with Mary in 1582-3 for her restoration in Scotland. The English once +more repeated their old demand, that Mary should even now ratify the +treaty of Edinburgh, and annul all that had been done in violation of it +by her first husband or by herself. She was further not merely to +renounce every design against the security and peace of England, but to +pledge herself to oppose it: and in general, as long as Elizabeth was +alive, to put forward no claim to the English throne: whether she had +such a right after Elizabeth's death the parliament of England was to +decide.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> +Here too the old view came into the foreground: Parliament +was to be made the judge of hereditary right. The negociation failed +owing to the Scotch intrigues of these years, in which the intention +rather was to assert the claim of inheritance with the strong hand.</p> + +<p>And from day to day new attempts on Elizabeth's life came to light. In +1584 Francis Throckmorton, who took part in these very schemes, was +executed: in 1585 Parry also, who confessed having been in connexion +with Mary's plenipotentiary in France, and who had come over to +assassinate Queen Elizabeth. Writings were spread abroad in which those +about her were called on to imitate, against this female Holofernes, the +example set in the book of Judith.</p> + +<p>Protestant England in the danger of its sovereign saw its own. In all +churches prayers were offered for her safety. The most remarkable proof +of this temper is contained in an association of individuals for +defending the Queen, which was at that time subscribed to far and wide +through the country. It begins with a statement that, to promote certain +claims on the crown, the Queen's life was threatened in a highly +treasonable manner, and enters into a union in God's name, in which each +man pledges himself to the others, to combat with word and deed, and +even to pursue with arms, all who should make any attempt on the Queen's +person; and not to rest till +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> +these wretches were completely destroyed. +If the attempt was so far successful as to raise a claim to the crown, +they pledged themselves never to recognise such a claim: whoever broke +this oath and separated himself from the association should be treated +by the other members as a +perjurer.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p> + +<p>The main object of this association was to cut off all prospect of the +succession from any attempt in favour of the Queen of Scots: a great +part of the nation pledged itself to reject a claim made good in this +manner as exceptionable in every respect. The Parliament of 1585, many +of whose members belonged to the association, not merely confirmed it +formally: it now also expressly enacted, that persons in whose favour a +rebellion should be attempted, and an attack on the Queen undertaken, +should lose their right to the crown: if they themselves took part in +any such plots, they were to forfeit their life. The Queen was empowered +to appoint a commission of at least twenty-four members to judge of this +offence.</p> + +<p>These resolutions and unions were of a compass extending far beyond the +present occasion, however weighty. How important the ecclesiastical +contest had become in all questions concerning the supreme temporal +power! That the deposition of Queen Elizabeth, pronounced by the Pope, +had no effect was due to the Protestant tendencies of the country, and +to the fact that her hereditary claim had been hitherto unassailed. But +now it was a similar hereditary claim, made by Queen Mary, not, it is +true, formally recognised, but also not rejected, on which the partisans +of this princess based their chief hope. Mary herself, who always +combined the most vivid dynastic feelings with her religious +inclinations, in her letters and statements does not lay such stress on +anything as on the unconditional validity of her claim to inherit the +throne. When for instance her son rejected the joint government which +she proposed to him, she remarked with striking acuteness that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> +this involved an infringement of the maxims of hereditary right; since he +rejected her authorisation to share in the government, and recognised as +legitimate the refusal of obedience she had experienced from her +rebellious subjects. Once she read in a pamphlet that people denied +Queen Elizabeth the power to name a successor who was not of the +Protestant faith: she wrote to her that the supreme power was of divine +right, and raised high above all these considerations, and warned her +against opinions of that kind which were avowed by some near her, and +which might lead to the elective principle and become dangerous to +herself. This could not fail to have an exactly opposite effect on +Elizabeth. She was again threatened through the strict dynastic right +that she also enjoyed: she needed some other additional support. Despite +all inclination to the contrary, she decided to look for it in the +Parliament. She likewise aimed at making Mary submit the validity of her +claim to its previous decision. She could not but be thankful that her +subjects pledged themselves not to recognise any right to the succession +which was to be asserted by an attack on her life; she ratified the act +by which Parliament gave these feelings a legal form. It is obvious how +powerfully the rights of Parliament were thus advanced as against the +absolute claim of the hereditary monarchy. In the course of the +development of events this was to be the case in a still higher degree.</p> + +<p>Mary rejected with horror the suspicion that she could take part in an +attempt on Elizabeth's life: she wished to enrol herself in the +Association for her +security.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> +And who could have failed to believe +at least that the threats against her own right and life, in case of a +second attempt at assassination, would deter her partisans as well as +herself from any thought of it! For they well understood the energy with +which the Parliament knew how to vindicate its laws.</p> + +<p>But it is vain to try to bridle men's passions by showing them their +results. If the attempt on the Queen's life succeeded, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span>cceeded +this Parliament of course would be annihilated as well as the Queen herself, and another +order of things begin.</p> + +<p>In the seminary at Rheims the priests persuaded an English emigrant, +called Savage, who had served in the army of the Prince of Parma, that +he could not better secure himself eternal happiness than by ridding the +world of the enemy of religion who was excommunicated by the holy +father. Another English emigrant, Thomas Babington, a young man of +education and ambition, in whom throbbed the pulse of chivalrous +devotion to Mary, was informed of this design by a priest of the +seminary, and was fired with a kind of emulation which has something +highly fantastic about it. Thinking that so great an enterprise ought +not to be confided to one man, he sought and found new confederates for +it; when the murder was effected, and the Spanish troops landed, he was +to be the man who with a hundred sturdy comrades would free his Catholic +Queen from prison and lead her to her throne. Mendoza at that time (and +indeed by Mary's recommendation, as she tells us) was Spanish ambassador +in France: he was in communication with Babington and strengthened him +in his purpose. Of all the distinguished men of the age Mendoza is +perhaps the one who took up most heartily the idea of uniting the French +and Spanish interests, and advocated it most fervently. King Philip II +was also informed of the design. He now, as he had done fifteen years +before, declared his intention, if it succeeded, of making the invasion +simultaneously from Spain and Flanders. The Queen's murder, the rising +of the Catholics, and at the same moment a twofold invasion with trained +troops would have certainly been enough to produce a complete +revolution. The League was still victorious in France: Henry III would +have been forced to join it: the tendencies of the strictest Catholicism +would have gained a complete triumph.</p> + +<p>If we enquire whether Mary Stuart knew of these schemes, and had a full +understanding with the conspirators, there can be no doubt at all of it. +She was in correspondence with Babington, whom she designates as her +greatest friend. The letter is still extant in which she strengthens him +in his purpose of calling forth a rising of the Catholics in the different +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> +counties, and that an armed one, with reasons for it true and +false, and tells him how he may liberate herself. She reckons on a fine +army of horse and foot being able to assemble, and making itself master +of some harbours in which to receive the help expected not merely from +Flanders and Spain, but also from France. In the letter we even come +upon one passage which betrays a knowledge of the plot against +Elizabeth's life; there is not a word against it, rather an approbation +of it, though an indirect +one.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p> + +<p>And we have yet another proof of her temper and views at this time lying +before us. As the zeal of the Catholics for her claim to the succession +might be weakened by the fact that her son in Scotland, on whom it +naturally devolved, after all the hopes cherished on his behalf, still +remained Protestant, she reverted to an idea that had once before passed +through her mind: she pledged herself to bring matters in Scotland to +such a point that her son should be seized and delivered into the hands +of the King of Spain: he was then to be instructed in the Catholic faith +and embrace it; if James had not done so at the time of her death, her +claim on England was to pass to Philip II. Day and night, so she said, +she bewailed her son's being so stiffnecked in his false faith: she saw +that his succession in England would be the ruin of the country.</p> + +<p>So it stands written in her letters: it is undeniable: but was that +really her last and well-considered word? Was it her real wish that +Elizabeth should be killed, her son disinherited notwithstanding her +dynastic feelings, and that Philip II should become King of England? +Were the Catholic-Spanish tendencies of Elizabeth's predecessor, Queen +Mary Tudor, so completely reproduced in her?</p> + +<p>I think we can hardly maintain this with full historic certainty. Mary +Stuart was not altogether animated by hot religious zeal: if she had +been, how could she formerly have left the Protestant lords in +possession of power so long as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> +she did, and even have once thought of +marrying Leicester with his Protestant views? Her son affirmed that he +possessed letters from her, in which she approved of his religious views +and confirmed him in them. It was not religious conviction and the +abhorrence of any other faith, as in Mary Tudor, but her dynastic right +and her self-confidence as sovereign that were the active and +predominant motives in all the actions of Mary Stuart. And if there are +contradictions in her utterances, we cannot hold her capable, like +Catharine Medici, of taking up and secretly furthering two opposite +plans at the same time; her different tendencies appear consecutively, +not simultaneously, in exact accordance with her impulses. For Mary +Stuart was never quiet an instant: even in her prison she shared in the +movement of the world; her brain never ceased working; she was brooding +over her circumstances, her distress and her hope, how to escape the one +and realise the other: sometimes indeed there came a moment of +resignation, but only soon to pass away again. She throws all her +thoughts into her letters which, even if they are aiming at some object +close at hand, are at the same time ebullitions of the moment, +passionate effusions, productions of the imagination rather than of the +understanding. Who could think such a letter possible as that in which +she once sought to inform Elizabeth of the evil reports about her which +the Countess of Shrewsbury made, and recounted a mass of scandalous +anecdotes she had heard from her. The communication was meant to ruin +the countess: Mary did not remark that it must also draw down the +Queen's hatred on herself. No one would have dared even to lay the +letter before the Queen. Mary's was a passionate nature, endowed with +literary gifts: she let her pen run on without saying anything she did +not really think at the instant, but without remembering in the least +what lay beyond her momentary mood. Who will hold women of this +character strictly to what stands in their letters? These are often as +inconsiderate and contradictory as their words.</p> + +<p>While Mary was writing the above-mentioned letters, she was completely +taken up with the proposals made to her. She guarded herself from +inserting anything that could +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> +hinder their being carried into effect: +by the eventual transfer of her son's claims to the foreign King, all +opposition on the part of zealous Catholics would be done away. Her +hopes and wishes hurried her away with them, so that she lost sight of +the danger in which she thus placed herself. And was she not a Queen, +raised above the law? Who would take it on himself to attack her?</p> + +<p>Mary Stuart was then under the charge of a strict Puritan, Sir Amyas +Paulet, of whom she complained that he treated her as a criminal +prisoner and not as a queen. The government now allowed a certain +relaxation in the external circumstances of her custody, but not in the +strictness of the superintendence. There hardly exists another instance +of such a striking contrast between projects and facts. Mary composes +these letters full of far-ranging and dangerous schemes in the deepest +secrecy, as she thinks, and has them carefully re-written in cipher: she +has no doubt that they reach her friends safely by a secret way: but +arrangements are made so that every word she writes is laid before the +man whose business it is to trace out conspiracies, Walsingham, the +Secretary of State. He knows her ciphers, he even sees the letters that +come for her before she does: while she reads them with haste and in +hope of better fortune at hand, he is only waiting for her answer to use +it against her as a decisive proof of her guilt.</p> + +<p>Walsingham now found himself in possession of all the threads of the +conspiracy; as soon as that letter to Babington was in his hands, he +delayed no longer to arrest the guilty persons: they confessed, were +condemned and executed. By further odious means—the prisoner being +removed from her apartments on some pretence and the rooms then +searched—possession was obtained of other papers which witnessed +against her. Then the question could be laid before the Privy Council +whether she should now be brought to trial and sentenced in due form.</p> + +<p>Who had given the English Parliament any right to make laws which should +be binding on a foreign queen, and in virtue of which, if she +transgressed them, she could be punished with death? In fact these +doubts were raised at the +time.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> +Against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> +them it was alleged that +Mary, who had been forced to abdicate by her subjects and deprived of +her dignity, could not be regarded any longer as a queen: while a +deposed sovereign is bound by the laws of the land in which he resides. +If she was still a queen, yet she was subject to the feudal supremacy of +England, and because of her claim to its crown also subject to its +sovereignty—two arguments that contradict each other, one of a feudal, +the other of a popular character and closely connected with the idea of +popular sovereignty. Whether the one or the other convinced any person, +we do not hear; it was moreover not a matter for argument any longer.</p> + +<p>For how could anything else be expected but that the judicial +proceedings prepared several years before would now be put in force? A +law had been passed calculated for this case, if it should occur. The +case had occurred, and was proved by legal evidence. It was necessary +for the satisfaction of the country and Parliament—and Walsingham laid +particular stress on this—that the matter should be examined with full +publicity.</p> + +<p>The commission provided for in the Act of Parliament was named: it +consisted of the chief statesmen and lawyers of the country. In +Fotheringhay, whither the prisoner had now been brought, the splendid +ancestral seat of the princes of the house of York, at which many of +them were buried, they met together in the Hall on the 14th October. +Mary let herself be induced to plead by the consideration that she would +be held guilty, if she did not make any defence: it being understood +that it was with the reserve that she did not by this give up any of the +rights of a free sovereign. Most of the charges against her she +gradually admitted to be true, but she denied having consented to a +personal attempt on Elizabeth's life. The court decided that this made +no essential difference. For the rebellion which Mary confessed to +having favoured could not be conceived of apart from danger to the Queen +of England's life as well as her +government.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> +The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> +court pronounced that Mary was guilty of the acts for which the punishment of death had +been enacted in the Parliamentary statute.</p> + +<p>We cannot regard this as a regular criminal procedure, for judicial +forms were but little observed; it was the decision of a commission that +the case had occurred in which the statute passed by Parliament found +its application. Parliament itself, then just summoned, had the +proceedings of the Commission laid before it and approved their +sentence.</p> + +<p>But this did not bring the affair to an end. Queen Elizabeth deferred +the execution of the judgment. For in relation to such a matter she +occupied quite a different position from that of Parliament.</p> + +<p>From more than one quarter she was reminded that, by carrying out the +sentence, she would violate the divine right of kings; since this +implied that subjects could not judge, or lay their hands on, +sovereigns. How unnatural if a queen like herself should set her hand to +degrade the diadem.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> + +<p>In the Privy Council some were of opinion that, as Mary could not be +regarded as the author of the last plot, but only as privy to it, closer +imprisonment would be a sufficient punishment for her. Elizabeth caught +at this idea. The Parliament, she thought, might now formally annul +Mary's claim to the English throne, declare it to be high treason to +maintain it any longer, and high treason also to attempt to liberate her +from prison: this would deter her partisans from an attempt then become +hopeless, and also satisfy foreign +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> +nations. But it was urged in reply, +that now to repudiate Mary Stuart's claim for the first time would be +equivalent to recognising its original validity; and an English law +would make no impression either on Mary or on her partisans. The +remembrance of what had happened in Scotland revived again; of Darnley's +murder, which men imputed to her without hesitation: she was compared to +Johanna I of Naples who had taken part in her husband's murder: it was +said, Mary has doubled her old guilt by attempts against the sacred +person of the Queen; after she had been forgiven, she has relapsed into +the same crime, she deserves death on many +grounds.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></p> + +<p>Spenser, in the great poem which has made him immortal, has depicted the +conflict of accusations and excuses which this cause called forth. One +of his allegorical figures, Zeal, accuses the fair and splendid lady, +then on her trial, of the design of hurling the Queen from her throne, +and of inciting noble knights to join in this purpose. The Kingdom's +Care, Authority, Religion, Justice, take part with him. On the other +side Pity, Regard for her high descent and her family, even <i>Grief</i> +herself, raise their voices, and produce a contrary impression. But Zeal +once more renews his accusation: he brings forward Adultery and Murder, +Impiety and Sedition, against her. The Queen sitting upon the throne in +judgment recognises the guilt of the accused, but shrinks from +pronouncing the word: men see tears in her eyes; she covers her face +with her purple robe.</p> + +<p>Spenser appears here, as he usually does, an enthusiastic admirer of his +Queen. But neither should we see hypocrisy in Elizabeth's scruples, +which sprang much more from motives which touched her very nearly. She +kept away from all company: she was heard to break her solitary +meditation by uttering old proverbs that applied to the present case. +More than once she spoke with the deputation of Parliament which pressed +for a decision. What she mainly represented to them was, how hard it was +for her, after she had pardoned so many rebellions, and passed over +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> +so much treason in silence, to let a princess be punished, who was her +nearest blood-relation: men would accuse her, the Virgin Queen, of +cruelty: she prayed them to supply her with another means, another +expedient: nothing under the sun would be more welcome to her. The +Parliament firmly insisted that there was no other expedient; it argued +in detailed representations that the deliverance of the country depended +on the execution of the sentence. The Queen's own security, the +preservation of religion and of the state, made it absolutely necessary. +Mary's life was the hope of all the discontented, whose plots were +directed only to the object of enabling her to ascend the throne of +England, to destroy the followers of the true religion, and expel the +nobility of the land—that is the Protestant nobility. And must not +satisfaction be given to the Association which was pledged to pursue a +new attempt against the Queen's life even to death? 'Not to punish the +enemy would be cruel to your faithful subjects: to spare her means ruin +to us.'</p> + +<p>Meanwhile they came upon the traces of a new attempt. In presence of the +elder French ambassador, Aubespine, a partisan of the Guises, mention +was made of the necessity of killing Elizabeth in order to save Mary at +the last moment. One of his officers spoke with a person who was known +in the palace, and who undertook to pile up a mass of gunpowder under +Elizabeth's chamber sufficient to blow it into the air; he was led to +hope for rewards from Guise and his brother Mayenne, whose interests +would have been greatly promoted by such a +deed.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> +But this time too +Elizabeth was made acquainted with the design before it came to +maturity. She ascribed her new danger to the silence, if not to the +instigation, of the ambassador, the friend of the Guises: in its +discovery she saw the hand of God. 'I nourish,' she exclaims, 'the viper +that poisons me;—to save her they would have taken my life: am I to +offer myself as a prey to every +villain?'<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> +At a moment when she was especially struck with the danger which threatened her from the very +existence of her rival, after a conversation with the Lord Admiral, she +had the long-prepared order for the execution brought to her, and signed +it with quick and resolute strokes of the pen.</p> + +<p>The observation of Parliament, that her safety and the peace of the +country required her enemy's death, at last gained the upper hand with +her as well. But this did not imply that her conflicting feelings were +completely silenced. She was haunted in her dreams by the idea of the +execution. She had once more recourse to the thought that some +serviceable hand might spare her the last authorisation, by secretly +executing the sentence of the judges—an act which seemed to be +justified even by the words of the Association; the demand was made in +due form to the Keeper of the prisoner, Sir Amyas Paulet; he rejected +it—and how could anything else have been expected from the +conscientious Puritan—with an expression of his astonishment and +indignation. Elizabeth had commissioned Secretary Davison, when she +signed the order, to have it sealed with the Great Seal. Her idea seems +to have been that, when all the forms had been duly complied with, she +might the more easily get a secret execution, or that at some critical +moment it might be at once performed; but she still meant to keep the +matter in her own hand: for the custom was, before the last step, to +once more ask her approval. But Davison, who marked her hesitation, did +not think it advisable at this moment. Through Hatton he acquainted Lord +Burleigh with the matter, and Burleigh put the question to the other +members of the Privy Council: they took it on themselves to despatch the +order, signed and sealed as it now was, without further delay to +Fotheringhay.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p> + +<p>On the 8th of February 1587 it was executed on Mary in the very hall +where the sittings of the court had +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> +been held. As compared with +Elizabeth's painful disquiet, who shrank from doing what she held to be +necessary, and when she at last did it wished it again undone and +thought she could still recall it, the composure and quiet of soul, with +which Mary submitted to the fate now finally decided, impresses us very +deeply The misfortune of her life was her claim to the English crown. +This led her into a political labyrinth, and into those entanglements +which were connected with her disastrous marriage, and then, through its +combination with the religious idea, into all the guilt which is imputed +to her more or less justly. It cost Mary her country and her life. Even +on the scaffold she reminded men of her high rank which was not subject +to the laws: she thought the sentence of heretics on her, a free queen, +would be of service to the kingdom of God. She died in the royal and +religious ideas in which she had lived.</p> + +<p>It is undeniable that Elizabeth was taken by surprise at this news: she +was heard sobbing as though a heavy misfortune had befallen herself. It +may be that her grief was lightened by a secret satisfaction: who would +absolutely deny it? But Davison had to atone for taking the power into +his own hands by a long imprisonment: the indispensable Burleigh hardly +obtained pardon. In the city on the other hand bells were rung and +bonfires kindled. For the universal popular conviction agreed with the +judgment of the court, that Mary had tried to deliver the kingdom into +the hands of Spaniards. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Consultation at Greenwich 1579, In Murdin 340. 'Pluck +down presently the strengthe and government of all your papists and +deliver all the strengthe and government of your realm into the hands of +wise assured and trusty protestants.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Bishop Leslie's negociations, in Anderson iii. 235.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> 'De praesenti rerum statu in Anglia brevis annotatio,' in +Theiner, Annales ecclesiastici iii. 480 (at the year 1583). As mention +is made in this writing of the restoration of order in the States of the +Church, 'per felicissima novi pontificis auspicia,' we must certainly +attribute it to the first years of Sixtus V.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> 'Tam ad hos (haereticos) quam ad catholicos omnes ad +nostras partes trahendos supra modum valebit, licet in carcere, reginae +Scotiae opera. Nam illa novit omnes secretos fautores suos et hactenus +habuit viam praemonendi illos atque semper ut speramus habitura est, ut +cum venerit tempus expeditionis, praesto sint. Sperat etiam—per +amicos—et per corruptionem custodum personam suam ex custodia +liberare.' In Theiner, Annales ecclesiastici iii. 482.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> The means to assure Her Majesty of peace. Egerton Papers +79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> 'Jus successionis judicio ordinum Angliae subjecturam.' +Camden, i. 360. Compare Strype, Annals iii. i. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Association for the assecuration of the Queen, subscribed +by the members of Lincoln's Inn (Egerton Papers 208). We may assume that +this was the general idea.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> In a pamphlet of the time it is stated that she had +subscribed and sworn to the Association.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Tytler (History of Scotland viii. App) maintains that the +passage was inserted by Mary's enemies, and brings forward some reasons +for this view which are worth considering. But Mignet (ii. 348) has +already remarked how many other improbable suppositions this +necessitates. And what would have been the use of it, as the letter even +without this addition would have sufficed to condemn her.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> 'Objections against bringing Maria Queen of Scots to +trial, with answers thereunto.' In Strype, Annals iii. 2. 397.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Evidence against the Queen of Scots. Hardwicke Papers i. +245. 'Invasion and destruction of Her Majesty are so linked together, +that they cannot be single. For if the invader should prevail, no doubt +they would not suffer Her Majesty to continue neither government nor her +life: and in case of rebellion the same reason holdeth.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> The French ambassador began, according to Camden 480, +with the maxim 'regum interesse ne princeps libera atque absoluta morte +afficiatur.' What Camden quotes from a letter of James makes a certain +impression; the words are still more characteristic in the original: +'quho beingh supreme et immediate lieutenants of godd in heaven, cannot +thairefoire be judget by thaire aequallis in earth, quat monstruous +thing is it that souveraigne princes thaimeselfis shoulde be the exemple +giveris of thaire own sacred diademes prophaining.' 27 Jan. 1586-7. In +Nicolas, Life of Davison 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Reasons gathered by certain appointed in Parliament. In +Strype iii. 1, 534.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> According to the protocol of an interview with the +ambassador (in Murdin, 579) there can be no doubt of the reality of the +plot. The ambassador does not deny that he had been spoken to about it, +he only excuses himself for not having had the Queen informed of it, but +asserts that he had rejected it with abhorrence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> To James I, Letters of Elizabeth and James 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Arraignment of Mr. Davison in the Star Chamber, State +Trials 1230. In Nicolas, Life of William Davison, are printed the +statements and memoranda of Davison as to his share in this matter. They +are not without reserve; but, in what they contain, they bear the stamp +of truth.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_VI" id="BIII_VI"></a> +THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA.</p> + +<p>At this moment the war with the Spaniards—the resistance which the +English auxiliaries offered to them in the Netherlands, as well as the +attack now being made on their coasts—occupied men's minds all the +more, as the success of both the one and the other was very doubtful, +and a most dangerous counter-stroke was to be expected. The lion they +wished to bind had only become exasperated. The naval war in particular +provoked the extreme of peril.</p> + +<p>Hostilities had been going on a long while, arising at first from the +privateering which filled the whole of the Western Ocean. The English +traders held it to be their right to avenge every injustice done them on +their neighbours' coasts—for man has, they said, a natural desire of +procuring himself satisfaction—and so turned themselves into +freebooters. Through the counter operations of the Spaniards this +private naval war became more and more extensive, and then also +gradually developed more glorious impulses, as we see in Francis Drake, +who at first only took part in the mere privateering of injured traders, +and afterwards rose to the idea of a maritime rivalry between the +nations. It was an important moment in the history of the world when +Drake on the isthmus of Panama first caught sight of the Pacific, and +prayed God for His grace that he might sail over this sea some day in an +English ship—a grace since granted not merely to himself but also in +the richest measure to his nation. Many companies were formed to resume +the voyages of discovery already once begun and then again discontinued. +And as the Spaniards based their exclusive right to the possession of +the other hemisphere on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> Pope's decision, Protestant ideas, which +mocked at this supremacy of the Romish See over the world, now +contributed also to impel men to occupy lands in these regions. This was +always effected in the main by voluntary efforts of wealthy mercantile +houses, or enterprising members of the court and state, to whom the +Queen gave patents of authorisation. In this way Walter Ralegh, in his +political and religious opposition to the Spaniards, founded an English +colony on the transatlantic continent, in Wingandacoa: the Queen was so +much pleased at it that she gave the district a name which was to +preserve the remembrance of the quality she was perhaps proudest of: she +called it Virginia.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></p> + +<p>But at last she formally undertook the naval war; it was at the same +time a motive for the league with the Hollanders, who could do excellent +service in it: by attacking the West Indies she hoped to destroy the +basis of the Spanish greatness.</p> + +<p>Francis Drake was commissioned to open the war. When, in October 1585, +he reached the Islas de Bayona on the Gallician coast, he informed the +governor, Don Pedro Bermudez, that he came in his Queen's name to put an +end to the grievances which the English had had to suffer from the +Spaniards. Don Pedro answered, he knew nothing of any such grievances: +but, if Drake wished to begin war, he was ready to meet him.</p> + +<p>Francis Drake then directed his course at once to the West Indies. He +surprised St. Domingo and Carthagena, occupied both one and the other +for a short time, and levied heavy contributions on them. Then he +brought back to England the colonists from Virginia, who were not yet +able to hold their own against the natives. The next year he inflicted +still more damage on the Spaniards. He made his way into the harbour of +Cadiz, which was full of vessels that had either come from both the +Indies or were proceeding thither: he sank or burnt them all. His +privateers covered the sea.</p> + +<p>Often already had the Spaniards planned an invasion of England. The most +pressing motive of all lay in these +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> +maritime enterprises. The Spaniards +remarked that the stability and power of their monarchy did not rest so +much on the strong places they possessed in all parts of the world as on +the moveable instruments of dominion by which the connexion with them +was kept up; the interruption of the communication, caused by Francis +Drake and his privateers, between just the most important points on the +Spanish and the Netherlandish coasts, seemed to them unendurable: they +desired to rid themselves of it at any price. And to this was now added +the general cry of vengeance for the execution of the Queen of Scots, +which was heard from the pulpit in the presence of the King himself. But +this was not the only result of that event. The life of Queen Mary and +her claim to the succession had always stood in the way of Spanish +ambition: now Philip II could think of taking possession of the English +throne himself. He concluded a treaty with Pope Sixtus V, under which he +was to hold the crown of England as a fief of the Holy See, which would +thus, and by the re-establishment of the Church's authority, have also +attained to the revival of its old feudal supremacy over +England.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p> + +<p>Once more the Spanish monarchy and the Papacy were closely united in +their spiritual and political claims. Sixtus V excommunicated the Queen +afresh, declared her deposed, and not merely released her subjects from +their oath of allegiance, but called on every man to aid the King of +Spain and his general the Duke of Parma against her.</p> + +<p>Negociations for peace however were still being carried on in 1587 +between Spanish and English plenipotentiaries. It was mainly the +merchants of London and Antwerp that urged it; and as the Spaniards at +that time had manifestly the best of the struggle, were masters of the +lower Rhine and the Meuse, had invaded Friesland, had besieged and at +last taken Sluys in despite of all resistance, we can understand how the +English plenipotentiaries were moved to unexpected concessions. They +would have consented to the restoration of the Spanish supremacy over +the northern Netherlands, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> +if Philip would have granted the inhabitants +freedom of conscience. Alexander of Parma brought forward a proposal, to +make, it is true, their return to Catholicism obligatory, but with the +assurance that no Inquisition should be set over them, nor any one +punished for his deviation from the faith. Even if the negociation was +not meant to be completely in earnest, it is worth remarking on what +rock it was wrecked. Philip II would neither grant such an assurance, +which in its essence involved freedom of conscience, nor grant this +itself completely in a better form. His strength lay precisely in his +maintaining the Catholic system with unrelenting energy: by this he +secured the attachment of the priests and the zealous laity. And how +could he, at a moment when he was so closely united with the Pope, and +could reckon on the millions heaped up in the castle of St. Angelo for +his enterprise, so completely deviate from the strictness of exclusive +belief. He thought he was within his right when he refused any religious +concession, seeing that every other sovereign issued laws prescribing +the religion of his own +territories.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> + +<p>If the war was to be continued, Alexander of Parma would have wished +that all his efforts should be first directed against Vliessingen, where +there was an English garrison; from the harbour there England itself +could be attacked far more easily and safely. But it was replied in +Spain that this enterprise was likewise very extensive and costly, while +it would bring about no decisive result. And yet Alexander himself too +held an invasion of England to be absolutely necessary; his reports +largely contributed to strengthen the King in this idea; Philip decided +to proceed without further delay to the enterprise that was needful at +the moment and opened world-wide prospects for the future.</p> + +<p>He took into consideration that the monarchy at this moment had nothing +to fear from the Ottomans who were fully occupied with a Persian war, +and above all that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> +France was prevented from interfering by the civil +strife that had broken out. This has been designated as the chief aim of +Philip's alliance with the Guises, and it certainly may have formed one +reason for it. Left alone, with only herself to rely on (so the +Spaniards further judged), the Queen of England would no longer be an +object of fear: she had no more than forty ships; once in an engagement +off the Azores, in the Portuguese war, the English had been seen to give +way for the first time: if it came to a sea-fight, the vastly superior +Spanish Armada would without doubt prove victorious. But for a war on +land also she was not prepared, she had no more than six thousand real +soldiers in the country, with whom she could neither meet nor resist the +veteran troops of Spain in the open field. They had only to march +straight on London; seldom was a great city, which had remained long +free from attack, able to hold out against a sudden assault: the Queen +would either be forced to make a peace honourable to Spain, or would by +a long resistance give the King an opportunity of forming out of the +Spanish nobility, which would otherwise degenerate in indolence at home, +a young troop of brave warriors. He would have the Catholics for him and +with their help gain the upper hand, he would make himself master of the +strong places, above all of the harbours; all the nations of the world +could not take them from him again; he would become lord of the ocean, +and thus lord and master of the +continent.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></p> + +<p>Philip II would have preferred to begin the work as early as the autumn +of 1587. He hoped at that time that Scotland, where the Catholic lords +and the people showed a lively sympathy with Queen Mary's fate, would be +thrown open to him by her son, who was supposed to wish to avenge her +death. But to others this seemed not so certain; in especial the +experienced Admiral Santa Cruz called the King's attention to the perils +the fleet might incur in those +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> +seas: they would have to contend with +contrary winds, and the disadvantage of short days and thick mists. +Santa Cruz did not wish to endanger his fame, the only thing he had +earned during a long life, by an ill-timed or very venturous +undertaking. He held an invasion of England to be more difficult than +most other enterprises, and demanded such preparations as would make the +victory certain. While they were being made he died, after having lost +his sovereign's favour. His successor, the duke of Medina Sidonia, whom +the King chose because he had distinguished himself at the last defence +of Cadiz, did not make such very extensive demands; but the fleet, which +was fitted out under him and by him, was nevertheless, though not in +number of ships (about 130), yet in tonnage, size, and number of men on +board (about 22,000) the most important that had ever been sent to sea +by any European power. All the provinces of the Pyrenean peninsula had +emulously contributed to it: the fleet was divided into a corresponding +number of squadrons; the first was the Portuguese, then followed the +squadrons of Castille, Andalusia, Biscay, Guipuzcoa, and then the +Italian—for ships and men had come also in good number from Italy. The +troops were divided like the squadrons; there was a 'Mass in time of +war' for each province.</p> + +<p>With not less zeal did men arm in the Netherlands; the drum beat +everywhere in the Flemish and Walloon provinces, all roads were covered +with military trains. In the Netherlands too there were a great number +of Italians, Corsicans and inhabitants of the States of the Church and +Neapolitans, in splendid accoutrements; there were the brothers of the +grand duke of Tuscany and of the duke of Savoy: King Philip had even +allowed the son of a Moorish prince to take part in the Catholic +expedition. Infantry and cavalry also had come from Catholic Germany.</p> + +<p>It was a joint enterprise of the Spanish monarchy and a great part of +the Catholic world, headed by the Pope and the King, to overthrow the +Queen who was regarded as the Head, and the State which was regarded as +the main support, of Protestantism and the anti-Spanish policy.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> +We do not find any detailed and at the same time authentic information +as to the plan of the invasion; a Spanish soldier and diplomatist +however, much employed in the military and political affairs of the +time, and favoured with the confidence of the highest persons, J. +Baptista de Tassis, gives us an outline, which we may accept as quite +trustworthy. We know that in Antwerp, Nieuport, and Dunkirk, with the +advice of Hanseatic and Genoese master-builders, transports had been got +ready for the whole force: from Nieuport (to which place also were +brought the vessels built at Antwerp) 14,000 men were to be conveyed +across to England, and from Dunkirk 12,000. But where were they to +effect a junction with each other and with the Spaniards? Tassis assures +us that they had selected for this purpose the roadstead of Margate on +the coast of Kent, a safe and convenient +harbour;<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> +there immediately after the Spanish armada had arrived, or as nearly as possible at the +same time with it, the fleet of transports from the Netherlands also was +to make the shore, and Alexander of Parma was then to assume the command +in chief of the whole force and march straight on London.</p> + +<p>All that Philip II had ever thought or planned was thus concentrated as +it were into one focus. The moment was come when he could subdue +England, become master of the European world, and re-establish the +Catholic faith in the form in which he professed it. When the fleet (on +the 22nd July 1588) sailed out of Corunna, and the long-meditated, +long-prepared, enterprise was now set in action, the King and the nation +displayed deep religious emotion: in all the churches of the land +prayers were offered up for forty days; in Madrid solemn processions +were arranged to our Lady of Atocha, the patroness of Spain: Philip II +spent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> +two hours each day in prayer. He was in the state of silent +excitement which an immense design and the expectation of a great turn +in a man's fortune call forth. Scarcely any one dared to address a word +to him.</p> + +<p>It was in these very days that people in England first really became +conscious of the danger that threatened them. A division of the fleet +under Henry Seymour was watching, with Dutch assistance, the two +harbours held by the prince of Parma: the other and larger division, +just returned from Spain and on the point of being broken up, made ready +at Plymouth, under the admiral, Howard of Effingham, to receive the +enemy. Meanwhile the land forces assembled, on Leicester's +advice,<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> +in the neighbourhood of London. The old feudal organisation of the +national force was once more called into full activity to face this +danger. Men saw the gentry take the field at the head of their tenants +and copyholders, and rejoiced at their holding together so well. It was +without doubt an advantage, that the threatened attack could no longer +be connected with a right of succession recognised in the country; it +appeared in its true character, as a great invasion by a foreign power +for the subjugation of England. Even the Catholic lords came forward, +among them Viscount Montague (who had once, alone in the Upper House, +opposed the Supremacy, and had also since not reconciled himself to the +religious position of the Queen), with his sons and grandsons, and even +his heir-presumptive who, though still a child, bestrode a war-horse; +Lord Montague said, he would defend his Queen with his life, whoever +might attack her, king or pope. No doubt that these armings left much to +be desired, but they were animated by national and religious enthusiasm. +Some days later the Queen visited the camp at Tilbury: with slight +escort she rode from battalion to battalion. A tyrant, she said, might +be afraid of his subjects: she had always sought her chief strength in +their good will: with them she would live and die. She was everywhere +received with shouts of joy: psalms +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> +were sung, and prayers offered up in which the Queen joined.</p> + +<p>For, whatever may be men's belief, in great wars and dangers they +naturally turn their eyes to the Eternal Power which guides our destiny, +and on which all equally feel themselves dependent. The two nations and +their two chiefs alike called on God to decide in their religious and +political conflict. The fortune of mankind hung in the balance.</p> + +<p>On the 31st July, a Sunday, the Armada, covering a wide extent of sea, +came in sight of the English coast off the heights of Plymouth. On board +the fleet itself it was thought most expedient to attempt a landing on +the spot, since there were no preparations made there for defence and +the English squadron was not fully manned. But this was not in the plan, +and would, especially if it failed, have incurred a heavy +responsibility. Medina Sidonia was only empowered and prepared to accept +battle by sea if the English should offer it. His galleys, improved +after the Venetian pattern, and especially his galleons (immense sailing +ships which carried cannon on their different decks on all sides), were +without doubt superior to the vessels of the English. When the latter, +some sixty sail strong, came out of the harbour, he hung out the great +standard from the fore-mast of his ship as a signal for all to prepare +for battle. But the English admiral did not intend to let matters come +to a regular naval fight. He was perfectly aware of the superiority of +the Spanish equipment and had even forbidden boarding the enemies' +vessels. His plan was to gain the weather-gauge of the Armada, and +inflict damage on them in their course, and throw them into disorder. +The English followed the track of the Armada in four squadrons, and left +no advantage unimproved that might offer. They were thoroughly +acquainted with this sea, and steered their handy vessels with perfect +certainty and mastery: the Spaniards remarked with dissatisfaction that +they could at pleasure advance, attack, and again break off the +engagement. Medina Sidonia was anxious above all things to keep his +Armada together: after a council of war he let a great ship which lagged +behind fall into the hands of the enemy, as her loss would be less +damaging than the breaking up of the line which would result from the +attempt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> +to save her: he sent round his sargentes mayores to the +captains to tell them not to quit the line on pain of +death.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p> + +<p>On the whole the Spaniards were not discontented with their voyage, when +after a week of continuous skirmishing they, without having sustained +any very considerable losses, had traversed the English channel, and on +Saturday the 6th August passed Boulogne and arrived off Calais: it was +the first point at which they had wished to touch. But now to cross to +the neighbouring coast of England, as seems to have been the original +plan, became exceedingly difficult, because the English fleet guarded +it, and the Spanish galleons were less able in the straits than +elsewhere to compete with those swift vessels, It was also being +strengthened every moment; the young nobility emulously hastened on +board. But neither could the admiral proceed to Dunkirk, as the harbour +was then far too narrow to receive his large ships, and his pilots were +afraid of being carried to the northward by the currents. He anchored in +the roadstead east of Calais in the direction of Dunkirk.</p> + +<p>He had already previously informed the Duke of Parma that he was on the +way, and had then, immediately before his arrival at Calais, despatched +a pilot to Dunkirk, to request that he would join him with a number of +small vessels, that they might better encounter the English, and bring +with him cannon balls of a certain calibre, of which he began to fall +short.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> +It is clear that he still wished to undertake from thence, +if supported according to his views, the great attempt at a +disembarkation which he was commissioned to effect. But Alexander of +Parma, whom the first message had found some days before at Bruges, had +not yet arrived at Dunkirk when the second came: the preparations for +embarking were only then just begun for the first time; and they could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> +scarcely venture actually to embark, as English and Dutch ships of war +were still ever cruising before the harbour.</p> + +<p>Alexander Farnese's failure to effect a junction with Medina Sidonia has +been always traced to personal motives; it was even said in England, at +a later time, that Queen Elizabeth had offered him the hand of Lady +Arabella Stuart, which might open the way to the English throne for +himself. It is true that his enterprises in the Netherlands appeared to +lie closest to his heart; even Tassis, who was about his person, remarks +that he carried on his preparations more out of obedience than with any +zeal of his own. But the chief cause why the two operations were not +better combined lay in their very nature. The geographical relation of +the Spanish monarchy to England would have required two separate +invasions, the one from the Pyrenean peninsula, the other from the +Netherlands. The wish to combine the forces of such distant countries in +a single invasion made the enterprise, especially when the means of +communication of the period were so inadequate, overpoweringly helpless. +Wind and weather had been little considered in the scheme. In both those +countries immense materials of war had been collected with extreme +effort; they had been brought within a few miles of sea of each other, +but combine they could not. Now for the first time came to light the +full superiority which the English gained from their corsair-like and +bold method of war, and their alliance with the Dutch. It was seen that +a sudden attack would suffice to break the whole combination in pieces: +Queen Elizabeth was said to have herself devised the plan and its +arrangement.</p> + +<p>The Armada was still lying at anchor in line of battle, waiting for news +from Alexander Farnese, when in the night between Sunday and Monday (7th +to 8th August) the English sent some fire-ships, about eight in number, +against it. They were his worst vessels which Lord Howard gave up for +this purpose, but their mere appearance produced a decisive result. +Medina Sidonia could not refuse his ships permission to slip their +anchors, that each might avoid the threatening danger: only he commanded +them to afterwards resume their previous order. But things wore a +completely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> +different appearance the following morning. The tide had +carried the vessels towards the land, a direction they did not want to +take; now for the first time the attacks of the English proved +destructive to them: part of the ships had become disabled: it was +completely impossible to obey the admiral's orders that they should +return to their old position. Instead of this, unfavourable winds drove +the Armada against its will along the coast; in a short time the English +too gave up the pursuit of the enemy, who without being quite beaten was +yet in flight, and abandoned him to his fate. The wind drove the +Spaniards on the shoals of Zealand: once they were in such shallow water +that they were afraid of running aground: some of their galleons in fact +fell into the hands of the Dutch. Fortunately for them the wind veered +round first to the W.S.W., then to the S.S.W., but they could not even +then regain the Channel, nor would they have wished it; only by the +longest circuit, round the Orkney Islands, could they return to Spain.</p> + +<p>A storm fraught with ruin had lowered over England: it was scattered +before it discharged its thunder. So completely true is the expression +on a Dutch commemorative medal, 'the breath of God has scattered them' +(<i>flavit et dissipati sunt</i>).</p> + +<p>Philip II saw the Armada, which he had hoped would give the dominion of +the world into his hand, return home again in fragments without having, +we do not say accomplished but even, attempted anything worth the +trouble. He did not therefore renounce his design. He spoke of his wish +to fit out lighter vessels, and entrust the whole conduct of the +expedition to the Prince of Parma. The Cortes of Castille requested him +not to put up with the disgrace incurred, but to chastise this woman: +they offered him their whole property and all the children of the land +for this purpose. But the very possibility of great enterprises belongs +only to one moment: in the next it is already gone by.</p> + +<p>First the Spanish forces were drawn into the complications existing in +France. The great Catholic agitation, which had been long fermenting +there, at last gained the upper hand, and was quite ready to prepare the +way for Philip II's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> +supremacy. But Queen Elizabeth thought that the day +on which France fell into his hands would be the eve of her own ruin. +She too therefore devoted her best resources to France, to uphold Philip +II's opponent. When Henry IV, driven back to the verge of the coast of +Normandy, was all but lost, he was by her help put in a position to +maintain his cause. At the sieges of the great towns, in which he was +still often threatened with failure, the English troops in several +instances did excellent service. The Queen did not swerve from her +policy even when Henry IV saw himself compelled, and found it compatible +with his conscience, to go over to Catholicism. For he was clearly thus +all the better enabled to re-establish a France that should be +politically independent, in opposition to Spain and at war with it; and +it was exactly on this opposition that the political freedom and +independence of England herself rested. Yet as his change of religion +had been disagreeable to the Queen, so was also the peace which he +proceeded to make; she exerted her influence against its conclusion. But +as by it the Spaniards gave up the places they occupied on the French +coasts, which in their possession had menaced England as well, she could +not in reality be fundamentally opposed to it.</p> + +<p>These great conflicts on land were seconded by repeated attacks of the +English and Dutch naval power, by which it sometimes seemed as if the +Spanish monarchy would be shaken to its foundations. Elizabeth made an +attempt to restore Don Antonio to the throne from which Philip II had +driven him. But the minds of the Portuguese themselves were very far +from being as yet sufficiently prepared for a revolt: the enterprise +failed, in an attack on the suburbs of Lisbon. The war interested the +English most deeply. Parliament agreed to larger and larger grants: from +two-fifteenths and a single subsidy (about £30,000), which was its usual +vote, it rose in 1593 to three subsidies and six-fifteenths; the towns +gladly armed ships at their own expense, and sailors enough were found +to man them: the national energy turned towards the sea. And they +obtained some successes. In the harbour of Corunna they destroyed the +collected stores, which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> +were probably to have served for renewing the +expedition. Once they took the harbour of Cadiz and occupied the city +itself: more than once they alarmed and endangered the West Indies. But +with all this nothing decisive was effected; the Spanish monarchy +maintained an undoubted ascendancy in Europe, and the exclusive +possession of the other hemisphere: it was the Great Power of the age. +But over against it England also now took up a strong and formidable +position.</p> + +<p>Events in France exercised a strong counter-action on the Netherlands; +under their influence the reconquest of the United Provinces became +impossible for Spain. Elizabeth also contributed largely to the +victories by which Prince Maurice of Orange secured a strong frontier. +But these could not prevent a powerful Catholic government arising on +the other side in the Belgian provinces: and though they were at first +kept apart from Spain, yet it did not escape the Queen that this would +not last for ever: she seems to have had a foreboding that these +countries would become the battleground of a later age. However this +might be, the antagonism of principle between the Catholic Netherlands +(which were still ruled by the Austro-Spanish House) and the Protestant +Netherlands (in which the Republic maintained itself), and the continued +war between them, ensured the security of England, for the sake of which +the Queen had broken with Spain. Burleigh's objects were in the main +attained. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Oldys, Life of Sir W. Raleigh 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Spondanus, Continuatio Baronii ii. 847. The word +'dicitur,' which Spondan uses, is omitted in Timpesti, Vita di Sisto V, +ii. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> A letter of Philip's to the King of Denmark, in the +Venetian Dispacci of this year, which in general would be of great value +for a detailed account of the event.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> The reports are in Herrera, Historia del mundo iii. 60 +seq. In 1860 Mr. Motley (History of the United Netherlands ii. ch. +xviii.) communicated extracts from the letters exchanged at that time +between Alex. Farnese and Philip II, which reveal the wishes of each +successive moment.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> J. B. de Tassis Commentarii: 'eo consilio, ut cum +adventasset classis et constitisset in Morgat, qui est prope Dormiram [I +read Douvram, as the copy from which the printed text is taken is very +defective] districtus maris quietus portumque efficit satis securum, +trajiceret Parmensis cum navigiis.' Papendrecht, Analecta Belgica II. +ii. 491. In Motley i. ch. viii we now see that Al. Farnese in his very +first plan pointed out the coast between Dover and Margate as the most +proper place for the landing. A junction of the whole transport fleet +with the Armada before Calais has something too adventurous in it to +have been contemplated from the beginning.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> The Earl of Leicester to the Queen. Hardwicke State +Papers i. 580. The dates given above are New Style.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Diario de los sucesos de armada Ilamada la invencible, in +Salva, Collection de documentos ineditos xvi. 449: essentially the same +report as that used by Barrow, Life of Sir Francis Drake.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Diario 458: 'mandase salir 40 filipotes luego para +juntarse con esta armada para poder con ellos trabarse con los enemigos, +que a causa de ser nuestros baseles muy pesados en comparacion de la +ligereza de los enemigos no era posible en ninguna maniera venir a las +manos con ellos.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIII_VII" id="BIII_VII"></a> +THE LATER YEARS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.</p> + +<p>Every great historic existence has a definite purport; the life of Queen +Elizabeth lies in the transactions already recorded, and their results +in the change of policy which she brought about.</p> + +<p>The issue of the war between the hierarchy, which had once swayed every +act and thought of the West, and those who had fallen off from it was +not yet decided as long as England with its power vacillated between the +two systems. Then this Queen came forward, attaching herself to the new +view as by a predetermined destiny; she carried it out in a form +answering to the historical institutions of her kingdom, and with an +energy by which she at the same time upheld that kingdom's power. It was +against her therefore that the hierarchy, when it could renew the +contest, mainly directed its most energetic efforts: an author of the +period makes those leagued with the Pope against the Queen say to each +other, 'come let us kill her, and the inheritance shall be ours.' The +chief among these was the mighty King who had himself once ruled +England. She maintained a war with this league, in which it was at each +moment a question of existence for her. She was assailed with all the +weapons of war and of treason; but she adopted corresponding means of +defence against every assault: she not only maintained herself, but +created in the neighbouring countries a powerful representation of the +principle which she had taken up, without pressing the adoption of a +form for it exactly like her own. Without her help the +church-reformation in Scotland, and at that time in France, would have +been probably suppressed, and in the Netherlands it would have never +taken actual shape. The Queen is the champion of West-European +Protestantism and of all the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> +political growth that was attached to the +new faith. She herself expresses her astonishment at her success in +this: 'more at the fact,' she says once, 'that I am still alive, than +that my enemies would not have me to live.' That Philip effected so +little against her, she believes to be due above all to God's justice; +for the King attacked her in an unkingly manner while negociations were +still going on: she sees in this a proof that an ill beginning leads to +a disgraceful end, despite all power and endeavour. 'What was to ruin +me, has turned to my +glory.'<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p> + +<p>It is surely the greatest happiness that can be granted to any human +being, while defending his own interest, to be maintaining the interests +of all. Then his personal existence expands into a central part of the +world's history.</p> + +<p>That personal and universal interest was likewise a thoroughly English +one. Commerce grew amidst arms: the maintenance of internal peace filled +the country with wellbeing and riches; palaces were seen rising where +before only huts had stood: as the philosophic Bacon remarks, England +now won her natural position in the world.</p> + +<p>Elizabeth was one of those sovereigns who have beforehand formed an idea +for themselves as to the duties of government. Four qualities, she says +once, seemed to her necessary for it: justice and self-control, +highmindedness and judgment; she might pride herself on the two first: +never in a case of equal rights had she favoured one person more than +another: never had she believed a first report, but waited for fuller +knowledge: the two others she would not claim for herself, for they were +men's virtues. But the world ascribed a high degree of these very +virtues to her. Men descried her subtle judgment in the choice of her +servants, and the directing them to the services for which they were +best fitted. Her high heart was seen in her despising small advantages, +and in her unshaken tranquillity in danger. While the storm was coming +on from Spain, no cloud was seen on her brow: by her conduct she +animated nobles and people, and inspirited her councillors. Men praised +her for two things, for zealous participation in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> +deliberation and for care in seeing that what was decided on was carried into +effect.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p> + +<p>But we may not look for an ideal female ruler in Queen Elizabeth. No one +can deny the severities which were practised under her government even +with her knowledge. The systematic hypocrisy imputed to her may seem an +invention of her enemies or of historians not thoroughly informed; she +herself declares truthfulness a quality indispensable for a prince; but +in her administration, as well as in that of most other rulers, +reasonings appear which rather conceal the truth than express it; in +each of her words, and in every step she took, we perceive a calculation +of what is for her advantage; she displays striking foresight and even a +natural subtlety. Elizabeth was very accessible to flattery, and as +easily attracted by an agreeable exterior as repelled by slight +accidental defects; she could break out at a word that reminded her of +the transitory nature of human affairs or of her own frailty: vanity +accompanied her from youth to those advancing years, which she did not +wish to remark or to think were remarked. She liked to ascribe successes +to herself, disasters to her ministers: they had to take on themselves +the hatred felt against disagreeable or doubtful regulations, and if +they did not do this quite in unison with her mood, they had to fear her +blame and displeasure. She was not free from the fickleness of her +family: but on the other hand she displayed also the amiable attention +of a female ruler: as when once during a speech she was making in a +learned language to the learned men of Oxford, on seeing the Lord +Treasurer standing there with his lame foot, she suddenly broke off, +ordered a chair to be brought him, and then continued; indeed it was +said she at the same time wished to let it be remarked that no accident +could discompose her. As Harrington, who knew her from personal +acquaintance, expresses himself: her mind might be sometimes compared to +a summer morning sky, beneficent and refreshing: then +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> +she won the +hearts of all by her sweet and modest speech. But she was repellent in +the same degree in her excited state, when she paced to and fro in her +chamber, anger in every look, rejection in every word: men hastened out +of her way. Among other correspondence we learn to know her from that +with King James of Scotland,—one side of her political relations, to +which we shall return:—how does every sentence express a mental and +moral superiority as well as a political one! not a superfluous word is +there: all is pith and substance. From care for him and intelligent +advice she passes to harsh blame and most earnest warning: she is kind +and sharp, friendly and rough, but almost ever more repellent and +unsparing than mild. Never had any sovereign a higher idea of his +dignity, of the independence belonging to him by the laws of God and +man, of the duty of obedience binding on all subjects. She prides +herself on no external consideration influencing her resolutions, +threats or fear least of all; when once she longs for peace, she insists +on its not being from apprehension of the enemy, but only from +abhorrence of bloodshed. The action of life does not develop merely the +intellectual powers: between success and failure, in conflict and effort +and victory, the character moulds itself and acquires its ruling tone. +Her immense good fortune fills her with unceasing self-confidence, which +is at the same time sustained by trust in the unfailing protection of +Providence.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> +That she, excommunicated by the Pope, maintains herself +against the attacks of half the world, gives her whole action and nature +a redoubled impress of personal energy. She does not like to mention her +father or her mother: of a successor she will not hear a word. The +feeling of absolute possession is predominant in her appearance. It is +noticeable how on festivals she moves in procession through her palace: +in front are nobles and knights in the costume of their order, with +bared heads; next the bearers of the insignia of royalty, the sceptre, +the sword, and the great seal: then the Queen herself in a dress covered +with pearls and precious stones; behind her ladies, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> +brilliant in their +beauty and rich attire: to one or two, who are presented to her, she +reaches out her hand to kiss as she goes by in token of favour, till she +arrives at her chapel, where the assembled crowd hails her with a 'God +save the Queen,' she returning them thanks with gracious words. +Elizabeth received the whole reverence, once more unbounded, which men +paid to the supreme power. The meats of which she was to eat were set on +the table with bended knee, even when she was not present. It was on +their knees that men were presented to +her.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p> + +<p>Between a sovereign like this and her Parliament points of contention +could not be wanting. The Commons claimed the privilege of absolute +freedom of speech, and repeatedly attacked the abuses which still +remained in the episcopal Church, and the injurious monopolies which +profited certain favoured persons. The Queen had members of the Lower +House imprisoned for speeches disagreeable to her: she warned them not +to interfere in the affairs of the Church, and even not in those of the +State, and declared it to be her prerogative to summon and dissolve +Parliament at her pleasure, to accept or reject its measures. But with +all this she still did not on the other hand conceal that, in reference +to the most important affairs of State, she had to pay regard to the +tone of the two Houses: however much she might be loved, yet men's minds +are easily moved and not thoroughly trustworthy. In its forms Parliament +studied to express the devotion which the Queen claimed as Queen and +Lady, while she tried to make amends for acts by which the assembly had +been previously offended: for statements of grievances, as in the +instance of the monopolies, she even thanked them, as for a salutary +reminder. A French ambassador remarks in 1596 that the Parliament in +ages gone by had great authority, but now it did all the Queen wished. +Another who arrived in 1597 is not merely astonished at its imposing +exterior, but also at the extent of its rights. Here, says he, the great +affairs are treated of, war and peace, laws, the needs of the community +and the mode of satisfying +them.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> +The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> +one statement is perhaps as +true as the other. The solution of the contradiction depends on this, +that Queen and Parliament were united as to the general relations of the +country and the world. The Queen, as is self-evident, could not have +ruled without the Parliament: from the beginning of her government she +supported herself by it in the weightiest affairs; but a simple +consideration teaches us how much on the other hand Parliament owed +precisely to that introduction into these great questions, which the +Queen thought advisable. They avoided, and were still able to avoid, any +enquiry into their respective rights and the boundaries of those rights. +And besides Elizabeth guarded herself from troubling her Parliament too +much by demands for money. She has been often blamed for her economy +which sometimes became inconvenient in public affairs: as in most cases, +nature and policy here also coincided. That she was sparing of money, +and once was actually in a condition to decline a grant offered her, +gave the administration an independence of any momentary moods of +Parliament, which suited her whole nature, and without this might have +been easily lost.</p> + +<p>William Cecil, Lord Burleigh, her treasurer, as economical as herself, +was likewise her first minister. He had assisted her with striking +counsel even before her accession, and since lived and moved in her +administration of the state. He was one of those ministers who find +their calling in a boundless industry,—he needed little sleep, long +banquets were not to his +taste:<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> +never was he seen inactive even for +half an hour; he kept notes of everything great and small; business +accompanied him even to his chamber, and to his retirement at S. +Theobald's. His anxious thoughts were visible in his face, as he rode on +his mule along the roads of the park; he only lost sight of them for a +moment when he was sitting at table among his growing children: then his +heavy eyebrows cleared up, light merriment even came from his lips. +Every other charm of life lay far from him: for poetry and poets he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> +had no taste, as Spenser was once made to feel: in literature he patronised +only what was directly useful; he recommended no one except for his +being serviceable. Magnanimous he was not; he was content with being +able to say to himself, that he drew no advantage from any one's ill +fortune. He was designated even then as the man who set the English +state in motion: this he always denied, and sought his praise in the +fact that he carried out the views of the Queen, as she adopted them +after hearing the plans proposed or even after respectful remonstrances. +He had to bear many a slander: most of the reproaches made against him +he brought himself to endure quietly: but if, he said, it could be +proved against him that he neglected the Queen's interest, the war +against Spain, and the support of the Netherlands, then he was willing +to become liable to eternal blame. He was especially effective also +through a moral quality—he never lost heart. It was remarked that he +worked with the greatest alacrity when others were most doubtful. For he +too had an absolute confidence in the cause which he defended. When the +enemies' fortune stood highest, he was heard to say with great +tranquillity, 'they can do no more than God will +allow.'<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p> + +<p>By the side of this pilot of the state, Robert Dudley, who was promoted +to be Earl of Leicester, drew all eyes on himself as the leading man at +court. Burleigh was looked on as Somerset's creation, Dudley was the +youngest son of the Earl of Northumberland: for it was of advantage to +Elizabeth, especially at first, to unite around her important +representatives of the two parties which had composed her brother's +government. One motive for her attachment to Leicester is said to have +been the fact that he was born on the same day, and at the very same +hour with herself: who at that time would not have believed in the +ruling influence of the stars? But, besides this, the Earl dazzled by a +fine person, attractive manners, and an almost irresistible charm +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> +of disposition. The confidential intimacy which Elizabeth allowed him +caused scandalous rumours, probably without ground; for if they had been +true, Leicester, who had his father's ambition, would have played a very +different part. Elizabeth heard of them; she once actually brought a +foreign ambassador into her apartments, to convince him how utterly +impossible it would be for her to see any one whatever without +witnesses; she censured a foreign writer for letting himself be deceived +by a groundless rumour, but she would not on this account dismiss the +favourite from court. She liked to have him about her, and to receive +his homage which had a tinge of chivalry in it: his devotion satisfied a +need of her heart. He could not however take any power to himself which +would infringe on her own supreme authority; once, when such a case +occurred, she reminded him that he was not in exclusive possession of +her favour: she could bestow it on whom she would, and again recall it; +at court, she exclaimed, there should be no Master, but only a +Mistress.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> +Neither did Leicester display great mental gifts: in the +campaigns of the Netherlands he did not at all answer even the moderate +expectations that had been formed of him. If the Queen nevertheless put +him at the head of her troops when the Spanish danger threatened, this +was because he possessed her absolute personal confidence.</p> + +<p>With Leicester the Sidneys were most closely allied. Henry Sidney, his +sister's husband, introduced civilisation and monarchic institutions +into Wales, and was selected to extend them in Ireland. In his son +Philip the English ideal of noble culture seemed to have realised +itself; he combined a very remarkable literary power peculiar to +himself, and talents suited for the society of men of the world (which +well fitted him for the duties of an ambassador), with disinterested +kindness to others, and a chivalrous courage in war, which gained him +universal admiration both at home and in presence of the enemy.</p> + +<p>Leicester's good word is also said to have opened an entrance to court +for young Walter Ralegh and to have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> +promoted his first successes. +Ralegh combined in his own person the aspirations of the age in a most +vivid manner. He was ambitious, fond of show, with high aims, deeply +engaged in the factions of the court; but at the same time he had a +spirit of noble enterprise, was ingenious and thoughtful. In everything +new that was produced in the region of discoveries and inventions, of +literature and art, he played the part of a fellow worker: he lived in +the circle of universal knowledge, its problems and its progress. In his +appearance he had something that announced a man of superior mind and +nature.</p> + +<p>Around Cecil were grouped the statesmen who had been promoted by him, +and worked in sympathy with him: for instance Bacon the Keeper of the +Seals, whom the Queen regarded as the oracle of the laws, and who also +amused her by many a witty word; Mildmay, the Chancellor of the +Exchequer, who though adhering to the principles now adopted yet gladly +favoured the claims of Parliament, and even the tendencies of the +Puritans; Francis Walsingham, Secretary of State, who had once suffered +exile for his Protestantism and now supported it after his return with +all the resources of the administration; it is said of him that he heard +in London what was whispered in the ear at Rome; he met the crafty +Jesuits with a network of secret counter-action which extended over the +world; there has never been a man who more vigilantly and unrelentingly +hunted down religious and political conspiracies; to pay his agents, in +choosing whom he was not too particular, he expended his own property. +Cecil and Bacon had married two daughters of that Antony Cooke, who had +once taken part in Edward VI's education: the other sisters, wedded to +Hobby and Killigrew, men who were engaged in the most important +embassies, extended the connexion of these statesmen. Walsingham was +allied by marriage with Mildmay, and with Randolph the active ambassador +in Scotland.</p> + +<p>Once the Queen brought a man among them, who owed his rise only to her +being pleased with his person and conversation, which likewise brought +her much ill repute:<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> +she<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> +promoted her vice-chamberlain Christopher +Hatton to be Lord Chancellor of England. The lawyers made loud and +bitter complaints of this disregard of their claims and their order. +Hatton had however been long on good terms with the leading statesmen: +in all the late questions of difficulty as to Mary Stuart's trial he had +held firm to them. His nephew and heir soon after married a +granddaughter of Burleigh.</p> + +<p>The Queen's own relations on the mother's side had always some influence +with her. Francis Knolles who had married into this family, and was +appointed by the Queen treasurer of her household, won himself a good +name with his contemporaries and with posterity by his religious zeal +and openness of heart. A still more important figure in this circle is +Thomas Sackville, who is also named with honour among the founders of +English literature; the part of the 'Mirror for Magistrates' which was +due to him witnesses to an original conception of the dark sides of +man's existence, and to a creative imagination. But the poet likewise +did excellent service to his sovereign: he makes his appearance when an +important treaty is to be concluded, or the people are to be called on +to defend the country, or even when any agitation is feared in the +troubles at home. He was selected to inform the Queen of Scots that the +sentence of death had been pronounced on her. He is the Lord Buckhurst +from whom the dukes of Dorset are descended.</p> + +<p>The distinguished family to which Anne Boleyn belonged, and which had +such an important influence on her rise, that of the Howards, proved in +its elder branch as little loyal to the daughter as it had once been to +the mother. On the other hand Elizabeth had experienced the attachment +of the younger line, that of Effingham, and had since repaid it with +manifold favours. From this branch came the Admiral, who commanded the +sea-force in the decisive attacks on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> +the Spanish Armada. We know that +he was not himself a great seaman; but he understood enough of the +matter to enable him to avail himself of those who understood more than +he did. The Queen looked on him as the man marked out by Providence for +the defence of herself and of the country.</p> + +<p>General Norris, who gained reputation for the English arms on the +continent by the side of Henry IV, was also related to her though more +distantly: besides this, she wished to repay him for the good treatment +she had formerly received in her distress from his grandfather.</p> + +<p>How predominantly the personal element once more manifests itself in +this administration! As the Queen's own interest is also that of all, +those who belong to her family or have won her favour and done her +essential service, are the chiefs of the State and the leaders in war. +The royal patronage extended this influence over the Church and the +universities. But we find it no less in all other branches. Sir Thomas +Gresham, the Queen's agent in money-matters, was the founder of the +Exchange of London, to which she at his request gave the name of the +Royal Exchange.</p> + +<p>In literature also we see the traces of her taste and her influence. +Owing to the tone of good society the classics were studied by every +one. The higher education was directed to them, as indeed the Queen +herself found in them refreshment and food for the mind: many classical +authors were translated, and the forms of the old poets revived or +imitated. The Italians and Spaniards, who had led the way in similar +attempts, further awoke the emulation of the English. In Edmund Spenser, +in whom the spirit of the age shows itself most vividly, we constantly +meet with imitations of the Latin or Italian poets, which here and there +aspire to be paraphrastic translations, and may be inferior to his +originals, even to the modern ones, in delicacy of drawing, since he +purposely selected their most successful passages: yet how thoroughly +different a spirit do his works breathe in their total effect! What in +the Italians is a play of fancy is in him a deep moral earnestness. The +English nation has an inestimable possession in these works of a moral +and religious +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> +grandeur, and a simple view of nature, which happily +expressed in single stanzas stamp themselves on every man's memory. +Spenser has assigned to allegory, as a style, a larger sphere than +perhaps belongs to it, and one allegory is always interweaving itself +with another; the heroes whom he takes from the old romances become to +him representatives of the different virtues, but he possesses such an +original power of vivid representation that even in this form he gains +the reader's interest. But, if we ask what is the main thing which he +celebrates, we find that it is precisely the course of the great war in +which his nation is engaged against the Papacy and the Spaniards. The +Faery Queen is his sovereign, whose figure under the manifold symbols of +the qualities which she possessed, or which were ascribed to her, is +always coming forward afresh in his verse. With wonderful power +Elizabeth united around her all the aspiring minds and energies of the +nation.</p> + +<p>Not a few of the productions of the time have so strong an infusion of +reverence for the Queen that we cannot help smiling: but it is true +nevertheless that at her court the language formed itself, and all great +aspirations found their central point. Elizabeth's statesmen, who had to +deal with a Parliament that could not be led by mere authority, studied +the rules of eloquence in the models of antiquity, and made their +doctrines their own. On their table Quintilian lay by the side of the +Statutes.</p> + +<p>The Queen, who loved the theatre and declared it a national institution +by a proclamation, made it possible for Shakespeare to develop himself; +his roots lie deep in this epoch, he represents its manners and mode of +life: but he spreads far out beyond it. We shall return to him in a more +suitable place than this, in which we are treating of the Queen's +influence.</p> + +<p>It would contradict the nature of human affairs were we to expect that +the general point of view, which swayed the State as a whole, could have +induced every one who took part in its administration to move on to +their common aim in one way. Of the great nobles of the court many +rather supported the Puritans, as indeed the father of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> +the Puritan Cartwright owed his position at Warwick to Leicester's protection; +others inclined to favour the Catholics. The severity which the bishops +thought themselves bound to exercise met with opposition among the +leading statesmen: and to these again the soldiers were opposed. It was +a society full of life, and highly gifted, but for that very reason in +continual ferment and internal conflict.</p> + +<p>We have still to grasp clearly the event in which these antagonisms and +the Queen's temperament yet once more led to a great catastrophe.</p> + +<hr style="width: 25%;" /> + +<p>The aged Burleigh, who had provoked the war with Spain, wished also to +end it. From his past experience he concluded that he could not inflict +any decisive blow on the Spanish monarchy, which still displayed a vast +power of resistance; in 1597 it could again offer a high price for +peace. The Spaniards, who had taken Calais from the French by a sudden +attack, offered the Queen the restoration of this old English possession +in exchange for the strong places in the Netherlands, entrusted to her +in pledge.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> +For the Netherlands no other provision would have been +thus made than was proposed in 1587: but England would have again won as +strong a position on the Continent as it had before, and would have +established its rule over the neighbouring seas: an open commerce would +have been re-established, and Ireland freed from the hostile influence +of the Spaniards: the Queen would have enjoyed peace in her advancing +years. Burleigh saw as it were the conclusion of his life in this: he +said that, if God granted him a good agreement with Spain, his soul +would depart with joy.</p> + +<p>But for this policy he could not possibly get the approval of the young, +whose ambitious hopes were connected with the continuance of the war. +They measured the power of the country by their own thirst for action. +If the Queen, so they said, would only not do everything by halves and +not follow her secretaries so much, she could, especially now she had +the Dutch as allies, tear the Spanish monarchy in pieces. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> +How could they fail, with some effort, in occupying the Isthmus of Panama? And +then they would at one blow deprive the monarchy of all its resources. +And above all, the man who then played the most brilliant part at court, +Robert Devereux Earl of Essex, was of this opinion. He was Leicester's +stepson, introduced by him at court, and after his death his successor +as it were in the Queen's favour. An attractive manly appearance, +blooming youth, chivalrous manners, won him all hearts from the very +first. With the Queen he entered into that rare relation, in which +favour on the one side and homage on the other took the hues of mutual +inclination, and even passion.</p> + +<p>What Essex's idea of it was he once revealed at a dramatic festivity +which he arranged for the Queen in honour of her accession. There he +made a hermit, an officer of state, and a soldier come forward and +address their exhortations to an esquire who was intended to represent +himself. By the first the knight was desired to give up all feelings of +love, by the second to devote his powers to State affairs, by the third +to apply himself to war. The answer is: the knight cannot give up his +passion for his lady, since she animates all his thoughts with divine +fire, teaches him true policy, and at the same time qualifies him to +lead an army. Essex had taken part in some campaigns of Henry IV, and +afterwards commanded the squadron which was in possession of the harbour +of Cadiz for a moment, but without being able to hold it: he also failed +in another enterprise which was planned to seize the plate-fleet; but +this did not prevent him from evermore designing fresh and comprehensive +plans. His view in this matter he also once represented +dramatically.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> +He brought forward a native American prince who +utters the wish to be freed from the Castilians and their oppressive +rule: an oracle refers him to the Queen whose kingdom lies between the +old and the new world, and who is naturally inclined to come to the aid +of all the oppressed.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> +The negociations for peace were wrecked mainly through their inherent +difficulties: the Spaniards however had no hesitation in ascribing the +ill result to the influence of the Queen's favourite, who had been won +over by the King of +France.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> +But the war could not after this be +waged on the grand scale contemplated, because Henry IV himself now +concluded peace, which freed the hands of the Spaniards to act against +England, and even awoke once more their ideas of an invasion.</p> + +<p>Under the double influence of English oppression and the instigation of +both Spain and Rome a revolt broke out in Ireland, in which the English +suffered a defeat on the Blackwater, which is designated as the greatest +mishap they had ever suffered in that island. Ulster, Connaught, and +Leinster were in arms: their chief, Tyrone, who had learnt war in the +English service, came forward as The O'Neil, and was already recognised +by the Pope as sovereign of Ulster; the Irish reckoned on Spanish +assistance, either in Ireland itself, or through an attack on England. +Priests and Jesuits fed the Irish with hopes that this time they would +free themselves, and destroy the very memory of the English rule.</p> + +<p>The Queen decided, in order to keep her hold on the island, to send over +an unusually strong armament of horse and foot: and Essex, who had +always been the loudest in blaming the errors of previous commanders, +could not avoid at last himself undertaking its direction, though he did +not do it with complete alacrity.</p> + +<p>Though Burleigh was dead, his son Robert Cecil nevertheless maintained +himself in possession of the secretaryship of state and was at the head +of his father's old friends, joined as they were by others who were not +indeed his friends but were enemies of Essex. It was unwillingly that +Essex quitted the court and thus left the field open to them: especially +as his personal relation to the Queen was no longer what it had been of +old. Aspiring by nature, supported by the good opinion of the people (on +which his grand appearance and his bold spirit of enterprise had made +much impression), and by the devotion +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span> +of brave officers who were ready +to follow him in any undertaking by land or sea, he presumed to desire +to be something for himself. He wished to be no longer absolutely +dependent on the nod of his mistress. The story goes that she once, in a +violent passion at his disrespectful conduct, gave him a box on the ear, +and that he laid his hand on his sword. Even in his letters expressions +indicating resistance break through his declarations of submission. His +friends indeed advised him to return to absolute obedience: then the +Queen would raise the man whom she honoured above all others. He +rejected this advice because he held that the Queen was a woman, from +whom one gets nothing but by superior authority. It almost appears as +though he thought he might obtain such an authority by the Irish war.</p> + +<p>But he found this expedition far harder than he had expected. Previously +he had always said that the great rebel, Tyrone, must be tracked to +Ulster, where were the roots of his power, and conquered there: then the +rest of the country would return to obedience of itself. How great was +the astonishment when he now nevertheless began with a march into +Munster and Leinster, in which he wasted his resources without obtaining +any great success! He maintained that the Privy Council of Ireland had +urged him on to this: its members denied it. At last the campaign to the +North was undertaken: but in this region the Irish were found to have +the complete superiority: the Queen's newly-levied troops on the other +hand were neither adapted, nor quite willing, to venture on a decisive +action: the officers signed a protest against it: and Essex saw himself +obliged to enter into negociations with Tyrone.</p> + +<p>The conditions which that chief demanded in return for his submission +are exceedingly comprehensive: complete freedom of the Catholic church +under the Pope, and a transfer of the dignities of state to the natives, +so that only a viceroy, who should always belong to the high nobility, +was to come from England: the chief Irish families were to be restored +to their old possessions, and freed from the most oppressive laws, for +instance that of wardship; and the Irish were to be allowed free trade +with England.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> +These stipulations would have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> +promised a free development to the Irish nation, and made the yoke of England +exceedingly light. Essex accepted them, because the Spaniards were just +now threatening an attack on England, and Tyrone could only be separated +from them on these conditions; even then Tyrone begged that for the +present they might be kept a profound secret, that he might not quarrel +with the Spaniards too soon.</p> + +<p>But how could such comprehensive concessions be expected from the proud +Queen? How could her counsellors, who always preferred direct +negociation with Spain, have accepted them?</p> + +<p>The idea occurred to the Earl of Essex to return to England with a part +of his troops, and at their head enforce the acceptance of his treaty, +after which he would throw himself with all his might into the Spanish +war. And without doubt this would have been the only way to carry out +his plan, and become altogether master of the government.</p> + +<p>But it was represented to him that this looked exactly like an attempt +at rebellion. Essex was induced to give it up, and make everything yet +once more depend on the influence which he was confident he could +exercise on the Queen by appearing in person. Even this however was a +great risk: he not merely had no leave to do so, but it had been +expressly forbidden him just previously: he thought it however the only +way of obtaining his end. Without even having announced his departure to +the Queen, he suddenly appeared with slight attendance at Nonsuch, her +country house.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> +He dismounted before the door, and did not even take +time to change his dress: as he was, with the dust of the journey on his +face and clothes, he hastened to the Queen: that he did not find her in +the reception-room did not check him; he rushed on into her chamber, +where he entered without being announced, and kissed her hand: her hair +was still flying about her face. At the first moment she received him +graciously—in a couple of hours he might see her again: +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> +when he returned to her at table, she began to reproach him. From minute to +minute the Queen predominated in her over the friend: by evening his +arrest was announced to him.</p> + +<p>Already by his conduct in Ireland Essex had supplied food for the +slander of his enemies: how much more must this have been the case +through his self-willed return! As he was fond of tracing his descent +from royal blood, he was accused of even aspiring to the throne, after +the example of Bolingbroke: for this purpose he had leagued himself with +Tyrone and the Irish grandees, whose loyalty he praised notwithstanding +their revolt. We can say with certainty that the views of the Earl of +Essex never went so far. In the question as to the Queen's successor, +which occupied every one, he had taken his side for the rights of the +King of Scotland: he imputed to his enemies the design of favouring on +the other hand the claim of the Infant of Spain (which was at that time +put forward in all seriousness in a book much read) with the view of +purchasing peace by his recognition. He assigned, as the motive for his +conduct, his inability to endure the atheists, papists, and Spanish +partisans in the Queen's council: as a Christian he could not possibly +look on while religion perished, and as an Englishman he would not stand +aloof while his fatherland was being +ruined.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> +He had never wished to +be anything else than a subject—but 'only of his Queen, not the +underling of an unworthy and low vassal.' So far as men saw, he stood in +connexion with both the parties opposed to the prevailing system. He was +prayed for in the churches of the Puritans: Cartwright was one of his +friends; the Scotch doctrine, that the Supreme Power, if it showed +itself negligent in matters of religion, could be compelled by those +immediately under it to take them in hand, is said to have been preached +with reference to him. As Earl Marshal of England, Essex indeed thought +he possessed an independent right of interference. But the mitigation of +the ecclesiastical laws would also have benefited the Catholics; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> +and it was among them that he had perhaps the most decided allies. If we might +combine his views into a whole, they were directed towards raising the +natives of America against Spain, at the same time that by toleration +both in England and Ireland he united all patriots in the war against +that power, in which he discerned that the chief interest of the nation +lay.</p> + +<p>Essex remained a long while in the custody of the Keeper of the Seal, +who was favourably disposed towards him; then he was sentenced by the +Star Chamber not to exercise any longer his high offices as member of +the Privy Council, as Earl Marshal, and Master of the Ordnance, and to +live as a prisoner in his own house during the Queen's pleasure. He +seemed to reconcile himself to this fate, and behaved modestly for a +considerable time: he was still flattering himself with the hope of +regaining his sovereign's favour, when a monopoly was withdrawn from him +which formed the chief part of his income. This new victory of his +enemies was intolerable to him: he would not let himself be brought so +low by them as to be forced to live like a poor knight, without +influence and independence. The thought occurred to him that, if he +could but see the Queen once more, he might effect a change in his own +destiny and in that of England. The popularity he enjoyed in the +capital, the continued attachment of his old companions in arms, the +friendship of some considerable nobles, allowed him to entertain the +hope that he could attain this in despite of those around her, could +make himself master of the palace, and force her to summon a +Parliament—in which the change of government and the succession of the +King of Scotland should be alike confirmed. Essex was no longer the +blooming man of times past, he was seen moving along with his neck bowed +down, but he still had his mind fixed on wide-ranging and ambitious +thoughts: from his youth up elevated by good fortune and favour, he held +everything possible which he set his hand to do. On the 8th February +1601 an armed band assembled at his house under certain lords; the +Keeper of the Seal and his attendant, whom the Queen despatched in order +to inform herself of the cause of the agitation, were detained. Essex +dared to march<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> +through the capital with his armed men, in order to +raise it on his behalf. He reckoned on the desertion of the city militia +to him, and the connivance of the city magistrates; but instead of +finding support he only excited astonishment. No one stirred in his +favour. He was scarcely able—for royal troops were soon in arms against +him—to make his way back to his house: there was nothing left for him +but to surrender at discretion.</p> + +<p>At his trial the principle, which had already had so much weight in the +proceedings against Mary Stuart, was expressly stated, that every +attempt at rebellion must be looked on as directed against the life of +the reigning +sovereign.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> +A crisis had occurred which obliged +Elizabeth to execute the man for whom among all men living she cherished +the deepest and warmest feeling, just as formerly she had been forced to +condemn one of the grandees connected with her by blood, and then her +sister Queen of equal rights with herself—all of them for traitorous +attempts against her government and person. She said she would gladly +have saved Essex, but she was forced to let the laws of England take +their course.</p> + +<p>Essex is to be compared with his contemporary Biron in so far as they +both rebelled against sovereigns with whom they had stood in the closest +relations. In both it was mainly injured self-esteem which goaded them +on. As Biron had a portion of the lower French nobility for him, so +Essex had the soldiers by profession and the officers of the army to a +great extent on his side: they both appealed once more to religious +antipathies. But above all they thought of again making room for the old +independence of the warlike nobles: they both succumbed to the authority +of the firmly-rooted power of the state.</p> + +<p>At that time there were fresh negociations going on for a peace between +Spain and England; but they could as little now as before agree on the +great subjects in dispute, the question of the Netherlands, and the +interests of commerce, which at the same time involved points of +religion. And the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> +Spaniards broke off negotiations all the more +readily, as exaggerated rumours of Essex's conspiracy resounded +everywhere, making a revolt in England appear possible. They then +instantly thought of a landing in an English harbour, and this the +Catholics promised to support with considerable bodies of horse and +foot. In Ireland, where the refusal of the concessions held out to them +by Essex revived the national enmities, the Spaniards really effected a +landing: under Don Juan d'Aguilar they occupied Kinsale: and hoped not +merely to become masters of Ireland but to cross from thence to their +friends' assistance in England.</p> + +<p>Hence Queen Elizabeth, who perceived the connexion of these hostilities, +now reverted to the necessity of carrying on the war again on a larger +scale. Her view was chiefly directed to a new enterprise against +Portugal: its separation from Castile she held to be the greatest +European success that was possible: but she hoped to bring about a +change in Italy as well: there Venice was to attack the nearest Spanish +territories. When she called the Venetians to aid—among other things +she wished also to obtain a loan from the government—she put them in +mind how much her resistance to the Spanish monarchy had benefited the +European commonwealth: hence it was that Spain had been prevented from +carrying out her tyrannical views throughout the world, in the +Netherlands and in Germany, in France and Italy; the Republic, which +loved freedom, would recognise this. Elizabeth thought to resume the +war, if possible, at the head of all that part of Europe which was +opposed to Spain, and in league with Henry IV, with whom she negociated +on this subject. In the beginning of 1603 a squadron was fitted out +under Sir Richard Lawson to attack the coasts of the Pyrenean peninsula. +Men discussed the comparative forces which the two kingdoms could bring +into the field.</p> + +<p>But the Queen's days were already drawing to a close.</p> + +<p>In February 1603 the Venetian secretary Scaramelli had an audience of +her, and gives a report of it from which we see that she still +completely preserved her wonted demeanour. He found the whole court, the +leading ecclesiastics and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> +temporal dignitaries, assembled around +her: they had been entertained with music. When he entered, the Queen +rose in her usual rich attire, with a diadem of precious stones, almost +encircled with pearls: rubies hung from her neck; and in her mien no one +could detect any decay of her powers. 'It is time at last,' she said to +the secretary, who wished to throw himself on his knees before her, +while she raised him with both hands, 'it is time at last for the +Republic to send its representative to a Queen by whom it has been +always honoured.' The letter of the Republic was handed to her, and she +gave it to the Secretary of State; after he had opened it and given it +back to her again, she sat down to read it: it contained a complaint +that Venetian ships had been seized by the English privateers, who then +made all seas unsafe. The English nation, she then said, is not so small +but that evil and thievish men may be found in it: while she promised +enquiry and justice, she nevertheless reverted to her main point that +she had received nothing from the republic during the forty-four years +of her government but grievances and demands,—even the loan had been +refused;—Venice had hitherto, contrary to her custom, not sent any +embassy to her; not, she thought, because she was a woman, but through +fear of other powers. Scaramelli answered that no temporal or even +spiritual sovereign had any influence on the Republic in such matters; +he ascribed the neglect to circumstances which no one could control. The +Queen broke off: I do not know, she added, whether I have expressed +myself in good Italian: I learned the language as a child, and think I +have not forgotten it. After that serious address she again seemed +gracious, and gave the secretary her hand to kiss, when she dismissed +him. The next day commissioners were appointed to enquire into his +grievances.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a></p> + +<p>At that time the affairs of Ireland were once more occupying the Queen. +The Spaniards had been compelled by Lord Mountjoy to leave the island; +he had beaten them together with the Irish in a decisive action: but, +despite his victory, many further conflicts took place, and the +rebellion was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> +suppressed; Tyrone still maintained himself in the +hills and woods of Ulster; and, as a return of the Spaniards was feared, +Mountjoy too was at last disposed to come to an agreement with him. The +Queen was in her inmost soul against this, for only fresh rebellions +would be occasioned by it; she required an absolute surrender at +discretion: if she once allowed the rebels to have their lives secured +to them, she soon after retracted the concession. She even spoke of +wishing to go to Ireland, in person; the impression produced by her +presence would put an end to all revolt.</p> + +<p>But at this moment a sudden alteration was remarked in her: she no +longer appeared at the festivities before Lent, which went off in an +insignificant style. At first her seclusion was explained by the death +of one of her ladies whom she loved, the Countess of Nottingham: but +soon it could not be concealed that the Queen herself was seized with a +dangerous illness: sleep and appetite began to fail her: she showed a +deep melancholy. 'No,' she replied to one of the kinsmen of her mother's +house, Robert Cary, who at that moment had come back to court and +addressed friendly words to her about her health, 'No Robin, well I am +not, my heart has been for some time oppressed and heavy;' she broke off +with painful groans and sighing, hitherto unwonted in her, now no longer +suppressed. It was manifest that mental distress accompanied the bodily +decay.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></p> + +<p>Who has not heard of the ring which Elizabeth is said to have once given +to the Earl of Essex with the promise that, if it were presented to her, +she would show him mercy, whatever might have occurred: he had, so the +tale runs, in his last distresses wished to send it her through the +Countess of Nottingham: but she was prevented from giving it by her +husband who was an enemy of Essex, and so he had to die without mercy: +the Queen, to whom the Countess revealed this on her death bed, fell +into despair over it. The ring is still shown, and indeed several rings +are shown as the true one: as also the tradition itself is extant in two +somewhat varying forms; attempts have been made to get rid of the +improbabilities +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> +of the first by fresh fictions in the +second.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> +They are both so late, and rest so completely on hearsay, that they can no +longer stand before historical criticism.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless we cannot deny, as the reports in fact testify in several +places, that the remembrance of Essex weighed on the Queen's soul. It +must certainly have reminded her of him, that she was now brought back +exactly to the course he had insisted on, namely a friendly agreement +with the invincible Irish chief. She had allowed less imperious, more +compliant, declarations to reach Ireland. But was the man a traitor, who +had recommended a policy to which they had been forced to have recourse +after such repeated efforts? Had he deserved his fate at her +hands?<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> +It was remarked that the anniversary of the day on which Essex two years +before had suffered on the scaffold, Ash Wednesday, thrilled through her +with heart-rending pain; the world seemed to her desolate, since he was +no longer there; she imputed his guilt to the ambition, against which +she had warned him, and which had misled him into steps, from the +consequences of which she could not protect him. But had she not herself +uttered the decisive word? She burst into self-accusing tears. Her +distress may have been increased by finding that her statesmen no longer +showed her the old devotion, the earlier absolute obedience. When they, +as we know, had framed a formal theory for themselves, that they might +act against an express command of the Queen, on the assumption of her +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> +general intention being directed to the public good, could the +sharp-sighted, suspicious, sovereign fail to perceive it? Could she fail +to remark the agitation as to her successor, which occupied all men's +minds, while the reins were slipping from her hands? The people, on +whose devotion she had from the first moment laid so much stress, and +partly based her government, seemed after Essex' death to have become +cold towards her.</p> + +<p>In every great life there comes a moment when the soul feels that it no +longer lives in the present world, and draws back from it.</p> + +<p>Once more Elizabeth had the English Liturgy read in her room: there she +sat afterwards day and night on the cushions with which it was covered, +in deep silence, her finger on her mouth: she rejected physic with +disdain.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> +Most said and believed she did not care to recover or to +live any longer, that she wished to die. When she was at last got to +bed, and had a moment left of consciousness and interest in the world, +she had the members of her Privy Council summoned: she then either said +to them directly that she held the King of Scotland to be her lawful and +deserving successor, or she designated him in a way that left no +doubt.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p> + +<p>Amidst the prayers of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was kneeling by +her bed, she breathed her last.</p> + +<p>It is not merely the business of History to point out how far great +personages have attained the ideals which float<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> before the mind of man, +or how far they have remained below them. It is almost more important +for it to ascertain how far the universal interests, in the midst of +which eminent characters appear, have been advanced by them, whether +their inborn force was a match for the opposing elements, whether it +allowed itself to be conquered by them or not. There never was a +sovereign who maintained a conflict of world-wide importance amidst +greater dangers and with greater success than Queen Elizabeth. Her +grandfather had begun a political emancipation from the ruling +influences of the continent, her father an ecclesiastical one: Elizabeth +took up their task and accomplished it victoriously against Rome and +against Spain, while her people had an ever-increasing part in public +affairs, and thus entered into a new stage of development. Her memory is +inseparably connected with the independence and power of England. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Elizabeth to James VI, August 1588, in Rymer and Bruce +53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Molino: 'Fu prudentissima nel governare diligente nel +consultare, perche voleva assistere a tutti li negotii, perspicasissima +nel provedere le cose ed accuratissima perche le deliberationi fatte +fossero eseguite.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> One of her expressions was: 'He that placed her in that +seat would preserve her in it.' Contemporary notice in Ellis, Letters +ii. iii. 194.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Hentzner, Itinerarium 137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> De Maisse, in Prevost-Paradol, Mémoire sur Elizabeth et +Henri IV. Séances et travaux de l'académie des sciences morales, tom. +34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Ockland, in Strype iii. 2, 237: 'Somni perparcus, parce +vinique cibique in mensa sumens, semper gravis atque modestus.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Letter to a friend, in Strype iii. 2, 379. Certain true +general notes upon the actions of Lord Burleigh, in Strype iii. 2, 505. +A letter from Leicester is in existence, in which he tries to prove that +William Cecil had obligations to his father and not merely to the +Protector.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Naunton, Fragmenta regalia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Sir H. Nicolas, Life and Times of Christopher Hatton, +communicates (p. 30) fragments of the Queen's letters, which lead him to +remark that the supposition of an immoral relation (which he elsewhere +adopts) is refuted by them. The Queen inquires for instance, What is +friendship? 'The union of two minds bound to each other by virtue. He is +no more a friend who desires more than the other can reasonably grant.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Herrera, Historia del mundo iii. 754.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Device made by the Earl of Essex: Devereux, Lives and +Letters of the Devereux, Earls of Essex, ii. App. F.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Herrera complains at first of the 'ministros infideles' +of the Queen: among them he names Essex.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> In Winwood, Memorials i.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sidney, Michaelmass Day 1599 +(the day after the Earl's arrival). Sidney Papers ii. 127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> 'I could not but see and feel what misery was near unto +my country by the great power of such as are known indeed to be atheists +papists and pensioners of the mortal enemies of this kingdom.' +Confession to Ashton, in Devereux ii. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> 'As foreseeing that the rebel will never suffer the King +to live or reign, who might permit or take revenge of the treason and +rebellion.' In Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors ii. 199.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Dispaccio di Carlo Scaramelli 19 Feb. 1603 (Venetian +Archives).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Memoirs of Robert Cary 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> The first appears in Aubery's Mémoires pour servir à +l'histoire de Hollande 1687, 214; with another apocryphal tale about +finding the bones of Edward IV's children as early as Elizabeth's time. +Aubery asserts that he heard the history of the ring from his father's +mouth, who had heard it from Prince Maurice of Orange, to whom it had +been communicated by the English ambassador Carleton. According to him +the Queen then took to her bed, dressed as she was, sprang from it a +hundred times during the night, and starved herself to death. Who does +not, in reading this, feel himself in a sphere of wild romance? Lady +Spelman has tried to clear away the improbability involved in it, that +Essex should have applied to the wife of one of his enemies, by making +Essex give the ring to a boy passing by, who was to give it, not to the +Countess of Nottingham, but to her sister, and then mistook the two +ladies.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Scaramelli, 27 March: 'per occasione del perdono +finalmente fatto al conte di Tirone cadde in una consideratione, che il +conte di Esses gia tanto suo intimo di cuore fosse morto innocente.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Letter of the French ambassador from London, 3rd April +1603. 'C'est la verité que delors, qu'elle se sentit atteinte du mal, +elle dit de vouloir mourir.' Villeroy, Mémoires d'estat iii. 212. Cary: +'The Queen grew worse and worse, because she would be so.' Compare +Sloane MS. in Ellis iii. 194.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Scaramelli writes to his Signoria 7th April (New Style) +what was said during those days: 'La regina nel fine della infirmita et +della vita dopo haver dormito alcune poche hore ritornata di sana mente +conoscendosi moribonda il primo di Aprile corr. fece chiamare i signori +del regio consiglio—e commandava loro,—che la corona pervenisse al Più +meritevole ch'ella ha trovato sempre nel suo secreto esser il Re di +Scotia cosi per il dritto della successione, che per esserne Più degno +che non è stata lei, poiche egli è nato re et ella privata—egli le +portera un regno et ella non porta altro che se stessa donna.' Without +quite accepting this, we must not pass it over. Winwood too writes to +Tremouille: 'le jour avant son trespas elle declara pour son successeur +le roy d'Escosse.' Mémoires i. 461.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="INT_IV" id="INT_IV"></a>BOOK IV.</h2> + +<p class='center'><br />FOUNDATION OF THE KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN. FIRST DISTURBANCES UNDER THE +STUARTS. </p> + +<p>Under no dynasty in the world have great national changes been so +dependent on the personal aims of princes as in England under the +Tudors. Just as all Henry VIII's subsequent proceedings were determined +by the affair of the divorce, so also the policy of his three children +was due to the relations into which they were thrown by their birth.</p> + +<p>No one however could derive the course of English history at this epoch +from this cause alone. How could Henry VIII have even thought of +detaching his kingdom from the Roman See, but for the ancient and +deep-seated national opposition to its encroachments? But the nation had +also for ages had manifold and deep sympathies with Rome; and Mary Tudor +allied herself with these. Together with subjective personal agencies, +national influences of universal prevalence were at work. The different +leanings of the sovereigns appear as exponents of opposite tendencies +already existing in the nation. The struggle between these was decided +when, as in the reign of Elizabeth, the most vigorous nature combined +with the most powerful interests and the most influential motives to +gain the mastery, although others of a different character were still by +no means suppressed.</p> + +<p>Now however the energetic race of the Tudors had disappeared from the +throne. By the right of natural inheritance another family ascended it, +which had its roots and associations in Scotland, the crown of which +country it united with that of England. If a long time elapsed before +the English commonwealth was as closely attached to the new dynasty as +it had been to the old, under which it had developed; so it is also +clear that the point of view from which this dynasty started could not +be exactly the same as that which had hitherto prevailed. This could not +be expected under a prince who had already reigned for a quarter of a +century and had long ago taken up, in his native country, a firm +position with regard to the great conflicts of the age. This position we +must first of all endeavour to represent. </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="BIV_I_I" id="BIV_I_I"></a> +<small>JAMES VI OF SCOTLAND: HIS ACCESSION TO THE THRONE OF ENGLAND.</small></p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BIV_I_II" id="BIV_I_II"></a>Origin of fresh dissension in the Church.</p> + +<p>Our eyes again turn to the man to whom the last great religious and +political change in Scotland is mainly due—John Knox.</p> + +<p>We find him, propped on his staff and supported on the other side by a +helping arm, stepping homewards from the church where he had once more +performed a religious service: the multitude of the faithful lined the +road, and greeted him with reverence. He could no longer walk alone, or +raise his voice as before; it was only in a more confined space that he +used still to gather a little congregation round him, to whom on +appointed days and at fixed hours he proclaimed the teaching of the +Gospel with unabated fire. He lived to hear of the wildest outbursts of +the struggle on the continent, and to pronounce his curse on the King of +France, who had taken part in the massacre of St. Bartholomew; but, in +one respect, he was more fortunate than Luther, who in his last days was +threatened with mischief from hostile elements about him which he could +not control; for around John Knox all was peace. He thanked God for +having granted him grace, that by his means the Gospel was preached +throughout Scotland in its simplicity and truth: he now desired nothing +more than to depart out of this miserable life; and thus, without pain, +in November 1572, after bearing the burden and heat of the day, he fell +asleep.</p> + +<p>With him and his contemporaries the second generation of the reformers +came to an end. They had fought out the battle against the papacy, and +had established the foundations +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> +of a divergent system: now however a +third generation arose, which had to encounter violent storms within the +pale of the new confession itself.</p> + +<p>In Scotland the Regents Mar and Morton now thought it necessary, even +for the sake of the constitution, in which the higher clergy formed an +important element, to restore episcopacy, which had been laid low in the +tumult of the times; and to fill the vacant offices with Protestant +clergy, appointed however in the old way, by the election of the +chapters on the recommendation of the Government: it was desired at the +same time to invest them with the power of ordination and a certain +jurisdiction. Knox was at least not hostile to this measure. The +resolution to convene an assembly of the Church at Leith was formed +while he was still alive, and was ratified by Parliament in January +1573.</p> + +<p>But in the Church, which had formed itself in perfect independence by +means of free association, this project, which besides was spoiled by +many blunders in the execution, necessarily provoked strong opposition. +Andrew Melville may be regarded as Knox's successor in the exercise of +the authority of leader; a man of wide learning, who had in his +composition still more of the professor than of the preacher, and united +convictions not less firm than those of Knox with an equal gift of +eloquence. He however on principle excluded episcopacy in any form from +the constitution, as, in his opinion, the Scriptures recognised only +individual bishops: he especially disapproved of the connexion between +the bishops and the crown. The spiritual and the temporal powers he +considered to be distinct kinds of authority, of which the one was as +much of divine right as the other. But he did not regard the clergy or +ministry of preaching as alone charged with spiritual authority: he +thought that the lay elders formed the basis of this authority: that, +once elected, they were permanent, had themselves a spiritual rank, +watched over the purity of doctrine, took the lead in the call of the +preachers, and, together with these, formed assemblies by whose +conclusions every member of the congregation was bound. A General +Assembly erected on this basis had the legislative authority in the +Church, with the right of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> +visitation and of spiritual correction. It +was incumbent on the King to protect them; but he was amenable to their +sentence. Such is the discipline laid down in the Second Book, which was +approved in the year 1578, in a General Assembly, of which Melville was +Moderator.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a></p> + +<p>With these opposite principles before his eyes, the young King grew up. +He showed himself to be imbued with the reformed doctrine, but he was +decidedly averse to this form of church government, which created a +power in the nation intended to counterbalance and withstand that of the +monarch. The political views of his teachers, highly popular as they +were, awoke in him, as was natural, the inborn feelings of a king. He +longed with all his soul for the restoration of episcopacy, which, +according to his view, was of almost chief importance for both Crown and +Church.</p> + +<p>This was indeed a different strife from the battle between Catholicism +and Protestantism, which filled the rest of the world: but they had +points of contact with one another, inasmuch as the reform of doctrine +had almost everywhere put an end to episcopal government. And the larger +conflict was constantly exercising fresh influence on the state of the +question in Scotland.</p> + +<p>When the Catholic party was on the point of becoming master of the young +King, the Protestant lords, as has been mentioned above, gained +possession of his person by the Raid of Ruthven. They were the champions +of Presbyterianism in the Church; but as they had been overthrown, and +overthrown moreover in consequence of the support which the King +received from an ambassador friendly to the Guises, that form of +government could not survive their fall. In the Parliament of 1584, +which obeyed the wishes of the ruling powers, enactments distinctly +opposed to it were passed. By these the constitution of the Three +Estates united in Parliament was ratified. They forbade any one to +attack the Estates either collectively or singly, and therefore to +attack the bishops. No meeting in which resolutions should be taken +about temporal or even about spiritual affairs was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> +to be held without +the King's approval: no jurisdiction was to be exercised which was not +acknowledged by the King and the Estates. The judicial power of the King +over all subjects and in all causes, and therefore even in spiritual +causes, was therein expressly confirmed.</p> + +<p>At that time however Jesuits and Seminarists effected an entrance into +Scotland as well as into other countries, and produced a great effect: +Father Gordon especially, who belonged to one of the most distinguished +families in the country, that of the Earls of Huntly, was exceedingly +active; and for two months the King allowed his presence at court. Who +could guarantee that the young prince would not be entirely carried away +by this current when his chief counsellor, with whom the final decision +mainly rested, belonged to the party of the +Guises?<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> +A great reward was offered to him: he was to be married to an archduchess; and at some +future day, after the victory had been won, he was to be raised to the +throne of England and Scotland. When we take into consideration that +Melville, who set himself to oppose this influence, had spent ten years +at Geneva and among the Huguenots, we see plainly how the struggles +which distracted the continent threatened to invade Scotland as well.</p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BIV_I_III" id="BIV_I_III"></a>Alliance with England.</p> + +<p>In this danger Queen Elizabeth, who for her own sake did not venture to +allow matters to go so far, resolved to interfere more actively in the +affairs of Scotland than she had hitherto done. It is not perfectly +clear what share her government had in the return of the exiled +Protestant lords, whose attack had compelled King James to allow the +conviction for high treason of his former minister and favourite, who +fled to France in consequence. But their return was certainly welcome to +her; and she advised the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> +King not to alienate the great men of his +kingdom, that is to say the returned lords, from his own side. In the +instructions to her ambassador it is expressly said that he should aim +at withholding the King from any alliance with the League in France, +which was then growing powerful. She had just determined to make open +war upon the King of Spain, who guided all the proceedings of the +League; what could be more important for her than to retain the King of +one division of the island on her own side? For that object she need not +require him to support the Presbyterians; his point of view was the same +which she contended for in the Netherlands and in France, and very +closely akin to her own.</p> + +<p>She had besides a great reward to offer him. Distasteful as it was to +her to speak of her successor, she then determined to give the King the +assurance that nothing should be done which was prejudicial to his +claim, and she agreed to a secret acknowledgment of +it.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> +Her ambassador gave expression to these views in Scotland, and she herself +spoke in similar terms to the Scottish ambassador in England.</p> + +<p>The acceptance of these overtures by King James was the decisive event +of his life. He was not so blind as not to see that any promise on the +part of England, although not binding in regular form, afforded a kind +of certainty entirely different from all the assurances of the League, +however comprehensive. The Queen moreover pledged herself to a subsidy +that was very acceptable to the poverty of the Scots, while her +protection served the King himself as a stay against his nobles, whom he +dared not alienate, but on whom he could not allow himself to be +dependent.</p> + +<p>Thus in July 1586 an offensive and defensive alliance was concluded at +Berwick between the King and Queen in order to protect the religion +adopted in their dominions, which, in the language of the Prayer-book, +they termed the 'Catholic,' and to repel, not only every invasion, but +every attempt on the person +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> +of their majesties or their subjects, +without regard to any ties of blood or relationship. The King promised +the Queen to come to her assistance with all his forces in the event of +any attack on the Northern counties, and not to allow his subjects to +support any hostile movements which might take place in Ireland. Every +word shows how absolutely and entirely in the events that were at hand +he identifies the interests of England with his +own.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p> + +<p>It was of more especial advantage to the Queen that James entirely +renounced the cause of his mother. He had exerted himself in her behalf, +but his intercession never went beyond the limits of friendly +representation. Mary's secret resignation of her claims in favour of +Philip II had certainly not been unknown to him; he complained on one +occasion that she threatened him on his throne and was as little +attached to him as to the Queen of England. He loudly condemned her +conspiracies against Elizabeth and gave utterance to the unfeeling +remark that she might drain the cup which she had mixed for herself. At +the trial of his mother he was content with obtaining an assurance from +the English Parliament, which was of great importance to him, that his +rights should not be impaired by her condemnation. The claims to the +English throne which brought Mary to destruction rather served to +strengthen her son, as it threw him altogether on the side of the +English system.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a></p> + +<p>On the approach of the Spanish armada James at once placed his power and +his person at the disposal of the Queen. He assured her that he would +behave not as a foreign prince, but as if he were her son and a citizen +of her realm. With unusual decision he put himself at the head of the +Protestant nobles, and pursued the Catholic lords who gave ear to those +Spanish overtures which he had resisted.</p> + +<p>He now sought for a wife in a Protestant family. With the concurrence, +if not at the instigation, of the English ministers, he solicited the +hand of a daughter of Frederick II, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> +King of Denmark, whom Elizabeth had +praised for adhering to the general interests of the Protestant world. +In this enterprise James was influenced by the consideration that if any +other state opposed his claims on England, Denmark with its naval power +could afford him substantial assistance. A touch of romance is imparted +to his youth by the circumstance that he set out in person to fetch home +his bride, who was detained in Norway by contrary winds, and who had +been promised to him by her mother after her father's death. Their +marriage was celebrated at Opslo (Nov. 23, 1589), but their homeward +voyage was now attended with difficulty; James therefore took his wife +over the snow-clad mountains and the Sound, back to her mother to +Kronborg and Copenhagen, and spent a couple of months there. He had many +conversations with the divines of the country, during which the idea of +an union of both Protestant confessions was mooted. He also paid a visit +to Tycho Brahe on the island of Hveen, which gave him indescribable +pleasure: he believed that in his company he fathomed the marvels of the +universe, and lauded the astronomer in spirited Latin verse as the +friend of Urania, and as the master of the starry +world.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> +And a general influence was exercised in Europe both by his alliance with the +house of Oldenburg, and the connexion which he formed through it with +many of the most distinguished families in Germany. His consort was +niece of the Elector of Saxony, sister-in-law of the Elector of +Brandenburg, and granddaughter of the German Nestor, Ulric of +Mecklenburg. Her sister had just married Henry Julius Duke of Brunswick; +at whose marriage, which was celebrated at Cronberg, a company of North +German princes met together, which seemed like one single family. But +the days of this assemblage were not occupied with banquets and +festivities alone. To the impression which was then made on James may be +traced the despatch of an embassy to the Temporal Electors of the +Empire, which he deputed soon after his return to invite them to mediate +between England and Spain. If the King of Spain were disinclined +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> +for peace, he thought that a powerful alliance should be formed against him +for the maintenance of religion.</p> + +<p>For such an alliance as this, England and Scotland seemed to offer a +centre. In an assemblage of the clergy, the King had once congratulated +himself on living at a time when the light of the Gospel was shining; +and in the same spirit his Chancellor gave Lord Burleigh to understand, +that this British microcosm, severed from the rest of the world, but +united internally by language, religion, and the friendship of its +princes, could best oppose the bloodthirstiness of an anti-Christian +League.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BIV_I_IV" id="BIV_I_IV"></a>Renewal of the Episcopal Constitution in Scotland.</p> + +<p>In Scotland, as well as elsewhere, the waves of the all-prevailing +struggle kept raging.</p> + +<p>Embassies went backwards and forwards between Spain and the powerful +lords, Huntly, Errol and Angus, who kept alive Catholicism in the +Highlands; and a plan was formed to assemble a force of Scots and +Spaniards in Scotland, which should first overthrow the forces of that +country, and thence advance into +England.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> +King James at least +believed that he had gathered a definite statement to this effect from +an examination of those who had been arrested. Philip the Second's +design of getting the crown of France into his own family would have +been powerfully seconded by this undertaking, by which it was designed +to treat Great Britain in the same way. In the beginning of 1593 we find +James at Aberdeen engaged on a campaign against the Highlands: the +lesser nobles and the Protestants were on his side: the great earls were +driven back into the most remote districts as far as Caithness, and the +larger part of their domains fell into the hands of the King. But they +were not yet entirely conquered, and the next Parliament showed that +they had the greater part of the nobility on their side. No one wished +to be too severe on +them;<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> +even the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> +legal advisers of the crown +recommended the King not to commence a suit against them, in which they +might probably be acquitted. It is impossible to describe the +displeasure which affected Elizabeth on this turn of affairs, which she +ascribed to the pusillanimous and negligent government of James. Did he +not know, she asked, that the religion of the rebels was only a cloak +for treason? Would he trust men who had so often betrayed him? He could +never expect them to keep their plighted faith in the future, if their +great offences in the past were not even acknowledged: a lax government +set all turbulent spirits in motion, and led to shipwreck. With this +advice, and similar suggestions from the clergy, came the news of fresh +commotion. Francis Stuart, who had been made Earl of Bothwell by James, +but who after this had given great trouble by frequently changing sides, +had now joined the Catholic lords; and a plan had been concerted between +them to deal with James as they had formerly dealt with his mother, to +make him prisoner, and to put the prince just born to him in his place. +At last in September 1594 we find the King again in the field. The young +Argyle, whom he sent before him as his lieutenant, was met by the earls +in open fight, but they did not venture to encounter the King himself. +He took Strathbogie, the splendid seat of the Earls of Huntly; Slaines, +the principal castle of the Earls of Errol; some strongholds in Angus; +Newton, a castle of the Gordons; and had most of them razed. Even in +these districts he proceeded at last to erect a regular government in +the name of the King. His superiority was so decided that the earls left +Scotland in the spring of 1595; Father Gordon also followed them +reluctantly, after he had once more said mass at Elgin. But even this +was not such a defeat of the Catholic party as might have been followed +by their annihilation. The earls felt the hardships of exile with double +force from the loss of the consideration which they had enjoyed at home; +and when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> +they offered their submission to the King, and satisfaction to +the Scottish Church, James and his Privy Council were quite ready to +accede to their offer: for they thought that disunion with his most +powerful lieges lessened the reputation of the crown, and might be very +dangerous at some future time if the throne of England became vacant; as +these important personages might then, like Coriolanus, side with the +enemy.</p> + +<p>The only question now was, how the Presbyterian Church would regard +this. James had come to a general understanding with the Church, when +they made common cause against the League. In the year 1592 an agreement +was arrived at, by which the King gave a general recognition to +Presbyterianism, although he still left some grave questions undecided; +for instance, that of the rights of the Crown, and the General +Assemblies. But in proportion as he now gave intimation of a retrograde +tendency in favour of the Catholic lords, he roused the prejudices of +the Protestants against himself. They told him that the lords had been +condemned to death according to the laws of God, and by the sentence of +Parliament, the Great Assize of the kingdom: that the King had no right +to show mercy in opposition to these. He had allowed their return into +the country; the Church demanded the renewal of their exile: not till +then would it be possible to deliberate upon the satisfaction offered by +them. All the pulpits suddenly resounded with invectives against the +King. The proud feeling of independent existence was roused in all its +force in the breasts of the churchmen. Andrew Melville explicitly +declared, that there were two kingdoms in Scotland, of which the Church +formed one: in that kingdom the sovereign was in his turn a subject; +those who had to govern this spiritual realm possessed a sufficient +authorisation from God for the discharge of their functions. The Privy +Council might be of opinion that the King must be served alike by Jews +and heathens, Protestants and Catholics, and become powerful by their +aid; but in wishing to retain both parties he would lose both. The King +forced himself to ask support for his projects from Robert Bruce, at +that time the most prominent of the preachers, who answered him, that he +might make his choice, but that he could not have both the Earl of +Huntly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> +and Robert Bruce for his friends at the same +time.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p> + +<p>By dealing gently with the Catholic lords the King had intended not only +to win them over to his side, but also in prospect of the English +succession, which was constantly before his eyes, to give the English +Catholics a proof of the moderation of his intentions. Even in Scotland +he wished not to appear the sovereign of the Presbyterian party alone. +It was absolutely repugnant to him to adopt the ideas of the Church +entirely as his own. But the leaders of the Church were bent on shutting +him within a narrow circle in accordance with their own ideas, from +which there should be no escape. In his clemency to Catholic rebels they +saw a leaning to that Catholicism which fought against God and +threatened themselves with destruction. The efforts which had been +necessary to overpower these adversaries, and the obligations under +which they had laid the King himself during the struggle, inspired them +with resolution to bind him to their system by every means in their +power.</p> + +<p>But as the King also adhered to his own views, a conflict now broke out +between them which holds a very important place in the history of the +State as well as of the Church of Scotland.</p> + +<p>The King ordered the Commissioners of the Church, who made demands so +distasteful to him, to leave the capital. The preachers then turned to +the people. From the pulpit Robert Bruce set before an already excited +congregation the danger into which the ecclesiastical commonwealth had +fallen owing to the return of the Catholic lords and the indulgence +vouchsafed to them; and invited those present to pledge themselves by +holding up their hands to the defence of their religion on its present +footing. They not only gave him their assent, but went so far as to make +a tumultuous rush for the council-house in which the King was sitting +with some members of the Privy Council and the Lords of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> +Session. With difficulty was the tumult so far quieted as to allow James to retire to +Holyrood.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> +Here a demand was laid before him to remove his +councillors, to allow the commissioners to resume their functions, and +to banish the lords again from the country. It was intended that +religious profession should supply a rule for the guidance of the State.</p> + +<p>But in political conflicts nothing is more dangerous than to overstep +the law by any act of violence. It was the violence attempted by the +leaders of the Presbyterians against the King, their attack on the +rights of his crown, that procured him the means of resistance. He +betook himself with his court to Linlithgow and there collected the +nobles, who for the most part stood by him, the borderers, whose leaders +the Humes and Kerrs took up arms for him, and bodies of Highlanders, a +force to which the magistrates succumbed, not wishing their city to be +destroyed; so that even the ministers thought it advisable to leave. On +New-Year's Day 1597 James made his entry with a warlike retinue into +Edinburgh, where a convention of the Estates met and passed decisive +resolutions in his favour. Both the provost and baillies of the town +were obliged to take a new oath of fealty by which they bound themselves +to suffer no insults to the King and his councillors from the pulpit: +and it was resolved that the citizens should henceforth submit the +magistrates of their choice to the King for his approval. The right of +deposing the ministers was assigned to the King, who was acknowledged +sole judge of all offences, even of those committed in sermons and +public worship.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a></p> + +<p>The King had now the Temporal Estates on his side; for however popular +the footing on which the Presbyterian Church might be constituted, no +one wished to give it uncontrolled sway. King James was able to form +plans<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> +for transforming its constitution in such a manner as to make it +consistent with the authority of the crown.</p> + +<p>A series of questions which he dedicated to the consideration of the +public was well calculated to further his end. He asked whether the +external regimen of the Church might not be controlled both by King and +clergy, and the legislative power be vested in them in common. Might not +the King, as a religious and pious magistrate, have the power of +summoning General Assemblies? Might he not annul unjust sentences of +excommunication? Might he not interfere if the clergy neglected their +duties, or if the bounds of the two jurisdictions became doubtful.</p> + +<p>At the next assembly of the Church at Perth (Feb. 1597) the current set +in the opposite direction. 'Mine eyes,' so says one of the most zealous +adherents of the Church, 'witnessed a new sight, preachers going into +the King's palace sometimes by night, sometimes in the morning,—mine +ears heard new sounds.' The greatest pains had been taken to secure the +presence of a number of ministers from the northern provinces, who were +still more anxious about the spread of their doctrines than about +controversies touching the constitution of the Church; and who rather +reproached the clergy of the southern counties with having taken on +themselves the government of the Church. But even among the latter the +King, who spared neither threats nor flatteries, won adherents. Moreover +an opinion gained ground that concessions must be made to him, as far as +conscience allowed, in order not to alienate him entirely from the +Church or drive him to take the opposite side. The answers to his +questions contained admissions. The right of taking the initiative in +everything relating to the external government of the Church was +conceded to him, together with a share in the nomination of ministers in +the principal towns; properly speaking the patronage of the Church in +these towns was made over to him. The Church itself made a most +important concession in renouncing its right of using the pulpit to +attack the crown. Henceforward no one was to venture to impugn the +measures of the King, until an officer of the Church had made a +remonstrance to him on the subject. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span> +And the same ideas prevailed also +in the subsequent assemblies at Dundee and Perth. The former of these +conceded to the King a share in all the business which the Church took +in hand; it allowed him to stay the proceedings of the Presbyteries when +they ran counter to the royal jurisdiction or to recognised rights. In +Dundee the excommunicated lords were admitted to a reconciliation and +acknowledged as true vassals of the King, after making a declaration by +which they acknowledged the Scottish to be the true Church; although the +stricter party would not even then forgive them. But the point of chief +importance was that the King succeeded in getting a Commission formed to +co-operate with him in maintaining peace and obedience in the kingdom. +Invested with full powers by the Church but dependent on the King, this +Commission procured him a preponderating influence in all ecclesiastical +affairs. For the most part it consisted of men of moderate views.</p> + +<p>There is a contemporary narrative of the decay of the Church in Scotland +which begins from this date. For here, it was thought, ended the period +during which the word revealed from Sinai and Zion to the apostles and +prophets was the only rule of doctrine and Church discipline without any +mixture of Babylon or the City of the Seven Hills, or of policy of man's +devising; when the Church was 'Beautiful as the morning, fair as the +moon, clear as the sun, terrible as an army with banners.'</p> + +<p>James, who regarded all this as due merely to the opposition of enemies, +went on his way without bestowing further consideration on the depth, +strength, and inward significance of this spirit which was destined once +more to agitate the world. He again took up in serious earnest the +design of erecting a Protestant episcopacy which had been entertained by +Mar and Morton. Not only was this necessary for the constitution but for +the sake of the clergy also: as George Gladstaine explained before a +large assembly at Dundee, it was desirable that they should take part in +the exercise of the legislative power. A small majority, but still a +majority, in this assembly decided in favour of the proposal. The King +assured them that he wished neither for a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span> +Papistical nor for an English +prelacy; he wished only that the best clergy should take cognizance of +the affairs of the Church in the council of the nation. In order to +unite both interests he desired that the General Assembly should propose +to the King six candidates for each vacancy and should have the right of +giving instructions to the King's nominee for his Parliamentary action, +and of demanding an account from him of his execution of the same. The +King esteemed it a great triumph when in the Parliament of 1600 he was +able actually to introduce two bishops whom he had nominated with the +concurrence of a Commission of the Synods.</p> + +<p>It appears a general result worth noticing that he had again brought +both parties in the country into subjection to the crown, the one +however by open battle, the other by compliance which had somewhat the +air of inclination towards it.</p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BIV_I_V" id="BIV_I_V"></a>Preparations for the Succession to the English Throne.</p> + +<p>That the former of these parties was properly speaking Protestant, and +the latter in its sentiment Catholic, created a certain feeling of +surprise. Queen Elizabeth, who had been attacked and insulted by the +Presbyterians sometimes even from the pulpit, could not find fault with +the crown for liberating itself from the ascendancy of the new Church as +it had done from that of the old: on the contrary she had expressly +approved of this policy; but she warned the King not to allow himself to +be so blinded by personal preference as again to put confidence in any +traitor, and not to separate himself from the flock which must fight for +him if he wished to stand. In the case of Scotland, as well as in the +case of her own dominions, she always kept before her eyes the contrast +between the Catholic and the Protestant principle, in comparison with +which all other differences appeared to her subordinate.</p> + +<p>In his own views less rigid and consistent, King James had on the +contrary even made advances to the Papacy. He at one time found it +advisable to enter into relations with Pope Clement VIII, whose +behaviour about the absolution +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> +of Henry IV showed that he did not at +least belong to the party of Spain and the zealots. A letter to the Pope +was forwarded from the Scottish cabinet addressing him as Holy Father, +with the signature of the King as his obedient son. A Scot, by +profession a Catholic, afterwards made the statement that, at the time +when Pope Clement was encamped before Ferrara, he had been sent to him +in order to seek his friendship, and to promise him religious liberty +for the Catholics if King James should ascend the English +throne.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></p> + +<p>According to the account of King James himself Pope Clement invited him +to return to the Catholic faith; to whom he made answer, that the +prevailing controversies might be again submitted to a general council; +and that to the decision of such a council he would submit himself +unconditionally. Clement replied that he need not speak of a council, +for at Rome no one would hear of it; that the King had better remain as +he was. These transactions are still enveloped in doubt and obscurity: +the announcements of pretended agents cannot be depended on. There were +often men who did not fully share in the secret and who in consequence +far outran their +commission.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> +But it cannot be denied that there +were attempts at an approximation. Among the English refugees after +Mary's death two parties had arisen, one of which supported the Spanish +claims, while the other was quite ready to acknowledge King James +supposing that some concessions were made. Every day men who were +inclined to Catholicism were seen rising into favour at the Scottish +court. It was remarked that the Secretary of State, the Lord Justice, +and the tutors of the royal children, were Catholics. Queen Anne of +Scotland does not deny that many attempts were made to bring her back to +the old religion: though she assures us that she did not hearken to +them, it is notwithstanding undeniable that she felt a strong impulse in +that direction. She received relics which were sent +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span> +her from Rome, +probably from superstition rather than from reverence for the saints, +but at all events she received them. Her intimate friend, the Countess +of Huntly, who often shared the same bed with the Queen, fostered these +views in her. King James remained unaffected by them. He attended +sermons three times a week; he was riveted to Protestantism by +convictions which rest on learning: but how did it come to pass that he +allowed these deviations from Protestantism about him? Was it from +weakness and connivance, or was it from policy?</p> + +<p>With the English Catholics also he established a connexion. Offers and +conditions with a view to his succession were put before him; and +English Catholics presented themselves at his court in order to proceed +with the business or to maintain the connexion.</p> + +<p>All this threw Queen Elizabeth into a state of great excitement. It was +insufferable to her that any one should even speak of her death, or, as +she said, celebrate her funeral beforehand. But now when James without +her knowledge formed relations with her subjects, she regarded his +conduct as an affront. Through her ambassador in Scotland she had an +English agent named Ashfield arrested, and gained possession of his +papers. Great irritation on both sides ensued, of which the +above-mentioned correspondence between the King and Queen gives +evidence. In angry letters the latter complained of the disparaging +expressions which James had let fall in his Parliament. In respectful +language but with unusual emphasis the King complained that the +accusations of an adventurer charging him with a plot against the life +of the Queen were not repressed in England with proper severity. A +period followed during which James expected nothing but further acts of +hostility from Elizabeth's ministers. He pretended to know that the +claims to the throne advanced by his cousin the Lady Arabella, daughter +of Charles Darnley, the younger brother of his father Henry, who had the +advantage of not being a foreigner, supplied them with a motive for +their proceedings. He even thought it possible that a book published by +Parsons under the name of Doleman, which maintained the claims of +Isabella daughter of King Philip, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> +was inspired by the English ministers +themselves in order to throw his rights into the background. He ascribed +to them the intention of coming to an agreement with the Spaniards to +his disadvantage, only in order to maintain their own power.</p> + +<p>So far the dislikes of King James and the Earl of Essex coincided. +Although a formal understanding between them cannot be proved, they were +nevertheless allies up to the point of regarding the Queen's ministers +as their enemies.</p> + +<p>Very significant were the instructions which James gave to an embassy +which he despatched to England after the downfall of the Earl. His +ambassadors were directed to ascertain whether the popular discontent +went so far as to contemplate the overthrow of the Queen and her +ministers, in which case they were to take care that the people 'invoked +no other saint,' i.e. sought protection and support from no one else but +him. Above all he wished to be assured with regard to the capital that +it would acknowledge his right: he wished to form ties with the leading +men in the civic and learned corporations; the greater and lesser nobles +who inclined to him were to have early information what to do in certain +contingencies, and to keep themselves under arms. As he had always +thought it possible that he might require naval assistance from Denmark, +so now he instigated a sort of free confederation of the magnates and +barons of Scotland: they were to prepare their military retainers in +order to enforce his rights. Not that he had formed any design against +the Queen, but he believed that after her death he must give battle to +her ministers in order to gain the crown, and he appeared determined not +to decline the contest.</p> + +<p>In reality however this mode of action was foreign to his nature. How +often he had said that a man must let fruit ripen before plucking it: +and a foreign prince, to whose sayings he attached great value, had +advised him to proceed by the safest path. This was the Grand Duke +Ferdinand of Tuscany, who then played a certain part in Europe, as he +had set on foot the alliance between Henry IV and the Pope +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span> +in opposition to Spain: Mary de' Medici, Queen of France, was his niece. +With the house of Stuart also he stood on the footing of a relation: his +consort, like the mother of King James, was a scion of the house of +Lorraine, and a marriage at some future day between the King's eldest +son and the daughter of the Grand Duke was already talked of. This +relationship, and Ferdinand's reputation for great political +far-sightedness and prudence, caused his advice to exercise great +influence on James's decisions, as James himself tells us. So long as +victory wavered between Essex and his opponents, or, as he conceived, +between the existing government and the people, James did not declare +himself: when the issue was decided he gave his policy a different +direction and made advances to the ruling ministers, whom up to this +time he had regarded as his enemies.</p> + +<p>They were quite ready and willing to meet him. Robert Cecil asserted +later that he had by this means best provided for the safety and repose +of the Queen, for that by an alliance between the government and the +heir to the crown the jealousy of the Queen was best appeased: yet still +he observed the closest secrecy with regard to it. It is known that he +dismissed a secretary because he feared that he might see through the +scheme and then betray it. He thought that he was justified in keeping +the Queen in ignorance of a connexion that could only be distasteful to +her at her advanced age, which had deepened the suspicion natural to her +disposition, although at the same time this connexion was indispensable +for her repose. These ministers were tolerably independent in their +general conduct of affairs. They had embarked on other negotiations also +without the knowledge of the Queen; they thought such conduct quite +permissible, if it conduced to the advantage of England. And was not +Robert Cecil moreover bound to seize an opportunity of calming the +prejudices of the King of Scotland against himself and his house, which +dated from his father's participation in the fate of Queen Mary? This +was the only way of enabling him to prolong his authority beyond the +death of his mistress, with which it would otherwise have expired.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> +The letters are extant which were exchanged in these secret transactions +between Henry Howard, whom the Secretary of State employed as his +instrument, and a minister of King James. They are not so instructive as +might have been expected; for the Asiatic style of Howard, which serves +him as a mask, throws a veil even over much which we should like to +know. But they now and then open a view into the movements of parties, +especially in reference to the opposition of Cecil and his friends to +Raleigh and Cobham, which towards the close of the Queen's reign filled +the court with suppressed uneasiness.</p> + +<p>The intercourse which had been opened certainly had the effect of once +more putting England and Scotland on a friendly footing. One of his most +trusty councillors, Ludovic Earl of Lennox, son of that Esmé Stuart who +at one time had stood so high in the King's esteem, was sent by James on +a mission to the Queen, in order to convince her of his continued +attachment;<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> +and this ambassador in fact found favour with her. +James declared himself ready to send his Highlanders to the assistance +of the Queen in Ireland, and to enter as a third party into the alliance +with France against Spain, if it were brought about. He did not hesitate +to give her information of the advances which had been made by the other +side, even by the Roman court. Among these he mentioned a mission of +James Lindsay for the purpose of bringing him to promise toleration to +the Catholics. It may be doubted whether it is altogether true, as he +affirms, that he declined the proposal: but the Roman records attest +that Lindsay in fact could get nothing from him but +words.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a></p> + +<p>It is enough to remark that on the whole the views of James were again +brought into harmony with those of the Queen: but that does not mean +that he had also broken off all relations with the other side. It would +have been extremely dangerous for him if Pope Clement had pronounced +against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> +him the excommunication which was suspended over Elizabeth, and +he was very grateful to the Pope for not going so far. And if he would +not agree to treat the Catholics with genuine toleration, yet without +doubt he let them hope that he would not persecute those who remained +quiet.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> +It was probably not disagreeable to him if they looked for +more. He was of opinion that he ought to have two strings to his bow.</p> + +<p>He had now formed connexions with all the leading men in England of +whatever belief. There was no family in which he had not won over one +member to the support of his +cause.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a></p> + +<p class='sect'><a name="BIV_I_VI" id="BIV_I_VI"></a>Accession to the Throne.</p> + +<p>Thus on different sides everything had been carefully prepared +beforehand when the Queen died. Although it may be doubtful whether she +had in so many words declared that James should be her successor, yet it +is historically certain that she had for a long time consented to this +arrangement. The people had not yet so entirely conquered all hesitation +on the subject.</p> + +<p>At the moment of the Queen's decease the capital fell into a state of +general commotion. Perhaps 40,000 decided Catholics might be counted in +London, who had considered the government of the Queen an unauthorised +usurpation. Were they now to submit themselves to a King who like her +was a schismatic? Or were there grounds for entertaining the hope held +out to them that the new prince would grant them freedom in the exercise +of their religion. People pretended to find Jesuits in their ranks who +were accused of stimulating the excitement of their feelings: and the +government thought it necessary to arrest or keep an eye upon a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span> +number of men who were regarded as leaders of the Catholic party.</p> + +<p>The trained bands of the town were called out to meet the danger, and +they consisted entirely of Protestants. But they also were agitated by +uncertainty about the intentions of their new sovereign. What the +Catholics wished and demanded, the free exercise of their religion, the +Protestants just as strongly held to be inadmissible and dangerous.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Privy Council had met at Richmond, where they were joined +by the lords who were in town. Some points of great importance were +mooted—whether the Privy Council had still any authority, even after +the death of the sovereign from whom their commission proceeded—whether +this authority was not entirely transferred to the lords as the +hereditary councillors of the crown. The question was probably raised +whether conditions should not be prescribed beforehand to the King of +Scotland with regard to his government. But the prevailing ferment did +not allow time for the discussion of these questions. On the same day +(March 24) the heralds proclaimed James king under the combined titles +of King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland.</p> + +<p>It could not be perceived that the pomp of this proclamation produced +any extraordinary impression. No mourning for the death of the Queen was +exhibited; still less joy at the accession of James: all other interests +were absorbed by the anticipation of coming events. The tone of feeling +first became decided some days afterwards, when a declaration from the +new King was published, wherein he promised the maintenance of religion +on its present footing, and the exclusion of every other form of +it.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> +On this the Protestants were quieted; the Catholics shewed +themselves discouraged and exasperated. Yet the heads of the party who +were held in custody were released on bail, and assured by the King's +agents, that if even they were not permitted to worship +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> +in public, they should not have to fear either compulsion or persecution.</p> + +<p>No movement was made against the acknowledgment of King James, although +this was contrary to the old arrangements recognised by Parliament. But +no one was forthcoming who could have enforced rights based upon these. +The aged Hertford came forward to sign the proclamation of the lords +both for himself, and in the name of his son who represented the +Suffolks. The Lady Arabella made a declaration that she desired no other +position than that which the present King might allow her. The Privy +Council besought King James,—according to its own expression 'falling +at his feet with deep humility,'—to come and breathe new life into the +kingdom of England that had been bereaved of its head.</p> + +<p>We must not stay to discuss incidental questions, e.g. how the first +news reached James, and how he received it. He remained quiet until he +had obtained sure intelligence, and then without delay prepared to take +possession of the throne, to which his mother's ambition and his own had +for so many years been directed. Once more he addressed the people of +Edinburgh assembled in the great church after the sermon. He would not +admit the statement which had occurred in the discourse, that Scotland +would mourn for his departure; for he was going, as he said, only from +one part of the island to the other: from Edinburgh it was hardly +further to London than to Inverness. He intended to return often; to +remove pernicious abuses in both countries; to provide for peace and +prosperity; to unite the two countries to one another. One of them had +wealth, the other had a superabundance of men: the one country could +help the other. He added in conclusion that he had expected to need +their weapons: that he now required only their hearts.</p> + +<p>What filled his soul with pride and the consciousness of a high calling, +was the thought that he would now carry into effect what the Romans, and +in later times the Anglo-Saxon and Plantagenet kings, and last of all +the Tudors, had sought to achieve by force of arms or by policy, but +ever in vain—the union of the whole island under one rule, like that +which native legendary lore ascribed to the mythical +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span> +Arthur. When he came to Berwick, around which town the two nations had engaged in so +many bloody frays, he gave utterance, so it is said, to his intention of +being King not of the one or of the other country but of both united, +and of assuming the name of King of Great +Britain.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a></p> + +<p>At York he met his predecessor's Secretary of State, Robert Cecil. As no +one knew the relations into which he had already entered with Cecil, +every one was astonished at the kind reception which he accorded to him. +That did not prevent him however from being just to the other side as +well. He greeted the youthful Essex as the son of the most renowned +cavalier whom the realm of England had possessed; he appointed him to be +the companion of the Prince of Wales, and made him carry the bared sword +before him at his entrance into some of the towns. Southampton and +Neville were received into favour; the Earl of Westmoreland was placed +in the Privy Council. He gave it to be understood that he would again +raise to their former station the great men of the kingdom, who up to +this time, as he said, had not been treated according to their merits.</p> + +<p>In order to begin the work of union at once in the highest place, he +added some Scottish members to the Privy Council, and placed Scots side +by side with the Secretary of State and Treasurer of England. The Keeper +of the Privy Seal was raised to the Lord Chancellorship, but obliged to +resign the post of Master of the Rolls, which fell to the share of a +Scot, who however contented himself with drawing the income without +discharging the duties of the office. The main feature of the condition +of affairs which now grew up was the understanding between Cecil and +those Scots who were most influential with the King. These were the +leaders of the two parties, one of which hitherto had rather inclined to +Spain and the other to France, Lennox and Mar, and especially the most +active, perhaps the cleverest man of all, George Hume. These were +consulted on affairs of importance. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> +The Scots had the advantage, to +which custom almost gave them a right, of seeing the King as often as +they wished: but Cecil and his English friends, in consequence of their +knowledge and practice in business, had the chief management of affairs +in their hands.</p> + +<p>The times were gloomy owing to the prevalence of an infectious disease; +still extraordinary numbers of the English nobility thronged to London, +in order to see the King, who took up his residence at Greenwich. It is +computed that there were 10,000 people at court. James felt infinitely +happy amidst the homage which clergy and laity vied with one another in +rendering him. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> M'Crie, Life of Andrew Melville, ch. iii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> In a memoir in the Barberini Library, 'De praesenti +Scotiae statu in iis quae ad religionem spectant brevissima narratio,' +it is said, 'supra hominum opinionem auctus est Catholicorum numerus.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Abstract of Randolph's instructions, from his own pen +(Strype, Annals iii. i. 442): 'Nothing shall be done prejudicial to the +King's title, but the same to pass by private assurance from Her Majesty +to the King.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Tractatus foederis et arctioris amicitiae. Rymer vi. 4. +Randolph says, 'Three were the causes (of the alliance), viz. the +noblemen, the money, and the assurance.' Strype iii. i. 568.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Courcelles, in Tytler vii. 333.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Slangen, Geschichte Christians iv. i. 117. Chyträus, +Saxonia 864, 870. Cp. Melvil, Memoires, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Thirlstane to Burleigh, Aug. 13, 1590. In Tytler ix. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Lord Burleigh's speech in the House of Lords, Strype, +Annals iv. 192. According to the 'Narratio de rebus Scoticis,' the +Scottish magnates were the first movers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> James to Elizabeth. 'The sayde rebellis hadd so travelled +by indirect means with everie nobleman, as quhen I feld thaier +myndis—thay plainlie—refusid to yeild to any forfaiture.' 19 Sept. +1593. In Bruce, Letters of Queen Elizabeth and King James VI of +Scotland, 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Calderwood, v. 440. 'As to the wisdom of your counsell, +which I call devilish and pernicious, it is this: that yee must be +served with all sorts of men to come to your purpose and grandour Jew +and Gentile, Papist and Protestant. And becaus the ministers and +protestants in Scotland are over strong and controll the king they must +be weakenned and brought low.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> The tumult in Edinburgh, in Calderwood v. 511.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> In James Melville's Diary (p. 383) an act is mentioned +with the date of January 1597, 'discharging the ministers stipends that +wald not subscryve a Band acknawlaging the king to be only judge in +matters of treassone or uther civill and criminall causses committed be +preatching, prayer or what way so ever—Thair was keipit a frequent +convention of esteates wharin war maid manie strange and seveire +actes.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> So Crichton informs the Venetian secretary, Scaramelli, +July 10, 1603.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> With regard to the offers brought by Ogilvy to Spain this +has been undeniably proved on the evidence of another Jesuit. Winwood +i.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> He expressed to her an 'humble desire that I would banish +from mynde any evill opinion or doupt of your sincerity to me.' (Dec. 2, +1601, in Bruce.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> 'Breve relazione di quanto si è trattato tra S. Sta ed il +re d'Inghilterra.' MS. Rom. From no other quarter moreover is any direct +proof adduced of a promise of toleration properly so called.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> The abbot of Kinloss told the Venetian secretary, 'che il +re si trova obligatissimo col pontefice, chiamandolo veramente Clemente, +perche per istanze che sono state più volte fatte a S. Be<sup>ne</sup> da +principi, non ha voluto mai dishonorarlo con divenire ad +escommunicatione di sua persona, e che perciò S. M. desirera di +corresponderle, aggiungendo che i catolici mentre staranno quieti et +honestamente occulti non saranno cercati nè perseguitati.' (Scaramelli, +8 Maggio, 1603.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Scaramelli, from the lips of one of the King's agents, +March 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Scaramelli (April 12) alludes to a declaration from the +King, 'Per la conservatione della religione in che vive essa citta e +regno. Questo aviso,' he proceeds, 'ha reso sicuri gli heretici.' In +Halliwell, Letters of the Kings of England ii. 97, there is a letter +from the King to the same effect addressed to his agent Hambleton, the +contents of which were probably divulged at the moment.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Scaramelli, April 17, 'Dicendosi che lasciando i nomi di +uno e l'altro regno habbia qualche intentione di chiamarsi re della Gran +Bretagna per abbracciar con un solo nome ad imitatione di quel antico e +famoso re Arturo tutto quello che gira il spatio di 1700 miglia unito.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIV_II" id="BIV_II"></a> +FIRST MEASURES OF THE NEW REIGN.</p> + +<p>How often in former times, when England was in the midst of great and +glorious undertakings, had the Scots, who feared lest they themselves +should be subjected to the power of their neighbours, taken the side of +the enemy and obstructed the victory! Even the last wars might have +taken quite a different course had Scotland made common cause with +Spain. It was this connexion between the two kingdoms which made union +with Scotland a political necessity for England. Ralegh describes this +union under the present circumstances as no less fortunate for England +than the blending of the Red and White Rose had been, as the most +advantageous of all the means of growth which were open to her.</p> + +<p>The kingdom of Scotland, like that of England, had extended the +supremacy of the Teutonic over the Keltic races, for these two elements +formed the main constituents of both kingdoms. The German in conflict +with the Keltic race had developed its character and energy.</p> + +<p>The Orkney Islands, to which Scotland asserted its claim even against +the kindred race of the Norwegians, and the Hebrides, which were reputed +the home of warriors of extraordinary bravery, were now united in one +kingdom with the Channel Islands, which still remained in the possession +of England from the days of the old connexion between the Normans of +Normandy and that country. The Gael of Scotland, the Gwythel of +Erin—and the Irish still appear in most records as savages—the Cymry +of Wales and their Cornish kinsmen, who still spoke their old language, +now appeared as subjects of the same sceptre. +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1603.</span> +The accession of James to the throne exercised +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> +an immediate influence on Ireland. Tyrone, the +O'Neil, threw aside the agreement which the Queen's ministers had +concluded with him against their will, thinking that he no longer +required it, since the right heir had ascended the throne. The people +seemed willing to espouse the cause of the new King as that of the +native head of their race, and a genealogy was concocted in which his +descent was traced to the old Milesian kings. The whole circuit of the +British Isles was united under the name of Stuart. As a hundred years +before the last great province of France had been gradually united to +the French crown, and even within human memory Portugal, like the other +provinces of the Spanish peninsula, had been added to the crown of +Spain, so now a united Britain was formed side by side with these two +great powers. James himself noticed the resemblance, and a proud feeling +of self-confidence filled his breast, when he reflected that the change +had been made without the help of arms, as if by the force of the +internal necessity of things. Just as formerly the claim to universal +supremacy together with the spread of the Church had greatly increased +the importance of the Papacy, so now the claim to hereditary right +possessed by James seemed to him of immeasurable value, for by it he had +won so great and coveted a prize: it appeared to him the expression of +the will of God.</p> + +<p>Surprise might be felt that France, which for several centuries had +exercised a ruling influence on Scotland, and which in this union of the +two crowns might have seen a disadvantage if not a danger for herself, +allowed it to take place without obstruction. This conduct may be +explained principally by the violent opposition which existed between +Henry IV and Spain even after the peace of Vervins, and by the hostile +influence incessantly exercised by that power upon the internal +relations of his kingdom, in the pacification of which he was still +engaged. It would have been dangerous for Henry himself to revive the +hatred between England and Scotland, which could only have redounded to +the advantage of his foes.</p> + +<p>James I however did not intend, and could not be expected to occupy +exactly the same position as his predecessor. If +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> +he had adopted her views, yet this was a compliance exacted from him by a regard to the +succession: he had felt that it was wrung from him. It is intelligible, +and he did not attempt to disguise the fact, that he felt the death of +Elizabeth to be in some sense his emancipation. He avoided appearing at +her obsequies; every word showed that he did not love to recall her +memory. In London people thought to please him by getting rid of the +likenesses of the glorious Queen, and replacing them by those of his +mother. The first matter which was submitted to him whilst still in +Scotland, and which engaged him on the journey and immediately after his +arrival, was the question whether he should proceed with the war which +Elizabeth had planned; whether in fact he should continue her general +policy. Henry IV sent without delay one of his most distinguished +statesmen, who was moreover a Protestant, Maximilian de Bethune, Duke of +Sully, as Ambassador Extraordinary; and Sully did not neglect to explain +to the King the plan of an alliance between the States of Europe under +the lead of France, that should be able to cope with the Austro-Spanish +power, a plan which Sully had entertained all his life. James gave the +ambassador, as he wished, a private audience in a retired chamber of his +palace at Greenwich, asked many questions, and listened with attention, +for he loved far-reaching schemes; but he was far from intending to +embark on them. As he had reached the throne without arms, so he wished +to maintain himself there by peaceful +means.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> +It was natural that +the Queen, who had been excommunicated by the Pope, and had carried on a +war for life and death with the Spanish crown, should have intended to +renew the struggle with all her might: such designs suited her personal +position; but his own was different. Deeply penetrated by the idea of +legitimacy, he even hesitated whether he should support the +Netherlanders, who after all, in his judgment, were only rebels. To the +remark that it would be a loss for England herself if the taking of +Ostend, then besieged by the Spaniards, were not prevented, he replied +by asking unconcernedly whether this place had not belonged +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span> +in former times to the Spanish crown, and whether the English trade had not +flourished there for all that. In these first moments of his reign +however the difficulties of his government were already brought into +view, together with the opposition between different tendencies latent +in it. If he was unwilling to continue the policy of his predecessor, +yet he could not absolutely renounce it: there were pledges which he +could not break, interests which he could not neglect. In order to meet +his objections the argument employed by Elizabeth was adduced, that she +supported the Provinces only because the agreements, in virtue of which +they had submitted themselves to the house of Burgundy, had been first +broken by the other +side.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> +The King's tone of mind was such that +this argument may well have had an effect upon him. At last he consented +to bestow further assistance, although only indirectly. He conceded that +one half of the sum which Henry IV paid to the States General should be +subtracted from the demands which England had against France, and should +be employed by the Netherlanders in recruiting in the English dominions. +By this expedient he intended to satisfy the terms of the old alliance +between England and the Provinces, and yet not be prevented from coming +to an agreement with Spain.</p> + +<p>The ambassador of the Archduke and the Infanta, the Duke of Aremberg, +was already in the country, but he was afflicted with gout and somewhat +averse to transact business in writing; and nothing more than general +assurances of friendship were exchanged. In October 1603 one of the +Spanish envoys, Don Juan de Tassis, Count of Mediana, made his +appearance. Astonishment was created when, on his entrance into the hall +where the assembled Court awaited him, he advanced into the middle of +the room before he uncovered his head. He spoke Spanish; the King +answered in English: an interpreter was required between them, although +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1604.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> +they were both masters of French. But however imperfect their +communications were, they yet came to an understanding. The King and the +ambassador agreed in holding that all grounds for hostility between +Spain and England had disappeared with the death of Queen Elizabeth.</p> + +<p>After a fresh and long delay—for the Spaniards would have preferred to +transfer the conference to some town on the continent—negotiations were +first seriously undertaken in May 1604, and then after all in England. +The affairs of the Netherlands formed the principal subject of +discussion.</p> + +<p>The King of Spain demanded that the King of England should abstain from +assisting his rebellious subjects. The English explained the reason why +the United Netherlanders were not considered rebels. The Spaniards +demanded that the fortresses at least, which the Provinces had formerly +surrendered to the Queen as a security for the repayment of the loan +made by her, should be restored to their lawful owner the King, who +would not fail to repay the money advanced. King James answered that he +was tied by the pledges of the Queen, and that he must maintain his word +and honour.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> +The Spaniards on this started the proposal that the +English on their part should break off their traffic with the United +Provinces. The English replied that this would be most injurious to +themselves. In these transactions James was mainly guided by the +consideration that, if he decidedly threw off the Provinces, he would be +giving them over into the hands of France, to the most serious injury of +England, and without advantage to Spain. On this account principally he +thought that he was obliged to maintain his previous relations with +them. The English found a very characteristic reason for peace with +Spain in the wish to restore their old commercial connexion with that +country. The Spaniards were ready to make this concession, but only +within the ancient limits, from which the trade with both the Indies was +excluded. They argued that their government did not allow this even to +all its own subjects; how then could +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span> +foreigners be admitted to a share +in it? Cecil on this remarked that England by its insular position was +adapted for trading with the whole world, and could not possibly allow +these regions to be closed against her; that she already had relations +with countries on which no Spaniard had ever set foot, and that a wide +field for further discoveries was still open. At no price would he allow +his countrymen to be again excluded from America or the East Indies, to +which countries they had just begun to extend their +voyages.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p> + +<p>The peace which was at length brought about is remarkable for its +indefiniteness. The English promised that they would not support the +rebellious subjects and enemies of the King of Spain; and it was +arranged that an unrestricted trade should again be opened with all +countries, with which it had been carried on before the war. At the +first glance this looked as if any further alliance with Holland, as +well as the navigation to the Indies, was rendered impossible. The +Venetian envoy once spoke with King James on the subject, who answered +that it would soon be shown that this opinion was erroneous. In fact, as +soon as the first ships returned from the East Indies, preparations were +at once made for a second expedition. The States General were not +interfered with in the enlistment which they had been allowed to begin; +for it was maintained that they could not be included under the term +rebellious subjects. The only difference made was that similar leave to +enlist in the English dominions was granted to the Spaniards also, who +for that purpose resorted especially to Ireland. In this way the peace +exactly expressed the relations into which England was thrown by the +change of government. James, who for his own part would have wished +simply to renew the friendly relations which had formerly existed, found +himself compelled to stipulate for exceptions owing to the form which +the interests of England had now assumed. The Spaniards allowed them, +because even on these terms the termination of the war was of the +greatest advantage to them, and they did not surrender the hope of +changing the peace into a full alliance later on, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> +although their proposals to that effect were in the first instance declined.</p> + +<p>And notwithstanding any ambiguity which might arise as to the scope of +the treaty with regard to individual questions, the conclusion of peace +was in itself of great importance: it implied a change of policy which +created the greatest stir. It affected the United Provinces and filled +them with anxiety, for in their judgment not only was the action of +Spain against them no longer fettered, but the Spanish ambassador in +England was sure in time by means of gold and intrigues to acquire an +influence which must be fatal to them.</p> + +<p>The King thought that he had achieved a great success. His intention was +to be as fully acknowledged by the Catholic powers as by the Protestant; +to occupy a neutral position between those who were favourable, and +those who were opposed, to Spain, and to live in peace with all, without +however losing sight of the interests of England. Men could not be blind +to the correspondence between this policy and the general tendency of +these times. From the epoch of the Absolution of Henry IV and the +overthrow of the League, the separation between religious and political +interests had begun. Men on either side no longer regarded the +ascendancy of Spain as a support or as a danger to religion. The Spanish +government itself under the guidance of the Duke of Lerma acquired a +peaceful character. Thus King James was made happy by seeing embassies +from the Catholic states arrive in England. Not until he stood between +the two parties did he feel himself to be in truth a king, and to +surpass his predecessor.</p> + +<p>This sovereign assumed a similar attitude towards the Catholics of +England as well. He could not vouchsafe to them a real toleration; but a +few months after his arrival in England he actually carried out what he +had already promised, an alleviation of those burdens which weighed most +heavily on them. The most grievous was the fine collected every month +from those who refused to take part in the Protestant service. James +declared to an assemblage of leading Catholics, that he would not +enforce this fine so long as they behaved quietly, and did not show +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span> +contempt towards himself and the State. The Catholics reminded him that +their absence from the service of the Church might be interpreted as +contempt. He assured them that he would not regard it in this light. The +fines, which in late years had amounted to more than £10,000, decreased +in the year 1603 to £300, and in 1604 to £200. The King, like his +predecessor, would not tolerate Jesuits and Seminarists, but he was +content with their banishment; it would have been contrary to his temper +to have had them executed. He sought to avoid all the consequences that +must have been provoked by the hostility of this element which was still +so powerful in the world at large and among his own subjects.</p> + +<p>But even within the domain of Protestantism he was now encountered by a +similar problem.</p> + +<p>The investigation of the influence which the Scots and English have +exercised on one another in the last few centuries would be a task of +essential importance for the history of intellectual life; for in the +development of the prevailing spirit of the nation the Scots as well as +the English have had a large share. Even under Elizabeth these relations +had begun to exist. The growth of English Puritanism especially, which +had already given the Queen much trouble, must be regarded as but the +dissemination of the forms and ideas that had arisen in the Church of +Scotland. But how much stronger must the action of this cause have +become now that a Scottish king had ascended the English throne! The +union between two populations which so nearly resembled one another in +their original composition, and in the direction taken by their +religious development, could not be a merely territorial union: it must +lead to the closest relation between the spirit of the two peoples.</p> + +<p>It was natural from the state of the case, that on the accession of a +Scottish king in England the English clergy who leaned to the Scottish +system should embrace the hope of being emancipated to some extent from +that strict subordination to their bishops which they endured with +reluctance. On the first arrival of James, whilst he was still on his +way to London, they laid before him an address signed by eight hundred +of the clergy, in which they besought +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span> +him, in accordance with God's +word, to lighten the rigour of this jurisdiction and of their condition +in general, and in the first place to allow them to set before him the +feasibility of the alteration. They had nourished the hope that the King +might be prevailed on to reduce the English episcopate to the level of +the Scottish, in the shape in which he had just restored +it.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></p> + +<p>But the tendencies which the King brought with him out of Scotland ran +in an altogether different direction. He had often been personally +affronted by the Presbyterians: he hated their system; for in his +opinion equality in the Church necessarily led to equality in the State. +His intention was rather by degrees to develop further on the English +model those beginnings of episcopacy which he had introduced into +Scotland. In December 1603 he convened, as the Puritans wished, an +assembly of the Church at Hampton Court, to which he also invited the +leading men among the opponents of uniformity. But he opened the +conference at once with a thanksgiving to Almighty God 'for bringing him +into the promised land where religion was purely professed, where he sat +among grave, learned, and reverend men, not, as before, elsewhere, a +king without state, without honour, without order, where beardless boys +would brave him to his face.' He declared that the government of the +English Church had been approved by manifold blessings from God himself; +and he said that he had not called this assembly in order to make +innovations in the same, but in order to strengthen it by the removal of +some abuses. In the conference which he opened he held the office of +moderator himself. Certainly the suggestions of the Puritans were not +altogether without result. When they expressed the wish to see the +Sunday more strictly observed, to have a trustworthy and faithful +translation of the Bible provided, and to have the Apocrypha excluded +from the canonical scriptures, they met with a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> +favourable reception; +but the King would neither allow the confessions of faith to be tampered +with, nor the ceremonies which had been brought under discussion to +undergo the least diminution. He thought that they were older than the +Papacy, that the decision of deeper questions of doctrine ought to be +left to the discussion of the Universities, and that the articles of the +faith would only be encumbered by them. And every limitation of +episcopal authority he entirely refused to discuss. The bishops +themselves were amazed at the zeal with which the King espoused the +cause of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and allowed their justification of +it even on a point of great importance for the constitution, the +imposition of the oath <i>ex officio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> +They even exclaimed that God +had bestowed on them a king, the like of whom had not been seen from the +beginning of the world. It had been the intention and custom of other +princes to limit the jurisdiction of the clergy, and to diminish their +possessions. How much had they suffered from this even under Elizabeth! +On the contrary it was one of the first endeavours of James I to put an +end for ever to these attacks. For as in Scotland the abolition of +bishoprics had been attended with a diminution of the authority of the +crown, he had reason to be deeply convinced of the identity of episcopal +and monarchical interests. In the heat of the conference at Hampton +Court he laid down as his principle, 'No bishop no king.'</p> + +<p>But in all this did King James fall in with the spirit of the English +constitution? Did he not rather at this point intrude into it the +sharpness of his Scottish prejudices? The old statesmen of England had +acknowledged the services of the English Puritans in saving the +Protestant confession in the struggle with Catholicism. The Puritans +only wished not to be oppressed. He confounded them altogether with +their Scottish co-religionists with whom he had had to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span> +contend for the sovereignty of the realm.</p> + +<p>In less than two months from the Hampton Court Conference the Book of +Common Prayer was re-issued with some few alterations, with regard to +which the King expressly stated that they were the only alterations +which were to be expected; for that the safety of states consisted in +clinging fast to what had been ordained after good consideration. This +was soon followed by a new collection of ecclesiastical laws, in the +shape which they had taken under the deliberations of Convocation. In +them the royal supremacy was insisted on in the strongest terms, and +that over the whole kingdom, Scotland included. The same competence with +regard to the Church was therein assigned to the King which had belonged +to the pious kings of Judah and to the earliest Christian emperors: +their authority was declared to be second only to that of Heaven. +Henceforward no one was to be ordained without promising to observe the +Book of Common Prayer and to acknowledge the +supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> +And this statute had a retrospective application, even to those who were already +in possession of an ecclesiastical benefice. The King and Archbishop +Bancroft ordered that a short respite should be given to those who were +inclined to acquiesce; but that those who made a decided resistance +should without further ceremony be deprived of their benefices.</p> + +<p>On this the whole body of Puritans necessarily became agitated. A number +of clergymen sought out the King at Royston in December 1604. While they +announced to him their decision rather to resign their benefices than to +submit to these ordinances, they called his attention to the danger to +which the souls of the faithful would be subjected by this severity. In +February a petition in favour of those ministers who refused to +subscribe was presented to the King by some of the gentry of +Northamptonshire. He expressed himself about this with great vehemence +at a sitting of the Privy Council. He said that he had from his cradle +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span> +suffered at the hands of these Puritans a persecution which would follow +him to his grave. But in England the tribunals were quite ready to come +to his assistance. In the Star Chamber it was declared a proceeding of +seditious tendency to assail the King with joint petitions in a matter +of religion.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of February 1605 the bishops cited the clergy of Puritan +views to appear at St. Paul's in London in order to take the oath. There +were some members of this party who held it lawful to conform to the +Anglican Church because it at least acknowledged the true doctrine. +These had time for reflection given them; the rest who persevered in an +opposition of principle were deprived of their offices without delay.</p> + +<p>These proceedings for the first time recalled most vividly to men's +minds the memory of the late Queen. People said that, though she +disliked the Puritans, she had never consented to persecute them on +religious grounds, for that she well knew how much she owed to them in +every other respect. They saw a proof of the King's incapacity in his +departure from her example and pattern. They thought him to blame for +remitting in favour of Catholic recusants the execution of the penal +laws enrolled among the statutes of the realm. And the foreign policy of +the King awakened no less disapproval. It was felt as an injury, that he +had put an end by the peace to the hostilities against Spain, which had +now become even popular. Even the severe edicts issued against the +piracy, which had found support in different quarters, produced in many +places an unfavourable impression. The King was obliged to compensate +the admiral for the losses which he affirmed that he had suffered in +consequence.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> +And how much greater were the apprehensions for the +future which were connected with this policy! It was remarked that he +sacrificed the interests of religion and of the country +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span> +to those of the Catholics and the Catholic powers.</p> + +<p>But there was now an organ of political opposition in the country in +which all these hostile feelings found their expression. The resentment +of injured interests, the resistance of the Puritans, and the excitement +of the capital, impressed themselves on the Parliament.</p> + +<p>All previous governments had exercised a systematic influence upon the +election of members of the Lower House, and had encroached on their +freedom. When the first elections under King James were about to be held +he declared himself against the exercise of any such influence. He +ordered that the elections should be conducted with freedom and +impartiality, without regard to the bidding of any one and without the +interference of strangers; and that the electors should be allowed to +return the most deserving candidates in each county. He thought that, as +he avoided unpopular measures, men would voluntarily meet his wishes. It +appeared to him sufficient, if, in issuing the writs, he coupled with +them the admonition to avoid all party spirit, and especially to abstain +from electing such as from blind superstition on the one hand, or from +fickleness or restlessness on the other, wished to disturb the +uniformity of religion.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> +But in politics personal gratitude is only +a feeble motive. The elections followed the current of opinion which had +been set in motion by the Hampton Court Conference. In the very first +Parliament of King James many Puritans obtained entrance into the House: +the new line which this Parliament struck out influenced the whole +subsequent period.</p> + +<p>The speech with which King James opened the session on the 19th of March +1604, immediately before the conclusion of the first year of his reign, +has been often and often reproduced. It is full of the ideas with which +his mind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> +was principally occupied, of the union of both kingdoms in one +great whole, and of the establishment of religious uniformity. He +thought that in neither of the two kingdoms ought the memory of their +special privileges to be kept alive, for they were pure monarchies from +the first: no privilege could separate them from their head. He +explicitly called the Puritans an ochlocratic sect.</p> + +<p>It is extraordinary that, while he sought to win men's affections, it +was his fortune to use expressions which were sure to provoke the +strongest religious and political antipathies.</p> + +<p>Parliament acknowledged his succession to be rightful and lawful, and +granted to him, as to his predecessors, tonnage and poundage, i.e. the +right of levying customs, for his life: it arranged according to his +wishes for the withdrawal of many sentences which had been pronounced +against his interest; but in other matters it offered him from the very +first persistent opposition. Contrary to what might have been expected, +the first point concerned the validity of the elections.</p> + +<p>In Buckinghamshire the King's officers had annulled an election on the +ground of illegality, and had held a second. The Lower House found that +this was improper, on the ground that the right of deciding in matters +concerning the election of representatives belonged from ancient times +to the House of Commons alone. They declined to confer on this subject +with the Privy Council, or with the Upper House. Ill-will and jealousy +were excited against those of higher rank who had wished to bring one of +their own party into the House of Commons, and the tempers of the +members seemed to be becoming no little inflamed. At last, by the +personal mediation of the +King,<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> +the Lower House was induced to +allow both of the elected candidates to be unseated, and a third to be +elected in their place. Even this it agreed to reluctantly; but it was +at least its own resolution, and not the result of official influence: +and the Speaker issued his writ for a new election. One of the foremost +principles of parliamentary life, that the scrutiny of elections +belonged to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span> +the Parliament alone, was in this manner indubitably +established afresh.</p> + +<p>Even his ideas on the union of the two kingdoms, which were nearest to +his heart, were shared by few members of the Lower House; and he was +obliged to raise the question by a new and urgent address. A commission +of both Houses was indeed nominated to deliberate together with the +Scots on the execution of the plan. The commission however was so +numerous, and so large a number was required to be actually present for +the transaction of business, that it was evident beforehand that no +result would be achieved; especially as it was confidently to be +expected that the Scots would appoint just as numerous a commission on +their side.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> +And the King was already aware that the opposition +against him was not confined to the Lower House, but in this matter at +least was most widely diffused. The proclamation was already drawn up by +which he intended to declare himself King of Great Britain. The judges +were consulted by the Upper House, but their sentence favoured the view +that this alteration could not take place without disadvantage to the +State.</p> + +<p>The grant of a subsidy was most urgently needed by the King, whose purse +had been emptied by the expenses of taking possession and by his +prodigality; but the tone of feeling was so unfavourable that he forbore +to apply for it, as he would not expose himself to a refusal which was +certain beforehand.</p> + +<p>A petition in favour of some indulgence for the Puritans was drawn up in +complete opposition to the King's views, although it seems not to have +been carried through or sent in. A rigorous bill against the Jesuits and +recusants on the other hand actually passed through the House. Lord +Montague, who spoke against it, was brought before the House of Lords to +answer for some expressions which he used on that occasion, and which +savoured of Catholic principles.</p> + +<p>It is quite clear that the very first Parliament of King James set +itself systematically in opposition to him. He +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> +desired union, clemency +to the Catholics, and punishment of the Puritans; and he required +subsidies: on all these subjects an opposite view prevailed in +Parliament. And the divergence was not confined to single points. The +maintenance of that extended prerogative which had been once +established, had been endured under a sovereign who was a native of the +country, had deserved well of her subjects, and was thoroughly English +in her sentiments. But similar pretensions appeared insufferable in a +king of foreign birth, who pursued ideas that were British rather than +English, or rather who had combined for himself a number of tendencies +arising out of the position in which, grand as it was, he stood alone +among English sovereigns. We perceive that by this time the notion had +been definitely formed of reviving the rights of Parliament which had +fallen into abeyance in the late +reigns.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> +Even under the Tudors +Parliament had exercised a very considerable influence, but had more or +less submitted to the ruling powers. Under the new government it thought +of winning back the authority which it had wrung from more than one +Plantagenet, and had possessed under the house of Lancaster. Already +members were heard to assert that the legislative power lay in their +hands; and that, if the King refused to approve the laws for which they +demanded his sanction, they would refuse him the subsidies which he +needed.</p> + +<p>And this resolution was strengthened by the ill-feeling which the +treatment of the Puritan ministers excited. The Parliament had been +adjourned from August 1604 until February 1605: but the King feared that +these clergymen, who had been assailed just at that time, might apply to +the Lower House in which so many Puritans had +seats.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> +He therefore prorogued it afresh in the hope of getting rid +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1605.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span> +of certain persons who +were especially hostile, or of bringing them over to his own side.</p> + +<p>Instead of this, new grievances were constantly accumulating. In the +absence of regular subsidies the King helped himself to money by a +voluntary loan, which gave great offence, and in this matter also led +people to contrast the late Queen's conduct with that of James. She had, +so people said, conducted the war in Spain, afforded help to the +Netherlands, and maintained garrisons on the Scottish border, three +measures which had cost her millions; of all this there was no mention +under the present King. On the contrary he had additional revenues from +Scotland; for what reason did he require extraordinary +subsidies?<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> +Men complained of his movements to and fro in the country, and of the +harshness with which the right of the court to transport and cheap +entertainment on these occasions was enforced; of his hunting, by which +the tillage was injured; most of all, of his intended advancement of the +Customs Duties, for this would damage trade and certainly would benefit +only the great men who were interested in the farming of the Customs. +The King had once thought of dissolving Parliament, but afterwards +renounced the idea. As it was, when Parliament was summoned for November +1605, a stormy session lay before it, owing to the attack made by the +Parliamentary and Puritan party upon the behaviour of the King in +ecclesiastical and political questions, as well as upon the financial +disorder which was gaining ground.</p> + +<p>An event intervened which gave an entirely different direction to the +course of affairs. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Économies royales v. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Molino, Giugno 9, 1604: 'Se ben è vero, ch'erano suddite +del re di Spagna, è anco verissimo, che quei popoli si erano soggettati +alla casa di Borgogna—con quelle conditioni e capitoli, che si sa: i +quali se fossero stati osservati dalli ministri di Spagna, senza dubio +quei popoli non se sariano ribellati. Da queste parole restarono li +Spagnoli offesi.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Cecil to Winwood, June 13. 'That he is tied by former +contracts of his predecessors, which he must observe.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> From the reports of the French ambassador, in Siri, +Memorie recondite i. 278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Letter from the South (Winchester) to Berwick, in +Calderwood vi. 235. 'I would the scotish presbytereis would be +petitioners that our bishops might be like theirs in autoritie though +they keep their livings. The King is resolved to have a preaching +ministry.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> The High Commission was compared with the Inquisition: +'men are urged to subscribe more than law requireth and by the oath <i>ex +officio</i> forced to accuse themselves.' The archbishop answered that this +was a mistake: 'if the article touch the party for life, liberty, or +scandall, he may refuse to answer.' State Trials ii. 86. The account in +Wilkins iv. 374 is more unsatisfactory than the character of the book +would lead us to expect.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Art. 36: 'Neminem nisi praevia trium articulorum +subscriptione ordinandum'.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Duodo relates (Dec. 6, 1603) that the King said to him: +'Che dubita, che li suoi capitani di mare siano alquanti interessati che +anzi, e mostro di dirlo in gran confidenza era stato necessitato +assegnar non so che provisione del suo proprio denaro all'Amiraglio; +perche si doleva di non poterse sostentare per esserli mancato alcun +utile di questa natura.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> 'The choice to be made freely and indifferentlye without +respect of any commaunde sute prayer or other meanes to the contrary.' +From a memorandum of the Lord Chancellor Egerton, Egerton Papers 385. +Molino, May 12, 1604: 'Stimò il re che il concedere la liberta alle +provincie di poter far elettione degli huomini per mandar al parlamento +conforme agli antichi privilegi del regno et il non haver voluto +osservare li molti tratti delli precessori suoi che non avrebbero +permesso che la elettione cadesse in altre persone che in suoi +confidenti e dipendenti, dovesse disponer gli animi di ogn'uno a +sodisfarlo e compiacerlo.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Molino: 'Havendo voluto troncar l'occasione di qualche +maggior scandalo; perche di gia li sangui si andavano riscaldando +molto.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Molino (Dispaccio 19 Maggio) states this reason.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Molino: 'Parlando molto liberamente della liberta e della +autorita del parlamento in vista pero sempre degli antichi privilegi, +quali erano andati in desuetudine e se saranno reassonti—senza dubio +sera un detrimento dell'autorita e potesta regia.' (12 Maggio.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Molino: 'Dubitando che quando li capi di questa setta +facessero qualche moto al parlamento, dove ne sono tanti di questa +professione, potesse nascer qualche inconveniente.'(20 Oct. 1604.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Molino: 'Queste cose vanno spargendo quelli che han poco +volunta di sodisfar alli desideri di S. M. che per se ne sta molto +dubiosa.' (3 Nov. 1605.)</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIV_III" id="BIV_III"></a> +THE GUNPOWDER PLOT AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.</p> + +<p>James I was welcomed, if one may say so, by a conspiracy on his entrance +into England.</p> + +<p>Two men of rank, Markham and Brook, who had before held communications +with him, and had cherished bright expectations, but found themselves +passed over in the composition of the new government, now imagined that +they might rise to the highest offices if they could succeed in +detaching the King from those who surrounded him, and in getting him +into their own hands, perhaps within the walls of the Tower or even in +Dover Castle. They conspired for this object with some Catholic priests, +who could not forgive the King for having deceived their expectations of +a declaration of toleration at the commencement of his reign. They +intended to call out so great a number of Catholics ready for action, +that there could be no doubt of the successful issue of a coup-de-main. +A priest was then to receive the Great Seal and above all things to +issue an edict of toleration. We are reminded of the combination under +Essex, when even some Puritans offered their assistance in an +undertaking directed against the government. One of their leaders, Lord +Grey de Wilton, a young man of high spirit and hope, was now induced to +join the plot. But on this occasion the Catholics were the predominant +element. The priests thought that the pretence of the necessity of +supporting the King against the effect of a Puritan rising would best +contribute to set the zealous Catholics in motion; and it is undeniable +that other persons of high rank were also connected with these +intrigues. The principal opponents of Cecil and his friends, whose +hostile influence on Elizabeth had at an earlier +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1603.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span> +period been feared by +the minister, were Lord Cobham, the brother of Brook, and Sir Walter +Ralegh. Cobham, who like most others had looked for the overthrow of +Cecil on the accession of the King, fell into an ungovernable fit of +disappointed ambition when Cecil was more strongly confirmed in his +position; and his anger was directed against the King himself, from whom +he now had nothing to expect, and who had brought with him a family +which made the hope of any further alteration appear impossible. He had +let fall the expression in public that the fox and his cubs must be +destroyed at one blow. Negotiations, aiming at the renewal of the Lady +Arabella's claims, had been opened with the ambassador of the Archduke, +who then perhaps felt anxiety lest King James, under the influence of +Cecil, should adhere to the policy of his predecessor. In order to +effect a revolution, Cobham launched into extravagant schemes which +embraced all Europe.</p> + +<p>The affair might have been dangerous, if a man of the activity, weight, +and intelligence of Walter Ralegh had taken part in it. Ralegh does not +deny that Cobham had spoken to him on the subject, but he affirms that +he had not heeded the idle words, and had even forgotten them +again:<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> +and in fact nothing has been brought to light which proves +his complicity, or even his remote participation, in this plot. Still +without doubt he was among the opponents of the government. If it is +true, as people say, that he made an attempt by means of a letter to the +King to procure the fall of Cecil, it is easily conceivable that the +latter and his friends availed themselves of every opportunity to +involve him in the accusation. Ralegh defended himself with so much +courage and vigour, that the listeners who had come wishing to see him +condemned went away with a tenfold stronger desire that he might be +acquitted. He himself did not deny that he might be condemned by the +cruel laws of England: he reminded the King however of a passage in the +old statutes, in which for that very reason mercy and pity were +recommended to him. The accused were all condemned. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span> +Brook and the priests paid the penalty of death: Markham, Cobham, and Grey were +reprieved when they were already standing on the scaffold—reprieved +moreover by an autograph mandate of James, which was entirely due to an +unexpected resolution of the King, who wished to shine by showing mercy +as well as by severity. The first of these lived henceforward in exile: +the second continued to live in England, but weighed down by his +disgrace: Grey and Walter Ralegh were imprisoned in the Tower. We shall +meet with Ralegh once more: he never lost sight of the world, nor the +world of him.</p> + +<p>This conspiracy which, although wrongly as we have seen, bears the name +of Ralegh, was an attempt to put an end in some way or other to the +government, in the shape in which it had been erected by the union of +English statesmen with the Scottish King. Its movers wished to effect +this object by getting rid either of the statesmen, or even of the King +himself. But on the contrary they only succeeded in establishing the +government so much the more firmly; and it then under the joint +influence of both its components entered on the course which we have +described. But if it was so seriously endangered at its commencement, +its progress also could not be free from hostile attacks. The Puritans +threw themselves into the ranks of the Parliamentary Opposition. The +Catholics were brought into a most singular position.</p> + +<p>In public they found themselves far better off under James than they had +been under Elizabeth. Far greater scope was allowed to the local +influence of Catholic magnates in protecting their co-religionists. The +penal laws, which as regards pecuniary payments were virtually +abolished, were moreover no longer vigorously enforced in any other +respect. Not only were the chapels of the Catholic ambassadors in the +capital numerously attended, but in some provinces, especially in Wales, +Catholic sermons were known to be delivered in the open air, and +attended by thousands of +hearers.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> +At times the opinion revived that the King was inclined to go +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1604.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> +over to Catholicism. He repudiated the +supposition with some show of indignation. But, as we stated, the Queen +incontestably sympathised with the Papacy. She even refrained from +attending the Anglican service, and formed relations with the Nuncio in +Paris, from whom she received communications and presents. Though Pope +Clement on a former occasion had issued breves which made the obedience +of Catholics to a new government dependent on the profession of +Catholicism by the sovereign, yet these were virtually recalled by a +later issue. When the English ambassador in Paris complained to the +Nuncio there of the above-mentioned participation of Catholic priests in +a conspiracy against the King, the Nuncio laid before him a letter of +the Pope's nephew, Cardinal Aldobrandini, in which he declared it to be +the Pope's pleasure that the Catholics in England should be obedient to +their king, and should pray for +him.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> +Thus it exactly fell in with +the King's views to be a Protestant, as was absolutely necessary for his +authority in England and Scotland, and yet at the same time not to have +the Catholics against him, and to be able to reckon the Pope of Rome +among his friends.</p> + +<p>It is evident that this state of affairs, as it was inconsistent with +the laws of England, could not be permanently maintained. Even men of +moderate views in other respects disapproved the middle course taken by +the King: for they thought it necessary to concede nothing to the +adherents of the Papacy, if they were to be saved from the necessity of +conceding everything. The Catholics desired a public declaration of +toleration. But this could only have emanated from Parliament: the King +had not the courage, and his ministers had not the wish, to make a +serious proposal to that effect. On the contrary, when the Protestant +spirit of the capital displayed itself so unmistakably in consequence of +the severities with which the Puritans were threatened, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span> +the King and his Privy Council, while affirming that they were merely executing the +laws, announced their intention of introducing a like severity in the +treatment of the Catholics. James I appeared to feel himself insulted if +any one threw a doubt on his wish to allow the laws to operate in both +directions. And as the Parliament which was so zealously Protestant was +expected to reassemble in the autumn of 1605, the laws against the +Catholics began to be applied without forbearance. A renewed persecution +was first set on foot against the priests, who it is true were not +punished with death, at least in the vicinity of the Court, but were +thrown into prison, where they not infrequently succumbed to the rough +treatment which they had undergone. But even the laity daily suffered +more and more from the violence of the spies who forced their way into +their houses. They complained loudly and bitterly of the insecurity of +their position, which had already gone so far that often no tenants +could be found for their farms; and they considered that the least evil, +for to-day they lost their possessions, to-morrow they would lose their +freedom, and the day after their +life.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> +There had now for a long +time been two parties among them, one of which submitted to what was +inevitable, while the other offered a violent resistance. With the fresh +increase of oppression, the latter party obtained the upper hand. They +mocked at the hope, in which men indulged themselves, of a change of +religion on the part of the King, who on the contrary was in their view +an irreclaimable Protestant, and assumed an air of clemency to the +Catholics, only to draw the rein tighter hereafter. A brief from the +Pope exhorted them to acquiesce: but even the Pope could not persuade +them to allow themselves to be sacrificed without further ceremony. Some +of the most resolute once more applied to the Spanish court at this time +as they had done before. But in that quarter not only had peace been +concluded, but the hope of effecting a close alliance with England had +been conceived. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> +A deaf ear was turned to all their applications.</p> + +<p>While they were thus hard pressed and desperate, the thought of helping +themselves had, if not originated, at least ripened, in the breast of +one or two of the boldest of them. They conceived a plan which in savage +recklessness surpassed anything which was devised in this epoch so full +of conspiracies.</p> + +<p>Among the families which sheltered the mission-priests on their arrival +in England, and who were moved by them to throw off their reserve in the +profession of Catholicism, the Treshams and Catesbys were especially +prominent in Northamptonshire. They belonged to the wealthiest and most +important families in that county; and the penal laws had borne upon +them with especial severity. The Winters of Huddington, who also were +very zealous Catholics, were related to them. It is easy to understand, +how the young men who were growing up in this family, such as Thomas +Winter and Robert Catesby, acknowledging no duty to the Protestant +government, retorted the oppression which they experienced from it with +bold resistance and schemes of violence. In these they were joined by +two brothers of the same way of thinking, John and Christopher Wright, +stout and soldier-like men, belonging to a family which came originally +from York. They all participated in the attempt of the Earl of Essex, +for above all things they were eager for the overthrow of the existing +government: and Robert Catesby was set at liberty only on payment of a +heavy fine, which he could hardly raise by the sale of one of the most +productive of the family estates. They were among those who, when Queen +Elizabeth lay on her death-bed, proclaimed most loudly their desire for +a thorough change, and were arrested in +consequence.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> +They had expected toleration at least from the new government: as this was not +granted them they set to work at once on new schemes of insurrection. +Christopher Wright was one of those who had invited Philip III to +support the Catholics. When the Con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[Pg 409]</a></span>stable of Castile came to Flanders +to negotiate the peace, Thomas Winter visited him in order to lay their +wish before him. Though they met with a refusal from him as well as from +his master they found nevertheless a support which was independent of +the approval of individuals. In the archducal Netherlands a combination +of a peculiar kind, favourable to their views, had been formed, in +consequence of the permission to recruit in the British dominions, which +by the terms of the peace had been granted to Spain as well as to the +Netherlands. An English regiment, about fifteen hundred strong, had been +raised, in which the chaplains were all Jesuit fathers; and no officers +were admitted but those who were entirely devoted to them. An English +Jesuit named Baldwin, and a soldier of the same opinions, Owen by name, +were the leading spirits among them. There was here, so to speak, a +school of soldiers side by side with a school of priests, in which every +act of the English government provoked slander, malediction, and schemes +of opposition. Pope Clement was blamed for not threatening James with +excommunication as Elizabeth had formerly been threatened; and the +necessity for violent means of redress was canvassed without disguise. +These views were repeated in congenial circles in Paris and reacted also +upon their friends in England. Robert Catesby had been most active in +the enlistment of the regiment. Christopher Wright on his journey to +Spain was attended by one of the most resolute officers of this +regiment, Guy Fawkes. The latter returned with Winter to England, and +was pointed out by Owen as a man admirably qualified to conduct the +horrible undertaking which was being prepared for execution. It must +remain a question in whose head the thought of proceeding to it at this +moment originated: we only know that Catesby first communicated it to +another, and then with the aid of this comrade to the rest of the band. +To this another member had been added, who was connected, if only in a +remote degree, with one of the most distinguished families among the +English nobility. I refer to Thomas Percy, a kinsman of the Earl of +Northumberland, who through his influence had once received a place in +the court establishment of King James of Scotland, and had then +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[Pg 410]</a></span> +been the medium for forming a connexion between this prince and the +Catholics. He was enraged because the assurances which he then thought +that he might make to the Catholics in the name of the King, had not +been fulfilled by the latter. In the spring of 1604, just at the time +when the peace between England and Spain was concluded, by which no +stipulations were made for the Catholics, they met one day in a lonely +house near S. Clement's Inn, and bound themselves by a sacred and solemn +oath to inviolable secrecy. It had been their intention once more to +submit to the assembled Parliament an urgent petition in the name of the +Catholics: but the resolutions of the House had sufficed to convince +them that nothing could be gained by this step. Quite the contrary: it +was apparent that the next session would impose far heavier conditions +on them. An attack on the person of the King, or of his ministers, in +the shape in which it had so often been resolved upon, could not do much +even if it were successful: for the Parliament was always in reserve +with its Protestant majority to establish anti-Catholic statutes, and +the judges to execute them. Catesby now disclosed a plan which +comprehended all their opponents at once. The King himself and his +eldest son, the officers of state and of the court, the lords spiritual +and temporal, the members of the House of Commons, one and all at the +moment when they were collected to reopen Parliament, were to be blown +into the air with gunpowder in the hall where they assembled—there +where they issued the detested laws were they to be annihilated; +vengeance was to be taken on them at the same time that room was to be +made for another order of things in Church and State.</p> + +<p>This project was not altogether new. Already under Elizabeth there had +been a talk of doing again to her what Bothwell had done or attempted to +do to Henry Darnley: but men had perceived even at that time that this +would not conduce to their purpose, and had hit upon a plan of blowing +the Queen and her Parliament into the air together. Henry Garnet, the +superior of the Jesuits, had been consulted on the subject; and he had +declared the enterprise lawful, and had only advised them to spare as +many of the innocent as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[Pg 411]</a></span> +possible in its +execution.<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> +The scheme which had been started under Elizabeth was resumed under King James, +when men saw that his accession to the throne did not produce the +hoped-for change. On this occasion also scruples were felt on the ground +that many a Catholic would perish at the same time. To a question on the +subject submitted to him without closer description of the case Garnet +answered in the spirit of a mufti delivering his fettah, that if an end +were indubitably a good one, and could be accomplished in no other way, +it was lawful to destroy even some of the innocent with the +guilty.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> +Catesby had no compassion even for the innocent: he regarded the lords +generally as only poltroons and atheists, whose place would be better +filled by vigorous men.</p> + +<p>Without delay, before the end of December 1604, the conspirators +proceeded to make their preparations. Percy, who was still numbered +among the retainers of the court, hired a house which adjoined the +Houses of Parliament. They were attempting to carry a mine through the +foundation walls of that building—a design that says more for their +zeal than for their intelligence, and one which could hardly have been +effected—when a vault immediately under the House of Lords happened to +fall vacant, and, as they were able to hire it, offered them a far +better opportunity for the execution of their scheme. They filled it +with a number of powder-barrels which are said to have contained the +enormous quantity of 9,000 pounds of powder, and they confidently +expected to bring about the great catastrophe with all its horrors on +November 5, 1605, the day which after many changes had been appointed +for the opening of Parliament. Their intention was, as soon as the King +and the Prince of Wales had perished, to gain possession of the younger +prince or of the princess, and to place one or other on the throne, with +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1605.</span> +a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[Pg 412]</a></span> +regency under a protector during their +minority.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> +All preparations had been made for bringing an effective force into the +field; and its principal leaders were to assemble at Dunchurch in +Warwickshire under pretence of hunting. The English regiment in Flanders +was to be brought over and was to serve as the nucleus of a new force. +There is no doubt that Owen was thoroughly conversant with their plans. +Many other trustworthy people were admitted into the secret, and +supported the project with their money. One of these was sent to Rome in +order to convince the Pope of the necessity of the undertaking and to +move him to resolutions in support of it. On All Saints' Day Father +Garnet interrupted his prayer with a hymn of praise for the deliverance +of the inheritance of the faithful from the generation of the ungodly.</p> + +<p>But warnings had already come to the government, especially from Paris, +where the priests of the Jesuit party ventured to express themselves +still more plainly than in London. The warning was conveyed with the +express intimation that 'somewhat is at present in hand among these +desperate hypocrites.'<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> +What an impression must now have been +produced when one of the Catholic lords, who at an earlier period had +followed this party, but had for some time withdrawn from it, Lord +Mounteagle, communicated to the first minister a letter in which he was +admonished in mysterious language to hold aloof from the opening of +Parliament. It may be that the King, as he himself relates, in +deciphering the sense of a word hit upon the supposition that a fate +similar to that of his father was being prepared for him; or it may be +that the ministers had, as they affirm, come upon the traces of the +matter; but however this may have been, on the evening before the +opening of Parliament the vaults were examined, when not only were the +powder-barrels found among wood and faggots, but also one of the +conspirators, Guy Fawkes, who was busy with the last preparations for +the execution of the plot. With a smiling countenance he confessed his +purpose, which he seemed to regard as the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[Pg 413]</a></span>fulfilment of a religious +duty. The pedantic monarch thought himself in the presence of a +fanatical Mutius Scaevola.</p> + +<p>The rest of the conspirators who were in London, alarmed by the +discovery, hastened to the appointed rendezvous at Dunchurch; but the +news which they brought with them caused general discouragement. With a +band of about one hundred men, they set off to make their escape to +Wales, the home of most of the Catholics, hoping to receive the promised +reinforcements and the support of the population on their way. They once +actually attempted to assure themselves of the latter; but on declaring +that they were for God and the country, they received the answer that +they ought also to be for the King. No one joined them, and many of +their comrades had already dispersed when they were overtaken at +Holbeach by the armed bands of Worcestershire under the Sheriff. Percy +and Catesby, as they stood back to back, were shot dead by two balls +from the same musket; the two Wrights were killed, and Thomas Winter +taken prisoner.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p> + +<p>The authority of government triumphed over this most frantic attempt to +break through it, as it had triumphed in every similar case since the +time of Henry VII.</p> + +<p>It was perhaps the most remarkable feature in this last, that it was +directed especially against the Parliament. During the Wars of the +Roses, it had only been necessary to drive the then reigning prince out +of the field, or to chase him away, in order to create a new +parliamentary rule. The attempts against Queen Elizabeth rested on the +hope of producing a similar result by her death: but it was apparent in +her last years that her death would be useless, and the comparatively +free elections after that event returned a Parliament of the same +character as the preceding. Even under the new reign the Protestant +party secured their ascendancy in the elections; and the only +possibility of an alteration for the future was to be found in the +annihilation of the Parliament, not so much of the institution—at least +this was not mooted—but of the men +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1606.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[Pg 414]</a></span> +who composed it and gave it its +character. The violent attempt on the Parliament is a proof of its +power. The Gunpowder Plot was directed against the King, not in his +personal capacity as monarch, but as head of the legislative authority. +It was felt that this power itself with all its component parts must be +destroyed without scruple or mercy, if an order of things in the State +corresponding to the views of the hierarchical party was ever again to +obtain a footing.</p> + +<p>The necessary and inevitable result of the conspiracy was that +Parliament, which did not enter on the session until January 1606, still +further increased the existing severity of its laws. The great body of +Catholics had not in any way participated in the plot; but yet, as it +had originated among them, and was intended for the redress of their +common grievances, they were all affected by the reaction which it +produced. The Catholic recusants were to be subjected to the former +penalties: they were sentenced to exclusion from the palace and from the +capital; they were forbidden to hold any appointment in the public +service either in the administration of justice, or as government +officials, or even as physicians; they were obliged to open their houses +at any moment for examination; the solemnisation of their marriages and +the baptism of their children were henceforth to be legal only if +performed by Protestant clergymen. It is evident that the Papal See +would have preferred to restrain the agitation of the Catholics at this +juncture; but as the latter appealed to the principle which had been +impressed on them by their missionaries, that men had no duties to a +king who was a heretic, the Parliament thought it necessary to impose on +them an oath which concerned the authority of their Church as well as +that of the State. Not only were they to be compelled to acknowledge the +King as their legitimate prince, to defend him against every conspiracy +and every attack, even when made under the pretext of religion, and to +promise to reveal any such to him; they must also renounce the doctrine +that the authority of the Church gave the Pope the right of deposing a +king, and absolving his subjects from their oath of allegiance; and they +must condemn as impious and heretical the doctrine that princes +excommunicated by the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[Pg 415]</a></span> +Pope could be dethroned or put to death by their +subjects.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> +Attention was directed to the English regiment in the +service of the Archduke; and it was thought dangerous that so many +malcontents should be assembled there, and should practise the use of +arms, in order perhaps to turn them some day against their country. It +was enacted that the Oath of Supremacy should be imposed on every one +who took service abroad before his departure, with a pledge that he +would not be reconciled to the Papacy: even securities for the +observance of the oath were to be exacted.</p> + +<p>In the spring of the year 1605 the whole state of England still showed a +tendency to clemency and conciliation. In the early part of 1606 the +opposite tendency had completely obtained the upper hand.</p> + +<p>But this state of affairs necessarily reacted on Catholic countries and +governments. In Spain, where it was easiest to rouse the +susceptibilities of Catholicism, the severe measures of the Parliament +of themselves created a feeling of bitterness: but besides this, Irish +refugees resorted thither who gave an agitating account of the way in +which these measures were carried out in +Ireland:<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> +so that the nation felt itself affronted in the persons of its co-religionists. Both +governments, that of Spain and that of the Netherlands, refused to hand +over to the English government men like Baldwin and Owen, who were taxed +with participating in the plot, or to banish others whom the English +government considered dangerous. The pious were reminded of the will +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[Pg 416]</a></span> +of Queen Mary, in which she had transferred her hereditary right over +England, France, Ireland and Scotland, to the House of Spain in case her +son should not be converted to the Church.</p> + +<p>And how deeply must the Court of Rome have felt itself injured by the +imposition of the Oath of Supremacy. A Pope of the Borghese family had +just been elected, Paul V, who was as deeply convinced of the truth of +the Papal principles, and as firmly resolved to enforce them, as any of +his predecessors; and who was surrounded by learned men and statesmen +who looked upon the maintenance of these principles as the salvation of +the world. Their religious pride was galled to the quick by the +imposition of such an oath as that exacted in England, by which +principles at that time zealously taught in Catholic schools were +described not only as objectionable but as heretical. They thought it +possible that the temporal power might prevail on the English Catholics +to accept this oath, as in fact the archpriest Blackwell who had been +appointed by Clement VIII took it, and advised others to do the same. +But by this act the supremacy of the King would be practically +acknowledged, and the connexion of the English Catholics with the Papacy +dissolved. Moved by these considerations, Paul V, in a brief of +September 1, 1606, declared that the oath contained much that was +contrary to the faith, and could not be taken by any one without damage +to his salvation. He expressed his anticipation that the English +Catholics, whose constancy had been tested like gold in the fire of the +persecutions, would show their firmness on this occasion also, and that +they would rather undergo all tortures, even death itself, than insult +the Divine Majesty. At first the archpriest and the moderate Catholics, +who did not consider that the political claims referred to in the oath +were the true principles of the Papacy, declared that the brief was +spurious; but after some time it was confirmed in all due form, and an +address appeared from the pen of the most eminent apologist of the See +of Rome, Cardinal Bellarmin, in which he reminded the archpriest that +the general apostolical authority of the Pope could not be impugned even +in a single iota of the subtleties of dogma: how much less then in this +instance, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[Pg 417]</a></span> +where the question was simply whether men should look for the +head of the Church in the successor of Henry VIII, or in the successor +of S. Peter.</p> + +<p>These statements however greatly irritated the King, both as a man of +learning and as a temporal potentate. He took pen in hand himself in +order to defend the oath, in the wording of which he had a large share. +He expressed his astonishment that so distinguished a scholar as +Bellarmin should confound the Oath of Supremacy with the Oath of +Allegiance, in which no word occurred affecting any article of faith, +and which was only intended to distinguish the champions of an attempt +like the Gunpowder Plot from his quiet subjects of the Catholic +religion. He said that nothing more disastrous to these could have +happened than that the Pope should condemn the oath, and thereby the +original relation of obedience which bound them to their sovereign; for +he was requiring them to repudiate this obedience and to abjure again +the oath which had already been taken by many, after the example of the +archpriest. James I took much trouble to justify the form of oath by the +decrees of the old +councils.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a></p> + +<p>Criminal attempts, even when they fail, have at times the most extensive +political consequences. James I had started with the idea of linking his +subjects of every persuasion to himself in the bonds of a free and +uniform obedience, and of creating harmonious relations between the +rival powers of the world and his own realm of Great Britain. Then +intervened this murderous attempt; and the measures to which he had +recourse in order to secure his person and his country against the +repetition of criminal attacks like this last, rekindled the national +and religious animosities which he desired to lull, and fanned them into +a bright flame. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> Letter to the King. Works viii, 647; cf. i. 671.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> Discursus status religionis, 1605: 'Ipsi magnates non +verentur se profiteri catholicos et plerique alii ex nobilitate, +praecipue in principatu Walliae et in provinciis septentrionalibus,—ubi +numerus eorum non ita pridem crevit in immensum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> 'S. S<sup>ta</sup> vole e comanda, che li Catolici siano obedienti +al re d'Inghilterra, come a loro signore e re naturale. V<sup>ra</sup> S<sup>ria</sup> +attenda con ogni diligenza e vigilanza a questi negotii d'Inghilterra +procurando che conforme alla volonta di N. S<sup>ra</sup> obedischino al suo re e +non s'intrighino in congiure tumulti ed altre cose, per le quali possino +dispiacere a quella M<sup>a</sup>.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> The Venetian Ambassador in his reports mentions +'doglienze e querelle accompagnate di lacrime di sangue.' The Roman +reports are to the same effect. De vero Statu Angliae. La vera relatione +dello stato. Agosto 1605. The persecution of the Catholics had begun on +July 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Camden in writing to Cotton names Bainham, Catesby, +Tresham, and the two Wrights. He calls them 'gentlemen hunger-starved +for innovation.' Camdeni Epistolae 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Garnet says, in his conference with Hall, which was +overheard, that he was accused of giving 'some advice in Queen +Elizabeth's time of the blowing up of the parliament house with +gunpowder; I told them it was lawful' Jardine, Gunpowder Plot 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> From his examination: Jardine 206.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> Lingard ix. 52. From Greenway's memoranda.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> From a letter of Parry to Sir T. Edmondes, Paris, October +10, 1605; in Birch's Negotiations 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Molino just at the time reports this, as the King also +relates it in his 'Conjuratio sulphurea.' Cf. Barclay, Series patefacti +parricidii 569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> 'Juro quod ex corde abhorreo detestor et abjuro tanquam +impiam et haereticam hanc damnabilem doctrinam et propositionem quod +principes per papam excommunicati vel deprivati possint per suos +subditos vel alios quoscunque deponi aut occidi'. The form originally +drawn up had asserted that the Pope generally had no right to +excommunicate kings. But King James, in his fondness for weighing every +side of the question, did not wish to go so far as this.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> June 1606. Winwood, Memorials ii. 224. Cornwallis to +Salisbury: 'Such an apprehension of despair here they have of late +received to make any conjunction or further amitie with us, by reason of +the extreame lawes and bitter persecution, as they terme it, against +those of their religion both in England and especially in Ireland.' June +20, 229. 'They repair to the Jesuits, priests, fryars, and fugitives; +the first three joyne with the last children of lost hope, who having +given a farewell to all laws of nature—dispose themselves to become the +executioneris of the—inventions of the others.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> Apologia pro juramento fidelitatis, opposita duobus +brevibus ... et literis Bellarmini ad Blackwellum Archipresbyterum. +Opera Jacobi Regis, p. 237. Lond. 1619.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIV_IV" id="BIV_IV"></a> +FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEXT TEN YEARS.</p> + +<p>What had already taken place before James ascended the throne, occurred +again under these circumstances. Although belonging to one of the two +religious parties which divided the world between them, he had sought to +form relations with the other, when circumstances which were beyond all +calculation caused and almost compelled him to return to his original +position.</p> + +<p>The Republic of Venice enjoyed his full sympathies in the quarrel in +which at this time it became involved with the Papacy. The laws which it +had made for limiting the influence of the clergy appeared to him in the +highest degree just and wise. He thought that Europe would be happy if +other princes as well would open their eyes, for they would not then +experience so many usurpations on the part of the See of Rome; and he +showed himself ready to form an alliance with the Republic. The +Venetians always affirmed that the lively interest of the King of +England in their cause had already, by provoking the jealousy of the +French, strengthened their resolution to arrange these disputes in +conjunction with Spain.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> +When the Republic, although compelled to +make some concessions, yet came out of this contest without losing its +independence, it continued to believe that for this result also it was +indebted to King James.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">A.D. 1609.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[Pg 419]</a></span> +In the same way, there can be no serious doubt that the refusal of the +alliance, which the Spaniards had more than once proposed to the King of +England, impelled the former to turn their thoughts to a peaceful +adjustment of their differences with the Netherlands. They had made +similar overtures to France also, but these had been shipwrecked by the +firmness and mistrust of Henry IV. They were convinced however that, +without winning over at least one of these two powers, they would never +even by their strongest efforts again become masters of the Netherlands. +In spite of some advantages which they had obtained on the mainland, +they were so hard pressed by the superiority of the Dutch fleet, that +they at last came forward with more acceptable proposals than they had +before made. The English government advised the States-General to show +compliance on all other points if their independence were acknowledged: +not to stand out even if this were recognised only for a while through a +truce, for in that case they would obtain better conditions on the other +points: and that in regard to these England would protect +them.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> +By their conduct to both sides, by standing aloof from the one and by +bestowing good advice on the other, the English thus promoted the +conclusion of the twelve years truce, and thereby procured for the +United Provinces an independent position which they did not allow to be +wrested from them again. The Spaniards attributed the result not so much +to the Provinces themselves as to the two Powers allied with them: they +thought that the articles of the treaty had been drawn up by the former, +but devised and dictated by the latter. It was their serious intention +that this agreement should be only temporary; they reckoned upon the +speedy death of the King of France, and upon future troubles in England, +for an opportunity of resuming the +war.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> +But whatever the future +might bring to pass, England, as well as France, derived an incalculable +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1610.</span> +advantage at the time from the erection of an independent state under +their protection, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[Pg 420]</a></span> +which could not but ally itself with them against the +still dominant power of Spain.</p> + +<p>On the whole the general understanding which King James maintained with +Henry IV secured a support for his State, and imparted to himself a +political courage which was otherwise foreign to his nature. The two +sovereigns also made common cause in the Cleves-Juliers question. Two +Protestant princes with the consent of the Estates had taken possession +of it on the strength of their hereditary title. When an Archduke laid +hands on the principal fortress in the country, a general feeling of +jealousy was roused: and even in England it was thought that the point +at issue here was not the possession of a small principality, but the +confirmation of the House of Austria and the Papacy in their already +tottering dominion over these provinces of the Lower Rhine, which might +exercise such an important influence on the State of +Europe.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> +When Henry IV joined the German Union and the Dutch for the protection of the +two princes and for the conquest of Juliers, James also decided to +bestow his aid. He took into his own pay 4000 of the troops who were +still in the service of the Republic, sent them a general, and +despatched them to the contested dominions to take part in the struggle.</p> + +<p>It does not appear that any one in England was aware of the great +designs which Henry IV connected with this enterprise. When, on the eve +of its execution, he was struck down in the centre of his capital by the +dagger of a fanatic, friends and foes alike were thrilled with the +feeling that the event affected them all, and would have an immeasurable +influence on the world. In England also it was felt as a domestic +calamity. Robert Cecil, now Earl of Salisbury, said in Parliament that +Henry IV had been as it were their advanced guard against conspiracies +of which he had always given the first information: that the first +warning of the Gunpowder Plot must have come from him; that he had as it +were stood in the breach, and that now he had been the first victim. The +crimes of Ravaillac and of Catesby +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[Pg 421]</a></span> +had sprung from the same source.</p> + +<p>The enterprise against Juliers was not hindered by this event. The +forces of the Union under the Prince of Anhalt, and the Dutch and +English troops under Maurice of Orange and Edward Cecil, with the +addition of a number of volunteers from such leading families in England +as those of Winchester, Somerset, Rich, Herbert, had already made +considerable progress in the siege when, at last, at the orders of the +widowed Queen, the French also arrived, but in the worst plight and +suffering severely from illness, so that they could not carry out the +intention, with which they came, of sequestrating the place in the +interests of France. When the fortress had been taken it was delivered +to the two princes, who now possessed the whole country. This was an +event of general historical importance, for by this means Brandenburg +first planted its foot on the Rhine, and came into greater prominence in +Europe on this side also. It took place, like the foundation of the +Republic of the Netherlands, with the concurrence of England and France, +and in opposition to Austria and Spain, but at the same time by the help +of the Republic itself and of those members of the Estates of the German +empire who professed the same creed.</p> + +<p>The times had gone by when the Spaniards had taken arms as if for the +conquest of the world; but their pretensions remained the same. It was +still their intention, in virtue of the privileges assigned them by the +Pope, to exclude all others from the colonisation of America and from +commerce with the East Indies. They laid claim to Northern Africa +because it had been tributary to the crown of Aragon, to Athens and +Neopatras because they had belonged to the Catalans, to Jerusalem +because it had belonged to the King of Naples, and even to +Constantinople because it had passed by will to Ferdinand II of Aragon +from the last of the Palaeologi. On the strength of the claims made by +the old dukes of Milan they deemed themselves to have a right to the +towns of the Venetian mainland, and to Liguria. Philip III was in their +eyes the true heir of the Maximilian branch of the German house of +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1611.</span> +Austria: according to their view the succession +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[Pg 422]</a></span> +in Bohemia and Hungary fell to him. The progress of the Catholic revival afforded them an +opportunity of exercising a profound influence on the German empire, +while the same cause extended their influence over Poland; they obtained +through their commercial relations even the friendship of Protestant +princes and towns in the North. Their intention was now to associate the +two antagonistic powers of the West with their policy by means of +alliances with the reigning families. The first considerable step in +this direction was made after the death of Henry IV, when they succeeded +in concerting with his widow a double marriage, between the young King +of France and an Infanta of Spain, and between the future King of Spain +and a French princess. It was thought certain beforehand that they would +get the conduct of French policy into their hands during the minority of +Louis XIII. But they were already seeking to draw the house of Stuart +also into this alliance in spite of the difference of religion. In +August 1611 the Spanish ambassador, whose overtures had hitherto been +fruitless, came forward to announce that an alliance between the Prince +of Wales and a Spanish infanta would meet with no obstacle on the part +of Spain, if it should be desired on the part of England. It was thought +that the Queen, who found a satisfaction of her ambition in this +brilliant alliance, and the old Spanish and Catholic party, who were +still very numerous in the highest ranks and among the people, might +employ their whole influence in its favour.</p> + +<p>But there was still at the head of affairs a man who was resolved to +oppose this design, Robert Cecil, to whom it is generally owing that the +tendencies of Elizabeth's policy lasted on so long into the time of the +Stuarts as they did. I do not know whether the two Cecils can be +reckoned among the great men of England: they would almost seem to have +lacked that independent attitude and that soaring and brilliant genius +which would be requisite for such an eminence; but without doubt few +have had so much influence on its history. Robert Cecil inherited the +employments, the experiences, and the personal connexions of his father +William. He knew how to rid himself +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[Pg 423]</a></span> +of all rivals that rose to the +surface<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> +by counteracting their proceedings in secret or openly, +justifiably or not: enmity and friendship he reciprocated with equal +warmth. He made no change in the method of transacting business which +was conducted by the whole Privy Council; but his natural superiority +and the importance that he gradually acquired always brought the +decision into accordance with his views. The King himself gave +intimations that he did not look upon his predominance as altogether +proper. In one of his letters he jests over the supremacy calmly +exercised by his minister at the centre of affairs, while he, the King, +so soon as his minister summoned him, must hasten in, and yet at last +could do nothing but accept the resolutions which he put into his hands. +A small deformed man, to whom James, as was his wont, gave a jesting +nickname on this account, he yet impressed men by the intelligence which +flashed from his countenance and from every word he spoke; and even his +outward bearing had a certain dignity. His independence was increased by +his enormous wealth, acquired mainly by investments in the Dutch funds, +which at that time returned an extraordinarily high interest. Surrounded +by many who accepted presents, he showed himself inaccessible to such +seductions and incorruptible. At this time he was the oracle of +England.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a></p> + +<p>Among the English youth the wish was constantly reviving that the war +with Spain, in which success was expected without any doubt, might be +renewed with all vigour. Robert Cecil was as little in favour of this as +his father formerly had been. Peaceful relations with Spain were +rendered especially necessary by the condition of Ireland, where Tyrone, +not less dissatisfied with James than he had been with Elizabeth, had +again thrown off his allegiance, and had at last gone abroad to procure +foreign aid for his discontented countrymen. But if Cecil could not +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1612.</span>break with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[Pg 424]</a></span> +Spain, yet he would not allow that power to strengthen +itself or to obtain influence over England herself. In regard to the +proposal of marriage that was made he had said that the gallant Prince +of Wales could find blooming roses everywhere and did not need to search +for an olive.</p> + +<p>The notion continued to prevail that James I, even if he did not take +arms, ought to put himself at the head of the anti-Spanish party in +Europe, now that Henry IV was no more.</p> + +<p>The King and his ministers thought that for maintaining in the first +place the state of affairs established in Cleves and Juliers, an +alliance of the countries which had co-operated in producing it was the +only appropriate means. In March 1612 we find the English ambassador at +the Hague, Sir Ralph Winwood, at Wesel, where a defensive alliance that +had long been mooted between James I and the princes of the Union, +including those of the Palatinate, Brandenburg, Hesse, Wurtemberg, +Baden, and Anhalt, was actually concluded. Both contracting parties +promised one another mutual support against all who should attack them +on account of the Union or of the aid they had given in settling and +maintaining the tenure of Cleves and Juliers. The King was accordingly +pledged to bring 4000 men into the field, and the Princes 2000 as their +contingent, or to pay a sum of money fixed by rule at the choice of the +country which should be +attacked.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> +The agreement was concluded for +six years, the period for which it was also agreed that the Union should +still continue. The idea was started, I do not know whether by King +James or rather by the leading English statesmen, of making this +alliance the basis of a general European coalition against the +encroachments of the +Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> +The German princes invited the +Queen-Regent of France to join it, and to bring the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[Pg 425]</a></span> +Republic of the United Provinces into it. Mary de' Medici refused, on the ground that +this was unnecessary, as the Republic was sufficiently secured by the +defensive alliance previously concluded; but her ministers at that time +still lent their assistance for the object immediately in view. The +Spaniards had conceived the intention of raising the Archduke Albert to +the imperial throne after the death of the Emperor Rudolph. A portion of +the Electors, among others the Elector of Saxony, which had been +prejudiced by the settlement of Juliers, was in his favour. He possessed +the sympathies of all zealous Catholics; but England and France saw in +the union of the imperial power with the possession of the Spanish +Netherlands a danger for themselves and for the republic founded under +their auspices. They plainly declared to the Spaniards that they would +not permit it, but would set themselves against it with their allies, +that is to say, of course, with the Republic and the +Union.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p> + +<p>Little seems to have been heard in Germany of the protest of the powers +in regard to the imperial succession: but it was effectual. The imperial +throne was ascended not by Albert but by Matthias, who had far more +sympathy with the efforts of the Protestants and approved of the Union. +Indeed the Spaniards too, under the guidance of the pacific Lerma, were +not inclined to drive matters to extremities.</p> + +<p>In the youthful republic of the Netherlands an estrangement, involving +also a difference of opinion on religious questions, arose at that time +between the Stadtholder and the magistrates of the aristocracy. The +party of the Stadtholder clung to the strict Calvinistic doctrines; the +aristocratic party were in favour of milder and more conciliatory views, +which besides allotted to the temporal power no small influence over the +clergy, as Arminius had maintained in his lectures at Leyden. After his +death a German professor, Conrad Vorstius, had been invited to Holland, +who added to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[Pg 426]</a></span> +the opinions of his predecessor others which deviated +still more widely from Calvinism, and inclined to Socinianism. The world +has always felt astonished that King James took a side in this +controversy, wrote a book against Vorstius, and did not rest till he had +been ejected from his office. In fact learned rivalry was not the only +motive which induced him to take pen in hand: we perceive that the +adherents of Arminius, the supporters of Vorstius, were obnoxious to him +on political grounds also. The leaders of the burgher aristocracy showed +a marked coldness to the interests of England after the conclusion of +the truce, and a leaning to those of France. The King moreover was of +opinion that positive orthodoxy was necessary for maintaining the +conflict with Catholicism, and for upholding a state founded on +religion: and he sent an invitation to the Prince of Orange to unite +with him in this cause. The strict Calvinism of the prince was at the +same time an act of homage to England.</p> + +<p>While religious and political affairs were in this state of perplexity, +which extended to the French Reformed Church as well, a marriage was +settled between the Princess Elizabeth of England and the Elector +Palatine, Frederick V.</p> + +<p>This young prince, who at that time was still a ward, had the prospect +of succeeding at an unusually early age to a position in which he could +exert an influence on the German empire. By the mother's side he was +grandson of the founder of Dutch independence, William of Orange; his +uncles were the Stadtholder Maurice and the Duke of Bouillon, who might +be considered the head of the Reformed Communion in France, and who had +married another daughter of William. Frederick had spent some years with +the Duke at Sedan. The Duke of Bouillon, like Maurice, took an active +part in various ways in the European politics of that age: these two men +stood at the head of that party on the continent which most zealously +opposed the Papacy and the house of Austria. Bouillon had first directed +the attention of James to the young Frederick, and had painted to him +his good qualities and his great prospects, and, although not without +reserve, had pronounced a match between him and the Princess Elizabeth +desirable,<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> +as it would +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[Pg 427]</a></span> +form a dynastic tie between the +Protestantism of England and that of the continent. The brother of the +Duke of Wurtemberg, Louis Frederick, who then resided in England on +behalf of the Union, still more decidedly advocated the match. He told +the King that he would have in the young count not so much a son-in-law, +as a servant who depended on his nod; and that he would pledge all the +German princes to his interest by this +means.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> +After the conclusion +of the alliance at Wesel the Count of Hanau, who was likewise married to +a daughter of William, visited London with two privy councillors of the +Palatinate, in order to bring the matter to an issue: they were to meet +there with the Duke of Bouillon, to whose advice they had been expressly +referred. Another suit for the hand of the Princess was then before the +English court. The Duke of Savoy had made proposals for a double +marriage between his two children and the English prince and princess. +There appeared to be almost a match between Catholic and Protestant +princes to decide which party should bear off 'this pearl,' the Princess +of England. Without doubt religious considerations mainly carried the +day in favour of the German suitor. The Princess displayed great zeal in +behalf of Protestantism; and James said that he would not allow his +daughter to be restricted in the exercise of her religion, not even if +she were to be Queen of the +world.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> +On the 16th of May the members +of the Privy Council signed the contract in which the marriage was +agreed upon between 'My Lady Elizabeth,' only daughter of the King, and +the Grand-Master of the Household and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, +Frederick Count Palatine, and the necessary provisions were made as to +dower and settlements. This may be regarded as the last work of Robert +Cecil: he died a few days after. The pulpits had attacked the marriage +of the princess with a Catholic, and had exhorted the people to pray for +her marriage with a Protestant. The common feeling of Protestants was +gratified +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[Pg 428]</a></span> +when this result came to pass.</p> + +<p>The question of the future marriage of Henry Frederick Prince of Wales +was treated in a kindred spirit though not exactly in the same way.</p> + +<p>All eyes were already directed to this young prince and his future +prospects. He was serious and reserved; a man of few words, sound +judgment, and lofty ideas; and he gave signs of an ambitious desire to +rival his most famous predecessors on the +throne.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> +He understood the +calling of sovereign in a different sense from his father. On one +occasion when his father set his younger brother before him as a model +of industry in the pursuit of science, he replied that he would make a +very good archbishop of Canterbury. For one who was to wear the crown +skill in arms and knowledge of seamanship seemed to him indispensable; +he made it his most zealous study to acquire both the one and the other. +His intention undoubtedly was to make every provision for the great war +against the Spanish monarchy which was anticipated. He wished to escort +his sister to Germany in order to form a personal acquaintance with the +princes of the Union, whom he regarded as his natural allies. These +views could not have been thwarted if the proposal of the Duke of Savoy, +which had been rejected in behalf of the Princess, had been accepted in +behalf of the Prince.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> +For every day the Duke separated himself more +and more from the policy of Spain: he had even wished at one time to be +admitted into the Union. He offered a large portion with the hand of his +daughter, and was ready to agree to those restrictions in the exercise +of her religion which it might be thought necessary to prescribe. +Meanwhile, however, another project came up. The grandees of France +wished to bring a prince of such high endowments and decided views into +the closest relations with the house of Bourbon, in order to oppose the +action of Spain +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[Pg 429]</a></span> +on the French court by another influence. They made +proposals for a marriage between the Prince of Wales and the second +daughter of Henry IV, the Lady Christine of France. They found the most +cordial reception for this scheme among the English who favoured +Protestantism, and understood the course of the world. It was thought +that the new League, for this was the designation given to the +increasing preponderance of Spanish and Catholic views in France, would +by this means be thrown into confusion in its own camp; the French +government would be brought back to its old attitude of hostility +towards Spain, and would only thus be completely sure of the States +General, which could never separate themselves both from England and +France at the same time. The Prince embraced the notion that the +Princess must immediately be brought to England to be instructed in the +Protestant faith, and perhaps to be converted to it. As she was still +very young his notion was so far reasonable, although in other respects +her age was a considerable obstacle. While he referred the decision to +his father, he yet made a remark which shows his own leanings, that this +marriage would certainly be most acceptable to all his brother +Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> +What a prospect would have dawned on these if a young +and energetic king of England, confederate with Germany and Holland, and +looked up to in France for a double reason, both on account of the old +and still unforgotten +claims,<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> +and on account of his marriage, had +taken the Huguenots under his protection or actually appealed to them in +his own behalf!</p> + +<p>The 5th of November 1612 was fixed as the day on which the question was +to be decided by a commission expressly appointed for this purpose. King +James, who is represented as favourable to the connexion with France, +went from Theobald's to the meeting: the Prince had drawn out for +himself the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[Pg 430]</a></span> +arguments by which he thought to refute the objections of +opponents. On the very same day he was taken ill, and was obliged to ask +for an adjournment; but from day to day and hour to hour his illness +became more dangerous. He exhibited a composed and, when addressed on +religious questions, a devout frame of mind, but he did not wish to die. +When some one said to him that God only could heal him, he replied that +perhaps the physicians also might do something. On the 17th of November, +two hours after midnight, he died—'the flower of his house,' as men +said, 'the palladium of the country, the terror of his foes.' They even +went so far as to put him at this early age on a level with Henry IV, +who had been proved by a life full of struggles and vicissitudes. The +comparison rested on the circumstance that the young and highly-gifted +prince was forced to succumb to an unexpected misfortune while preparing +for great undertakings which, like those of Henry IV, were to be +directed against Spain.</p> + +<p>It is very probable that this prince, if he had lived to ascend the +English throne, would have attempted to give to affairs a turn suitable +to the vigorous designs which engrossed his thoughts. According to all +appearance he would not have trodden in the footsteps of his father. He +appeared quite capable of reviving the old plans of conquest entertained +by the house of Lancaster: he would have united outspoken Protestant +tendencies with the monarchical views of Edward VI, or rather of +Elizabeth. With the men who then held the chief power in England he had +no points of agreement, and they already feared +him.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> +They were even accused of having caused his premature death.</p> + +<p>Yet the course which had been struck out with the co-operation of the +young prince was not abandoned at his death.</p> + +<p>The Elector Palatine had already arrived in London. His demeanour and +behaviour quieted the doubts of one party and put to shame the +predictions of the other: he appeared manly, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[Pg 431]</a></span> +firm, bent on high aims, and dignified: he knew how to win over even the Queen who at first was +unfavourable to him. Letters exchanged at that time are full of the joy +with which the marriage was welcomed by the Protestants. But it was just +as decidedly unwelcome to the other party. An expression which was then +reported in Brussels shewed how lively the hatred was, and how widely +and how far into the future political combinations extended. It was said +that this marriage was designed to wrest the Imperial throne from the +house of Austria; but it was added, with haughty reliance on the +strength of Catholic Europe, that this design should never +succeed.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p> + +<p>Another collision seemed at times to be immediately impending. In the +year 1613 the English government sent to ask the districts most exposed +to a Spanish invasion, how many troops they could severally oppose to +it, and had appointed the fire signals which were to announce the coming +danger. It is indeed not wonderful that under such circumstances it +continued the policy which was calculated to promote a general European +opposition to the Spaniards.</p> + +<p>When the French grandees though fit to contest the Spanish marriages +which Mary de' Medici made up, they had King James on their side, who +regarded it as the natural right of princes of the blood to undertake +the charge of public affairs during a minority. At the meeting of the +Estates in 1614, it was their intention to get the government into their +hands, and then to bring it back again to the line of policy of Henry +IV. The English ambassador, Edmonds, showed that he concurred with them.</p> + +<p>Soon afterwards the differences between the Duke of Savoy and the +Spanish governor in Milan terminated in an open rupture. The French +grandees, though they had not carried their point in the States-General, +yet showed themselves independent and strong enough to follow their own +wishes in interfering in this matter. While the Queen-Regent +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[Pg 432]</a></span> +supported the Spaniards, they came to the assistance of the Duke. In this struggle +King James also came forward on his side in concert with the Republic of +Venice, which was still able to throw a considerable weight into the +scale on an Italian question.</p> + +<p>The cause of Savoy appeared the common cause of opposition to Spain. +James deemed himself happy in being able to do something further for +that object by removing the misunderstanding which existed between +Protestant Switzerland and the Duke. On his own side he carefully upheld +the old connexion between England and the Cantons. He gave out that in +this manner the territories of his allies would extend to the very +borders of Italy, for Protestant Switzerland formed the connecting link +between his friends in that country and the German Union which, in turn, +bordered on the Netherlands.</p> + +<p>With the same view, in order that his allies might not have their hands +tied elsewhere, he laboured to remove the dissensions between Saxony and +Brandenburg, and between the States-General and Denmark. At the repeated +request of certain German princes, he made it his business to put an +end, by his intervention, to the war that had broken out between Sweden +and Denmark. By the mediation of his ambassadors the agreement of Knäröd +was arrived at, which regulated the relations between the Northern +kingdoms for a considerable time. James saw his name at the head of an +agreement which settled the rights of sovereignty in the extreme North +'from Tittisfiord to Weranger,' and had the satisfaction of finding that +the ratification of this agreement by his own hand was deemed +necessary.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> +A general union of the Protestant kingdoms and states +was contemplated in this arrangement.</p> + +<p>In connexion with this, the commercial relations that had been long ago +concluded with Russia assumed a political character. During the quarrels +about the succession to the throne, when Moscow was in danger of falling +under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[Pg 433]</a></span> +dominion of Poland, which in this matter was supported by +Catholic Europe, the Russians sought the help of Germany, of the +Netherlands, and especially of England. We learn that the house of +Romanoff offered to put itself in a position of inferiority to King +James, who appeared as the supreme head of the Protestant world, if he +would free Russia from the invasion of the Poles.</p> + +<p>Already in the time of Elizabeth the opposition to the Spanish monarchy +had caused the English government to make advances to the Turks.</p> + +<p>Just at the period when the fiercest struggle was preparing, at the time +when Philip II was making preparations for annexing Portugal, the Queen +determined to shut her eyes to the scruples which hitherto had generally +deterred Christian princes from entering into an alliance with +unbelievers. It is worth noticing that from the beginning East Indian +interests were the means of drawing these powers nearer to one another. +Elizabeth directed the attention of the Turks to the serious obstacles +that would be thrown in their way, if the Portuguese colonies in that +quarter were conquered by the far more powerful +Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> +The commercial relations between the two kingdoms themselves presented +another obvious consideration. England seized the first opportunity for +throwing off the protection of the French flag, which had hitherto +sheltered her, and in a short time was much rather able to protect the +Dutch who were still closely allied with her. The Turks greatly desired +to form a connexion with a naval power independent of the religious +impulses which threatened to bring the neighbouring powers of the West +into the field against them. They knew that the English would never +co-operate against them with Spaniards and French. Political and +commercial interests were thus intertwined with one another. A Levant +company was founded, at the proposal of which the ambassadors were +nominated, both of whom enjoyed +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[Pg 434]</a></span> +a considerable influence under James I.</p> + +<p>As in these transactions attention was principally directed to the +commerce in the products of the East Indies carried on through the +medium of Turkish harbours, was it not to be expected that an attempt +should be made to open direct communication with that country? The Dutch +had already anticipated the English in that quarter; but Elizabeth was +for a long time withheld by anxiety lest the negotiations for peace with +Spain, which were just about to be opened, should be interrupted by such +an enterprise. Yet under her government the company was formed for +trading with the East Indies, to which, among other exceptional +privileges, the right of acquiring territory was granted. It was only +bound to hold aloof from those provinces which were in the possession of +Christian sovereigns. We have seen how carefully in the peace which +James I concluded with Spain everything was avoided which could have +interrupted this commerce. James confirmed this company by a charter +which was not limited to any particular time. And in the very first +contracts which this company concluded with the great Mogul, Jehangir, +they had the right bestowed on them of fortifying the principal +factories which were made over to them. The native powers regarded the +English as their allies against the Spaniards and Portuguese.</p> + +<p>In the year 1612 Shirley, a former friend of Essex, who had been induced +by the Earl himself to go to the East, and who had there formed a close +alliance with Shah Abbas, returned to England, where he appeared wearing +a turban and accompanied by a Persian wife. He entrusted the child of +this marriage to the guardianship of the Queen, when he again set off +for Persia, in order to open up the commerce of England in the Persian +Gulf.</p> + +<p>But it was a still more important matter that the attempts which had +been made under the Queen to set foot permanently on the other +hemisphere could now be brought to a successful issue under King James. +It may perhaps be affirmed that, so long as the countries were at open +war, these attempts could not have been made, unless Spain had first +been completely conquered. England could not resume her old designs +until<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[Pg 435]</a></span> +a peace had been concluded, which, if it did not expressly allow +new settlements, yet did not expressly forbid them, but rather perhaps +tacitly reserved the right of forming them. Under the impulse which the +discovery of the Gunpowder Plot gave, I will not say to war, but +certainly to continued opposition to Spain, the King bestowed on the +companies formed for that purpose the charters on which the colonisation +of North America was founded. The settlement of Virginia was again +undertaken, and, although in constant danger of destruction from the +opposition of warlike natives and the dissensions of its founders, yet +at last by the union of strict law and personal energy it was quickened +into life, and kindled the jealousy of the Spaniards. They feared +especially that it would throw obstacles in the way of the homeward and +outward voyages of their +fleets.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> +Their hands, however, were tied by +the peace: and we learn that when they made overtures for the marriage +of the Prince of Wales with a Spanish Infanta, they proposed at the same +time that this colony should be given up. But the Prince of Wales from +the interest which he took in all maritime enterprises was just the man +to exert himself most warmly in its behalf. Under his auspices a new +expedition was equipped, which did not sail till after his death, and +then materially contributed to secure the colony. Not without good +reason have the colonists commemorated his name.</p> + +<p>How immensely important at least for England have her relations with the +Spanish monarchy been shown to be! She had been formerly its ally, its +attacks she had then withstood, and now resisted it at every turn. Only +in rivalry with this power, and in opposition to it, was the great +Island of the West brought into relations, for which it was suited by +its geographical position, with every part of the known world. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Contarini, Relatione 1610: 'Pareva che nelli moti passati +col papa havesse la republica aggradito Più l'offerte dei Inglesi che +gli offizii et interpositioni di Franza e da quelle pia che da questi +riconosciuto l'accommodamento: il che per tutta la Franza si è potuto +comprendere.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> The Lords of the Privy Council to Sir Richard Spencer and +Sir Ralph Winwood. Aug. 1, 1608. In Winwood ii. 429.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> This is affirmed by Bentivoglio, who as Nuncio at +Brussels was closely acquainted with these transactions. Historia della +guerra di Fiandra iii. 490.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Winwood to Salisbury, October 7, 1609. Memorials iii. +78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Molino: 'E huomo astuto sagace e persecutore acerrimo de' +suoi nemici ... ne a avuto multi et tutti egli a fatto precipitare.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Ibid.: 'L'autorità del quale è cosi assoluta, che con +verità si puo dire essere egli il re e governatore di quella monarchia'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Alligantia inter regem et electores Germaniae, in Rymer +vii. ii. 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Francesco Contarini visited him in September 1610 in the +country, and joined him in the chase, on which occasion James touched on +various topics in conversation: 'De' pensieri di Spagnoli con poca loro +laude ... non mostro far alcun conto del Duca di Sassonia suo cognato ni +della investitura data li dall'imperatore nel ducato di Cleves.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Beaulieu to Trumbull, Paris, June 29, 1612: 'Both from +this state (France) and the state of England it hath been plainly enough +intimated unto them (the Spaniards) that if they would go about to make +the Archduke Albert Emperor or king of the Romans, both these states +with their allies would set the rest to hinder it.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Green, Princesses of England v. 180; De la Boderie ii. +248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> This is the report of A. Foscarini, Jan. 20, 1612.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Winwood to Trumbull, Memorials iii. 357.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Correro 1609, May 20: 'Non solo riesce esquisitamente in +tutti gli esercitii del corpo, ma si dimostra nelle attioni sue molto +giudicioso e prudente.'—Ant. Foscarini 1612: 'Amplissimi erano i suoi +concetti; di natura grave severa ritenuta di pochissime parole.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> W. Ralegh: On a marriage between Prince Henry and a +daughter of Savoy. Works viii. 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> Given in French by Levassor, Histoire de Louis XIII, i. +2, 347. So far as I know, the original has not yet been brought to +light, although its genuineness cannot be doubted, as Levassor was +acquainted with Robert Carr's letter to the Prince, which was first +printed by Ellis ii. iii. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Foscarini, to whom we are indebted for information on +many of these points: 'teneva mal animo contra Spagna e pretension in +Francia.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> It was affirmed that Henry Howard (Earl of Northampton) +had been heard to say that 'the prince if ever he came to reign would +prove a tyrant.' Bacon: Somerset's Business and Charge. Works vi. 100.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Trumbull to Winwood, March 2, 1613. 'These men are +enraged, fearing that we do aim at the wresting of the empire out of the +Austrians hand which they say shall never be effected so long as the +conjoyned forces of all the Catholiques in Christendom shall be able to +maintain them in that right.' Winwood, Mem. iii. 439.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Dispaccio di Antonio Foscarini, 5 Luglio 1612: 'Si aplica +il re assai il pensiero a metter in pace li due re di Suecia e Danimarca +et hieri fu qui di ritorno uno de' gentilhuomini inviati per tal +fine:—poi si camineva immediatamente a stringere unione con tutti li +principi di religione riformata.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> A letter of Germigny in Charrière, Negociations de la +France dans le Levant iii. 885 n, mentions the representations of the +first agent. 'Cet Anglais avait remontré l'importance de +l'agrandissement du roy d'Espagne mesmes où il s'impatroniroit de +Portugal et des terres despendantes du dit royaume voisines à ce +Seigneur au Levant.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> A. Foscarini 1612, 9 Ag.: 'Preme grandemente a Spagnoli +veder sempre Più stabilirsi la colonia in Virginia non perche stimino +quel paese nel quale non è abondanza nè minera d'oro—ma perche +fermandovisi Inglesi con li vascelli loro, correndo quel mare +impedirebbono la flotte.' 1613 Marzo 8: 'Le navi destinate per Virginia +al numero di tre sono passate a quella volta e se ne allestiranno anco +altre degli interessati in quella popolatione.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIV_V" id="BIV_V"></a> +PARLIAMENTS OF 1610 AND 1614.</p> + +<p>For the full occupation of this position in the world, and for +maintaining and extending it, nothing was more necessary than internal +harmony in Great Britain, not only between the two kingdoms, but also in +each of them at home. While Robert Cecil procured full recognition for +considerations of foreign policy, he conceived the further design of +bringing about such an unity above all things in England itself, as, if +successful, would have procured for the power of the King an authority +paramount to all the other elements of the constitution.</p> + +<p>The greatest standing evil from which the existing government suffered, +was the inequality between income and expenditure; and if the lavish +profusion of the King was partly responsible for this, yet there were +also many other reasons for it. The late Queen had left behind no +inconsiderable weight of debt, occasioned by the cost of the Irish war: +to this were added the expenses of her obsequies, of the coronation, and +of the first arrangements under the new reign. Visits of foreign +princes, the reception and the despatch of great embassies, had caused +still further extraordinary outlay; and the separate +court-establishments of the King, the Queen, and the Prince, made a +constant deficit inevitable. Perpetual embarrassment was the result.</p> + +<p>James I expresses himself with a sort of naive ingenuousness in a letter +to the Lords of Council of the year 1607. In this letter he exhorts them +not to present to him any 'sute wherof none of yourselves can guess what +the vallew may prove,' but rather to help him to cut off superfluous +expenses, as far as was consistent with the honour of the kingdom, and +to assist him to new lawful sources of revenue, +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1610.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[Pg 437]</a></span> +without throwing an +unjust burden upon the people. 'The only disease and consumption which I +can ever apprehend as likeliest to endanger me, is this eating canker of +want, which being removed I could think myself as happy in all other +respects as any other king or monarch that ever was since the birth of +Christ: in this disease I am the patient, and yee have promised to be +the physicians, and to use the best care uppon me that your witte, +faithfulnes and diligence can reach +unto.'<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a></p> + +<p>As Lord Treasurer, Robert Cecil had the task of taking in hand the +conduct of this affair also. He had refused to make disbursements which +he thought improper, but to which the King had notwithstanding allowed +himself to be led away: he would not hear of increasing the revenue by +such means as the sale of offices, a custom which seemed to be at that +time transplanting itself from France into England. He sought to add to +the revenue in the first place by further taxation of the largely +increasing commerce of the country. And as tonnage and poundage had been +once for all granted to the King, he thought it appropriate and +permissible to raise the custom-house duties as an administrative +measure. Soon after the new government had come into power it had +undertaken the rearrangement of the tariff to suit the circumstances of +the time. Cecil, who was confirmed in his purpose by a decision of the +judges to the effect that his conduct was perfectly legal, conferred +with the principal members of the commercial class on the amount and +nature of the increase of +duty.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> +The plan which they embraced in +accordance with the views prevalent at the time contemplated that the +burden should principally fall upon foreigners.</p> + +<p>The advantages which were obtained by this means were not +inconsiderable. The Custom-House receipts were gradually increased under +King James by one-half; but yet this was a slow process and could not +meet the wants that likewise kept growing. The Lord Treasurer decided to +submit a comprehensive +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[Pg 438]</a></span> +scheme to Parliament, in order to effect a +radical cure of the evil. The importance of the matter will be our +excuse for examining it in detail.</p> + +<p>He explained to them that a considerable increase of income (which he +put down at £82,000) was required to cover the regular expenditure, but +that a still greater sum was needed for casual expenses, for which in +the state, as in every household, certainly a quarter of the sum reached +by the regular expenditure was required. He therefore proposed that +£600,000 should be at once granted him for paying off the debt, and that +in future years the royal income should be raised by £200,000.</p> + +<p>This request was so comprehensive and so far beyond all precedent, that +it could never have been made without a corresponding offer of +concessions on a large scale. The Earl of Salisbury in his proposal +formally invited the Parliament to adduce the grievances which it had, +and promised in the King's name to redress all such so far as lay in his +power. It is affirmed that his clear-sighted and vigorous speech made a +favourable impression. Parliament in turn acceded to the proposal, and +alleged its most important grievances. They affected both ecclesiastical +and financial interests: among the latter class that which concerned the +Court of Wards is the most important historically.</p> + +<p>Of the institutions by which the Normans and Plantagenets held their +feudal state together, none perhaps was more effectual than the right of +guardianship over minors, whose property the kings managed for their own +advantage. They stepped as it were into the rights of fathers; even the +marriage of wards depended on their pleasure. From the time of Henry +VIII a court for the exercise of this jurisdiction and for feudal +tenures generally had existed, which instituted enquiries into the +neglect of prescriptive custom, and punished it. One of the most +important offices was that of President of the Court, which was very +lucrative, and conferred personal influence in various ways. It had been +long filled by Robert Cecil himself.</p> + +<p>The Lower House now proposed in the first place that this right and the +machinery created to enforce it, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[Pg 439]</a></span> +which gave birth to various acts of +despotism, should be abolished. How often had the property of wards been +ruined by those to whom the rights of the state were transferred. The +debts which were chargeable against them were never +paid.<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> +The Lower House desired that not only the royal prerogatives, but also that the +kindred rights of the great men of the kingdom over their vassals should +cease, and especially that property held on feudal tenures should be +made allodial.</p> + +<p>It is evident what great interests were involved in this scheme, which +was thoroughly monarchical, and at the same time was opposed to +feudalism. Its execution would have put an end to the feudal tie which +now had no more vitality, and appeared nothing more than a burden; but +at the same time the crown would have been provided with a regular and +sufficient income, and, what is more, would have been tolerably +independent of the grants of Parliament, so soon as an orderly domestic +system was introduced. We can understand that in bringing this matter to +an issue a minister of monarchical views might see an appropriate +conclusion to a life or rather two lives, his father's and his own, +dedicated to the service of the sovereign. And it appeared that he might +well hope to succeed, as a considerable alleviation was offered at the +same time to the King's subjects as well.</p> + +<p>The King reminded them that the feudal prerogative formed one of the +fairest jewels of his crown, that it was an heirloom from his +forefathers which he could not surrender; honour, conscience, and +interest, equally forbade it. The Lower House replied that it would not +dispute about honour and conscience, but as to interest, that might be +arranged. They were ready by formal contract to indemnify the crown for +the loss which it would suffer.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></p> + +<p>The crown demanded £100,000 as a compensation for the loss it would +suffer; and besides this, the £200,000 before mentioned which it +required for restoring the balance between +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[Pg 440]</a></span> +income and expenditure. We +need not here reproduce the repulsive spectacle presented by the +abatement of demands on the one side, and the increase of offers on the +other. At last the Lord Treasurer adhered to the demand for £200,000 +everything included. He declared that if this was refused the King would +never again make a similar offer. On this at last the Parliament +declared itself ready to grant the sum; but, even then, set up further +conditions about which they could not come to an immediate agreement, so +that their mutual claims were not yet definitively adjusted.</p> + +<p>On the contrary these negotiations had by degrees assumed a tone of some +irritation. Parliament found that the Earl of Salisbury had acted +unconstitutionally in proposing to raise the scale of duties without its +consent, and would not be content with his reference to the decision of +the judges mentioned above, and to the conferences with the merchants. +He endeavoured at a private interview with some of the leading members +to bring round the opinion to his side: but the House was angry with +those who had been present at it, and their good intentions were called +in question.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p> + +<p>The speeches also, with which the King twice interrupted the +proceedings, produced an undesirable effect. He was inclined to meet the +general wishes, without surrendering however any part of his +prerogatives. But at the same time he expressed himself about these in +the exaggerated manner peculiar to him, which was exactly calculated to +arouse contradiction.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> Whilst he was comparing the royal power to +the divine, he found that the House on one pretext or another refused +even to open a letter which he had addressed to them about the speech of +some member which had displeased him: on the contrary he was obliged to +receive back into favour the very member who had affronted him. +Parliament regarded liberty of speech as the Palladium of its +efficiency; <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[Pg 441]</a></span>foreigners were astonished at the recklessness with which +members expressed themselves about the government.</p> + +<p>As a rule the investigation of relative rights has an unfavourable +result for those who are in actual possession of authority. The +prerogative which the King exalted so highly presented itself to the +Parliament in an obnoxious aspect. In the debates on the contract the +question was raised, how Sampson's hands could be bound, that is to say, +how the King's prerogative could be so far restricted as to prevent him +from breaking or overstepping the agreement.</p> + +<p>During a dispute with the House of Lords the sentiment was uttered, that +the members of the Lower House as representing the Commons ranked higher +than the Lords, each of whom represented only +himself.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> +It is easy to see how far this principle might lead.</p> + +<p>Even his darling project of combining England and Scotland into a single +kingdom could not be carried out by the King in the successive sessions +of Parliament. One of the leading spirits of the age, Francis Bacon, was +on his side in this matter as in others. When it was objected that it +was no advantage to the English to take the poverty-stricken Scots into +partnership, as for example in commercial affairs, he returned answer, +that merchants might reckon in this way, but no one who rose to great +views: united with Scotland, England would become one of the greatest +monarchies that the world had ever seen; but who did not perceive that a +complete fusion of both elements was needed for this? Security against +the recurrence of the old divisions could not be obtained until this was +effected. Owing to the influence of Bacon, who at that time had become +Solicitor-General, the question of the naturalisation of all those born +in Scotland after James had ascended the English throne, was decided +with but slight opposition, in a sense favourable to the union of the +two kingdoms, by the Lord Chancellor and the Judges. The decision +however was not accepted by Parliament. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[Pg 442]</a></span> +And when the question was now +raised how far the assent of Parliament was necessary in a case like +this, the adverse declaration of the Lord Chancellor was exactly +calculated to provoke a contest of principle in this matter +also.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> +With the advice of the Lord Chancellor and the Council James had +declared himself King of Great Britain, and had expressed the wish that +the names of England and Scotland might be henceforth obliterated; but +his Proclamation was not considered sufficient without the assent of +Parliament; and in this case the judges took the side of the Parliament. +The dynastic ideas with which James had commenced his reign could not +but serve to resuscitate the claim of Parliament to the possession of +the legislative power. At other times the precedents adduced by the Lord +Chancellor in the debate on the 'post-nati' might have controlled their +decision: at the present time they no longer made any impression. The +opposition of political ideas came to the surface in this matter as in +others. The King held the strongly monarchical view that the populations +of both countries were united with one another by the mere fact of their +being both subject to him. To this the Parliament opposed the doctrine +that the two crowns were distinct sovereignties, and that the +legislation of the two countries could not be united. They wished to +fetter the King to the old legal position which they were far more +anxious to contract than to expand.</p> + +<p>The consequences must have been incalculable, if the Earl of Salisbury +and the Lord Chancellor had succeeded in carrying out their intentions. +A common government of the two countries would have held in all +important questions a position independent of the two Parliaments, and +the person of the sovereign would have been the ruling centre of this +government. If besides an adequate income had been definitely assigned +to the crown independent of the regularly recurring assent of +Parliament, what would have become of the rights of that body? Not only +would Elizabeth's mode of government have been continued, but the +monarchical<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1613.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[Pg 443]</a></span> +element which could appeal to various precedents in its own +favour would probably have obtained a complete ascendancy.</p> + +<p>But for that very reason these efforts were met by a most decided +opposition. It is plain that these rival pretensions, and the motive +from which they sprang, paved the way for controversies of the most +extensive kind.</p> + +<p>The scheme of the contract was as little successful as that of the union +of the two kingdoms. The parties were contented with merely removing the +occasion for an immediate rupture; and after some short prorogations +Parliament was finally dissolved.</p> + +<p>The King, who felt himself aggrieved by its whole attitude as well as by +many single expressions, was reluctant to call another. In order to meet +his extraordinary necessities recourse was had to various old devices +and to some new ones; for instance, the creation of a great number of +baronets in 1612, on payment of considerable sums: but notwithstanding +all this, in the year 1613 matters had gone so far, that neither the +ambassadors to foreign courts, nor even the troops which were maintained +could be paid. In the garrison of Brill a mutiny had arisen on this +account; the strongholds on the coast and the fortifications on the +adjacent islands went to ruin. For this as well as for other reasons the +death of the Earl of Salisbury was a misfortune. The man on whom James I +next bestowed his principal confidence, Robert Carr, then Lord +Rochester, later Earl of Somerset, was already condemned by the popular +voice because he was a Scot, who moreover had no other merit than a +pleasing person, which procured him the favour of the King. The +authority enjoyed by the Howards had already provoked dissatisfaction. +The Prince of Wales had been their decided adversary, and this enmity +was kept up by all his friends. Robert Carr, however, thought it +advisable to win over to his side this powerful family to which he had +at first found himself in opposition. Whether from personal ambition or +from a temper that really mocked at all law and morality he married +Frances Howard, whose union with the Earl of Essex had to be dissolved +for this object.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1614.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[Pg 444]</a></span> +The old enemies of the Howards, the adherents of +the house of Essex, many of whom had inherited this enmity, now became +the opponents of the favourite and his government. When at last urgent +financial necessities allowed no other alternative, and absolutely +compelled the issue of a summons for a new parliament, the contending +parties seized the opportunity of confronting one another. The creatures +of the government neglected no means of controlling the elections by +their influence; but they were everywhere encountered by the other +party, who were favoured by the increasing dissatisfaction of the +people.</p> + +<p>At the opening of Parliament in April 1614, and on two occasions +afterwards, the King addressed the Lower House. Among all the scholastic +distinctions, complaints of the past, and assurances for the future, in +which after his usual fashion he indulges, we can still perceive the +fundamental idea, that if even the subsidies which he required and asked +were granted him, he would notwithstanding agree to no conditions on his +side, and take upon himself no distinct pledges. He was resolved no +longer to play the game of making concessions in order to ask for +something in return, as he had done some years before; he found that far +beneath his dignity. Still less could he consent that all the grievances +that might have arisen should be heaped up and presented to him, for +that would be injurious to the honour of the government. Each one, he +said, might lay before him the grievances which he experienced in his +own town or in his own county; he would then attend to their redress one +by one. In the same way he would deal with each House separately. If he +is reproached with endeavouring to extend his prerogatives he denies the +charge; but he affirms that he cannot allow them to be abridged, but +that, in exercising them, he would behave as well as the best prince +England ever had.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> +He has no conception of a relation based on +mutual rights; he acknowledges +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[Pg 445]</a></span> +only a relation of confidence and +affection. In return for liberal concessions he promises liberal favour.</p> + +<p>This was a view of things resting upon a patriarchal conception of +kingly power, in favour of which analogies might no doubt have been +found in the early state of the kingdoms of the West, but which was now +becoming more and more obsolete. What had still been possible under +Elizabeth, when the sovereign and her Parliament formed one party, was +no longer so now; especially as a man who had attracted universal hatred +stood at the head of affairs. Besides this a dispute was already going +on which we cannot pass over in silence.</p> + +<p>It arose upon the same matter which had caused such grave embarrassment +to the Earl of Salisbury, the unlimited exercise of the right of levying +tonnage and poundage entirely at the discretion of the government. It +was affirmed that the Custom-House receipts had increased more than +twentyfold since the commencement of James's reign, and that a great +part of the increased returns was enjoyed by favoured private +individuals. The Lower House demanded first of all an examination into +the right of the government, and declared that without it they would not +proceed to vote any grant.<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p> + +<p>In the Lower House itself on one occasion a lively debate arose on the +subject. The opinion was advanced on the part of the friends of the +government that, in this respect as in others, a difference existed +between hereditary and elective monarchies, that in the first class, +which included England, the prerogative was far more extensive than in +the latter. Henry Wotton, and Winwood, who had been long employed on +foreign embassies, explained what a great advantage in regard to their +collective revenues other states derived from indirect taxes and +customs. But by this statement they awakened redoubled opposition. They +were told that the raising of these imposts in France had not been +approved by the Estates and was in fact illegal; that the King of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[Pg 446]</a></span> +Spain had been forced to atone for the attempt to introduce them into the +Netherlands by the loss of the greater part of the provinces. Thomas +Wentworth especially broke out into violent invectives against the +neighbouring sovereigns, which even called forth remonstrances from the +embassies. He warned the King of England that in his case also similar +measures would lead to his complete +ruin.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> +It was not only urged +that England ought not to take example by any foreign country, but the +very distinction drawn between elective and hereditary monarchies +suggested a question whether England after all was so entirely a +hereditary monarchy as was asserted. It was asked if it might not rather +be said that James I, who was one of a number of claimants who had all +equally good rights, owed his accession to a voluntary preference on the +part of the nation, which might be regarded as a sort of election. These +were ideas of unlimited range, and flatly contradicted those which James +had formed on the rights of birth and inheritance. He felt himself +outraged by their expression in the Lower House.</p> + +<p>In order to give the force of a general resolution to their assertion, +that in England the prerogative did not include the fixing of the amount +of taxes and customs without the consent of Parliament, the Commons had +made proposals for a conference with the Upper House. But hereupon the +higher clergy declared themselves hostile, not only to their opinion, +but even to the bare project of a conference. Neil, Bishop of Lincoln, +affirmed that the oath taken to the King in itself forbade them to +participate in such a conference; that the matter affected not so much a +branch of the royal prerogative as its very root; that the Lords +moreover would have to listen to seditious speeches, the aim and +intention of which could only be to bring about a division between the +King and his subjects. The Lord Chancellor had asked the judges for +their opinion; but they had declined to give any. The result was that +the Upper House did not accede to the proposal of a conference.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[Pg 447]</a></span> +The Commons were greatly irritated at the resistance which was offered +to their first step. They too in conferences which related to other +matters disdained to enter into the subjects brought before them. They +complained loudly of the insulting expressions of the bishop which had +been repeated to them. An exculpatory statement of the Upper House did +not content them; they demanded full satisfaction as in an affair of +honour, and until this had been furnished them they declared themselves +determined to make no progress with any other matter.</p> + +<p>The King however on his side now lost patience at this. He considered +that an attack was made on the highest power when the general progress +of business was hindered for the sake of a single question, and he +appointed a day on which this affair of the subsidy must be disposed of. +He said that, if it were not settled, he would dissolve Parliament.</p> + +<p>One would not expect such a declaration to change the temper of the +Lower House. Speeches were heard still more violent than those +previously made. The Scots, to whose influence every untoward occurrence +was imputed, were threatened with a repetition of the Sicilian Vespers. +There were other members however who counselled moderation; for it +almost appeared as if the dissolution of this Parliament might be the +dissolution of all parliaments. Commissioners were once more sent to the +King in order to give another turn to the negotiations. The King +declared that he knew full well how far his rights extended, and that he +could not allow his prerogatives to be called in +question.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a></p> + +<p>These passionate ebullitions of feeling against the Scots, although they +referred to matters of a more alarming, but happily of an entirely +different nature, made the King anxious lest the destruction of his +favourites, or even his own ruin, might be required to content his +adversaries. On the 7th of June he dissolved Parliament. He thought +himself entitled to bring up for punishment the loudest and most +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[Pg 448]</a></span> +reckless speakers, as well as some other noted men from whom these +speakers had received their impulse, for instance Cornwallis, the former +ambassador in Spain. He considered that they had intended to upset the +government: not only had they failed, but they themselves must atone for +the attempt.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></p> + +<p>The estrangement was not too great to allow the hope of a +reconciliation. It had been represented to the King that he ought not to +be ready to regard financial concessions as a compliance unbecoming to +the crown, for that in these matters he was at no disadvantage as +compared with any person or any foreign power; that on the contrary the +decision always proceeded from himself; that he was the head who cared +for the welfare of the members. It was said that he need by no means +fear that men would make use of his wants to lay fetters on him; that +bonds laid by subjects on their sovereigns were merely cobwebs which he +might tear asunder at any moment. Even Walter Ralegh had stated +this.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> +But the King had no inclination, after the Parliament had +repelled his overtures with rude opposition, to expose himself by +summoning a new one to new attacks on his prerogatives as he understood +them. By the voluntary or forced contributions of different +corporations, especially of the clergy and of the great men of the +kingdom, he was placed in a condition to carry on his government in the +ordinary way. Every measure which would have necessitated a great outlay +was avoided.</p> + +<p>It is plain however into what a disagreeable position he was thus +brought. His whole method of government was based upon the superiority +of England. He had at that time brought the system of the Church in +Scotland nearer to the English model. The bishops in that country had +even received their consecration from the English. But he had not +effected this without violent acts of usurpation. He had been obliged to +remove his most active opponents out of the country; but even in their +absence they kept up the excitement of men's feelings by their writings. +The Presbyterians saw<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[Pg 449]</a></span> +in everything which he succeeded in doing, the +work of cunning on the one side and treachery on the other, and gave +vent to the deepest displeasure at his deviation from their solemn +Covenant with God.</p> + +<p>Relying on the right of England, but for the first time inviting +immigrants from Scotland, James undertook the systematic establishment +of colonies in Ireland. The additional strength however which by this +means accrued to the Protestant and Teutonic element entirely +annihilated all leanings which had been shown in his favour at his +accession to the crown, and aroused against him the strongest national +and religious antipathies of the native population in that country.</p> + +<p>He then met with this opposition in Parliament which hampered all his +movements. It was foreign to his natural disposition to think of +effecting a radical removal of the misunderstanding that had arisen. On +the contrary he kept adding fresh fuel to it on account of the +deficiencies of his government, which began to impair his former +importance. The immediate consequence was that in foreign affairs he was +no longer able to maintain the position which he had taken up as +vigorously as might have been wished. His allies pressed him incessantly +to bestow help on them: but if even he had wished it, this was no longer +in his power. It was not that Parliament in withholding his supplies had +disapproved of the object which they were intended to serve. On the +contrary the Parliament lamented that this object was not pursued with +sufficient earnestness; but it wished above all to extend its right of +sanction over the whole domain of the public revenues. But the King was +not inclined to treat with Parliament for the supplies of money +required; he feared to incur the necessity of repaying its grants by +concessions which would abridge the ancient rights of his crown. The +centre of gravity of public affairs must lie somewhere or other. The +question was already raised in England whether for the future it was to +be in the power of the King and his ministers, or in the authority of +Parliament. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Letter to the Lords, anno 1607: in Strype, Annals iv. +560.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Antonio Correro, 25 Giugno 1608: 'Con l'autorità ch'egli +tiene con li mercanti di questa piazza li ha indutti a sottoporsi ad una +nova gravezza posta sopra le merci che vengono e vanno da questo +regno.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Molino: 'La gabella dei pupilli porge materia grande a +sudditi di dolorsene e d'esclamare sino al celo studiando ogn'uno di +liberasi da simili bene.—Se uno aveva due campi di questa ragione e +cento d'altra natura, i due hanno questa forza, di sottomettere i cento +alla medesima gravezza.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Beaulieu to Trumbull. Winwood, Memorials iii. 123.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> Carleton to Edmonds: Court and Times of James I, i. 12, +123.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Chamberlain to Winwood. Mem. iii. 175. 'Yf the practise +should follow the positions, we should not leave to our successor that +freedome we received from our forefathers.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Tommaso Contarini, 23 Giugno 1610: 'Che le loro persone, +come representanti le communita, siano di maggior qualita che li signori +titolati quali representano le loro sole persone, il che diede +grandissimo fastidio al re.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors ii. 225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Lorking, writing to Puckering (The Court and Times of +James the First i. 254), remarks as early as July 1613 on the first +mention of the marriage, that its design was 'to reconcile him (Lord +Rochester) and the house of Howard together, who are now far enough +asunder.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> The King's second speech. Parliamentary History v. 285.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> A. Foscarini 1614, 20 Giugno. 'Il re ha sempre avuto seco +(on his side) la camera superiore e parte dell'inferiore: il rimanente +ha mostrato di voler contribuir ogni quantita di sussidio ma a +conditione che si vedesse prima qual fosse l'autorità del re, sull'impor +gravezze.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Chamberlain to Carleton, May 28. Court and Times of James +I, i. 312.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> According to a report furnished by A. Foscarini: +'Elessero 40 d'essi a quali diede Lunedi audienza S. M.—dissero che la +supplicavano per tanto lasciar per ultima da risolvere la materia di +danari.' Unfortunately we have only very scanty information about this +Parliament.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Extract from a letter of Winwood to Carleton, June 16. +Green, Calendar of State Papers, James I, vol. ii. 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> The Prerogative of Parliaments. Works viii. 154.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BIV_VI" id="BIV_VI"></a> +SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE OF THE EPOCH.</p> + +<p>The times in which great political struggles are actually going on are +not the most favourable for production in the fields of literature and +art. These flourish best in the preceding or following ages, during +which the impulse attending those movements begins or continues to be +felt. Just such an epoch was the period of thirty or forty years between +the defeat of the Armada and the outbreak of the Parliamentary troubles, +a period comprising the later years of Queen Elizabeth and the earlier +years of King James I. This was the epoch in which the English nation +attained to a position of influence on the world at large, and in which +at the same time those far-reaching differences about the most important +questions of the inner life of the nation arose. The antagonism of ideas +which stirred men's minds generally could not but reproduce itself in +literature. But we also see other grand products of the age far +transcending the limits of the present struggle. Our survey of the +history will gain in completeness if we cast even but a transient +glance, first at the former and then at the latter class of these +products.</p> + +<p>In Scotland the studies connected with classical antiquity were +prosecuted with as much zeal as anywhere else in Europe; not however in +order to imitate its forms in the native idiom, which no one at that +time even in Germany thought of doing, but in order to use it in learned +theological controversies, and to maintain connexion with brother +Protestants of other tongues. S. Andrew's was at one time a centre for +Protestant learning: Poles and Danes, Germans and French visited this +university in order to study under Melville. Even Latin verse was +written with a certain elegance. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[Pg 451]</a></span> +A fit monument of these studies and +their direction is to be found in Buchanan's History of Scotland, a work +without value for the earlier period, and full of party spirit in +describing his own, as Buchanan is one of the most violent accusers of +Mary Stuart, but pervaded by that warmth and decision which carry the +reader along with it: at that time it was read all over the world. +Buchanan and Melville were among the champions of popular ideas on the +constitution of states and the relations between sovereign and people. +It cannot be affirmed that classical studies were without influence upon +their views, but the doctrine to which they adhered grew out of a +different root. It rests historically upon the doctrine of the +superiority of the Church, and the councils representing the Church, +over the Papacy, as it was put forth in the fifteenth century at Paris. +A Scottish student there, John Major, made this doctrine his own, and +after his return to his native country, when he himself had obtained a +professorship, he applied it to temporal relations. The positions of the +advocates of the councils affirmed that the Pope, it was true, received +his authority from God, but that he might be again deprived of it in +cases of urgent necessity by the Church, which virtually included the +sum of all authority in itself. In the same way John Major taught that +an original power transmitted from father to son pertained to kings, but +that the fundamental authority resided in the people; so that a king +mischievous to the commonwealth, who showed himself incorrigible, might +be deposed again. His scholars, who took so large a part in the first +disturbances in Scotland, and their scholars in turn, firmly maintained +this doctrine. They differed from their contemporaries the Jesuits, who +considered the monarchy to be an institution set up by the national +will, in ascribing to it a divine right, but they urged that a king +existed for the sake of the people, and that as he was bound by the laws +agreed on by common consent, resistance to him was not only allowed, but +under certain circumstances might even be a duty. We must also remark +the opposite view, which was developed in contradiction to this, but yet +rested on the same foundation. It was admitted that the king, if +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[Pg 452]</a></span> +the people were considered as a whole, existed for their sake, and not the +people for his; but the king, it was said, was at the same time the head +of the people; he possessed superiority over all individuals: there was +no one who could say in any case that the contract between king and +people had been broken: no such general contract existed at all; there +could be no question at all of resistance, much less of deposition, for +how could the members rebel against the head? King James maintained that +the legislative power belonged to the king by divine and human right, +that he exercised it with the participation of his subjects, and always +remained superior to the laws. His position rests on these views, in the +development of which he himself had certainly a great share; he, like +his opponents, had his political and ecclesiastical adherents. In the +Scottish literature of the time both tendencies are embodied in +important historical works; the latter principally in Spottiswood's +Church History, which represents the royalist views and is not without +merit in point of form, so that even at the present day it can be read +with pleasure; the former in contemporary notices of passing events +which were composed in the language and even in the dialect of the +country, and which in many places are the foundation even of Buchanan's +history. They are the most direct expression of national and religious +views, as they found vent in the assemblies of preachers and elders; in +them we feel the life-breath of Presbyterianism. Calderwood and the +younger Melville, who collected everything which came to hand, espoused +the popular ideas; for information on facts and their causes they are +invaluable, although in respect of form they do not rival Spottiswood, +who, like them, employs the language of the country.</p> + +<p>It might perhaps be said that it was in Scotland that the two systems +arose which since that time, although in various shapes, have divided +Britain and Europe. In the historians just mentioned we might see the +types of two schools, whose opposite conceptions of universal and +especially of English history, set forth by writers of brilliant +ability, have exercised the greatest influence upon prevailing ideas.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[Pg 453]</a></span> +In England these ideas certainly gained admission, but they did not make +way at that time. When Richard Hooker expresses the popular ideas as to +the primitive free development of society, this is done principally in +order to point out the extensive authority of the legislative power even +over the clergy, and to defend the ecclesiastical supremacy of the +English crown, which had been established by the enactments of that very +power. The question was mooted how far the sovereign was above the laws. +Many wished to derive these prerogatives from the laws; others rejected +them. Among those who maintained them unconditionally Walter Ralegh +appears, in whose works we find a peculiar deduction of them in the +statement that the sovereign, according to Justinian's phrase, was the +living law: he derives the royal authority from the Divine Will, which +the will of man could only acknowledge. He says in one place that the +sovereign stands in the same relation to the law, as a living man to a +dead body.</p> + +<p>What a remarkable work would it have been, had Walter Ralegh himself +recorded the history of his time. But the opposition between parties was +not so outspoken in England as in Scotland; it had not to justify itself +by general principles, to which men could give their adhesion; it +contained too much personal ill-feeling and hatred for any one who was +involved in the strife to have been able to find satisfaction in +expressing himself on this head. The history of the world which Walter +Ralegh had leisure to write in his prison, is an endeavour to put +together the materials of Universal History as they lay before him from +ancient times, and so make them more intelligible. He touches on the +events of his age only in allusions, which excited attention at the +time, but remain obscure to posterity.</p> + +<p>In direct opposition to the Scots, especially to Buchanan, Camden, who +wrote in Latin like the former, composed his Annals of the Reign of +Queen Elizabeth. His contemporary, De Thou, borrowed much from Buchanan. +Camden reproaches him with this, partly because in Scotland men preached +atrocious principles with regard to the authority of the people and +their right of keeping their kings in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[Pg 454]</a></span> +order. The elder Cecil had +invited him to write the history of the Queen, and had communicated to +him numerous documents for this purpose, which were either in his own +possession or belonged to the national archives. Camden set cautiously +to work, and went slowly on. He has himself depicted the trouble it cost +him to decipher the historical contents of these scattered and dusty +papers. He has certainly not surmounted all the difficulties which stand +in the way of composing a contemporary history. Here and there we find +even in his pages a regard paid to the living, especially to King James +himself, which we would rather see away. But such passages are rare. +Camden's Annals take a high rank among histories of contemporary +transactions. They are of such authenticity in regard to facts, and show +so intimate an acquaintance with causes gathered from trustworthy +information, that we can follow the author, even where we do not possess +the documents to which he refers. His judgments are moderate and at the +same time in all important questions they are decided.</p> + +<p>When we read Camden's letters we become acquainted with a circle of +scholars engaged in the severest studies. In his Britannia, which gives +a more complete and instructive picture of the country than any other +work, they all took a lively interest. Their works are clumsy and +old-fashioned, but they breathe a spirit of thoroughness and breadth +which does honour to the age. With what zeal were ecclesiastical +antiquities studied in Cambridge, after Whitaker had pointed the way! +Men sought to weed out what was spurious, and in what was genuine to set +aside the part due to the accidental forms of the time, and to penetrate +to the bottom of the sentiments, the belief, and activity of the +writers. The constitution of the Church naturally led them to devote +special study to the old provincial councils. For the history of the +country they referred to the monuments of Anglo-Saxon times, and began +even in treating of other subjects to bring the original sources to +light. Everywhere men advanced beyond the old limits which had been +drawn by the tradition +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[Pg 455]</a></span> +of chroniclers and the lack of historical +investigation hitherto shown.</p> + +<p>Francis Bacon was attracted by the task of depicting at length a modern +epoch, the history of the Tudors, with the various changes which it +presented and the great results it had introduced, in which he saw the +unity of a connected series of events. Yet he has only treated the +history of the first of that line. He furnishes one of the first +examples of exact investigation of details combined with reflective +treatment of history, and has exercised a controlling influence on the +manner and style of writing English history, especially by the +introduction of considerations of law, which play a great part in his +work. The political points of view which are present to the author are +almost more those of the beginning of the seventeenth than those of the +beginning of the sixteenth century. But these epochs are closely +connected with each other. For what Henry VII established is just what +James I, who loved to connect himself immediately with the former +monarch, wished to continue. Bacon was a staunch defender of the +prerogative.</p> + +<p>The dispute which arose between Bacon as a lawyer and Edward Coke +deserves notice.</p> + +<p>Coke also has a place in literature. His reports are, even at the +present day, known without his name simply as 'The Reports,' and his +'Institutes' is one of the most learned works which this age produced. +It is rather a collection provided with notes, but is instructive and +suggestive from the variety of and the contrast of its contents. Coke +traced the English laws to the remotest antiquity; he considered them as +the common production of the wisest men of earlier ages, and at the same +time as the great inheritance of the English people, and its best +protection against every kind of tyranny, spiritual or temporal. Even +the old Norman French, in which they were to a great extent composed, he +would not part with, for a peculiar meaning attached itself, in his +view, to every word.</p> + +<p>On the other hand Bacon as Attorney-General formed the plan of +comprising the common law in a code, by which a limit should be set to +the caprice of the judges, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[Pg 456]</a></span> +and the private citizen be better assured of +his rights. He thought of revising the Statute-Book, and wished to erase +everything useless, to remove difficulties, and to bring what was +contradictory into harmony.</p> + +<p>Bacon's purpose coincided with the idea of a general system of +legislation entertained by the King: he would have preferred the Roman +law to the statute law of England. Coke was a man devoted to the letter +of the law, and was inclined to offer that resistance to the sovereign +which was implied in a strict adherence to the law as it was. In the +conflict that arose the judges, influenced by his example, appealed to +the laws as they were laid down, according to the verbal meaning of +which they thought themselves bound to decide. Bacon maintained that the +Judges' oath was meant to include obedience to the King also, to whom +application must be made in every matter affecting his prerogative. This +is probably what Queen Elizabeth also thought, and it was the decided +opinion of King James. He made the man who cherished similar views his +Lord Chancellor, and dismissed Coke from his service. Bacon when in +office was responsible for a catastrophe which, as we shall see, not +only ruined himself, but reacted upon the monarchy. The English, +contemporaries and posterity alike, have taken the side of Coke. Yet +Bacon's industry in business is not therefore altogether to be despised. +He urged the King, who was disposed to judge hastily, to take time and +to weigh the reasons of both parties. He gave the judges who went on +circuit through the country the most pertinent advice. The directions +which he drew up for the Court of Chancery have laid the foundations of +the practice of that court, and are still an authority for it. His +scheme of collecting and reforming the English laws still, even at the +present day, appears to statesmen learned in the law to be an +unavoidable necessity; and the opinion is spreading that steps must be +taken in this matter in the direction already pointed out by Bacon.</p> + +<p>Bacon was one of the last men who identified the welfare of England with +the development of the monarchical element in the constitution, or at +all events with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[Pg 457]</a></span> +the preponderance of the authority of the sovereign +within constitutional limits. The union of the three kingdoms under the +ruling authority of the King appeared to him to contain the foundation +of the future greatness of Britain. With the assertion of the authority +of the sovereign he connected the hope of a reform of the laws of +England, of the establishment of a comprehensive system of colonisation +in Ireland, and of the assimilation of the ecclesiastical and judicial +constitution of Scotland to English customs. He loved the monarchy +because he expected great things from it.</p> + +<p>But it cannot be denied that he brought his ideas into a connexion with +his interests, which was fatal to the acceptance of the former. His is +just a case in which we feel relieved when we turn from the disputes of +the day to the free domain of scientific activity, in which his true +life was spent. He has indeed said himself that he was better fitted to +hold a book in his hands than to shine upon the stage of the world. In +his studies he had only science itself and the whole of the world before +his eyes.</p> + +<p>The scholastic system founded on Aristotle, the inheritance of centuries +of ecclesiastical supremacy, had been assailed some time before he took +up the subject; and the inductive method which he opposed to that system +was not anything quite new. But the idea of Bacon had the most +comprehensive tendency: it tended to free the thoughts and enquiries of +men of science from the assumptions of a speculative theology which +regulated their spiritual horizon. The most renowned adversaries of +scholasticism he had to encounter in turn, because they covered things +with a new web of words and theories which he could not accept. He +thought to free men from the deceptive notions by which their minds are +prepossessed, from the fascination of words which throw a veil over +things, and of tradition consecrated by great names, and to open to them +the sphere of the certain knowledge of experience. Nature is in his eyes +God's book, which man must study directly for His glory and for the +relief of man's estate; he thought that men must start from sense and +experience, in order that by intercourse with things they might discover +the cause of phenomena.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[Pg 458]</a></span> +He would have preferred for his own part to +have been the architect of an universal science, an outline of which he +had already composed; but he possessed the self-restraint to hold back +from this in the first instance, to work at details, and to make +experiments, or, as he once says, to contribute the bricks and stones +which might serve for the great work in the future. He only wanted more +complete devotion and more adequate knowledge for his task. His method +is imperfect, his results are untrustworthy in points of detail; but his +object is grand. He designates the insight for which he labours by the +Heraclitean name of dry light, that is, a light which is obscured by no +partiality and no subordinate aim. He would place the man who possesses +it as it were upon the mountain top, at the foot of which errors chase +one another like clouds. And in his eyes the satisfaction of the mind is +not the only interest at stake, but such discoveries as rouse the +activity of men and promote their welfare. Nature is at the same time +the great storehouse of God: the dominion over nature which men +originally possessed must be restored to them.</p> + +<p>In these speculations the philosopher became aware that there was a risk +lest men should imagine that by this means they could also discover the +nature of God. Bacon lays down a complete separation of these two +provinces; for he thinks that men can only attain to second causes, not +to the first cause, which is God; and that the human mind can only cope +with natural things; that divine things on the contrary confuse it. He +will not even investigate the nature of the human soul, for it does not +owe its origin to the productive powers of nature, but to the breath of +God.</p> + +<p>It had been from the beginning the tendency of those schools of +philosophy erected on the basis of ancient systems, in which Latin and +Teutonic elements were blended, to transfuse faith with scientific +knowledge; but Bacon renounces this attempt from the beginning. He puts +forward with almost repulsive abruptness the paradoxes which the +Christian must believe: he declares it an Icarian flight to wish to +penetrate these secrets: but so much stronger is the impulse he seeks to +give the human mind in the direction of enquiry +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[Pg 459]</a></span> +into natural objects.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p> + +<p>Among these he ranks the state of human society, to which all his life +long he devoted a careful and searching observation. His Essays are not +at all sceptical, like the French essays, from which he may have +borrowed this appellation: they are thoroughly dogmatic. They consist of +remarks on the relations of life as they then presented themselves, +especially upon the points of contact between private and public life, +and of counsels drawn from the perception of the conflicting qualities +of things. They are extremely instructive for the internal relations of +English society. They show wide observation and calm wisdom, and, like +his philosophical works, are a treasure for the English nation, whose +views of life have been built upon them.</p> + +<p>What better legacy can one generation leave to another than the sum of +its experiences which have an importance extending beyond the fleeting +moment, when they are couched in a form which makes them useful for all +time? Herein consists the earthly immortality of the soul.</p> + +<p>But another possession of still richer contents and of incomparable +value was secured to the English nation by the development of the drama, +which falls just within this epoch.</p> + +<p>In former times there had been theatrical representations in the palaces +of the kings and of great men, in the universities, and among judicial +and civic societies. They formed part of the enjoyments of the Carnival +or contributed to the brilliancy of other festivities; but they did not +come into full existence until Elizabeth allowed them to the people by a +general permission. In earlier times the scholars of the higher schools +or the members of learned fraternities, the artisans in the towns, and +the members of the household of great men and princes, had themselves +conducted the representation. Actors by profession now arose, who +received pay and performed the whole year +round.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> +A number of small<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[Pg 460]</a></span> +theatres grew up which, as they charged but low entrance-fees, attracted +the crowd, and while they influenced it, were influenced by it in turn. +The government could not object to the theatre, as the principal +opposition which it had to fear, that of the Puritans, shut itself out +from exercising any influence over the drama, owing to the aversion of +their party to it. The theatres vied with one another: each sought to +bring out something new, and then to keep it to itself. The authors, +among whom men of distinguished talent were found, were not unfrequently +players as well. All materials from fable and from history, from the +whole range of literature, which had been widely extended by native +productions and by appropriation from foreign sources, were seized, and +by constant elaboration adapted for an appreciative public.</p> + +<p>While the town theatres and their productions were thus struggling to +rise in mutual rivalry, the genius of William Shakspeare developed +itself: at that time he was lost among the crowd of rivals, but his fame +has increased from age to age among posterity.</p> + +<p>It especially concerns us to notice that he brought on the stage a +number of events taken from English history itself. In the praise which +has been lavishly bestowed on him, of having rendered them with +historical truth, we cannot entirely agree. For who could affirm that +his King John and Henry VIII, his Gloucester and Winchester, or even his +Maid of Orleans, resemble the originals whose names they bear? The +author forms his own conception of the great questions at issue. While +he follows the chronicle as closely as possible, and adopts its +characteristic traits, he yet assigns to each of the personages a part +corresponding to the peculiar view he adopts: he gives life to the +action by introducing motives which the historian cannot find or accept: +characters which stand close together in tradition, as they probably did +in fact, are set apart in his pages, each of them in a separately +developed homogeneous existence of its own: natural human motives, which +elsewhere appe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[Pg 461]</a></span>ar only in private life, break the continuity of the +political action, and thus obtain a twofold dramatic influence. But if +deviations from fact are found in individual points, yet the choice of +events to be brought upon the stage shows a deep sense of what is +historically great. These are almost always situations and entanglements +of the most important character: the interference of the spiritual power +in an intestine political quarrel in King John: the sudden fall of a +firmly seated monarchy as soon as ever it departs from the strict path +of right in Richard III: the opposition which a usurping prince, Henry +IV, meets with at the hands of the great vassals who have placed him on +the throne, and which brings him by incessant anxiety and mental labour +to a premature grave: the happy issue of a successful foreign +enterprise, the course of which we follow from the determination to +prepare for it, to the risk of battle and to final victory; and then +again in Henry V and Henry VI, the unhappy position into which a prince +not formed by nature to be a ruler falls between violent contending +parties, until he envies the homely swain who tends his flocks and lets +the years run by in peace: lastly the path of horrible crime which a +king's son not destined for the throne has to tread in order to ascend +it: all these are great elements in the history of states, and are not +only important for England, but are symbolic for all people and their +sovereigns. The poet touches on parliamentary or religions questions +extremely seldom; and it may be observed that in King John the great +movements which led to Magna Charta are as good as left out of sight; on +the contrary he lives and moves among the personal contrasts offered by +the feudal system, and its mutual rights and duties. Bolingbroke's +feeling that though his cousin is King of England yet he is Duke of +Lancaster reveals the conception of these rights in the middle ages. The +speech which Shakspeare puts into the mouth of the Bishop of Carlisle is +applicable to all times. The crown that secures the highest independence +appears to the poet the most desirable of all possessions, but the +honoured gold consumes him who wears it by the restless care which it +brings with it. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[Pg 462]</a></span></p> + +<p>Shakspeare depicts the popular storms which are wont to accompany a free +constitution in the plots of some of his Roman dramas: of these Plutarch +instead of Holinshed furnishes the basis. He is right in taking them +from a foreign country: for events nearer to his audience would have +roused an interest of a different kind, and yet would not have had so +universal a meaning. What could be more dramatic, for example, and at +the same time more widely applicable than the contrast between the two +speeches, by the first of which Caesar's murder is justified, while by +the second the memory of his services is revived? The conception of +freedom which the first brings to life is set in opposition to the +thought of the virtues and services of the possessor of absolute power, +and thrust by them into the background; but these same feelings are the +deepest and most active in all ages and among all nations.</p> + +<p>But the attested traditions of ancient and modern times do not satisfy +the poet in his wish to lay bare the depths of human existence. He takes +us into the cloudy regions of British and Northern antiquity only known +to fable, in which other contrasts between persons and in public affairs +make their appearance. A king comes on the stage who in the plenitude of +enjoyment and power is brought by overhasty confidence in his nearest +kin to the extremest wretchedness into which men can fall. We see the +heir to a throne who, dispossessed of his rights by his own mother and +his father's murderer, is directed by mysterious influences to take +revenge. We have before us a great nobleman, who by atrocious murders +has gained possession of the throne, and is slain in fighting for it: +the poet brings us into immediate proximity with the crime, its +execution, and its recoil: it seems like an inspiration of hell and of +its deceitful prophecies: we wander on the confines of the visible world +and of that other world which lies on the other side, but extends over +into this, where it forms the border-land between conscious sense and +unconscious madness: the abysses of the human breast are opened to view, +in which men are chained down and brought to destruction by powers of +nature that dwell there unknown to them: all questions about existence +and non-existence; about heaven, hell, and earth; about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[Pg 463]</a></span> freedom and +necessity, are raised in these struggles for the crown. Even the +tenderest feelings that rivet human souls to one another he loves to +display upon a background of political life. Then we follow him from the +cloudy North into sunny Italy. Shakspeare is one of the intellectual +powers of nature; he takes away the veil by which the inward springs of +action are hidden from the vulgar eye. The extension of the range of +human vision over the mysterious being of things which his works offer +constitutes them a great historical fact.</p> + +<p>We do not here enter upon a discussion of Shakspeare's art and +characteristics, of their merits and defects: they were no doubt of a +piece with the needs, habits, and mode of thought of his audience; for +in what case could there be a stronger reciprocal action between an +author and his public, than in that of a young stage depending upon +voluntary support? The very absence of conventional rule made it easier +to put on the stage a drama by which all that is grandest and mightiest +is brought before the eyes as if actually present in that medley of +great and small things which is characteristic of human life. Genius is +an independent gift of God: whether it is allowed to expand or not +depends on the receptivity and taste of its contemporaries.</p> + +<p>It is certainly no unimportant circumstance that Shakspeare brought out +King Lear soon after the accession of James I, who, like his +predecessor, loved the theatre; and that Francis Bacon dedicated to the +King his work on the Advancement of Learning in the same year 1605.</p> + +<p>Of these two great minds the first bodied forth in imperishable forms +the tradition, the poetry, and the view of the world that belonged to +the past: the second banished from the domain of science the analogies +which they offered, and made a new path for the activity displayed by +succeeding centuries in the conquest of nature, and for a new view of +the world.</p> + +<p>Many others laboured side by side with them. The investigation of nature +had already entered on the path indicated by Bacon, and was welcomed +with lively interest, especially among the upper classes. Together wit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[Pg 464]</a></span>h +Shakspeare the less distinguished poets of the time have always been +remembered. In many other departments works of solid value were written +which laid a foundation for subsequent studies. Their characteristic +feature is the union of the knowledge of particulars, which are grasped +in their individuality, with a scientific effort directed towards the +universal.</p> + +<p>These were the days of calm between the storms; halcyon days, as they +have well been named, in which genius had sufficient freedom in +determining its own direction to devote itself with all its strength to +great creations.</p> + +<p>As the German spirit at the epoch of the Reformation, so the English +spirit at the beginning of the seventeenth century, took its place among +the rival nationalities which stood apart from one another on the domain +of Western Christendom, and on whose exertions the advance of the human +race depends. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> In a letter to Casaubon he says 'vitam et res humanas et +medias earum turbas per contemplationes sanas et veras instructiores +esse volo.' (Works vi. 51).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Sam. Cox in Nicolas' Memoirs of Hatton, App. XXX.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="INT_V" id="INT_V"></a>BOOK V.</h2> + +<p class='center'><br />DISPUTES WITH PARLIAMENT DURING THE LATER YEARS OF THE REIGN OF JAMES I +AND THE EARLIER YEARS OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES I. </p> + +<p>It has been my wish hitherto in my narrative to suppress myself as it +were, and only to let the events speak and the mighty forces be seen +which, arising out of and strengthened by each other's action in the +course of centuries, now stood up against one another, and became +involved in a stormy contest, which discharged itself in bloody and +terrible outbursts, and at the same time was fraught with the decision +of questions most important for the European world.</p> + +<p>The British islands, which in ancient times had been the extreme +border-land, or even beyond the extreme border-land of civilisation, had +now become one of its most important centres, and, owing to the union +just effected, had taken a grand position among the powers of the world. +But it is nevertheless clear at first sight that the constituent +elements of the population were far from being completely fused. In many +places in the two great islands the old Celtic stock still existed with +its original character unaltered. The Germanic race, which certainly had +an indubitable preponderance and was sovereign over the other, was split +into two different kingdoms, which, despite the union of the two crowns, +still remained distinct. The hostility of the two races was increased by +a difference of religion, which was closely connected with this +hostility though it was not merged in it. As a general rule the men of +Celtic extraction remained true to the Roman Catholic faith, while the +Germanic race was penetrated by Protestant convictions. Yet there were +Protestants among the former, and we know how numerous and how powerful +the Catholics were among the latter. Besides this, moreover, opposite +tendencies with regard to ecclesiastical forms struck root in the two +kingdoms. It was now the principal aim of the family by whose hereditary +claim the two kingdoms and the islands had been united, not only to +avert the strife of hostile elements, but also to reconcile them with +one another, and to unite them in a single commonwealth under its +authority, which all acknowledged and which it was desired to extend by +such an union. This was a scheme which opened a great prospect, but at +the same time involved no inconsiderable danger. Each of the two +kingdoms watched jealously over its separate independence. They would +not allow the dynasty to bring about a common government, which would +thus have set itself up above them, and would have established a new +kind of sovereignty over them. While the crown sought to enforce +prerogatives which were contested, it had to encounter in both kingdoms +the claims advanced by the holders of power in the nation, whom in turn +it endeavoured to repress. The quarrel was complicated by a conception +of the relations of the crown to foreign powers answering to its new +position, and running counter to the national view. At the same time +very perceptible analogies to this state of things were offered by the +religious wars, which began to convulse the continent more violently +than ever, and aroused corresponding feelings in the British isles. The +dynasty which tried to appease the prevailing opposition of principles +might find that, on the contrary, it rather fomented the strife, and was +itself drawn into it. This in fact took place. Springs of action of the +most opposite nature and antagonisms growing out of nationality, +religion, and politics, which could not be understood apart from one +another, co-operated in giving rise to events which do not form a single +continuous course of action, but rather present a varied and changing +result, due to elements which were grand and full of life, but still +waited for their final settlement. It is clear how much this depended on +the character and discernment of the king. </p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_I" id="BV_I"></a> +JAMES I AND HIS ADMINISTRATION OF DOMESTIC GOVERNMENT.</p> + +<p>At one period of his youth James I had been accustomed to vary his +application to his lessons with bodily exercises. At that age he had +divided his days between learned studies and the chase of the smaller +game in Stirling Park, accompanied in both pursuits by friends and +comrades of the same age; and he retained during all his life the habits +he had then formed.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> +He spent only a couple of months in the year in +London, or at Greenwich: he preferred Theobald's, and still more distant +country seats like Royston and Newmarket, where he could give himself up +to hunting. Even before sunrise he was in motion, surrounded by a small +number of companions practised in the chase and selected for that +object, amongst whom he was himself one of the most skilful. He thought +that he might vie with Henry IV even in field sports; but he was not +hindered by his fondness for these amusements from continuing his +studies with unwearied application. He was impelled to these not, +strictly speaking, by thirst for general knowledge, although he was not +deficient in this, but principally by interest in the theological +controversies which engaged the attention of the world. He more than +once went through the voluminous works of Bellarmin; and, in order to +verify the citations, he had the old editions of the Fathers and of the +Decrees of the Councils sent him from Cambridge. In this task a learned +bishop stood at his side to assist him. He endeavoured with many a work +of his own to thrust himself forward in the conflict of opinions. He had +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[Pg 470]</a></span> +the vanity of wishing to be regarded as the most learned man in the two +kingdoms, but he could only succeed in passing for a storehouse of all +sorts of knowledge; for a man who overestimates himself is commonly +punished by disregard even of his real merits. These may not meet with +recognition until later times. The writings of James I wore the pedantic +dress of the age; but in the midst of scholastic argumentation we yet +stumble upon apt thoughts and allusions. The images which he frequently +employs have not that delicacy of literary feeling which avoids what is +ungraceful, but they are original and sometimes striking in their +simplicity. Naturally thorough and acute, he labours not without success +to prove to his adversaries the untenableness of the grounds on which +they proceed, or the logical fallacy of their conclusions. Here and +there we catch the elevated tone of a consciousness that rests upon firm +conviction. Even in conversation he sought to turn away from particulars +as soon as they came under discussion, and to pass to general +considerations, a province in which he felt most at home. In his +incidental utterances which have been taken down, he displays sound +sense and knowledge of mankind. It is especially worth noticing how he +considers virtue and religion to be immediately connected with +knowledge—the confusions in the world appear to him for the most part +to arise from mediocrity of +knowledge<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>—and +how highly moreover he +estimates a sense for truth. He finds the most material difference +between virtue and vice in the greater inward truthfulness of the +former. King James delivers many other well-weighed principles of calm +wisdom: it is only extraordinary how little his own practice +corresponded with them.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> +When in one of his earlier writings we mark +the seriousness with which he speaks of the duty +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[Pg 471]</a></span> +incumbent on a king of +testing men of talent, of measuring their capacity, and of appointing +his servants not according to inclination but according to merit, we +should expect to find him in this respect a careful and conscientious +ruler. Instead of this we find that he always has favourites, whose +merits no one can discover; to whom he stands in the extraordinarily +compound relation of father, teacher, and friend, and to whom he allows +a share in the power which he possesses. He could never free himself +from a ruinous prodigality towards those about him, in spite of +resolutions of amendment. How soon were the costly objects flung away +which Elizabeth had collected and left behind at her +death!<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> +How many possessions or sources of revenue accruing to the crown did he +allow to pass into private hands! Any regulation of his household +expenditure was as little to be expected from him in England as in +Scotland. Like the princes of the thirteenth century he considered that +the royal power assigned him privileges and advantages in which he had a +full right to allow his favourites and servants to share. Not seldom the +most scandalous abuses were connected with these: for instance, when the +court was to be provided with the common necessaries of life during its +journeys, it was required that they should be delivered to it at low +prices: the servants exacted more supplies than were wanted, and then +sold the surplus for their own profit. In grotesque contrast with the +disgraceful cupidity of his attendants is the exaggerated conception +which James had formed for himself of the ideal importance of the royal +authority, which at that time some persons attempted with metaphysical +acuteness to lay down almost in the same terms as the attributes of the +Deity. He had similar notions about his dignity and the unconditional +obligation of his subjects. Even in his Parliamentary speeches he did +not refrain from expressing them. He made no secret of them in his life +in the country, where he met with unbounded veneration from every one. +It was remarked as a point of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[Pg 472]</a></span> +contrast between him and Elizabeth, that +while she had always spoken of the love of her subjects, James on the +contrary was always talking of the obedience which they owed him on the +ground of divine and human right. And people recognised many other +points of contrast between them besides +this.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> +When the Queen had formed a resolution, she had never shrunk from the trouble of directing +her attention to its execution even in the minutest details. King James +did not possess this ardour; for he could not descend from the world of +studies and general views in which he lived, to take a searching +interest in the business of the government or of justice. He had indeed +been known to say that it was annoying to him to hear the arguments on +both sides quietly discussed in a question of right submitted to him; +for that in that case he was unable to come to any conclusion. The Queen +loved gallant men and characters distinguished for boldness: the King +was without any sense of military merit, and felt uncomfortable in the +presence of men of enterprising spirit. He thought that he could only +trust those whom he had chained to himself by favours, presents, and +benefits. The Queen served as a pattern of everything which was proper +and becoming. James, who restricted himself to the intercourse of a few +intimate friends, formed attachments which he thought were to serve as +the rule of life. He himself was slovenly; in England, as formerly in +Scotland, he neglected his appearance, and indulged in eccentricities +which appeared repulsive to others, and were taken amiss from him. Even +at that time there was a common feeling in England in favour of what is +becoming in good society; and although the feeling was for a long time +less deeply engraved on men's minds, and less sensitive to every outrage +than it became at a later period, men did not pardon the King for coming +into collision with it.</p> + +<p>Hence this sovereign appeared in complete contradiction with himself. +Careless, petty, and at the same time most unusually proud; a lover of +pomp and ceremony, yet fond of solitude and retirement; fiery and at the +same time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[Pg 473]</a></span> +lax; a man of genius and yet pedantic; eager to acquire and +reckless in giving away; confidential and imperious; even in little +matters of daily life not master of himself, he often did what he would +afterwards rather have left undone. With all his knowledge and +acuteness, the high flight of his thoughts was often allied to a moral +weakness which among all circles did serious injury to that reverence +which had hitherto been reserved for those who held the highest +authority, and which was partly bestowed even on him. It could not seem +likely that such a man should be able to exercise great influence on the +fortunes of Britain.</p> + +<p>He did however exercise such an influence. He gave the tone to the +policy of the Stuart dynasty, and introduced the complication in which +the destiny of his descendants was involved.</p> + +<p>In the first years of his reign in England, so long as Robert Cecil was +alive, King James exercised no deep influence. The Privy Council +possessed to the full the authority which belonged to it by old custom. +James used simply to confirm the resolutions which were adopted in the +bosom of the Council under the influence of the Treasurer: he appears in +the reports of ambassadors as a phantom-king, and the minister as the +real ruler of the country.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> +After the death of Cecil all this was +changed. The King knew the party-divisions which prevailed in the +Council: he let its members have their own way, and even connived at the +relations they formed with foreign powers for their own interest; but he +knew how to hold the balance between them, and in the midst of their +divisions to carry out his own views. In those country seats, where no +one seemed to take thought for anything except the pleasures of the +chase and learned pursuits, the business of the state also was carried +on in course of time with ever-increasing ardour.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> +The secretaries about the King were incessantly busy, while the secretaries' chambers +in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[Pg 474]</a></span> +London were idle. Great affairs were generally transacted between +the King and the favourite in the ascendant at the time, in conferences +to which only a few others were admitted, and sometimes not even these. +The King himself decided; and the resolutions which were taken were +communicated to the Privy Council, which gradually became accustomed to +do nothing more than invest them with the customary forms. If it be +asked what the object of the King's efforts was, the answer must be that +it was to set the exercise of the supreme power free from the +controlling influence of the men of high rank to whom the King had +deferred on his first accession. This was generally the aim of the great +rulers of that century. This had been the principal end of the policy of +Philip II of Spain during his long political life: however the Kings and +Queens of France may have differed on other points, they were all, both +Henry III and Henry IV, Mary de' Medici while she was regent, and Lewis +XIII so soon as he succeeded to the exercise of power, at one in this +endeavour. James, who was a new sovereign in one of his kingdoms, and +almost always absent from the other, had more difficulties in his way +than other monarchs. Wherever it was possible he proceeded with energy +and rigour. People were astonished when they reckoned up the number of +considerable men who served him in high offices, and were then deprived +of them. He laboured incessantly to make way for the impartial exercise +of justice in the King's name throughout Scotland, in spite of the +privileges of the great Scottish nobles as its administrators. In his +ecclesiastical arrangements in that country, he was fond of insisting on +his personal wishes: in cases of emergency indeed he made known that all +the treasures of India were not of so much value in his eyes as the +observance of his ordinances; and he threatened the opponents of the +royal will with the King's anger, to which he then gave +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[Pg 475]</a></span> +unbridled indulgence.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> +As he looked upon the Church of England as the best +bulwark against the influence of the Jesuits which he feared on the one +side, and that of the Puritans which he hated on the other, it was +naturally his foremost endeavour to fortify his power, and to unite the +two kingdoms with one another by the promotion and spread of the forms +of that Church. The essential motive of his system of colonisation in +Ireland was the wish to establish the Church, by the aid of which he +designed to subjugate or to suppress hostile elements. In England he +imparted to it a character still more clerical and removed from +Presbyterianism than that which had previously distinguished it: he +wished it to be as much withdrawn as possible from the action of civil +legislation. But in proportion as he supported himself on the Church he +fell out with the Parliament, in which aristocratic tendencies and +sympathies with popular rights and with Puritanism were blended with a +feeling of independence that was hateful to him. He once said that five +hundred kings were assembled there, and he thought that he was +fulfilling a duty in resisting them. The most momentous questions +affecting constitutional rights in regard to the freedom of elections, +freedom of speech, the limits of legislative power, and above all the +right of granting taxes, were brought forward under King James. And on +every other side he saw himself involved in a struggle with hostile +privileges and proud independent powers, from whose ascendancy both in +Church and State he was careful to keep himself free, while at the same +time he did not proceed to extremities or come to an absolute rupture. +He was naturally disposed, and was moreover led by circumstances, to +make it a leading rule of conduct, to adhere immovably to principles +which he had once espoused, and never to lose sight of them; but, having +done this, to appear vacillating and irresolute in matters of detail. +His position abroad involved the same apparent contradiction. Placed in +the midst of great rival powers, and never completely certain of the +obedience of his subjects, he sought +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[Pg 476]</a></span> +to ensure the future for himself +by crafty and hesitating conduct. All the world complained that they +could not depend on him; each party thought that he was blinded by the +other. Those however who knew him more intimately assure us that we must +not suppose that he did not apprehend the snares which were laid for +him; that if only he were willing to use his eyes, he was as +clear-sighted as Argus; that there was no prince in the world who had +more insight into affairs or more cleverness in transacting them. They +say that if he appeared to lack decision, this arose from his fine +perception of the difficulties arising from the nature of things and +their necessary consequences; that he was just as slow and circumspect +in the execution as he was lively and expeditious in the discussion of +measures; that he knew how to moderate his choleric temperament by an +intentional reserve,<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> +and that even his absence from the capital and +his residence in the country were made to second this systematic +hesitation; that, if a disputed point awaited decision, instead of +attending a meeting with the Privy Councillors who were with him, he +would take advantage of a fine day to fly his falcons, for he thought +that something might happen in the meanwhile, or some news be brought +in, and that the delay of an hour had often ere now been found +profitable.</p> + +<p>It was then through no mere weakness on King James's part that he +conceded power to a favourite. In a letter to Robert Carr he describes +what he thought he had found in him, viz. a man who did not allow +himself to be diverted a hair's-breadth from his +service,<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> +who never betrayed a secret, and who had nothing before his eyes but the advantage +and good name of his sovereign. The greater share that he secured for +such a man in the management of affairs the greater the power which he +believed that he himself exercised in them. The +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1613.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[Pg 477]</a></span> +favourite who depended +entirely on the will of the king and knew his secrets, he supposed would +be both feared and powerful as a first minister, and would pave the way +by his influence upon the state for the carrying out of the views of the +sovereign. He thought that he could combine the government of the state +and the advance of monarchical ideas, with the comfort of a domestic +friendship with an inferior.</p> + +<p>James himself brought about the alliance, which we noticed, between +Robert Carr, whom he raised to the earldom of Somerset, and the house of +Howard. By the union of the hereditary importance of an old family that +had almost always held the highest and most influential offices, with +the favour of the King which carried with it the fullest authority, a +power was in fact consolidated which for a while governed England. Henry +Howard, Earl of Northampton, the Lord Treasurer Thomas Howard, Earl of +Suffolk, and Robert Carr were considered the triumvirs of +England.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> +In the midst of this combination appears Lady Frances Howard, the +daughter of the Earl of Suffolk, whose divorce from Essex and marriage +with Somerset had sealed the political alliance between the two +families. She was young and beautiful, with an expression of modesty and +gentleness, but at the same time stately and brilliant, a fit creature +to move in a society that revelled in the enjoyment of life, in the +culture of the century, and in the possession of high rank. But what an +abyss of dark impulses and unbridled passion sometimes lies hid under +such a shining exterior! The Lady Frances had once sought to draw Prince +Henry into her net. Many said that she had employed magic for this +purpose; indeed they assumed that the early death of the Prince had been +brought on partly by this +means.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> +Her marriage with the king's +favourite was, if this be true, only a secondary satisfaction of her +ambition, but yet a satisfaction which she could not forego. Somerset +had an intimate friend, whose advice and services at a former period +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1615.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[Pg 478]</a></span> +had been very useful to him, but who opposed this marriage and fell out +with him on account of it—his name was +Overbury.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> +Lady Frances swore to effect his death. We are revolted at the licence which personal +hate enjoyed of misusing the power of the state, when we read that +Overbury was first brought to the Tower, and then had creatures who +could be relied on set about him there, with whose help the victim was +removed out of the way by means of poison. Lady Frances was not the only +female poisoner among the higher classes of society. This mode of +assassination had spread in England as it had done in Italy and at times +in France. In these transactions the most abandoned profligacy allied +itself with the brilliancy and the advantages of a high position, but +they foreboded a speedy ruin. The authority of Somerset awakened +discontent and secret counterplots. He was naturally turbulent, +obstinate, and insolent, and had the presumption to behave in his usual +manner even to the King whom he set right with an air of intellectual +superiority which revived in the King's breast bitter recollection of +the years of his childhood. James put up with this conduct for a while; +he then, against the will of the favourite, set his hand to raise to a +level with him another young man, for whom he entertained a personal +liking: at last the misunderstanding came to an open rupture. And at the +same time an accident brought to light the circumstances of Overbury's +death.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> +All Somerset's old enemies raised their heads again, and +proceedings were instituted against him and his wife which terminated in +their condemnation.<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> +The King pardoned them, to the extent of +allowing them to lead a life secluded from +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[Pg 479]</a></span> +the world; they resided afterwards in the same house, but, as far as is known, in complete +separation without even seeing one another.</p> + +<p>Shortly before this event Henry Howard had died. Thomas Howard, whose +wife was accused of exercising a pernicious and corrupt influence upon +affairs, lost his office of High Treasurer. The place of Carr was +occupied by the young man above referred to, whom Carr's adversaries had +combined to push forward, George Villiers, a native of Leicestershire, +where his family had lived upon their own ancestral property from the +time of the Conquest. After the early death of his father, his mother, a +Beaumont by birth, a lady still young and full of ambition and knowledge +of the world, had educated him not only in the training of English +schools but in French ways and manners, and had then brought him to +court. He differed from Carr in being naturally good-tempered, and of a +courteous obliging disposition, which won the heart of every +one.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> +Although no one doubted that he would be spoilt by a higher position, +yet people thought that he could never become malicious like Somerset. +Lord Pembroke and Archbishop Abbot both gave him a helping hand in his +rise: the latter moved the Queen also, although she was not without +scruples, to aid in it. Villiers was a man after the King's own heart, +well-formed, capable of intellectual cultivation, devoted: in +consequence of the favour and confidence of the King the youth, who +after a time was created Duke of Buckingham, acquired a ruling position +in the English state. The old Admiral Effingham, Earl of Nottingham, +resigned his office in order to make room for him: some other high +officials were appointed under his influence and according to his views; +in a short time the white wands of the royal household and the +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1617.</span> +under-secretaryships +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[Pg 480]</a></span> +and subordinate offices had been transferred to +the hands of his adherents and friends.</p> + +<p>But foreign as well as domestic relations were affected by this change. +Somerset had stood in the most confidential relations with the Spanish +ambassador: he was accused of having betrayed to him the secrets of the +state from his office.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> +His wife, if not himself, was thought to +have drawn money from Spain. Probably the intelligence of this +behaviour, which came to the King's ears, contributed most to the +downfall of Somerset. This event did not in itself involve a change of +policy. In the advice which was given to the young favourite from a +well-informed source, it is presupposed that the good understanding with +Spain would continue: but it was now possible for the adversaries of +this power to bestir themselves again. Some of the most conspicuous men +of the other party, such as Winwood, the Secretary of State, would even +have been glad if open war with Spain had immediately broken out.</p> + +<p>The mutual opposition between these powerful tendencies, and the men who +made them their own, brought the career of Walter Ralegh to a close.</p> + +<p>Somerset was Ralegh's personal enemy, and had gained possession of his +best estate. After his fall Ralegh was liberated from the Tower. He +still lay under the weight of a sentence which had been pronounced +against him on the occasion of the plot which bears his name. He might +have purchased its removal; but he was assured by the most influential +voices that he had nothing more to fear from it; and he thought that he +could apply the money more profitably to the execution of the great +design which he had long ago formed, and which he had never for an +instant lost sight of during his captivity. A story was then afloat that +after the destruction of the kingdom of Peru the descendants of the +Incas had founded another kingdom +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[Pg 481]</a></span> +between the Amazon and the Orinoco, +the Dorado of the Spaniards. It was Ralegh's ambition to open to his +countrymen this region which would be easily accessible from the coasts, +of which he had formerly taken possession in the name of England. The +old reputation of Ralegh's name procured him sufficient support for his +expedition, not only from the merchants, but also from wealthy private +individuals; and the King gave him a patent which empowered him to sail +to the ports of America still in possession of the heathen, in order to +open commercial intercourse with them, and to spread the Christian, +especially the Reformed, faith among +them.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> +In July 1617 Ralegh set sail from Plymouth harbour for this object, with seven ships of war and +a number of small transports carrying about 700 men.</p> + +<p>It was presupposed that in such an enterprise all hostilities against +the Spaniards would be avoided. When the Spanish ambassador complained +of this expedition undertaken by a man who had already on one occasion +been very troublesome to the Spanish colonies, the Privy Council +answered that Ralegh was pledged by his instructions to do no damage to +the Spaniards; and that 'if he violated them his head was there to pay +for it.'<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> +The King himself repeated this answer to him.</p> + +<p>Ralegh in fact guarded against any collision with the Spaniards on his +voyage. He was said not to have taken a single Spanish vessel, and he +directed his course without stopping to Guiana, the goal which he had +set before himself. But the Spaniards had become powerful there, +although not until after his former visit. From Caraccas they had +conquered the natives, who were engaged in internal wars, and had firmly +established themselves at a short distance +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[Pg 482]</a></span> +from the coast. What was +likely to happen if they opposed the forces which Ralegh landed to +search for the gold mines which he had formerly seen there? Ralegh +remembered full well what a danger he ran if he engaged in a struggle +and fought with them: he knew that he was thereby forfeiting his life. +But on the other side, was he to return without fulfilling his purpose, +and to burden himself with the reproach of not having told the truth? +Worst of all, was he to fail in effecting the object which he had +entertained all his life long, and not to achieve the discovery on which +he staked the future glory of his name? It was perhaps the greatest +moment in a life that almost always lifts itself above the ordinary +level, when the thirst for discovery gained the victory over +considerations of legality and the danger involved in discarding them. +And well might he have hoped that not only pardon but praise would have +been accorded him, if he had actually obtained possession of the gold +mines, by whatever means. He commanded his men when they advanced inland +to behave to the Spaniards as the Spaniards behaved to them. A collision +was thus unavoidable. It took place at S. Thomas, which was destroyed, +but the Spaniards nevertheless had completely the superiority: Ralegh's +only son was killed; and the captain who had the charge of the +expedition was so disheartened that he committed suicide. These +disasters involved the utter failure of the expedition. His crews, who +were naturally insubordinate, quarrelled among themselves, and on the +voyage home the fleet dispersed. Ralegh came back to England without an +ounce of gold, and without having effected any result whatever: he +appeared in the light of an adventurer who had wantonly desired to break +the peace with Spain. And when the ambassador of this power asked for +full and signal satisfaction, in order to restore the good understanding +which Ralegh's enterprise had at once interrupted, was it to be expected +that the King should take under his protection the man who had not +complied with the conditions prescribed to him, and whom for other +reasons he did not love? And moreover the pulse of free generosity which +befits a sovereign did not beat in the breast of King James. He +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1618.</span> +consented that the old +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[Pg 483]</a></span> +sentence of condemnation, for fifteen years +suspended over Ralegh's head, should now be enforced against him. It had +been pronounced against him for entering into a secret alliance with +Spain; an attack on Spain led to its execution. Ralegh and the King +exhibit a contrast between ambition that scorns danger on the one side, +and caution that supports itself by the forms of law on the other, such +as even in England has hardly ever been so sharply drawn. The King could +not possibly get any good by his conduct. The position of England in the +world depended upon the resistance that she offered to the preponderance +of Spain in both the Indies and in Europe. The King detached himself +from one of the chief interests of the nation when he allowed a felon's +death to be inflicted on the man of lofty genius, who had undertaken, by +an ill-advised attempt it is true, to give effect in America to this +feeling of world-wide opposition. James thought that his welfare lay in +maintaining the peace with Spain. But we know that at an earlier date he +had entered on a course adverse to Spain, and that even now he had not +entirely renounced it. What confusion must eventually follow from this +divided policy! </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Ant. Foscarini, Relatione 1618: 'Il re ritiene questa +sorte di vita nella quale fu habituato, e spende tutto il tempo che puo +nella caccia e ne studj.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> 'Crums fallen from King James' Table, or his Table Talk.' +MS. in the British Museum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Wilson, James I, 289: 'He had pure notions in conception, +but could bring few of them into action, though they tended to his own +preservation.' Wilson, Weldon, and the notices in Balfour, are certainly +all of them deeply tinged with party feeling. The elder Disraeli is +quite right in rejecting them: but his own conception is very +unsatisfactory. Gardiner (1863) avoids unauthenticated statements; but +the views of James' character which have grown up and established +themselves owing to the commonplace repetition of such statements, +control his representation of it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Foscarini: 'A due sorti di persone dona particolarmente, +a grandi et a quelli che gli assistono che sono quasi tutti Scocesi, e +non vaca cosa alcuna della quale possino cavar utile, che non la +demandino e nello stesso momento obtengono.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Harrington: Nugae Antiquae i.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Niccolo Molino, Relatione 1607: 'A abandonato e messo +dietro le spalle tutti gli affari li quali lascia al suo consiglio ed a +suoi ministri, onde si puo dire con verità ch'egli sia principe di nome +e Più tosto d'apparenza che d'effetto.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> A. Foscarini 1618: 'In campagna gli viene di giorno in +giorno dal consiglio che risiede per ordinario in Londra dato conto di +quanto passa et inviatigli spacci e corrieri: tratta e risolve molte +cose con il consiglio solo de suoi favoriti.—Risolve per ordinario in +momenti et havendo seco segretarii per gli affari d'Inghilterra, per +quelli di Scotia e Ibernia comanda ciascuno di essi, quanto occorre e +vuol che si faccia in tutti i suoi regni.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Calderwood, vii. 311, 434, &c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Girolamo Lando, Relatione 1622: '(S. M. è) inclinata +all'ambiguita et alla dimora non gia per naturale complessione impastata +di foco, colerico et molto ardente, ma perche vuol darsi a credere di +cavare della protrattione del tempo ciò, che desidera—conli scemi +dell'ira tenendo pure quelli della mansuetudine.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> 'Unmoveable in one hair that might concern me against the +whole world.' James to Somerset, in Halliwell ii. 127; certainly one of +the most important documents in this collection.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Narrative of Abbot in Rushworth i. 460.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> A. Foscarini, 1615 Nov. 13. 'Si mantiene viva la voce e +sospetto del principe defonto.' Nov. 20, 'Avanthieri parti il re, che +per questo accidente e per le gravi dissensioni ed odii che regna in +corte si mostra molto addolorato.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> The personal motive of the estrangement might have lain +in Overbury's speech to Somerset, mentioned by Payton during the trial: +'"I will leave you free to yourself to stand on your own legs." My lord +of Somerset answered his legs were strong enough to bear himself.' +(State Trials ii. 978.) He wished to show that he could dispense with +Overbury.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> According to Wilson, Ralph Winwood was informed by a +confession made at Vliessingen. From a letter of Winwood extracted by +Gardiner (History of England ii. 216) we only learn that Winwood +received the first intimation: he reckons it as a proof of the justice +of the King of England that he allowed the investigation to be made.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Somerset intimated that he possessed secrets the +disclosure of which would compromise the King: and there is nothing, +however conjectural or infamous, which has not seemed to some among +posterity to be probable on this ground. James I says, 'God knows it is +only a trick of his idle brain, hoping thereby to shift his trial. I +cannot hear a private message from him without laying an aspersion upon +myself of being an accessory to his crime.' (Halliwell ii. 138.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Girolamo Lando, Relatione 1622, praises him for +'apparenza di modestia, benignita e cortesia,—bellezza, gratia, +leggiadria del corpo, a tutti gli esercitii mirabilmente disposto.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> 'Che le lettere Più importanti del re sono passate in +mano di Spagna.' Ant. Foscarini, Nov. 13, 1615. There is a letter of +James I of October 20 which likewise supposes acts of treachery of this +kind. What is true in this supposition we now learn from Digby's letter, +in Gardiner, App. iii. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> 'To the south parts of America or elsewhere within +America possessed and inhabited by heathen and savage people.' So run +the words of the commission: it is therein said expressly 'Sir Walter +Ralegh being under the peril of the law.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Dispaccio Veneto Feb. 10, 1617: 'Che le cose erano +concertate che S. M. cattolica non avrebbe occasione di riceverne +disgusto—che era fermamente del re, che il Rale andasse al suo viaggio, +nel quale se avesse contravenuto alle suoi instruttioni—haveva la testa +con che pagherebbe la disubbidienza.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_II" id="BV_II"></a> +COMPLICATIONS ARISING OUT OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE PALATINATE.</p> + +<p>During these years there had been persons at the helm of state in most +countries, who either from natural disposition or from a calculation of +present circumstances had cherished peaceful views. In spite of all the +activity of Spanish policy, Philip III and his minister Lerma clung to +the principle that the rest needed to restore the strength of the +exhausted monarchy must be granted to it. The Emperor Matthias owed the +crown he wore to his alliance with the Protestants: his first minister +Klesel, although a cardinal, was a lukewarm Catholic, and a man of +conciliatory views in general. The Regent of France, Mary de' Medici, +had surrendered the warlike designs of her husband when she entered on +the exercise of sovereign power. Christian IV of Denmark held similar +views. He declined the proposals of the Poles, which were aimed at a +renewal of the war against Sweden: he preferred, with the approval of +his council of state, to proceed with the building of towns and harbours +in which he was engaged.</p> + +<p>Hence it was possible on the whole to carry out a policy such as that +maintained by James I. It corresponded to the tone prevalent among the +other powers.</p> + +<p>From time to time it seemed probable that the opposing forces which were +contending with one another in the depths of European life, would burst +forth and shatter the peaceful state of affairs. For the advancing +revival of Catholicism roused the hostile feelings of Protestants, while +the union of the German and the independent feeling of the Italian +princes resisted the extension of the alliances of Spain. In the +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1617.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[Pg 485]</a></span> +year 1615, on the Netherland frontier, and in the year 1616 on the boundaries +between Austria and Venice, warlike movements began which threatened to +prove the commencement of a general struggle: but these were disputes of +an essentially local nature, and peaceful dispositions still maintained +the upper hand.</p> + +<p>But in the year 1617 and 1618 a question arose which no longer allowed +this state of things to continue. It concerned the imperial dignity of +Germany, but it exercised so powerful a secondary influence upon affairs +most thoroughly English that even in a history of England a short +discussion must be devoted to it.</p> + +<p>The increasing weakness of the Emperor Matthias rendered his speedy end +probable; and all preparations were already being made in the house of +Austria to secure the succession of the Archduke Ferdinand of Styria to +the imperial throne, as well as to his own hereditary kingdoms and +provinces. No arrangement could in itself have been more suitable in the +nature of things. Ferdinand was the most vigorous scion of his house; +and both the German Archdukes laid their own well-founded claims at his +feet. A resignation on the part of Philip III of the claims which he +inherited from his mother was thought indispensable: but even this +created no difficulty. It was merely stipulated that Ferdinand should +indemnify him for resigning them; and this he was willing to do. It only +remained that the crown of the German Empire should also be assured to +him. The Archdukes were eager for an immediate negotiation on the +subject, and were already certain of the support of the spiritual +electors.</p> + +<p>It is clear however that the succession was not merely a change of +persons. The place of the peaceable and moderate Matthias would be +filled by one of the most devoted pupils of the Jesuits in the person of +Ferdinand, who had made himself terrible to the Protestants by an +unsparing restoration of Catholicism in his own country. Moreover the +alliance between the German and Spanish line, which had been loosened in +the last few years, was to be consolidated into a union resting on +common interests: so that it seemed likely that Austria would enjoy a +supremacy like that which had been +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[Pg 486]</a></span> +established in the time of Charles +V. The letters which passed between the members of that house, and which +had accidentally been divulged, excited surprise by the note of general +hostility which they struck, while the share of the Palatinate and of +Brandenburg in the election was treated in them as a formality which +could be dispensed with in case of +necessity.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p> + +<p>It is quite intelligible that the Protestants should be agitated by this +discovery, and should entertain the idea of opposing the election of +Ferdinand. Not that one of them thought of acquiring the throne for +himself; they did not resist the election of a Catholic emperor as such, +but they wished to guard against the resumption of the combination +between the Austro-Spanish power and the prerogatives of the imperial +crown. At first their eyes fell upon Duke Maximilian of Bavaria, whom +they would by this means have for ever detached from that power. The +Elector Frederick controlled the jealousy which, as Elector Palatine, he +felt for a branch of the same house, and went to Munich in order to +prevail on his cousin to consent to this arrangement; for, according to +the plea advanced on grounds of imperial right, the imperial crown could +not be allowed to become hereditary in the house of Austria. He hoped +that the Archbishop Ferdinand of Cologne, the brother of the Duke of +Bavaria, would support him, and that his influence would win over the +other spiritual electors also. The Union and the League would then have +combined to oppose the house of Austria.</p> + +<p>But meanwhile open resistance to the claims of this family had already +broken out in its own provinces. While the Emperor Matthias was still +alive, the Archduke Ferdinand, through the combination, as prescribed by +Bohemian usage, of an election with the recognition of his hereditary +claims,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[Pg 487]</a></span> +had been acknowledged future King of Bohemia, and had been +already crowned, on condition that he would not mix in public affairs +before the death of his predecessor. But immediately after the +coronation people thought that they could discover his hand in every act +of the government. Cardinal Klesel, the man in whom the greatest +confidence was reposed, especially by the Protestant portion of the +Estates, had been overthrown owing to the influence of the Spanish +ambassador. In opposition to the influence thus exercised, 'against the +practices and snares of the Jesuits,' as the phrase ran, the zealous +Protestants who, when Ferdinand was accepted as King, had been thrust +into the background or had retired, now obtained the upper hand in the +country, and proceeded to open insurrection while the Emperor Matthias +was still alive. This Prince was the first who was overturned by the +collision of the two parties, whose enmity was again reviving, and +between whom he had thought of mediating. He was bitterly disappointed +by his failure. After his death the Bohemians thought themselves +justified in refusing any longer to acknowledge Ferdinand as their King, +and in seeking on the contrary for a worthier successor to the throne, +on the ground that in Ferdinand's election the traditional forms had not +been accurately observed, and that he was undermining all religious and +political freedom. Their eyes had even fallen on Catholic princes; but +as the motive which prompted their resistance was certainly the +religious one, their attention was still more drawn to the most eminent +Protestant prince in their vicinity, Frederick Elector Palatine, who as +head of the Union was himself the principal opponent of the election of +Ferdinand as Emperor.</p> + +<p>On the very first steps taken in this matter, the King of England was +affected by these movements. We learn that, on the occasion of the +overtures made by Frederick, Maximilian of Bavaria had been moved to +write to James I, and to express to him his satisfaction at the family +connexion which had sprung up between them. The interest of the +Palatinate and of England seemed one and the same, especially as the +King was still considered a member and protector +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1618.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[Pg 488]</a></span> +of the Union. The presumption that the son-in-law of the King of England would find +support from his power, contributed greatly to the importance which the +Elector at this moment enjoyed.</p> + +<p>But at the same time it was evident in what an embarrassing position +James I was now placed, and that not only on account of the danger +threatening the continuance of peace, which he thought no price too high +to secure: his hands were tied not merely by this general consideration, +but by another special reason as well. He was at that moment seriously +engaged in a treaty for the marriage of his son with a Spanish infanta, +which was to carry out the long-talked-of alliance between his family +and the Austro-Spanish line.</p> + +<p>The first overtures in regard to the present Prince of Wales had been +made by the Duke of Lerma to the English envoy, Digby, to whom he opened +a proposal for the marriage of Prince Charles with Mary, daughter of +Philip III. The Spanish ambassador, Gondomar, had then taken the +management of the affair in hand. We should do him wrong by supposing +that he wished to deceive the King. Gondomar rather belonged to the +party who looked for the welfare of the Spanish monarchy in the +maintenance of peace, especially with England. The scheme of the +marriage was part of the system of powerful alliances by which it was +sought to prop the greatness of Spain. Even the uncertain rumour of this +scheme, which was instantly propagated, sufficed to agitate the +Protestant party in Europe and in England itself. The King declared that +he moved only with leaden foot towards the proposal which had been made +to him; and that, if it were seen that the alliance was dangerous to +religion or to existing agreements, it should never take effect. But +even the Secretary of State, Ralph Winwood, who repeated this +declaration, disapproved of the scheme, as did also the whole school of +Robert Cecil. They had wished to marry the Prince to the daughter of a +German line, perhaps to a Brandenburg princess; and the States General +offered their money and their services in order to win the consent of +any such princess, and to convey her to England. Many would have +preferred even a domestic +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1619.</span> +alliance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[Pg 489]</a></span> +after the old fashion. Opposition +was also offered on the part of the Church of England. Archbishop Abbot +only delayed to urge it until the conditions of the marriage should come +under discussion. But the King likewise had the approval of influential +voices on his side. It was considered possible to conclude the marriage, +and yet to preserve the other alliances of the country. People thought +that England would in that case be only the more courted by both +parties, and that the peace of the world would rest on the shoulders of +the King.</p> + +<p>But what a contradiction was involved in the ascendancy which these +ideas obtained? The hereditary right to the crown of Bohemia, which the +estates of that country would no longer acknowledge, belonged to the +house of Spain. It was intended that the Elector Palatine should step +into its place by election; and this prince was son-in-law to the King. +After James had married his daughter to the head of the Protestants in +Germany, he conceived the thought of marrying his son to the member of a +family which had made the patronage and protection of Catholicism its +special calling. It seemed as if he was purposely introducing into his +own family the disunion which rent Europe in twain.</p> + +<p>The negotiations in Germany after a time resulted in the victory of the +house of Austria, which in spite of all opposition carried the day in +the election of the Emperor. The Elector Palatine acknowledged Ferdinand +II without hesitation. But almost at the same moment he received the +news that he had himself been elected king by the Estates of Bohemia. It +cannot be proved that he was privy to this beforehand: even the rumour +that his wife urged him to accept the crown because she was a king's +daughter meets with no confirmation. They were not so blind as not to +perceive the enormous danger in which the acceptance of this offer would +involve them. In reply to a question of the Elector, his wife answered +that she regarded the election as a divine dispensation, that if he +determined to accept it, which she left entirely to his consideration, +she for her part was resolved to undergo everything that might follow +from it. We must not regard as hypocrisy the prominence +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[Pg 490]</a></span> +which the prince and the princess alike gave to religious considerations. Such was +the fashion of the times generally, and especially of the party to which +they belonged.</p> + +<p>The Elector Frederick however did not yet declare his decision. The +question of the acceptance of the crown of Bohemia was debated from +every point of view by the very councillors who had just been present at +the election of the Emperor. Their decision was in favour of the prince +inviting first of all the advice of his friends in the empire, of the +States-General, but especially of the King of England, and making sure +of their support.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> +The Bohemian envoys, who most urgently requested +an immediate answer, were put off with the reply that the Elector must +first of all be certain of the consent of the father of his consort. +Count Christopher Dohna was sent to England to persuade King James to +give it. He was commissioned to deliver to him a letter from the +Princess-Electress in which she most urgently entreated her father to +support her husband and to prove his paternal love to them both.</p> + +<p>King James came now face to face with the greatest question of his life, +which summed up and brought to light, so to speak, all the cross +purposes and conflicting political aims among which he had long moved. A +word from him was now of the greater consequence, as the States-General +declared that they would act as he did. But what was his decision to be? +He was not unmoved by the thought that the prospect of possessing a +crown was opened to his son-in-law and grandchildren. On the other hand +he was greatly impressed by a representation which the King of Spain +forwarded to him, that his right to the crown of Bohemia was +indisputable—as in fact the Spanish line had a contingent claim to the +succession—and that he would contend for it with all his strength: on +which King James said that he also as a great +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[Pg 491]</a></span> +sovereign had an interest +in seeing that no one was deprived of his own. The theories of James I +about the hereditary rights of princes, the electoral rights of the +Estates, and the influence of religious profession in these matters, +presented themselves to his mind together with his wishes on the +question of the aggrandisement of his dynasty. He remarked that it could +not be allowed that subjects should presume to fall away from their +sovereign on a question of religion; he even feared that this doctrine +might react to his own prejudice on England. In these considerations the +balance evidently was in favour of a refusal. James would have deserved +well of the world if he had given utterance to that refusal, and had +decisively dissuaded his son-in-law from accepting the crown. And from +his oft-repeated assertions at a later period, to the effect that the +Elector had proceeded on his own responsibility, we might think that he +had expressed himself in definite terms in favour of a different course.</p> + +<p>In reality however this is not the case. He condemned the revolt of the +Bohemians against Matthias: in regard to Ferdinand it was his opinion +that they should prove from the old capitulations their right to declare +his election and coronation invalid, and to proceed to a new election, +in which case he would himself support +them.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> +He expressed himself +in such a manner, that even members of the Privy Council received the +impression that he would approve of and even support the acceptance of +the crown when once it had taken place. Christopher Dohna relates that +in the negotiations at that time he one day declared that his master, +the Elector, was ready to refuse the crown if the King required him to +do so; and that James replied, 'I do not say +that.'<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[Pg 492]</a></span> +Monarchs are set in authority in order that they may pronounce +definitive decisions according to the best of their own judgment. It is +sometimes their duty to take a decided line. James, who hitherto had +always stood between different parties, could not nerve himself at this +eventful moment for a firm and straightforward resolve. In the monstrous +dilemma in which the various questions at issue were becoming involved +he could not come to any decision. The kindest thing that can be said of +him is that at this moment his nature was not equal to the requirements +of the situation.</p> + +<p>Count Dohna, following the example of James's councillors, concluded +from his expressions that he was not only not opposed to the acceptance +of the crown, but that he would allow himself to be enlisted in its +favour, and would support it. And there is no doubt that this view +exercised a decisive influence upon the final resolution of the Elector +Frederick. He certainly was already strongly inclined to accept the +crown in opposition to his more clear-sighted and sagacious mother, but +in agreement with his ardent wife: but he had not yet uttered the final +words when Dohna's report came +in.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> +When he learned from this that +the King was not decidedly unfavourable, the Elector thought that he +recognised a dispensation of God which he would not decline to carry +out. In the presence of his councillors at the castle of Heidelberg he +declared to the Bohemian ambassadors that he accepted the crown; and +soon afterwards he set out for Bohemia. In October 1619 (Oct. 25/Nov. 4) +he was crowned at Prague.</p> + +<p>What unforeseen consequences however for himself and his friends, for +Germany and for England, were destined to spring out of this +undertaking!</p> + +<p>In London, where the popular party had already from the first fixed +their eyes on the Princess, this step was welcomed with the most joyous +approval. It was represented to the King that the most brilliant +prospect was +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1620.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[Pg 493]</a></span> +thus opened to his family; that on the next vacancy his +son-in-law, who already himself held two votes in the electoral body, +could not fail to be chosen Emperor; and that England would by this +means acquire the greatest influence on the continent. It was expected +that these feelings for his family, and the successful issue of events, +would work together to detach him again from Spain.</p> + +<p>James on one occasion, on receiving the news of the confinement of his +daughter, drank a bowl of wine 'to the health of the King and Queen of +Bohemia.' He went so far as this, and people thought it worth while to +record the event; but he could not be brought to acknowledge Frederick +openly. He was not satisfied with the proof of their right advanced by +the Bohemians: in conversation he advocated the right of Austria.</p> + +<p>Spain and the League, as was inevitable, joined forces with Austria. In +the first instance the Palatinate itself was the object of their joint +attack. How could men have helped thinking that King James would +resolutely take the inheritance of his grandsons under his protection? +The Union invited him to do so, reminding him of the obligation imposed +on him by his connexion with them mentioned above: they said it was no +favour, but justice which they demanded of him. But James replied that +he had pledged himself only to repel open and unjustifiable attacks, but +that in the present case the Palatinate was the attacking party, and +that Austria stood on the defensive. The Union presently saw itself +compelled to conclude a treaty with the League, which left that power +free to act against Bohemia. The Palatinate however was not secured +thereby against the +Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> +To effect this, it would have been +deemed advisable to make an attack from Holland on the Spanish +Netherlands; for if a single fortified place had been occupied there, +the Palatinate would have had nothing more to fear +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[Pg 494]</a></span> +from Spain. But to this measure also James refused his consent: he thought that this would +be equivalent to beginning war, which he did not wish.</p> + +<p>The general sympathy of the nation was strong enough at last to cause a +large English regiment of 2500 men, under Horace Vere, to be sent on the +continent, in order that the Palatinate, on which the Spaniards now +advanced, might not become utterly a prey to them. The Earls of Essex +and Oxford, who had contributed most to raise the regiment, themselves +took part in the campaign. They were joined by many other young men of +leading families, who wished to learn the art of war. But they had +received from the King positive commands to commit no act of hostility. +The troops of the Union, who showed themselves quite ready to fight the +Spaniards, were withheld by the threat that in that case the King would +recall these troops instead of sending two more regiments to join them, +the hope of which he held out to them in the event of their obedience. +It was enough for the King that the English troops occupied the most +important places. Vere held Mannheim, Herbert Heidelberg, Burrows +Frankenthal; while the greater part of the country fell into the hands +of the Spaniards.</p> + +<p>Europe had reason to be alarmed at the advantage which accrued to the +Spanish monarchy from this affair. The Tyrol and Alsace were already +promised them to form links between Lombardy and the Netherlands: the +possession of the Lower Palatinate completed their chain of +communication.</p> + +<p>The action of Spain and England presented a marked contrast. Spain, +while it forsook Lerma's policy, held together all its friends—Germany, +Austria, the League, the Pope, the Archducal Netherlands—and combined +their forces for joint action on a large scale; while King James, in +clinging to the policy of peace, let his allies fall asunder and +crippled their activity.</p> + +<p>But if James so acted in the case of the Palatinate which he wished to +save, what might be fully expected in the case of Bohemia, with regard +to which he openly declared, after some hesitation, that he could take +no further part in its affairs? The new King found no hearty obedience +among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[Pg 495]</a></span> +the Bohemians, partly because they found themselves deceived in +their expectation of being assisted with troops by the Union, and with +money by England. But worse than all, the ill-disciplined soldiery being +without pay, broke out in mutiny: they were almost more ready to help +themselves to their arrears by an attack upon the capital than to defend +their sovereign or their country. On the other hand the soldiers of +Austria and of the League, well paid and well disciplined, were spurred +on by zealous priests. On their first attack they scattered the troops +of Frederick to the four winds (November 1620). It would not have been +impossible for Frederick to wage a defensive war in Bohemia; but regard +to the danger into which the Queen would have been thrown in consequence +prevented the attempt. That one day cost them both crown and country.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to describe the impression which the news of this +defeat produced in London. The King was held blameable because not a +single soldier commissioned by him had been found beside his daughter to +draw the sword in her defence. This was attributed either to culpable +negligence of his own affairs, or to the influence of the Spanish +ambassador. Not Gondomar himself, who was too shrewd to act thus, but +certainly his friends and Catholics generally, let their joy at this +event be known. The citizens responded with manifestations that were +directed against the King himself. A placard was put up in which he was +told that he would be made to feel the anger of the people, if in this +affair he any longer followed a policy opposed to its views.</p> + +<p>James I could no longer put off the question what steps he was to take. +The tidings reached him at Newmarket, where he was spending the cold and +gloomy days in hunting. He broke off this amusement and hastened to +Westminster, in order to attend council with his ministers.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of December a meeting was held, in which the secretary +Naunton depicted the whole position of the foreign policy of England, +and drew from it the conclusion that the King must above all arm, as in +that case he could carry on war, or at least negotiate with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[Pg 496]</a></span> +firmness and some prospect of success. King James himself brought the affair of +Bohemia under discussion. He complained, and seemed to feel it as an +injury to his paternal authority, that the Elector Frederick even now +continued to make the acknowledgment of his right to the crown of +Bohemia a condition of his accepting the mediation offered by the King. +Viscount Doncaster, who had just returned from a mission to Germany, +fell on his knees before him, in order to remark to him that Frederick +deserved no blame for clinging to a right which he supposed to be valid: +that his refusal was not addressed to James as a father, but as King of +England.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> +James I distinctly stated afresh that he could not and +would not espouse the cause of his son-in-law in Bohemia. But by this +time not only was Frederick's new crown as good as lost, but his whole +existence was endangered; the greater part of his hereditary territory +was in the enemy's hands. James declared with unusual decision that he +would not allow the Palatinate, which would one day descend to his +grandchildren, to be wrested from them; that he was resolved to send to +the Continent in the next year an army sufficient to reconquer it. It +might be asked if this measure also would not inevitably lead to a +breach with Spain. King James did not think so. He thought that he could +carry on a merely local quarrel, and yet at the same time avoid a war on +the part of the one power against the other. He did not intend to attack +the King of Spain's own dominion, so long as that sovereign did not +meddle with his.</p> + +<p>But however that might be, whether he was to begin war, though only on a +limited scale, or whether he wished to prosecute negotiations with +success, in any case it was necessary for him to arm. But for this +purpose he required other means besides those of which he could dispose +at his own discretion. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Memorial of the Archduke Maximilian of Feb. 1, 1616, in +Lunig, Europäische Staatsconsilia i. 918. It is clear from this that the +anxiety of the members of the Union with regard to the Venetian war was +not so groundless as it might otherwise appear. The Archduke lays before +the Emperor the question whether 'in the event of the continuance of the +Venetian disturbances he would use the opportunity to bring a numerous +force into the field, and maintain it until the laudable work had been +everywhere set in train, and had been prosecuted with the wished-for +result.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Reasons for hesitating advanced by the Privy Councillors +of the Prince Elector, in Moser, who calls them prophetic, Patriotisches +Archiv. vii. 118. The Palatinate 'will not well be able to decide +anything certain and final: she has therefore made everything depend on +England and the States-General, and has asked them, as well other her +friends and potentates in the empire, for trusty counsel and declaration +of what they will do in every case by her.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> 'Non approbare che in vita del imperatore li populi si +sollevassero, ma che bene consigliava dopo morte dassero in luce le loro +ragioni del jus eligendi sopra nullita dell'elettione di Ferdinando, con +elegerne un altro, nel qual caso offeriva anche l'ajuto et il soccorso +suo.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> 'S. M., se non assenti all accettare della corona, non +disse ne anche mai all ora di dissentire: che anzi alla venuta di lui in +questa corte offerendole al nome dell'istesso suo signore, che quando +ella havesse voluto, l'averebbe anche lasciata, egli rispondesse: io non +dico questo.' Girolamo Lando, Feb. 5, 1621.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Dohna mentioned that 'the leading English councillors +held that, if the Prince Elector would but soon accept the crown, the +King on his part would soon declare himself and give his approval, which +accordingly threw almost the greatest weight into the scale.' Secret +Report in Moser vii. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> From the documents relating to these proceedings, it is +proved that Spinola had received instructions in June 1620 to gain +possession of the Palatinate; that assurances however were given to King +James even in August that nothing was really known of the object of his +expedition. Senkenberg iii. 545 n.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> Dispaccio Veneto, 8 Gennaio 1621.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_III" id="BV_III"></a> +PARLIAMENT OF THE YEAR 1621.</p> + +<p>We already know the antipathy of James to the Parliament, which had +become a power to which, as soon as it was manifested in a newly +assembled House, the power of the King was obliged to bend. James had +already often felt the ascendancy of Parliament. The schemes of union +with Scotland, which filled his soul with ambition, had been shattered +by the resistance of that body. The exclusively Protestant disposition +which prevailed there had made it impossible for him to give a legal +sanction to the favour which he entertained for the Catholics, and which +his views of policy naturally disposed him to show. He had been obliged +to desist from the attempt to secure financial independence by +surrendering the feudal privileges of the crown. The Parliament raised +claims which the King regarded as attacks on the prerogative of the +crown: even his advances to it had been met by a stubborn resistance. In +the ordinary course of things he would never again have summoned +Parliament together.</p> + +<p>This complication in foreign affairs then arose. All parties, including +even the King himself, were convinced that England must step forth armed +among the contending powers of the world: and that, not in the fashion +of the last expedition, so little in keeping with the situation, when +private support and tacit sympathy found the means, but on a large +scale, as the position of the kingdom among the great powers demanded. +But without Parliamentary grants this was impossible. The summoning of a +new Parliament was therefore an incontestable necessity.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">A.D. 1621.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[Pg 498]</a></span> +But on the other hand there was not wanting reasons for hesitation, for +it could not be disguised that concessions would be inevitable. King +James saw that as plainly as any one, and declared himself beforehand +ready to make them. In contradiction to his former assertions he gave +out that he would this time allow grievances to be freely alleged, and +would give his best assistance in removing them. He said that he wished +to meet Parliament half way, and that it should find him an honourable +man. From the investigation of abuses the less was feared because the +late opposition was ascribed to a factious resistance to Somerset's +administration. But that favourite had since fallen: and of the leaders +of that opposition several had gone over to the government, and some had +died.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> +The declared purpose of arming for the reconquest of the +Palatinate was in accordance with the feelings of the nation and of the +Protestants: no doubt was felt that it would win universal sympathy.</p> + +<p>This was in fact the case. The most favourable impression was produced +when the King in his speech from the throne (January 30, 1621), which +was principally taken up with this subject, declared his resolution to +defend the hereditary claim of his grandchildren to the territories of +the Palatine Electorate, and the free profession of Protestantism; to +compel peace if it were necessary sword in hand; for which objects he +claimed the assistance of the country. Parliament did not hesitate for +an instant to express its concurrence with him in these designs. Two +subsidies were granted on the spot, and the resolution was carried into +effect during the continuance of the debates, a step which was +altogether unprecedented. The King thanked the Parliament for this +extraordinary readiness, which would, he said, increase his importance +both at home and abroad.</p> + +<p>But this did not prevent Parliament on the other hand from bringing +forward its claims with all possible energy. The power of granting money +was the sinew of all its powers. The necessity of asking assistance from +Parliament in urgent embarrassments, which the Tudors had avoided as far +as possible, now appeared as pressing as ever. Was it not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[Pg 499]</a></span> +to be expected that demands should call forth counter-demands? And the +opposition in the previous Parliament rested on a far wider basis than +that of hostility to Somerset: at the present election also the +candidates of the government were rejected in most of the counties and +towns.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a></p> + +<p>The commission appointed for the investigation of abuses did not deal +only with those which were acknowledged to be such. The principal +question rather concerned the competence of the crown to confer such +privileges as those out of which the abuses originated. Under the lead +of Edward Coke, the great lawyer, Parliament adopted a principle which +secured for it a firm standing ground.</p> + +<p>Coke, who moreover did not think it necessary to ask the King's consent +for liberty of speech, because this was, he thought, an independent +right of Parliament, vindicated the position that no royal proclamation +had validity if it contradicted an act of Parliament or an existing law. +He took his stand on the times of the later Plantagenet and of the +Lancastrian kings: and he considered that the form which the relation +between the government and Parliament then assumed was the only legal +form. But the government of James I had granted extraordinarily +obnoxious privileges—for instance, the right of setting up taverns with +a restriction on the entertainment of guests by private individuals, or +by the old inns; and again the right of arresting acknowledged vagrants. +But the most obnoxious grants were those of patents for the monopoly of +some trade, which were annoying to the whole mercantile class, and +brought profit only to a few favoured individuals. Coke argued that the +patents were either in themselves illegal, or injurious in their +enforcement, or both together. While he proved to Parliament its +forgotten or disregarded rights, Coke won the full confidence of both +Houses alike: the Upper and the Lower House made common cause. Thus the +system of government as it had been +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[Pg 500]</a></span> +developed under the Tudors and +continued under the Stuarts was encountered face to face by another +system, which rested upon other precedents and principles.</p> + +<p>And people were not content with merely declaring the patents invalid; +they called those to account who had got possession of them, and even +the high officials who had contributed to issue them. A general +commotion ensued: every day fresh information came in and fresh +complaints were drawn +up.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a></p> + +<p>The Lord Chancellor Bacon had been already brought into danger by this +affair. He had assisted in introducing monopolies of different +manufactures under the pretence that work would be found for the poor by +means of them. It was well known that in matters of this sort he had for +the most part followed the suggestions of the Prime Minister. While +Bacon was defending the ideal mission of the monarchy, he had the +weakness to identify himself too closely with the accidental form which +authority just at that particular moment took. In return he found on the +other hand that the attacks really aimed at the government recoiled in +the first instance upon him. In reality they were directed principally +against Buckingham. In order to save him from destruction, suggestions +had been made to the King that he might prefer to dissolve Parliament, +as it seemed plain that he had far more reason to expect harm from the +attacks than advantage from the grants made by that body. Buckingham +saved himself only by coming forward against the monopolies himself, in +accordance with the advice of his ecclesiastical confidant, Dean +Williams. Claims had been made against two of his brothers also on +account of the monopolies. Far from taking them under his protection, he +said on the contrary that his father had still a third son who was +determined to root out abuses; and that not until the present +proceedings had been taken had he recognised the advantages of +parliamentary government. Upon this, the leading men with whom Williams +had formed a connexion, desisted from attacking the First Minister. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[Pg 501]</a></span> +It even came about that a person of high rank, accused at the bar of the +House of Lords, who had let fall an expression, comparing Buckingham to +old favourites of hateful memory, was obliged to retract it with +considerable ceremony. But a victim was required: one was found in the +Lord Chancellor Bacon.</p> + +<p>Although condemned by law and morality, an evil practice still prevailed +of receiving presents of money in official transactions. The sums were +known and have been registered, by means of which Gondomar retained the +services of a number of statesmen in the interest of Spain. How many +similar abuses in the control of the Treasury had been brought to light +only a short time before! Even the great philosopher, who in his +writings is so zealous against bribes, contracted during his +administration the stain of receiving them. That he might stand on an +equality with the great lords, he incurred inordinate expenses, which +these bribes assisted him to meet. Edward Coke was wholly in the right +when he exclaimed that a corrupt judge was 'the grievance of +grievances.'<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> +Two-and-twenty cases were proved in which the supreme +judge, the Lord Chancellor of England, had taken presents from the +parties concerned. Lord Bacon made no attempt to justify his conduct; he +only affirmed—and this appears in fact to have been the case—that in +his decisions he never was influenced by the presents that had been made +him. When he was called to account for them, he acquiesced himself in +the justice of the proceeding, for he allowed that a reform was +necessary, and only deemed himself unfortunate in being the person with +whom it began. The Lords pronounced sentence upon him that he should +never again fill an official position, nor be capable of sitting in +Parliament, and that he should be banished from the precincts of the +court.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[Pg 502]</a></span> +Apart from its importance as affecting individuals, this event is very +important in the history of the constitution, which now returned to its +former paths. That the Lower House again as in old times was able to +procure the fall of one of the highest officials, is an evidence of its +growing power. That the First Minister and favourite allowed his +intimate friend to fall is a proof of the weakness of the highest +authority, which moreover ought itself to have attacked abuses of this +kind. Bacon justly remarked that reform would soon reach higher regions.</p> + +<p>But while Parliament, which the government had no inclination to +withstand openly, thus obtained the ascendancy in domestic matters, it +was also already turning its eyes in the direction of foreign affairs. +These were times in which a warm religious sympathy was awakened by the +advance which the counter-reformation was making in the hereditary +dominions of Austria, as well as in France, and by the persecutions +which befell the Protestants in both countries. The Spaniards were again +engaging in war for the subjugation of the Netherlands. In Parliament, +on the other hand, it was thought necessary to combine with the +Republic, and to equip a fleet to assist the Huguenots, and even to +attack Spain, in order thus to make a diversion in favour of the +Palatinate. At the very time of the opening of Parliament the ban of the +empire was pronounced against Frederick Elector Palatine amid the sound +of trumpets and drums in the Palace at Vienna. This was regarded in the +whole Protestant world as an injustice, for it was thought that +Ferdinand II had been injured by Frederick only as King of Bohemia, and +not as Emperor: and on the same grounds the English Parliament was of +opinion that the execution of the ban ought to be hindered by force of +arms; and it showed itself dissatisfied that the King sought to meet the +evil only by demonstrations and embassies.</p> + +<p>We can easily understand that the attitude of Parliament aroused the +anxiety of the King. He caused the debates on the war to be put a stop +to, remarking that they infringed his prerogative, for which great +affairs of this kind were exclusively reserved. And yet, so +extraordinary was the complication of affairs that the declarations made +in Parliament +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[Pg 503]</a></span> +were not altogether displeasing to him. In June he +adjourned Parliament, without formally proroguing it. What was the +reason of this? Because Parliament had brought in a new bill containing +the severest enactments against Jesuits and Catholic recusants. The King +refused to accept it, as by this means the persecution of Protestants in +Catholic countries would receive a new impulse. But he was also +unwilling to express his refusal in a final shape, because he knew that +the wish to hinder the adoption of harsh measures against the Catholics +would exercise an influence upon the Spaniards in their negotiations +with him.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> +If he had proceeded to a prorogation, he would have been +obliged to reject the laws; and he preferred to keep the prospect of +them still open, which he was able to do by resorting to the form of an +adjournment. He made it a merit in the eyes of the Spaniards that, far +from increasing the severity of the penal laws, he did not even enforce +them in their existing form, when moreover, if enforced, they would +bring him in a large sum. But he was glad to see that people feared that +he might do at some future time what at present he had refrained from +doing. When he promised the Parliament on his royal word, that he would +call it together again without fail in the autumn, he was also +influenced by the consideration that he intended the Spaniards to look +forward with fear to the resolution which might then be taken. He was +greatly pleased that Parliament before dispersing drew up an energetic +remonstrance against the persecutions of the Protestants all over the +world, and especially against the oppression of his children. Not that +he wished to give effect to it: on the contrary he adhered to the policy +of assisting his son-in-law only by means of diplomacy: but he desired +that the Spaniards should fear a war with England, and he thought that +anxiety on this point would induce them and their friends to show +themselves conciliatory and respectful.</p> + +<p>Sir John Digby, who was commissioned with the negotiations at the +Spanish court, was referred by that power to Brussels +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[Pg 504]</a></span> +and Vienna; and in fact he received favourable answers, not only from the Infanta +Isabella in the former, but even from the Emperor himself in the latter +city. The Emperor held out to him the hope that the matter would be +reconsidered at a future assembly of the Estates of the Empire, which he +intended to convene at Ratisbon. But meanwhile warlike operations and +the execution of the ban held their course undisturbed. In Bohemia the +counter-reformation was carried through with extreme severity. +Four-and-twenty Protestant nobles and leaders were executed, and their +heads with hoary beards were seen exposed on the Bridge at Prague. +Silesia hastened to make its peace with the Emperor: the Princes of the +Union laid down their arms, but they did not yet make their peace by +this means. Tilly took possession of the Upper Palatinate, and then +turned with his victorious army to the Lower Palatinate in order to +complete the subjugation of this province, notwithstanding all the +protection of England. On the Lower Rhine the forces of the Spaniards +and of the States General confronted each other in arms. Under these +circumstances the Princes, who were invited, refused to appear at an +Assembly of the Empire,<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> +for none of them thought that he could +leave his home without incurring evident danger. The Infanta Isabella +too in Brussels declined to conclude the truce which Sir John Digby +proposed.</p> + +<p>While affairs were in this position, Parliament resumed its interrupted +sittings in November 1621. Dean Williams, who after Bacon's fall had +received the Great Seal, opened the session with a request for the +immediate grant of new subsidies, which he said would be required even +before Christmas. He promised that in the coming February, when they +resumed their sittings, the other affairs should be brought under +discussion.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[Pg 505]</a></span> +On this occasion as on a previous one, the King wished for nothing more +than a renewed and stronger demonstration. Even now he lived and moved +in a policy of compromise between opposite views. While his son-in-law +was being robbed of his country in the interest of Spain, he adhered to +the wish of marrying his son to a Spanish Infanta: he thought that he +would bring about the restoration of the Palatinate most easily by the +influence which this new alliance would confer. But he thought that his +friendly advances should also be accompanied by threats, and he wished +to be placed by the grants of Parliament in a position to arm more +effectually than before. It would have been in accordance with his +views, if Parliament had repeated its former declarations, according to +which it was ready to put forth all its power in his behalf, in order to +place him in a position to compel by force of arms what might be refused +to his peaceful negotiations.</p> + +<p>It is worth noticing in all this that James not only met the wishes of +Parliament because he required support, but that he also encouraged the +disposition which it showed in favour of Protestantism, in order to +avail himself of it: he thought that he would always be able to control +it. But how often has a policy been shipwrecked, which has thought to +avail itself of great interests and great passions for some end +immediately in view!</p> + +<p>How could it be expected that while religious parties on the continent +were meeting in a struggle for life and death, the English Parliament +would approve of the wavering policy of James I, which aimed at +compromise and had hitherto been without +results?<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> +Quite the contrary: starting with the view that England was the centre of +Protestantism and must avert the dangers which assailed it, Parliament +declared itself ready, it is true, to pay the King new subsidies, but +not until the following year, and on the presumption that he should have +accepted and ratified the bills for the welfare +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[Pg 506]</a></span> +of the people which had passed the +House.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> +They thought that the common danger to religion +arising from the alliance between the Pope and the King of Spain had +been brought upon England also by the indulgence hitherto shown to the +recusants. Parliament invited the King to draw the sword without further +circumlocution for the rescue of the foreign Protestants; in the first +instance to break with the power whose army had carried on the war in +the Palatinate, but above all to marry the Prince his successor to a +lady of the Protestant faith.</p> + +<p>The King wished to avoid war because he was anxious lest he should be +constantly compelled by Parliament, owing to his repeated want of +subsidies, to make fresh concessions, which would affect and diminish +the substance of his authority. The Parliament wished for war because it +expected that such a proceeding would furnish it with great +opportunities for establishing its power.</p> + +<p>As soon as the rival powers encountered each other on this ground, all +agreement between them was at an end. Parliament interfered still more +vigorously than before with the affairs which the King reserved for +himself: it wished to induce him to adopt those very measures which he +was resolved to avoid. He was expected to break with that power with +which it was his principal ambition to become most closely connected. He +was expected to take the sword in order to defend the common cause of +Protestantism. He was expected to put an end to the indulgence which he +had hitherto shown to his Catholic subjects; to do what ran counter to +all the expectations which he had raised at Rome and Madrid; and what +perhaps, considering the strength of the Catholic element in England, +was not without danger to the maintenance of quiet at home. Meanwhile +the payment of the subsidies, which he required at once in order to +maintain his political position, was indefinitely deferred. Although it +was not actually stated, yet it was quite clear that Parliament made the +validity of its grants dependent on his compliance with its +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[Pg 507]</a></span> +advice. And on what important matters was that advice offered! The King complained +that his prerogative was openly infringed by it; that Parliament wished +to decide on his alliances with other sovereigns, and to dictate to him +how to conduct the war; that it brought under debate questions of +religion and state, and the marriage of his son: what portion of the +sovereign power, he asked, was left to him? On the competence which +Parliament claimed as its hereditary right, he remarked that it had to +thank the favour of his ancestors and himself for this: that he would +protect Parliament, but only in proportion to the regard which it showed +for the prerogative of his crown.</p> + +<p>If we had to specify the moment in which the quarrel between the +Parliament and the Crown once more found its full expression, we should +choose this.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> +The Parliament, which had dissolution in immediate +prospect, employed its last moments in making a protest, in which it +again affirmed that its liberties and privileges were a birthright and +heirloom of the subjects of the English crown, that it certainly was +within its power to bring under debate public matters affecting the +King, the State, the Church, and the defence of the country; and that +full liberty of speech without any subsequent molestation on that +account must be secured to every member in the exercise of these rights.</p> + +<p>The King would not forego the satisfaction of punishing by arrest a +number of members who were peculiarly hateful to him; he declared the +protestation null and void, and struck it out of the clerks' book with +his own hand. In a detailed exposition of his view of these +transactions, in which he gives the assurance that he will still +henceforth continue to summon Parliament, he emphatically repudiates +this protestation, which he affirms to be drawn up in such terms that +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[Pg 508]</a></span> +inalienable rights of the crown are called in question by it, +rights in the possession of which the crown had found itself in the +times of Queen Elizabeth of glorious memory. He affirms that as King he +cannot tolerate any such pretensions.</p> + +<p>Parliament demanded the policy of Queen Elizabeth; King James demanded +her rights. The privileges accorded to the crown and the opposition to +Spain had formerly gone together: the surrender of the latter under King +James served to supply Parliament on its part with a motive for making +an attack upon the former.</p> + +<p>The cause of Parliament was of great importance, even when it stood +alone: deeper impulses and fresh life and vigour were first imparted to +it by its combination with foreign policy and with religion. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> From a letter of Bacon to Buckingham.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> Lando, Relatione: 'Se bene procurò S. M. di ristringere e +captivare fino l'autorità, che hanno li communi d'eleggere li deputati, +benche in qualche citta e provincia gli è riuscito, nell'universale non +ha potuto, rifiutati i privati del favorito e dei consiglieri li lei.' +Lando describes the Parliament as 'republica altretanto mal pratica, +quanto molto pretendente.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Chamberlain to Carleton, March 24: 'They find it more +than Hercules' labour purgare hoc stabulum Augiae of monopolies, patents +and the like.' (St. P. O.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> Chamberlain to Carleton: 'All men approve E. Coke, who +upon discovery of those matters exclaimed that a corrupt judge is the +grievance of grievances.' Chamberlain relates that an officer of the +Court of Chancery, when accused on account of various irregularities, +exclaimed 'that he would not sink alone, but draw others after him.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Buckingham on one occasion very aptly characterises his +policy and its danger: 'So long as you waver between the Spaniards and +your subjects, to make your advantage of both, you are sure to do with +neither.' Hardwicke Papers i. 466.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> 'The princes denied their appearance.' (Digby, Recital of +his Speech, Parl. Hist. v. 483.) So that the notice by Struv, rejected +by Senkenberg (Fortsetzung Häberlins xxv. § 80) is nevertheless +correct.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> A gap in Williams' speech at this part, occurring in the +Journals and in both Parliamentary Histories, is to a certain extent +filled up by a letter of Chamberlain to Carleton of Nov. 24; 'intimating +that they should forbear needless and impertinent discourses, long and +extravagant orations which the king would not indure.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Lando, Relatione: 'Non potendosi accordare con spiriti +discordanti dei proprii impressi di non lasciarsi levare un punto +dell'autorita.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> John Locke to Carleton, Nov. 29: 'They have put up a +petition, that this may be a session and laws enacted, that the laws +made against recusants may be executed, so that the promise of the +subsidy seemeth yet to be conditional.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> Chamberlain to Carleton on December 22. The Parliament, +on receiving a message enjoining the speedy continuance of their +business, answered the King two hours after it had been brought before +them: 'but with all for fear of surprise gave order to the speaker and +the whole house to meet at four o'clock: where they conceived sat down +and entered this proposition enclosed which is nothing pleasing above +and for preventing where of there came a commission next morning to +adjourn the Parliament.' Cf. the Commons' protestation: Parl. Hist. v. +513.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_IV" id="BV_IV"></a> +NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES WITH A SPANISH +INFANTA.</p> + +<p>It is a general consequence of the dynastic constitution of the states +of Europe that marriages between the reigning families are at the same +time political transactions, and as a rule not only affect public +interests, but also stir up the rivalry of parties: this effect however +has hardly ever come more prominently into notice than when it was +proposed to marry the heir to the throne of England with an Infanta of +Spain.</p> + +<p>We have remarked that the scheme originated in Spain, had already been +once rejected, and then had been mooted a second time by the leading +minister of Philip III, the Duke of Lerma. It formed part of Lerma's +characteristic idea of fortifying the greatness of the Spanish monarchy +by a dynastic alliance with the two royal families which were able to +threaten it with the greatest danger, those of France and England. This +design brought him into contact with a current of policy and personal +feeling in England which was favourable to him: but at the same time the +great difficulty which the difference of religion presented, came at +once into prominence. Not that it would have been difficult for King +James to make the concessions requisite for obtaining the Papal +dispensation; on the contrary he was personally inclined to do so: but +he feared unpleasant embarrassments with his allies and with his +subjects. Count Gondomar, the ambassador, assured the King that he +should never be pressed to do anything which violated his conscience or +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1622.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[Pg 510]</a></span> +his honour, or by which he might run a risk of losing the love of his +people.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></p> + +<p>On this, negotiations which had already been opened for the marriage of +the Prince with a French princess were broken off. Besides, the +intermarriage with the house of Spain appeared to be far more deserving +of preference, as being likely to pacify the feelings of English +Catholics, who were accustomed to side principally with Spain, and even +to promote the calm of the world, as Spain was a more prominent +representative of the Catholic principle than France. It was thought +advisable to leave the conditions of the dispensation to be arranged in +the sense indicated by negotiation between the Papal see and the Spanish +crown.</p> + +<p>But a new and serious hindrance now arose in consequence of the +embarrassments caused by the affairs of the Palatinate, in which the +interests of the two dynasties came into immediate collision with one +another. It is clear that King James could not marry his son to an +Infanta of Spain while a Spanish army was taking possession of his +son-in-law's territory. He therefore made the restoration of the +Palatinate a condition of the marriage. All his tortuous efforts were +directed to combine the latter object with the former, and at the same +time to avoid a disadvantageous reaction upon his domestic policy.</p> + +<p>While he invoked the Protestant sympathies of Parliament in order to +give weight to his demands, he nevertheless checked them again as soon +as he was in danger of being forced to make war, or even to resume the +measures against the Catholics, which might displease the Spanish court. +Whilst he made the Spaniards aware that if he were refused the +consideration he required, he would throw himself entirely into the +hands of his Parliament and proceed to extremities, he at the same time +employed every means of effecting a peaceful accommodation, by which he +would then at once be saved the necessity of making concessions to +Parliament. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[Pg 511]</a></span> +The most active negotiations were opened in Brussels with +the Infanta Isabella, upon whom the issue seemed most to depend. James I +had sent thither Richard Weston, the man whom Gondomar himself declared +to be the most appropriate instrument for this affair; and an agreement +was concluded with the personal co-operation of the Infanta, which held +out expectations of the restoration of the Elector. On the side of the +Palatinate and England everything was done to promote the conclusion of +this agreement, and to ensure its execution. The expelled Elector was +induced to recall Mansfeld and Christian of Brunswick from the Upper +Rhine, where they were then moving vigorously forward, lest the treaty +should be obstructed by their +operations.<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> +He himself removed to +Sedan, in order not to arouse the suspicions of the House of Austria by +his residence in the Netherlands. In the summer of 1622 he had no other +troops in the Palatinate but the English garrisons; and King James +engaged that, if the treaty were concluded, he would take arms himself +against the allies of his son-in-law. But while expectation was directed +to the conclusion of the contract by which the Elector should be +re-established in his country, the League advanced against those +strongholds which the English held in his name. Neither Heidelberg nor +Mannheim could hold out. The English troops were obliged to bend to +necessity and to march out, although with the honours of war. Only in +Frankenthal did they still maintain themselves for a while. When Weston +at Brussels complained of this conduct he was actually told that the +League must have everything in their hands first, in order to restore +everything hereafter. He was astounded at this subterfuge, and asked for +his recall.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[Pg 512]</a></span> +In England the friends of Spain fell into a sort of despair at the +course of events. For what could follow from it but open war between the +King of England and the Emperor? But on whose side would Spain then be +found? Would that power pledge itself to fight to the end against every +one, even against the Emperor, in behalf of the treaty when concluded? +To prevent England from coming into closer alliance with France, the +government of Spain had planned the marriage and opened direct +negotiations: would it now, when its cause appeared to be advancing, +withdraw in violation of its word of honour? Even the Privy Council +represented to the King that he was bringing dishonour and danger on his +country. The Duke of Buckingham, who also had himself been in close +agreement with Gondomar, and was considered to be the man who held the +threads of politics in his hand, regarded the increasing discontent as +dangerous to his own +position.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p> + +<p>While affairs were in this situation and these impressions afloat, a +plan for bringing this uncertainty to an end was embraced by the King, +the Prince, and the Duke, in those private discussions in which the +general course of affairs was decided. It was determined that the +Prince, accompanied by Buckingham, should visit Spain himself, in order +to bring about the marriage and arrange the conditions. None of the +Privy Councillors, not even Williams, who on other occasions was in +their intimate confidence, knew anything about this plan. It pleased the +King's sense of the romantic, that as he himself had formerly brought +home his newly married wife from the icy North, so now his son should in +person win the hand of his bride in the distant South. But however much +in earnest the King was in the matter, we learn that he still +contemplated the possibility of failure. He once said to the Duke of +Soubise, that if the marriage came to pass, he would take up the cause +of the Huguenots in alliance with Spain: but that if he did not succeed +in his design they might still reckon upon him, for that his son would +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1623.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[Pg 513]</a></span> +contract a marriage with a French princess, which would +procure him great influence at the French +court.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a></p> + +<p>On March 7, 1623, the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Buckingham arrived +in Madrid, with an escort including Cottington and Endymion Porter, both +of whom afterwards enjoyed great influence. Their arrival was not +altogether welcome to the ambassador in residence there, Digby, now Lord +Bristol, who would rather have retained this important business in his +own hands: but the Spanish court and the nation itself found a certain +satisfaction for their pride in the personal suit urged by the +heir-apparent of one of the most powerful kingdoms for the hand of the +younger Infanta.</p> + +<p>At first the Prince of Wales could only see the Infanta as she drove +past along a sort of Corso in the Prado. He was then presented to her, +but the words which she was to use to him were written down for her +beforehand; for she was to receive him merely as a foreign prince +without any reference whatsoever to his suit. Some surprise was created +when the principal lady of the court one day condescended to say to the +Prince that the Infanta in conversation gave signs of an inclination for +him. In the country no doubt was felt that the marriage would come to +pass, and the prospect was welcomed with joy. Often did a 'Viva' resound +under the windows of the Prince. Lope de Vega dedicated some happily +expressed stanzas to him; and splendid shows were given in his +honour.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> +All that was now wanting was an agreement as to the +conditions.</p> + +<p>This depended however in large part on the resolutions which might be +arrived at in England. Conditions affecting religion were laid before +King James, which he might certainly have hesitated to approve. It was +not only that the Infanta was to be indulged in the free exercise of her +religion—for how else could the consent of the Spanish clergy or a +dispensation from the Pope have been hoped for?—nor even that the +children born from this marriage were to be educated under her eyes +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[Pg 514]</a></span> +for the first ten years of their life, for this seemed the natural privilege +of a mother: but the presumption that the children might become +Catholics involved wide consequences. It was stipulated that the laws +against Catholics should not apply to such children, nor prejudice their +succession. Still more displeasing however were some other articles of +general import, which were carefully kept back from the knowledge of the +public. They amounted to this:—that the laws against the Catholics +should no longer be carried into execution, and that the Councillors of +the sovereign should be pledged by an oath to abstain from enforcing +them.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> +The King met with some opposition to these articles in the +Privy Council. But he said that the question was not whether they were +advisable, but whether they were not necessary at a time when part of +the domain under dispute, and the Prince himself, were in the hands of +the Spaniards. And moreover they did not amount to a complete concession +to the wishes of the Catholics, for they spoke only of tolerating their +worship in private, not in public: the articles were in harmony with the +old ideas of the King. James solemnly swore to the first articles, on +July 20, in the presence of the Spanish ambassador; and immediately +after him the members of the Council took the same oath. The King alone +then pledged himself to carry out the second set of articles.</p> + +<p>An extensive alteration had already taken place in the treatment of the +Catholics. Priests and recusants had been discharged from prison and +enjoyed full liberty. An injunction was issued to the preachers and to +the Universities to abstain from all invectives against the Papacy. Men +had to see individual preachers who transgressed these orders thrown +into prisons which had been just emptied. The families which openly +expressed their hitherto secret adherence to Catholicism were already +counted by hundreds. Then came these transactions. What was learnt of +the articles was enough to spread universal dismay among +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[Pg 515]</a></span> +the Protestants, but they expected yet worse things. They thought they saw a +pronounced Catholic tendency becoming ascendant in the conduct of +affairs. An universal danger seemed to be hanging over the religion +which they professed. Every one hastened to church to pray against it; +the churches had never been more crowded. The second ecclesiastic in the +country, the Archbishop of York, put the King in mind that by his +project of toleration he was encouraging doctrines which he had himself +proved in his writings to be superstitious and idolatrous. At this time +moreover religious profession and political freedom were most closely +connected: all these penal laws which the King was removing had been +passed in Parliament, and were the work of the legislative power as a +whole. The Archbishop reminded the King in conclusion that when he +annulled the statutes of parliament by royal proclamation, he created an +impression that he thought himself at liberty to trample on the laws of +the land.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a></p> + +<p>The wishes of the King did not lean so decidedly in that direction as +people assumed. Buckingham and the Prince, who recommended him to take +the oath, remarked to him, among other observations, that his promise +that Parliament should repeal the penal laws against the Catholics +within three years would be fulfilled, if he merely exerted himself to +the extent of his strength for that object, even if it should prove +impossible to attain +it.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> +In general everything was merely +preliminary, and depended on further agreement. The Prince entreated his +father to transmit to him the ratification of the articles, that he +might decline them or not according to circumstances. He even wished +that, in order to put an end to the dilatoriness of the Spaniards, his +father should make an express declaration that any longer delay would +compel him again to enforce the penal laws against the +Catholics.<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> +All these announcements, which filled the Catholics with joy and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[Pg 516]</a></span> +hope, but the Protestants with dejection, mistrust, and anxiety, were however +only political agencies, and were intended to serve a definite end. The +object was in the first instance to put an end by this means to all +delay in sending the Infanta to England.</p> + +<p>Although some religious scruples were still awake in the minds of the +Spaniards yet they presented no further obstacle. The conditions for +granting a dispensation which had been prescribed by the Pope to the +Spanish Court, had been accepted; the Spanish ambassadors had been +satisfied: the only question now was whether the Infanta should be +conveyed to England at once with the Prince on his return, or in the +following spring. As formerly the Tudors so now the Stuarts appeared to +be taking their position as a dynasty in Europe in connexion with the +Spanish monarchy.</p> + +<p>Only one difficulty remained, that connected with the Palatinate; but at +the present moment it was more serious than ever.</p> + +<p>In his negotiations King James started with the supposition, that the +Spanish court could control the Imperial, and bring it over to its own +point of view. The inclusion of the German line in this dynastic +combination was contemplated. A proposal was made that the eldest son of +the expelled Frederick should contract a marriage with a daughter of the +Emperor, which would make the task of reconciliation and restitution far +easier.</p> + +<p>The Emperor however had to take other interests into consideration; not +only those of the Duke of Bavaria, to whom he was so deeply pledged, but +those of the whole Catholic party, which thought of seizing this +occasion to establish for ever its ascendancy in the Empire. The +Emperor, who was also instigated by Rome to this step, solemnly +transferred the electoral dignity previously held by the Elector +Palatine to Maximilian of Bavaria in February 1623, with the intention +of satisfying him, and at the same time of obtaining a majority of +Catholic votes in the electoral body. It has indeed been assumed, both +then and at a later time, that Spain, only bent on deceiving England, +had agreed to all these proceedings. But in fact the Spanish ambassador +had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[Pg 517]</a></span> +opposed them most strenuously at Ratisbon in the name of his king, +as well as in that of the Infanta +Isabella.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> +He prophesied with accurate foresight new and inextricable embarrassments as the +consequence. The Papal Nuncio complained that the resistance of the +ambassador weakened the Catholics and emboldened the Protestants. But +his remonstrance had no effect on the Emperor. After his previous +experiences Ferdinand II had no more fear of his adversaries, least of +all of King James, who would certainly not in his old age make his first +appearance as a warrior and try the doubtful fortune of war. He thought +besides that he always consulted his security best when he had nothing +before his eyes but the advantage of the Catholic Church.</p> + +<p>The negotiation about these matters took place just at the time when the +Prince of Wales was in Spain. There no one despaired of finding an +arrangement with which the Prince could still be satisfied. It was +thought that, when the Palsgrave Frederick had been reconciled with the +Emperor, and admitted into his family, the electoral dignity might be +enjoyed in turn by Bavaria and the Palatinate, or that a new electorship +might be founded for Bavaria. The Imperial ambassador, Count +Khevenhiller, however rejected these proposals, for no other reason than +that King James was not the proper person to make arrangements for his +grandson. He did not accept the supposition that the youth, whose +education it was proposed to complete in Vienna, would join the Catholic +faith, for he said that his mother would never allow that. He set aside +the expectation that the Imperial court might send to Spain a full +authorisation to negotiate for the marriage. He moreover affirmed that, +if the Imperial court wished to secure its influence in Germany, it +could not allow the opinion to gain ground that it depended on Spain and +was guided by her.</p> + +<p>And in Spain also, after the fall of Lerma, which was brought on by this +affair, the old aspirations after the supremacy of the world had again +obtained the upper hand.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[Pg 518]</a></span> +It is true that at the moment a feeling prevailed in favour of +maintaining peace on the very advantageous footing which had then been +obtained. Cardinal Zapata, Don Pedro of Toledo, and above all Count +Gondomar, who had at that time been made a member of the Council, +declared before that body that Spain ought to have no higher political +aim than to secure her union with England. These were men of experience +in European affairs, who recollected the evils which had sprung from the +policy of Philip II. But there were others who were again seized with +the old ambition, so interwoven with Catholicism, and who would not +separate themselves from the interests of the Emperor at any price—men +like the Marquis de Aytona, Don Augustin Mexia. And Count Olivarez, +under the influence of the Imperial ambassador, now espoused the same +opinion, a man who, as favourite of the King and chief minister, filled +the same position in Spain that Buckingham did in England. At the +decisive meeting of the Council, he stated that the King of Spain would +not venture to separate from the Emperor, even if he had been mortally +affronted by him: if he could stand in friendly relations with the +Emperor and the King of England at the same time, well and good; but if +not, he must break with the King of England without any regard to the +marriage: this step was demanded of him for the preservation of +Christendom, of the Catholic religion, and of his family. He added that +a marriage between the young Count Palatine and a daughter of the +Emperor was only to be thought of, if the former became a Catholic: that +the complete restoration of the father was by no means advisable; and +that he ought to be dealt with as the Duke of Saxony had been dealt with +by Charles V.<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> +Olivarez carried the Council with him in favour of +this policy. The strictly Catholic point of view, which had been +asserted by the German line of the house of Austria, was again adopted +as the rule of policy in Spain.</p> + +<p>This was a resolution that decided the destinies of Spain. That power +again renounced the policy of compromise which it had observed for a +quarter of a century. The young King +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[Pg 519]</a></span> +Philip IV and his ambitious +favourite revived the designs of Philip II, or, as the former once +expressed it, of Charles V: to the restoration of Catholic ascendancy in +Germany they sacrificed the friendship of King James, which was of +inestimable advantage to the monarchy, inasmuch as it kept the coasts of +Spain free from all danger of attack from the English +forces.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> +Olivarez was too violent, too young, and too ill-informed to have any +clear conception of the influence of these relations.</p> + +<p>But as in great transactions every step has consequences, it is clear +that the Spanish predilections of King James, and the policy founded on +them, were thus brought to an end. For maintaining these it was +necessary not only that they should be advantageous to the Catholics in +England, but that they should be equally serviceable to the Protestant +interests in Germany, which in the present instance were his own: +otherwise he would never have found rest again in his own country, or +his own family, or perhaps even in his own breast. He had asked for the +reinstatement of his son-in-law in the electorship as well as in the +possession of his hereditary dominions, or at least for the hearty +assistance of Spain in effecting this +object.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> +And the Prince of Wales shared these views. He once said to Count Olivarez that, without +the restoration of the Elector Palatine, the marriage was impossible, +and the friendship of England could not be expected. The Spaniards did +not think fit to impart to him the resolution which had been taken in +the Council of State; but still this implied a new direction given to +the course of affairs which could be followed although it was not talked +of. The Spaniards contented themselves with dwelling on the necessity of +sending the youthful Count Palatine to Vienna for education: as to his +father, who was under the ban, they held out indeed a prospect of the +restoration of his dominions but not of his electoral dignity. The +Prince declared that it was not to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[Pg 520]</a></span> +be imagined that his brother-in-law +would be content with that and would agree to +it.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> +And how was even as much as this to be obtained from the court of Vienna? It was now +certain that in the affair of the Palatinate Spain would not interfere +with decision. But besides this, the resolutions which had been taken in +the Spanish Council of State must lead to much wider consequences.</p> + +<p>The miscarriage of the negotiations has been ascribed to the +misunderstanding between Olivarez and Buckingham; and it is no wonder +that such a misunderstanding arose, for the latter was conceited and +irritable, the former imperious and assuming. But these causes are only +of a secondary character; the root of the failure lies in the political, +or in the combination of the religious with the political relations of +the two countries. While in England Protestantism was moving in a +direction opposed to the intentions of King James, and could hardly be +held down, it was met by the Catholic interest in Spain and Germany, +which was fully conscious of its position. Now these were the powerful +elements which divided the whole world: the strife between them could +not be adjusted by political considerations.</p> + +<p>It is hardly necessary to state further how Buckingham, who regarded the +somewhat unmeaning delays of the Spaniards as affronts, and who would +have had reason to fear for his authority in England in the event of his +prolonged absence, now urged the return of the Prince. Charles concurred +with him: King James, who moreover was impatient, as he said, to see the +two men whom he most loved about him again, commanded it; and the +Spanish court could not object.</p> + +<p>Yet no estrangement arose in consequence, nor was the proposal for the +marriage withdrawn. The Infanta was treated as Princess of Wales; and +Philip IV in a letter once styled the Prince of Wales his +brother-in-law. The Papal dispensation, for which they had long been +kept waiting, at last arrived; and the marriage ceremony might have been +performed any day. The other negotiations also still kept advancing. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[Pg 521]</a></span> +King James then once more demanded an express declaration with regard to +the affair of the Palatinate. He wished to know what Spain thought of +doing if the Emperor refused to accede to the agreement that was to be +made between the two powers. The answer of the Spaniards was evasive: +how could it have been otherwise? But the English would not advance +further without better security. The Prince sent to request the +ambassador not to use the full powers, which he already had in his +hands, until he received fresh +orders.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> +King James declared that the +marriage could not be solemnised till the Spanish court consented to +take upon itself obligations with regard to the Palatinate.</p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Letter to Gondomar, as it appears, from Buckingham +himself, Cabala 236. 'You promised that the King should be pressed to +nothing that should not be agreeable to his conscience, to his honour, +and the love of his people.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> So writes Richard Weston to Buckingham: 'The prince +elector hath conformed himself to what was demanded, that the count +Mansfelt and Duke of Brunswik, the pretended obstacles of the treatie, +are now with all their forces removed.' Sept. 3, 1622. Cabala 201. How +difficult this was for him we see from a letter of Nethersole to +Carlisle, Oct. 18, 1622. 'The slowness of resolution of this side may +move H. Mai. [the King of Bohemia] to precipitate his before the time, +which will be then to lose the fruits of two long years patience.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Valaresso: 'Temendo di se stesso e di riuscir l'oggetto +di tutta la colpa e forse della pena.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Valaresso: Disp. 19 Luglio 1623.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> A true relation of the arrival and entertainment given to +the Prince Charles: in Somers' Tracts ii. 625.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Arcana quatuor capitula ad religionem pertinentia: in +Dumont v. ii. 442. Their contents also appear in the Spanish reports.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> 'That you now take unto yourself liberty to throw down +the laws of the land at your pleasure.' Cabala 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> The Duke and the Prince to the King, 6 June. Hardwicke +Papers i. 419.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Instructions received from His Highness June 7, 1623: in +Clarendon State Papers I. xviii. App.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Protestation of the Conde Oñate, in Khevenhiller, Ann. +Ferd. viii. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> From Khevenhiller's letter, Ann. Ferd. x. 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> In a Letter of Pope Urban to Olivarez, this passage +occurs: 'Diceris in Britannico matrimonio differendo religionis +dignitatem privatis omnibus rationibus praetulisse.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> 'We have expected the total restitution of the +palatinate, and of the electorship.' James to Bristol, in Halliwell ii. +228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Prince Charles and the Duke to James, Aug. 30, 1623. +Hardwicke Papers i. 449.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Prince Charles to the Earl of Bristol. Halliwell 229.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_V" id="BV_V"></a> +THE PARLIAMENT OF 1624. ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE.</p> + +<p>After the Prince had taken leave of his Spanish escort, and had gone on +board an English fleet at Santander, whither it had put in to fetch him +away, contrary winds, or, in the words of a contemporary narrative, 'the +brothers Boreas and Eurus,' for a while delayed his departure. We are +assured that people in England never regarded the weathercocks and the +direction of the smoke and of the clouds with more painful anxiety than +at that time. Even among the dependents of the royal house many almost +gave up the Prince as lost; for who, they said, could trust the word of +the Spaniards? The Protestant part of the population thought that he +would at least be compelled to abjure his religion. At last the wind +subsided. On October 5, after an absence of almost eight months, the +Prince arrived in Portsmouth, and the day after in London. The universal +joy with which he was received was indescribable: all business was at a +standstill; the shops were shut; nothing was seen but waggons driving +backwards and forwards, laden with the wood intended for the bonfires +which blazed at evening in all the open squares, at all corners of the +streets, even in the inner courts, but were most brilliant and costly at +the Guildhall.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> +The joyful acclamations of the multitude mingled +with the sound of the bells; people congratulated each other that the +heir to the throne had returned as he had gone, and that without the +Infanta; for this marriage had never been popular; but above all, that +he returned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[Pg 523]</a></span> +rather confirmed than shaken in his religion. They praised +God for his deliverance out of the land of Egypt. Even Buckingham, who +was not loved at other times, enjoyed a moment of universal popularity.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless the effect which would have been most welcome to the +majority, that of banishing all thoughts of an alliance with Catholic +powers, and of causing a wife to be sought for the Prince among +Protestants, was certainly not produced, for the King had long been +revolving another plan. The combination with Spain, although it had best +corresponded to his wishes and ideas, had nevertheless been only an +experiment: when it miscarried, he was predisposed to return to the +thought of an alliance with France. The Prince, on his way through +France, had already seized the opportunity of seeing the Princess, his +possible bride, while she was dancing, without being remarked by her; +and the impression which she made upon him had been by no means +unfavourable.</p> + +<p>Instantly on his return from Spain Buckingham opened communications with +Mary de' Medici, Queen of France, and that through means of a Franciscan +monk, who could not be suspected, and who presented himself to her while +she was at dinner. Buckingham made secret overtures to her, intimating +that he wished to resume the old negotiations for an alliance between +the royal families of England and France, for that he was a Frenchman at +heart.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> +As the Queen expressed herself favourably inclined, Henry +Rich, who then bore the title of Lord Kensington, and afterwards that of +Lord Holland, was sent before the end of the year 1623 on a secret +mission to France in order to set the affair in motion. Rich was one of +the most intimate friends of Buckingham, and to a certain extent +resembled him in character.</p> + +<p>In this affair Buckingham had two circumstances in his favour. It was +the main ambition of the Queen-mother to see her daughter on the throne +of the neighbouring kingdom. The preference accorded by the English +court to an Infanta of Spain over a daughter of France had had +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1624.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[Pg 524]</a></span> +a painful effect upon her: she was the more gratified when that court now +resumed the negotiations which had been broken off. Nevertheless she did +not embark on so delicate an affair, the failure of which was still +possible, without the necessary reserve. The French court could not but +ask for religious concessions in favour of the Princess, as Spain had +for the Infanta: but on the very first approach to the subject it hinted +that it would not urge the King to such strict pledges as had been +demanded on the side of the +Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> +The second influence in +Buckingham's favour was the political. The advance of the alliance, and +of the power of the Spaniards, especially their establishment in the +Palatinate, aroused the jealousy of the French. The opinion, which +Cardinal Richelieu so often emphatically expressed, that France, +everywhere enclosed by the power of the Spaniards, might some day be +prostrated by it, was generally held. The interests of his country +seemed to be deeply interested when England, from whose close connexion +with Spain the greatest danger was to be apprehended, separated herself +from that power, and showed a disposition to adopt a policy in harmony +with that of France. Henry Rich assures us that so universal an +agreement had never been known among Frenchmen as was shown at that time +in the wish to ally themselves with England. Already agents of Mansfeld +and Brunswick were seen at Court: an intended mission to Maximilian of +Bavaria was given up on the representation of the English ambassador. +Envoys from the expelled King of Bohemia also soon arrived, in order to +gain the co-operation of the French in his restoration. The negotiations +with England actually began: they were directed to an alliance and a +marriage at the same time: in each case it was made a preliminary +condition that England should openly and completely break with Spain.</p> + +<p>But this condition could not be fulfilled in England quite easily and +without opposition.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[Pg 525]</a></span> +And how indeed could it have been expected that the members of the Privy +Council, who had followed the King in the direction given to his policy +in favour of Spain, if not without any reserve, yet with an ardour which +might be turned to their reproach, would now, as it were, turn round, +and follow the example of the favourite in entering on another path? A +commission chosen from their body was appointed in order to take into +consideration the complaints made by Buckingham about the behaviour of +the Spanish court. But the report which Buckingham made was by no means +so convincing as to win their concurrence. He rather depended on +impressions, which had no doubt in his own eyes a certain truth, than on +facts which might have served as evidence for others as well. The +commission declared itself almost unanimously against +him.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> +Its sentence was, that Philip IV had seriously intended to marry his sister +to the Prince; and that in the affair of the Palatinate he had behaved, +if not as a friend, yet at any rate not as an enemy. The first part is +undoubtedly correct; with regard to the second however, neither the +members of the Privy Council had any suspicion, nor had Buckingham +himself any real information, that the Spaniards had made the interests +of Austria in the Palatinate so decidedly their own. The Council was +moreover in an ill humour with the favourite on account of the arbitrary +authority which he arrogated to himself. When Lord Bristol came to +England in the beginning of the year 1624, and then laid all the blame +on Buckingham himself, a party was formed against the latter, which +sought to overthrow him, and was even thought to have already secured a +new favourite, with whom to replace Buckingham, just as he had formerly +stepped into the place of Somerset. It was remarked that the friends and +adherents of Somerset, who had always been on the side of Spain, came +together and bestirred themselves. It was clear, and was generally said, +that if relations with Spain were not broken off, the minister must +fall. As people expressed it, 'either the marriage must break or +Buckingham.'</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[Pg 526]</a></span> +In this danger Buckingham resolved on a step of the greatest +significance, in order to be able at once to attack the Spaniards, and +to meet his rivals at home. He turned to those who had for many years +demanded war with Spain on principle, the popular and zealous Protestant +party. The King assented to his request for the summoning of a new +Parliament, of which he had in fact for other reasons already given +notice. As was to be expected from the connexion of affairs, the result +of the elections corresponded with the views of the last Parliament. Men +like Coke, who had been called to account for their attitude at that +time, were re-elected two or three times over. The ruling minister now +regarded them even as his allies.</p> + +<p>What an indescribable advantage however for the supporters of the claims +of Parliament was this change! As the ill-success of the German policy +of the King in the year 1621 had turned to their advantage, so now they +profited by the failure of his negotiations with Spain. The political +leanings of James I in favour of Spain, which they had originally +opposed, had led to embarrassments in which the First Minister himself +invoked their aid.</p> + +<p>But not only did party rivalries display themselves at this important +moment, but a general opposition also arose on constitutional grounds. +The Earl of Carlisle represented to the King that he had been visited by +members of Parliament, no mere popular leaders or speakers, but quiet +men and good patriots, who feared God and honoured the King: that he had +learned from them that the agitation observed in the country had +principally arisen because the last grants of Parliament had not been +met by any favours on the part of the King, but on the contrary the +expression of opinions displeasing to him on the part of certain members +had been subsequently punished by their arrest. Carlisle reminded the +King that nothing could be more hateful to his enemies, or more +strengthening and encouraging to his friends, than the removal of these +disagreements; that no king had ever had better subjects if he would but +trust them; that if he would but show them that he relied on their +counsel and support, he would win their hearts and command their +fortunes; and that the people would then work with him for the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[Pg 527]</a></span> +welfare and honour of the +State.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a></p> + +<p>These views prevailed when Parliament was opened on the 19th of +February, 1624. Hitherto it had been one of the principal grievances of +the King that Parliament wished to have a voice in affairs that +concerned his state and his family. The new Parliament was opened with a +detailed account from Buckingham of his negotiations with Spain, which +affected both these interests, and with a request that Parliament would +report on the great questions awaiting +settlement.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p> + +<p>The answer of both Houses was, that it was contrary to the honour of the +King, to the welfare of his people, to the interest of his children, and +even to the terms of his former alliances, to continue the negotiations +with Spain any longer: they prayed him to break off negotiations on both +subjects, with regard to the Palatinate, as well as with regard to the +marriage. It was hailed as a public blessing that the conditions +accepted for the sake of the latter would not now be fulfilled.</p> + +<p>At this moment Buckingham's wishes were on the side of this policy; for +otherwise he could not have advanced a step in his dealings with France. +But the King had not so fully made up his mind. He had approved the +overtures made to France: but when he was now asked to break with Spain, +the power which he most feared, and whose friendship it was the first +principle of his policy to cultivate, there was something in him which +recoiled from the step. Buckingham acknowledged for the first time that +he was not of the same mind with the King. He said that he wished to +tread only in one path, whereas the King thought that he could walk in +two different paths at once; but that the King must choose between the +Spaniards and his own subjects. He asked him whether, supposing that +sufficient subsidies of a definite amount were at once granted him, and +the support of his subjects with their lives and fortunes were promised +him for the future, so far as it might be necessary—whether +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[Pg 528]</a></span> +in that +case he would resolve to break off the matrimonial alliance with Spain. +He asked for a straightforward and definite answer, that he might be +able to give information on the subject beforehand to some members of +Parliament. It is evident that this was no longer the attitude of a +favourite, who has only to express the opinions and wishes of his +prince. Buckingham came forward as a statesman, who opposes his own +insight to the aims of his sovereign. He says that if he should concur +with the King, he should be a flatterer; that if he should fail to +express his own opinion, he should be a traitor. In this matter he could +rely on the support of the Prince, who, without estranging himself from +his father, still appeared to be less dependent on his will than +before.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> +The result was that James I again gave way. He named the +sum which he should require for the defence of his kingdom, for the +support of his neighbours, and for the discharge of his own debts. +Parliament, although it did not grant the whole amount demanded, yet +granted a very considerable sum: it agreed to pay three full subsidies +and three fifteenths within a year, if the negotiations were broken off. +At the beginning of April Buckingham was able to announce to Parliament +that the King, in consequence of the advice given to him, had finally +broken off negotiations with Spain on both matters.</p> + +<p>Other and further concessions of the greatest extent were coupled with +this announcement. The King promised that, if a war should break out, he +would not entertain any proposals for peace without the advice of +Parliament. It was of still more importance, for the moment at least, +that he declared himself willing to allow Parliament itself to dispose +of the sums it had granted. He said that he wished to have nothing to do +with them: that Parliament itself might nominate a treasurer. These +likewise were admissions which Buckingham had demanded from the +King:<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> +but it maybe supposed that he had a previous understanding on +the subject +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[Pg 529]</a></span> +with the leaders of the Parliament. He also represented to +the King that the removal of the old grievances was an absolute +necessity. The monopolies to which James had so long clung, and which he +had so obstinately defended, he now in turn gave up; while the penal +laws against the Catholics, to which he was averse, were revived.</p> + +<p>This was an intestine struggle between the different powers in the +state, as well as a question of policy. Parliament and the favourite +made common cause against the Privy Council, which was on the side of +Spain.</p> + +<p>Among his opponents in the Privy Council, Buckingham hated none so much +as the Lord Treasurer Cranfield, then Earl of Middlesex, for Cranfield, +although raised from a humble station by Buckingham himself, had the +courage to resist him on the Spanish +question.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> +By his strict and successful management of business, Cranfield had won the favour of the +King, who believed that he had found in him a second Sully. It seems +that Cranfield himself had intended to effect the ruin of Buckingham: +but Buckingham was too strong for him. Certain accusations, which were +partly well founded, were made available in bringing him to trial by +Parliamentary means, and in removing him from his office like Bacon; for +he had incurred the enmity of many by his strictness and +incorruptibility. The King professed to regard this case as even worse +than the former, because Bacon had acknowledged his guilt, while +Cranfield denied all guilt. The doctrine of the responsibility of +ministers was by this means advanced still further, for it was now +becoming more dangerous to fall out with Parliament than with the King.</p> + +<p>The authority of Parliament in general made important strides. It now +threw paramount weight into those deliberations which concerned the +general affairs of the kingdom, war and peace, and the royal family. +What became of the principle on which the King had hitherto taken his +stand,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[Pg 530]</a></span> +that the decision of these matters must be left exclusively to +his discretion? Parliament again assumed the attitude which three years +before had led to its dissolution.</p> + +<p>It was not possible that James I could look on all this without +displeasure and uneasiness. Sometimes the thought occurred to him that +Buckingham had not been the right man to conduct the negotiations with +Spain. The words escaped him that, if he had sent the Lord Keeper +Williams with his son instead of Buckingham, his honour would then have +been saved, and his heart would now beat more lightly. He did not +approve of the decided turn which was being given to foreign politics. +He was once heard to say that he was a poor old man, who in former times +had known something about politics, but who now knew nothing more about +them.</p> + +<p>It seems indeed that he had fancied that he could still continue to hold +the balance between parties: so at least those who knew James understood +him. He had no intention of allowing Buckingham's fall, as the enemies +of that nobleman wished, but he perhaps thought of finding a +counterpoise for him: he did not wish to let him become lord and master +of affairs. On the other hand Buckingham, by his connexion with the +leading men of the Lower House, had already won an independent position, +in which he was no longer at the mercy of the King. He may perhaps be +set down as the first English minister who, supported by Parliament and +by public opinion, induced or compelled the King to adopt a policy on +which of his own accord he would not have resolved. In conjunction with +his new friends Buckingham succeeded in breaking up the Spanish party, +with which he now for the first time came into conflict: his adherents +congratulated him on his +success.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> +In court and state a kind of +reaction against the previous importance of this party set in. The +offices which were vacated by the fall of Cranfield were conferred on +men of the other party, the kind of men who had formerly been displaced +under the influence of Gondomar. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[Pg 531]</a></span> +Seamen were acquitted who had shown +the same disregard for orders as Walter Ralegh had once done, and +preparations were made to indemnify Ralegh's posterity for the loss of +property which they had suffered. The Spanish ambassadors at court +availed themselves of a moment of ill humour on the part of the King, to +whom indeed they had again obtained access, to call his attention to the +loss of authority which threatened him on account of Buckingham's +combination with the leading men in the Parliament. But in what they +said they mingled so much falsehood with the truth that they could be +easily refuted; and Buckingham successfully resisted this attack also.</p> + +<p>People still perceived in the King his old indecision. He consented, it +is true, that Mansfeld, whom he had formerly helped the Spaniards to +expel from his strong position on the Upper Rhine, should now be +supported by English as well as French money in a new campaign to +recover the Palatinate. But nevertheless he wished at the same time to +enjoin him as a condition to abstain from attacking any country which +rightfully belonged to the Archduchess Isabella, or to the crown of +Spain.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> +So far was he still from undertaking open war against Spain, +as his subjects hoped and expected.</p> + +<p>And though he acceded to the negotiations with France, yet in this +transaction the very circumstance which displeased the majority of his +subjects—namely that he was hereby making an alliance with a Catholic +power—was acceptable to him. For even then he would not have consented +at any price to have interfered in the general religious quarrel merely +on religious grounds. He felt no hesitation in promising the French, as +he had the Spaniards, not only freedom of religion in behalf of the +future queen, but even relief for his Catholic subjects in regard to the +penal laws imposed by Parliament. Yet he could have wished that they had +contented themselves with his simple promise. One of his envoys, Lord +Nithisdale, was himself of this opinion. On the other side it was +remarked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[Pg 532]</a></span> +that perhaps the Catholics, of whom he also was one, might be +contented with a promise from their sovereign, on whom their whole +welfare depended, but that the French government could not, as it must +have a dispensation from the Pope, which could not be obtained without a +written assurance. James I at first declared himself ready to give such +a declaration in a letter to the king of France, and La Vieuville, who +was minister at the time, expressed himself content with that. But after +his fall and Richelieu's accession to power this arrangement was +rejected. It was in vain that the King's ambassadors held out a prospect +that the letter should be signed by the Prince and by the chief +Secretary of State; the French insisted that the King should ratify not +only the treaty, but also a special engagement which they themselves +wished to frame and to lay before Urban VIII. The English +plenipotentiaries at the French court, Holland and Carlisle, were still +refusing to agree to this, when King James had already given way to the +French ambassador in England.</p> + +<p>The agreement, in the form in which it was at last concluded, was in +some points more advantageous for England than that with Spain had been. +While the latter stipulated that the laws which had been passed, or +might hereafter be passed, in England against the Catholics were not to +be applied to the royal children, but that these on the contrary were +still to be secured in their right to the succession, an agreement +which, as was mentioned, opened a prospect of an alteration in the +religion of the reigning family; this supposition was avoided in the +contract with France. But it was agreed on the other hand that the +future queen was to conduct the education of her children, not merely +till their tenth year, as had been stipulated with Spain, but till their +thirteenth. She herself and her household were also to enjoy a higher +degree of ecclesiastical independence; the superintendence of a bishop +was even allowed them. It was the ambition of the Pope to demand not +much less from the French than his predecessor had demanded from the +Spaniards as the price of bestowing a dispensation for the marriage of a +Catholic princess with a Protestant prince; and it was the ambition of +the French court to offer him, or at least to appear to offer him, no +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[Pg 533]</a></span> +less. In the special assurance above mentioned James gave a promise that +his Catholic subjects should look forward to the enjoyment of still +greater freedom than that which would have been conferred on them by the +agreement with Spain. They were not to be molested for the sake of +religion, either in their persons or in their possessions, supposing +that in other respects they conducted themselves as good and loyal +subjects.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a></p> + +<p>The English ambassadors took exception to single expressions: the King +himself passed lightly over them. He was mainly induced to do so by the +absence from the agreement with France of the most offensive and +burdensome clauses which had been contained in the secret articles of +the treaty with Spain. On December 12, 1624, the treaty was signed at +Cambridge by the King, and the special assurance both by the King and by +the Prince.</p> + +<p>James I wished to see his son married. At the Christmas immediately +following he greeted him according to English fashion with the tenderest +expressions: he said that he existed only for his sake; that he had +rather live with him in banishment than lead a desolate life without +him. He thought that the treaty of marriage which had just been +concluded would establish his happiness for ever.</p> + +<p>An alliance between France and England for the recovery of the +Palatinate was now moreover in contemplation. From the first moment the +French had acknowledged that this would be to their own interest, and +had promised to assist in that object to the extent of their power. +Nevertheless they hesitated to conclude an express agreement for this +object; for what would the Pope say if they allied +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1625.</span> +themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[Pg 534]</a></span> +with Protestants against Catholics? At last they submitted a declaration in +writing, but this appeared to the English ambassadors so unsatisfactory, +that they preferred to return it to them. The French said that this time +they would perform more than they promised. Although exceptions of many +kinds might be made to their performances, yet they were really +seriously bent on doing as much as possible for the recovery of the +Palatinate. Just at that time Richelieu had stepped into power, and he +expressly directed the policy of France to the destruction of the +position which the Spaniards had occupied on the Middle Rhine. In spite +of the obstructive efforts of a party which had both ecclesiastical and +political objects in view, he concluded the arrangements for the +marriage of the Princess to the Prince of Wales without any delay, even +without waiting for the last word of the Pope.</p> + +<p>By this means the connexion which the King had formed in earlier years +seemed once more to be revived. The Duke of Savoy and the Republic of +Venice supported Mansfeld's preparations with subsidies of money. The +States General took the most lively interest in the warlike movements in +Germany, on which the Elector of Brandenburg also set his hopes. The +King of Denmark offered his help in the matter with a readiness which +created astonishment. While the English ambassadors were busy in +adjusting the disputes that were constantly springing up afresh between +him and Sweden, he gathered the estates of Lower Saxony around him, in +order to check the swift advance of the Catholic +League.<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> +Of the members of the old alliance the princes of Upper Germany alone were +absent. It was hoped that the Union would be revived by the efforts of +Lower Germany, and above all that its head, the Elector Palatine, would +be restored to his country.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[Pg 535]</a></span> +Induced by the failure of peaceful negotiations for the restoration of +his son-in-law, James allowed greater progress to be made in the +direction of war than he had ever done before. He took an eager interest +in the preliminaries and preparations for war, even for a naval war. But +would he ever have proceeded to action? While preparing to attack the +Emperor and the League did he intend to do anything more than make a +demonstration against Spain? In truth it may be doubted. He never +allowed his English troops to attempt anything for the relief of Breda, +which at that time was still blockaded by the +Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a></p> + +<p>And in his alliance with France he certainly still held fast to his +original principles.</p> + +<p>The marriage of his son to a Catholic princess, and the indulgence +towards the Catholics to which he thereby pledged himself, express the +most characteristic tendencies of his policy. Notwithstanding all the +concessions which he made to Parliament, he still refused to grant many +of the demands which were addressed to him. The special agreement which +he made with France corresponded to the conception which he had formed +of his prerogative. By means of it he imported into relations controlled +by the law of nations his claim to give by virtue of his royal power a +dispensation even from laws that had been passed by Parliament.</p> + +<p>After, as well as before, this event his idea was to control and to +combine into harmony the conflicting elements within his kingdom by his +personal will; outside his kingdom, to guide or to regulate events by +clever policy. This is the important feature in the position and in the +pacific attitude of this sovereign. But the blame which attaches to him +is also connected with it. He made each and everything, however +important it might be in itself, merely secondary to his political +calculation. His high-flying thoughts have something laboured and flat +about them; they are almost too closely connected with a conscious, and +at the same time personal, end; they want that free sweep which is +necessary for enlisting the interest of contemporaries and of posterity. +And<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[Pg 536]</a></span> +could the policy of James ever have prevailed? Was it not in its +own nature already a failure? A great crisis was hanging over England +when King James died (March 1625). He had once more received the Lord's +Supper after the Anglican use, with edifying expressions of contrition: +a numerous assembly had been present, for he wished every one to know +that he died holding the same views which he had professed, and had +contended for in his writings during his lifetime. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> 'True mirth and gladness was in every face, and healths +ran bravely round in every place.' John Taylor, Prince Charles his +Welcome from Spaine: in Somers ii. 552.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Mémoires de Richelieu. Ranke, Französische Geschichte v. +133 (Werke xii. 162).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> Kensington to Buckingham: 'Neither will they strain us to +any unreasonablenesse in conditions for our Catholics.' Cabala 275.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Hacket, Life of Williams 169. 'Scarce any in all the +Consulto did vote to my Lords satisfaction.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> The Earl of Carlisle to His Majesty, Feb. 14, 1624. He +signs himself 'Your Majesty's most humble, most obedient obliged +creature subject and servant.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Valaresso already observes this, March 8, 1624: +'Nell'ultimo parlamento si chiamava felonia di parlare di quello, che +hora si transmette alla libera consultatione del presente.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> A. Valaresso, Dec. 15, 1623: 'Col re usa qualche minor +rispetto; agli altri da maggior sodisfattione del solito. Parla con Più +liberta della Spagna.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Of all Buckingham's letters to the King, without doubt +the most remarkable. Hardwicke i. 466: 'Risolve constantly to run one +way.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> Valaresso, April 26. 'La persona merita male perche certo +fu d'affetto Spagnola.' He accuses him of a 'Somma scarsezza di pagare.' +Chamberlain says of him at his appearance on the scene October 1621: +'whom the King, in his piercing judgment, finds best able to do him +service.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Robert Philips to Buckingham, August 9, 1624. 'You have +to your perpetual glory already dissolved and broken the Spanish +party.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> 'Not to attempt any act of hostility upon any of the +lawful dominions or possessions of the king of spain or the +Archiduchess.' He then at any rate supposed certain cases in which this +might take place. Hardwicke Papers i. 548.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> Escrit particulier: 'qu'il permettra a tous ses subjects +Catholiques Romains de jouir de plus de liberté et franchise en ce qui +regarde leur religion qu'ils n'eussent fait en vertu d'articles +quelconques accordés par le traité de mariage fait avec l'Espagne, ne +voulant que ses subjects Catholiques puissent estre inquiétés en leurs +personnes et biens pour faire profession de la dite religion et vivre en +Catholiques pourvu toutesfois qu'ils en usent modestement, et rendent +l'obéissance que de bons et vrays subjects doivent à leur roy, qu'il par +sa bonté ne les restreindra pas à aucun sentiment contraire à leur +religion.' Hardwicke Papers i. 546. The English ambassadors complain +that the word 'liberté' had been inserted by the French without first +informing them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Conway to Carlisle, Feb. 24, 1624-25: 'In contemplation +of H. Majesty the king of Denmark hath come to the propositions—upon +which H. M. upon good grounds hath made dispatche to the king of Denmark +agreeing to the kings of Denmarks propositions.' Hardwicke Papers i. +560.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Valaresso: 'Non è possibile di rimoverlo di contravenire +alle tante promesse verso Spagnoli et alle sue prime dichiarationi.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_VI" id="BV_VI"></a> +BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES I, AND HIS FIRST AND SECOND +PARLIAMENT.</p> + +<p>The prince who now ascended the throne was in the bloom of life: he had +just completed his twenty-fifth year. He had been weak and delicate in +childhood: among the defects from which he suffered was that of +stammering, which he did not get over throughout life; but he had grown +up stronger in other ways than had been expected. He looked well on +horseback: men saw him govern with safety horses that were hard to +manage: he was expert in knightly exercises: he was a good shot with the +cross-bow, as well as with the gun, and even learned how to load a +cannon. He was hardly less unweariedly devoted to the chase than his +father. He could not vie with him in intelligence and knowledge, nor +with his deceased brother Henry in vivacious energy and in popularity of +disposition; but he had learnt much from his father, at whose feet he +loved to sit; and his brother's tastes for the arts and for the +experimental sciences, especially the former, had passed to him. In +moral qualities he was superior to both. He was one of those young men +of whom it is said that they have no fault. His strict propriety of +demeanour bordered on maiden bashfulness: a serious and temperate soul +spoke from his calm eyes. He had a natural gift for apprehending even +the most complicated questions, and he was a good writer. From his youth +he shewed himself economical; not profuse, but at the same time not +niggardly; in all matters precise. All the world had been wearied by the +frequent proofs which his father had given of his untrustworthiness, and +by the unfathomable mystery in which he enveloped his ever-wavering +intentions: they expected from the son more openness, uprightness, and +consistency. They +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[Pg 538]</a></span> +asked if he would not also be more decidedly +Protestant. He showed, at least at first, that he had a more sensitive +feeling with regard to his princely +honour.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> +He had expected that his personal suit for the hand of the Infanta would remove all +difficulties on the part of the Spaniards, even those of a political +character, which obstructed the marriage. They had paid him every +attention suitable to his rank, but in the business which was under +discussion they had not given way a hair's breadth: it rather appeared +as if they wished to avail themselves of his presence to impose harder +conditions upon him. He was deeply affronted at this. When he found +himself again among his countrymen on board an English ship, he +expressed his astonishment that he had not been detained after he had +been so ill-treated.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> +Quiet and taciturn by nature, he knew while in +Spain how to disguise his real feelings by appearing to feel +differently: but we have seen how on his return his whole attitude with +regard to affairs in general, both foreign and domestic, in matters +which concerned his father and the Parliament alike, assumed an altered +character which corresponded to the general feeling of the nation far +more closely than the policy previously pursued.</p> + +<p>In the last days of James doubts had still been felt whether he would +ever allow a marriage to take place between his son and a French +princess, and large sums had been wagered on the issue. Charles I at +once put an end to all hesitation. He did not allow himself to be +induced to defer his marriage even by the death of his father, or by a +pestilential sickness which then prevailed, or by the lack of the +desirable preparations in the royal palaces. He wished to show the world +that he adhered to his policy of opposition to Spain. He even allowed +the privateering, which his father had formerly suppressed with so much +zeal, to begin again. The royal +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[Pg 539]</a></span> +navy, for the improvement of which +Buckingham actively exerted himself, was put in a complete state of +efficiency, and the money granted by Parliament was principally employed +for this purpose.</p> + +<p>But to enable him to undertake war in earnest he required fresh grants. +It was almost the first thought of the King after his accession to the +throne to call a Parliament for this purpose, and that the same +Parliament which had last sat in the reign of his +father.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> +He bent, although unwillingly, to the necessity, imposed by the constitution, of +ordering new elections to be proceeded with, for he would rather have +avoided all delay: but he entertained no doubt that the Parliament, as +it was composed after the elections, would give him its full support. +After what had taken place he considered this almost a matter of course.</p> + +<p>On June 18/28, 1625, Charles I opened his first Parliament at +Westminster. He reminded the members that his father had been induced by +the advice of the Parliament, whose wishes he had himself represented to +the King, to break off all further negotiations with Spain. He said that +this was done in their interest: that on their instigation he had +embarked on the affair as a young man joyfully and with good courage: +that this had been his first undertaking: what a reproach would it be +both for himself and for them if they now refused him the support which +he necessarily required for bringing to a successful issue the quarrel +which had already begun!</p> + +<p>And certainly if war with Spain had been the only question, he might +have reckoned upon abundant grants: but the matter was not quite so +simple. Parliament thought above all of its own designs, which it had +not been possible to effect in the lifetime of James I, but which +Charles had advocated in the last session. If the new King inferred the +obligation of Parliament to furnish the money required for a foreign war +from the share it had had in the counsels which had led to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[Pg 540]</a></span> +that war, Parliament also considered that he was no less bound on his part to +fulfil the wishes that had been expressed in regard to internal policy. +In the very first debate which preceded the election of the Speaker, +this point of view was very distinctly put forward. The King was told +that in the last session he had sought to remove all differences between +Parliament and his father, and to induce the latter to grant the +petitions of Parliament: that if he had not succeeded then, that result +had been due only to his want of power; but now he had power as well as +inclination: what he before had only been able to will, he now was +enabled to effect, and everything depended solely on +him.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> +It had been especially the execution of the Acts of Parliament directed against +the Catholics which the Parliament demanded, and which the Prince in his +ardour against Spain had then thought advisable. His father had refused +to grant this: it was now expected that he should grant it himself. They +expected this from him as much as he expected from them a subsidy +sufficient for carrying on the war. It may be asked, however, whether it +was possible for him to give ear to their wishes. The complication in +his fortunes arose from his inability to comply.</p> + +<p>If Charles I, when Prince of Wales, had wished to identify his cause +entirely with the aims of Parliament, he would have been obliged to +marry the daughter of a Protestant prince. But this was prevented by the +political danger which would then have arisen in the event of a breach +with Spain. Neither James nor Charles I believed that they could +withstand this great monarchy without an alliance with France. Political +and dynastic interests had led to the marriage which had just been +concluded. But by this a relation with the Catholic world had again been +contracted which rendered impossible a purely Protestant system of +government such as Queen +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[Pg 541]</a></span> +Elizabeth desired to establish. A dispensation +from Rome had been required which expressed even without any disguise +the hope that the French princess would convert the King and his realm +to the old faith.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> +The marriage could not have been concluded +without entering into obligations which were in open contradiction to +the Acts of Parliament. Those obligations were not yet fully known, but +what was learnt of them caused great agitation. Charles was reminded of +a promise, which he was said to have given at an earlier time, to agree +to no conditions on his marriage which might be prejudicial to the +Church existing in England. Men asked how that promise had been +fulfilled; and why any secret was made of the compact which had been +concluded. Would not the Queen's chapel, they asked, now serve to unite +the Catholics of England; or would they be forbidden to hear mass there? +In a forcible petition Parliament asked for the execution of the laws +issued against Papists and +recusants.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></p> + +<p>Charles I was not in a position to be able to regard it. It was not that +he had any thought of curtailing the rights of the English Church or of +entering on any other course in great questions of general policy than +that which had been laid down in conjunction with Parliament. His +marriage also was a preparation for the conflict with Spain; but if it +was not so decidedly opposed to the common feeling of the country as a +Spanish marriage, yet it was far from being in accordance with it. The +pledges which had been given on that occasion prevented the King from +adopting exclusively Protestant points of view, and from identifying +himself completely with his people.</p> + +<p>But there was another reason for the King's adherence to his agreement. +He was as little inclined as his father had been to allow the Parliament +to exercise any influence on ecclesiastical affairs. Much unpleasant +surprise was created at that time by the writings of Dr. Montague, in +which he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[Pg 542]</a></span> +treated the Roman Church with forbearance, and Puritanism with +scorn and hatred. Parliament wished to institute proceedings against the +author. The King did not take him under his protection; but on the +request of some dignitaries of the English Church he transferred the +matter to his own tribunal. He regarded it moreover as an undoubted +element of his prerogative to dispense with the statutes passed by +Parliament, so that the concessions which were expressed in the marriage +compact appeared to him quite justifiable.</p> + +<p>We see how closely this affected the most important question of English +constitutional law. The universal competence of Parliament is here +opposed to the authority of the King, strengthened by his ecclesiastical +functions. And we understand how Parliament, in spite of the urgent need +created by itself, hesitated to fulfil the expectations of the King.</p> + +<p>It could not absolutely refuse to make any grant: it offered him two +subsidies, 'fruits of its love' as they were termed. But the King had +expected a far stronger proof of devotion. What importance could be +attached to such an insignificant sum in prospect of so tremendous an +undertaking as a war against Spain? The grant itself implied a sort of +refusal.</p> + +<p>But the Lower House also attempted to introduce a most extensive +innovation in regard to finance. The customs formed one of the main +sources of the revenue of the crown, without which it could not be +supported. They had been increased by the last government on the ground +of its right to tonnage and poundage, although, as we saw, not without +opposition.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> +The constitutional question was whether the customs +were properly to be regarded as a tax, and accordingly dependent on the +grant of Parliament, or whether they were absolutely appropriated to the +crown by right derived from long prescription: for since the time of +Edward IV, tonnage and poundage had been granted to every king for the +whole period of his reign. The controversies arising +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[Pg 543]</a></span> +on the subject under James had brought to light the daily increasing importance +conferred by the growth of commerce on this source of revenue, which +certainly assured to the crown, if not for extraordinary undertakings, +yet for the conduct of the ordinary business of the state, a certain +independence of the grants of Parliament. The Lower House was now +disinclined, both on principle and under the painful excitement of the +moment, to renew the grant on these terms: it therefore conferred the +right to tonnage and poundage on the King only for a year. But the +import of this restriction was plain enough. The popular leaders were +not satisfied with granting the King very inadequate support for the +war, but they sought to make him dependent even in time of peace on the +goodwill of the Lower House. The resolution was rejected by the Upper +House, and it appeared to the King himself as an affront. For why should +he be refused what had been secured to his predecessors during a century +and a half? The granting of supplies for life he regarded as a mere +form, which after such long prescription was not even necessary. He +thought himself entitled, even without such a grant, to have the duties +levied in his own name as before.</p> + +<p>These were differences of the most thoroughgoing character, which had +descended to Charles I with the crown itself from the earlier kings and +from his father. The change of government, and certain previous +occurrences caused these differences to come into greater prominence +than ever; but they received their peculiar character from something in +his personal relations which had also been transmitted from the father +to the son.</p> + +<p>Or rather, we may say, James I would certainly have been inclined to get +rid of Buckingham as he had formerly got rid of Somerset: under Charles +I this favourite occupied a still stronger position than he had held +before.</p> + +<p>Between the two men personally there was a great contrast. In the +favourite there was nothing of the precision, calmness, and moral +behaviour of the King. Buckingham was dissolute, talkative, and vain. +His appearance had made his fortune, and he endeavoured to add to it by +a splendour of attire,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[Pg 544]</a></span> +which later times would have allowed only in +women. Jewels were displayed in his ears, and precious stones served as +buttons for his doublet. It was affirmed that on his journey to France, +which preceded the marriage of the King, he had taken with him about +thirty different suits, each more costly than the last. It was for him +as much an affair of ambition as of sensual pleasure to make an +impression upon women, and to achieve what are called conquests in the +highest circles. He revelled in the enjoyment of successes in society. +Moments of lassitude followed, when those who had to speak with him on +business found him extended upon his couch, without giving them a sign +of interest or attention, especially when their proposals were not +altogether to his mind. Immediately afterwards however he would pass +from this state to one of the most highly-strained activity, for which +he by no means wanted ability: he then knew neither rest nor weariness. +He was spurred on most of all by the necessity of making head +alternately against such powerful and active rivals as the two ministers +who at that time conducted the affairs of France and Spain. He was bound +to Charles I by a common interest in one or two of those employments +which fill up daily life, for instance by fondness for art and art +collections, but principally by the companionship into which they had +been thrown, first in the cabinet of James I, who weighed his +conclusions by their assistance, and afterwards in their journey to +Spain. The Spaniards, who were accustomed to treat persons of the +highest rank with respect and reverence, were greatly scandalised to see +how entirely Buckingham indulged his own humours in the presence of the +Prince. He allowed himself to use playful nicknames, such as might have +been often applied in the hunting-seats of James or in letters to him, +but which at other times appeared very much out of place. He remained +sitting when the Prince was standing: in his presence he had indeed the +audacity to consult his ease by stretching his legs on another chair. +The Prince appeared to find this quite proper: Buckingham was for him +not so much a servant as an equal and intimate friend. It would have +been impossible to say which of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[Pg 545]</a></span> +two was the chief cause of the +alienation which arose between them and the Spaniards. Rumour made the +favourite responsible for this estrangement: better informed people +traced it to the Prince himself. The intimacy formed during their +previous association had been made still closer by the policy which they +pursued since their return from Spain. Many persons hoped +notwithstanding that, in spite of appearances to the contrary, an +alteration would take place with the change of government. But on the +first entry of Charles I into London, Buckingham was seen sitting by him +in his carriage in the usual intimate proximity. His share in the +marriage of the King increased their friendship: they both equally +agreed even in the subsequent change of policy. Buckingham had allied +himself most closely with the leaders of the Puritan opposition in +Parliament: by their support principally he had broken up the party +favourable to Spain. But in return for these services he had now not the +least intention of doing justice to their claims. If it had depended on +him, still greater concessions would afterwards have been granted in +favour of the Catholics than in fact were made; for Catholic sympathies +were very strongly represented in his family: he himself had far less +feeling in favour of Anglican orthodoxy than the King. And when the +rights of the prerogative were called in question, he again espoused +them most zealously, seeing that his own power rested on their validity. +He looked at the Parliamentary constitution from the point of view of a +holder of power, who wishes to avail himself of it for the end before +him without deeming himself bound by it, so soon as it becomes +inconvenient to him. He cared only for success in his immediate object: +all means of obtaining it seemed fair.</p> + +<p>The continuance of the session in London was at that time rendered +impossible by the pestilential sickness already referred to, which every +day increased in severity. Buckingham, who although pliant and adroit +yet had no regard whatever for others, wished to keep Parliament sitting +until it had made satisfactory grants. While the members, and even the +Privy Council, wished for a prorogation, he urged with success that the +sitting should only be transferred to Oxford. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[Pg 546]</a></span> +Thither the two Houses +very unwillingly went, for there also symptoms of the plague were +already showing themselves; and each member would have preferred to be +at home with his family. And when Buckingham came before them at Oxford +with his proposal for a further grant, the ill-humour of the assembly +openly broke out. He was reproached with the illegality of his conduct +in asking for a grant of subsidies more than once in a session; the +members said that if this was the object of their meeting they might +well have been at home.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> +But they were not content with rejecting +the proposal: they said that if they must remain together, they would, +according to former precedent, bring under debate the prevailing abuses +and their removal.</p> + +<p>Buckingham had been warned that by now changing his demeanour he would +run the risk of forfeiting those sympathies of Parliament, which he had +won by his Protestant attitude. In the very first session at Oxford an +event took place which set religious passions in agitation.</p> + +<p>Before the departure of the Parliament from London Lord Keeper Williams +had promised in the King's name that the laws against Catholic priests +should be observed. Immediately after the Speaker had taken his seat at +Oxford, a complaint was made that an order for the pardon of six priests +had been since issued. Williams had had no share in it; he had refused +to seal it. It had been necessary to complete it in the presence of the +King, who was induced at the urgent request of Buckingham to give his +assent in pursuance of the conditions of the agreement executed with +France. This conduct however, the failure to execute laws that had been +ratified, especially after a renewed promise to the contrary, appeared +to the Parliament an attack upon its rights and upon the constitution of +the country. The ill-feeling was directed against Buckingham, whose +exceptional position was now the general object of public and private +hatred.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[Pg 547]</a></span> +This was a time in which the power of a first minister in France, who +came forward as the representative of the monarchy, was winning its way +amid the strife of factions, and above all in opposition to the claims +of aristocratic independence. What Concini and Luynes had begun, +Richelieu with a strong arm carried systematically into effect. +Something similar seemed to be at hand in England also. It had been the +fashion of James I to give effect to his will in the state by means of a +minister, to whom he confided the most important affairs, and whom he +wished to be dependent solely on the King himself; and Charles I, in +this as in other matters, followed his father's example. Buckingham +became more powerful under him than ever. At the meetings of the Privy +Council the King hardly allowed any one else to speak: without taking +the votes of the members he accepted Buckingham's opinion as conclusive. +And yet it was apparent at the same time that this opinion did not +deserve preference from any worth of its own. The public administration, +so far as it was influenced by him, and his special department, the +Admiralty, furnished much occasion for just censure; and the general +policy on which he embarked appeared questionable and dangerous. He was +coarsely compared to a mule which took its rider into a wrong road. +Oxford suggested to men's minds the recollection of the opposition which +the great nobles had once offered to Henry III. People said that they +might perhaps have been to blame in form, but not in substance. It was +wished that Charles I might also govern the state by the help of his +wise and dignified councillors, and not with the aid of a single young +man. Parliament, the great men of the country, and those who filled the +highest offices, were almost unanimous against Buckingham. The Lord +Keeper Williams told the King openly at a meeting of the Privy Council +at Oxford, that nothing would quiet the apprehensions of his Parliament +but an assurance 'that in actions of importance and in the disposition +of what sums of money the people should bestow upon him, he would take +the advice of a settled and constant +council.'<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> +The misconduct of the favourite in not applying the money +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[Pg 548]</a></span> +granted to the objects for which it was voted, was exactly the ground of the complaint urged +against him. Not only the real importance of the points in dispute, but +also the intention of driving Buckingham from his position, led +Parliament to reject all his proposals.</p> + +<p>The King's adherence to his resolution of supporting his minister +greatly affected the state of affairs in England, which even at that +time presupposed and required an agreement between the Crown and the +Parliament.</p> + +<p>Buckingham attributed the rejection of his proposals in Parliament to +personal enmity; and this he thought he could certainly overcome. +Williams, who in the time of James I had been entirely in the confidence +of the King, was after a time dismissed, not without harshness, and was +replaced by Thomas Coventry. The post of Lord Keeper was again filled by +a lawyer who troubled himself less about political affairs. Parliament +was not prorogued, as the rest of the members of the Privy Council +wished: the King agreed with Buckingham that it must be dissolved. The +Duke hoped that new elections, held under his influence, would give +better results. He did not doubt that another Parliament might be +hurried away to make extensive grants under the pressure of the great +interest opposed to Spain. But in order to effect this object it +appeared to him necessary to exclude from the Lower House its most +active members, who were his personal antagonists. He adopted the odious +means of advancing them to offices which could not be held compatible +with a seat in Parliament. In this way Edward Coke, who revived and +found arguments for the constitutional claims of Parliament, was +nominated sheriff of Buckinghamshire, and Thomas Wentworth High Sheriff +of Yorkshire. Francis Seymour, Robert Phillips, and some others, had a +similar fate.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> +When the lists were submitted as usual the King +unexpectedly announced these nominations. Some peers, whose views +inspired no confidence, were not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[Pg 549]</a></span> +summoned to attend the sittings of the Upper House.</p> + +<p>Perhaps too much weight has been attributed to the circumstance—but yet +it proves the discontent which was widely spreading—that at the +coronation of the King, which took place during these days, the +traditional question addressed from four sides of the tribune to the +surrounding multitude, asking whether they approved, was not answered +from one side at least with the joyful readiness usually +displayed.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p> + +<p>On February 6, 1626, the new Parliament was opened at Westminster. It +made no great objection to the exclusion of some of the former members, +as the means by which this had been effected could not be regarded as +exactly illegal. Among the members assembled an ambition was rather felt +to prove that their opinions and resolutions were not dependent on the +influence of some few men. For all Buckingham's efforts to prevent it, +on this occasion also those opinions were in the ascendant which he +wished to oppose. In the place of the members excluded others arose, and +at times they were the very men from whom he feared nothing. A great +impression was made when a personal friend of Buckingham, his +vice-admiral in Devonshire, John Eliot, came forward as his decided +political opponent. He first brought under discussion the mismanagement +of the money granted, which was laid to the charge of the First +Minister. With this was connected a transaction of great importance +which affected the general relation between the Parliament and the +Crown.</p> + +<p>In the year 1624 a council of war, consisting of seven members, had been +nominated to manage the money then granted. They were now summoned to +account for it. Although this measure appeared an innovation, yet the +government could do nothing against it—it had even consented to it: but +Parliament at the same time submitted to the members the invidious +question, whether their advice for the attainment of the ends in view +had always been followed. King James had said on a former occasion, that +if Parliament granted him subsidies, he had to +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1626.</span> +account<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[Pg 550]</a></span> +to it for their disposal as little as to a merchant from whom he received money; for he +loved to lay as much emphasis upon his prerogative as possible. How +entirely opposed to the prerogative were the claims which Parliament now +advanced! It is clear that if the members of the council should make the +communications they were asked for, all freedom of action on the part of +the minister and of the King himself would be called in question.</p> + +<p>The members of the new council for war were thrown into great +embarrassment. They answered that they must first consult the lawyers on +the subject, and the King conveyed to them his approval of this +declaration. He informed them that he had had the Act of Parliament laid +before him: that they were bound to submit to questions only about the +application of the money, but about nothing else: he even threatened +them with his displeasure if they should go beyond this. The president +of the council for war, George Carew, called his attention to the +probability that the grant of the subsidies which he demanded from +Parliament might be hindered by such an answer: it would be better, he +said, that the Council should be sent to the Tower,—for it would come +to this,—than that the good relations between the King and the +Parliament should be impaired, and the payment of the subsidies +hindered. Charles I said that it was not merely a question of money, and +that gold might be bought too dear. He thanked them for the regard which +they had shown to him; but he added that Parliament was aiming not at +them but at himself.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p> + +<p>The controversy about tonnage and poundage coincided with this quarrel. +The grant, as has been mentioned, had been obtained only for a short +period. Parliament was incensed, that after this had expired, the King +had the customs levied just as before. 'How,' it was said, 'did the King +wish to raise taxes that had never been voted? Was not this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[Pg 551]</a></span> +altogether contrary to the form of government of the country? Whoever had +counselled the King to this step, he was without doubt the sworn enemy +of King and country.'</p> + +<p>Parliament declared to the King that if he insisted on those subsidies +which were absolutely necessary, it would support him as fully as ever a +prince had been supported by a Parliament, but in Parliamentary fashion, +or, as they expressed it, 'via +parlamentaria.'<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> +The claims of Parliament included both the right of granting money in its widest +extent, and the supervision of its application when granted. The King +considered that a grant was not necessary in respect of every source of +revenue—for instance, not in respect to tonnage and poundage, and was +determined to keep the management entirely in his own hands, and to +submit to no kind of control over it.</p> + +<p>Many other questions, in which wide interests were involved, were +brought forward for discussion in Parliament, especially in regard to +ecclesiastical matters: the proceedings of the High Commission were +attacked again. But the question of the widest range of all was the +decided attempt to alter the government and to overthrow the great +minister, which gave perhaps the greatest employment to the +assembly.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> +It was directed against the favourite personally, for he +had now incurred universal hatred, but at bottom there also lay the +definite intention of confirming the doctrine of ministerial +responsibility by a new and signal example.</p> + +<p>How quickly was Buckingham overtaken by Nemesis; that is to say, in +this, as in so many other instances, how soon was he visited by the +consequences which in the nature of things attended his actions! First, +owing to his influence the establishment of that council for war had +been granted which now gave occasion to the demand for Parliamentary +control: and next, he had allowed the fall of Bacon, and had most +deliberately overthrown Cranfield by the help of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[Pg 552]</a></span> +Parliament. These were just the transactions which endangered his own existence by the +consequences of the principles involved in both cases alike.</p> + +<p>The King was certainly moved by personal inclination to take the part of +his minister; but he was also moved by anxiety about the application of +these principles. He complained that without actually established facts +forthcoming, on the strength of general rumour, people wished to attack +the man on whom he bestowed his confidence: but Parliament, he said, was +altogether overstepping its competence. It was wishing to inspect the +books of the royal officers, to pass judgment upon the letters of his +secretary of state, nay, even upon his own: it permitted and sheltered +seditious speeches within its bosom. There never had been a king, he +affirmed, who was more inclined to remove real abuses, and to observe a +truly Parliamentary course; but also there had never been one who was +more jealous of his royal honour. The more violently Buckingham was +attacked, the more it appeared to the King a point of honour to take him +under his protection against charges which he considered futile.</p> + +<p>The Lower House did not take up all the points in dispute which the King +proposed for discussion. It excused some things which had occurred to +the prejudice of the royal dignity, but in the principal matter it was +immovable. It asserted, and adhered to its assertion, that it was the +constant undoubted right of Parliament, exercised as well under the most +glorious of former reigns as under the last, to hold all persons +accountable, however high their rank, who should abuse the power +transferred to them by their sovereign and oppress the commonwealth. +They maintained that without this liberty no one would ever venture to +say a word against influential men, and that the common-weal would be +forced to languish under their violence.</p> + +<p>The impeachment was drawn up in regular form by eight members, among +whom we find the names of Selden, Glanvil, Pym, and Eliot. On the 8th of +May it was carried by 225 votes to 116 to send up to the Lords a +proposal for the arrest of Buckingham.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[Pg 553]</a></span> +In the Upper House, the members of which were by no means more +favourable to the Duke, and feared the nomination of a large number of +peers, Lord Bristol independently brought an accusation against +Buckingham relating to the failure of the Spanish marriage. The conduct +of which he is accused may rather have shown ambition and foolish +assumption than any real criminality; and Buckingham's defence is not +without force. The Lower House, to whom it was communicated, +nevertheless expressed their opinion that a formal prosecution must take +place. It seemed that Buckingham must surely but sink under the combined +weight of various complaints.</p> + +<p>But the King would not allow matters to go so far. Without paying any +regard to the wish of the Lords to the contrary, he proceeded to +dissolve this Parliament also (June 15, 1626). In the declaration which +he issued on the subject, he said that he recognised Joab's hand in +these estrangements: but in spite of them he would fulfil his duty as +king of this great nation, and would himself redress their grievances +and defend them with the sword against foreign enemies.</p> + +<p>The opposition between Parliament and the Crown did not develop by slow +degrees. In its main principles at least it appears immediately after +the accession of Charles I as a historical necessity. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Lando, Relatione 1622: 'Tiene presenza veramente regia +fronte, sopraciglio grave, negli occhi e nelli movimenti del corpo +gratia notabile, indicante prudente temperanza—di pensieri maniere +costumi commendabilissimi attrahenti la benevolenza et l'amore +universale.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Thus Kensington states to the Queen-mother in France: 'He +was used ill, not in his entertainment, but in their frivolous delayes, +and in the unreasonable conditions which they propounded and pressed +upon the advantage they had of his princely person.' Cabala 289.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Consultation at St. James's on the day after he ascended +the throne (March 28). 'That which was much insisted upon was a +parliament, H. Majesty being so forward to have it sit that he did both +propound and dispute it to have no writs go forth to call a new one.' +Hacket, Life of Williams ii. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Speech of Sir Thomas Edwards, St. P. O. (not mentioned in +the Parliamentary Histories). It is there said 'He did not only become a +continual advocate to his deceased father for the favourable graunting +of our petitions, but also did interpose his mediation for the pacefying +and removing of all misunderstandings. God having now added the posse to +the velle, the kingly power to the willing mind, enabled him to execute +what before he could but will.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Letter from the Pope to the Princess, Dec. 28, 1624: +'Cogitans ad quorum triumphorum gloriam vadis, fruere interim +expectatione tui.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> 'Some spare not to say that all goes backward since this +connivance in religion came in, both in all wealth valour honour and +reputation.' Letter of Chamberlain, June 25, 1625.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> 'Tonnage, a duty upon all wines imported; poundage, a +duty imposed ad valorem on all other merchandises whatsoever.' +Blackstone, Commentaries i. 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> 'Whosoever gave the counsel (of the meeting in Oxford) +had the intention to set the king and his people at variance.' +Nethersole to Carleton, Aug. 9, 1625: a circumstantial and very +instructive document (St. P. O.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> Hacket ii. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Arthur Ingram to Wentworth, Nov. 1625 (Strafford Papers, +i. 29), names besides Guy Palmer, Edward Alford, and a seventh, who had +not had a seat in the last Parliament, Sir W. Fleetwood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Ewis in Ellis, i. 3, 217. The Dutch ambassador present in +England, Joachimi, to whose letter I referred, does not seem to have +mentioned it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> A memorial of what passed in speech from H. M. to the +Earl of Totness, March 8, 1625-26; St. P. O. The King says 'Let them doe +what they list: you shall not go to the Tower. It is not you that they +aim at, but it is me, upon whom they make inquisition. And for subsidies +that will not hinder it; gold may be bought too dear.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Correro: 'Questo termino di via parlamentaria vuol dire +libere concessioni secondo la loro dispositione e di haver cognitione in +qualche maniera delli impieghi.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> 'Ils disent' (so it is said in Ruszdorf, Negotiations i. +596) 'que tout alloit mal, que les deniers qu'ils ont contribué ont été +mal employés: il falloit toujours et avant toutes choses redresser et +regler le gouvernement de l'état.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_VII" id="BV_VII"></a> +THE COURSE OF FOREIGN POLICY FROM 1625 TO 1627.</p> + +<p>In reviewing so important a conflict as that which had broken out at +home, it almost requires an effort of will to bestow deep interest upon +foreign affairs in turn. But not only is this necessary from the +connexion between the two, but we should not be able to understand the +history of England if we left out of consideration its relation to those +great events of European importance which absorbed even the largest +share of public attention.</p> + +<p>Charles I had undertaken to do what his father avoided to the end of his +life,—to offer open opposition to the Spanish monarchy and its aims. +Like Queen Elizabeth he took this step in alliance with France, Holland, +and the Protestants of Germany and the North, but yet not in full +agreement with his own people. This was due mainly to the circumstance +that France had become far more Catholic under Mary de' Medici and Louis +XIII than it had been under Henry IV. The offensive alliance between +France and England now developed a character which rather irritated than +quieted the religious feelings which prevailed in England.</p> + +<p>On the first shocks sustained by the close alliance which had existed +between the Catholic powers, the Huguenots in France rose in order to +recover their former rights which had been curtailed. But the French +government was not at all inclined to give fresh life to these powerful +and dangerous movements: on the contrary it invoked the assistance of +England and Holland to put them down. For the great strength of the +Huguenots lay in their naval resources, and without the help of the +maritime powers the French government +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1625.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[Pg 555]</a></span> +would never have been able to +overcome them. And so imperative seemed the necessity of internal peace +in France,<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> +if she was to be induced to take an active share in the +war against Spain, that the English and Dutch were actually persuaded to +put their crews and vessels at the disposal of the French government, +which then used them with decisive results. The naval power of the +Huguenots, which had formed so large an element of the fighting strength +of the Protestants, was broken by the assistance of England and Holland. +Queen Elizabeth, in the midst of her war with Philip II, would certainly +never have been brought to this step, and even now it roused the +bitterest dislike. It was found that the execution of the orders issued +met with resistance even on board the ships themselves. A light is +thrown upon the ill-feeling at home, when a member of the Privy Council, +Lord Pembroke, tells a captain who resisted this mutinous spirit, that +the news of the insubordination of his crew was the best which he had +heard for a long time, and that it was welcome even to the King: that he +must deal leniently with his men, and only see that he remained master +of the ship.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> +But what an impression must doubtless have been +produced on the population of England, which still stood in the closest +relation to the French Reformed! Sermons were delivered from the pulpits +against these proceedings of the government.</p> + +<p>But if the active alliance of France against Spain and Austria was +secured by this immense sacrifice, what could have appeared more natural +than to employ the whole strength of that country for the restoration of +the Count Palatine, which the French saw to be advantageous to +themselves, and for the support of German Protestantism? In pursuance of +the stipulations which had been made the King of Denmark was already in +the field: his troops had already fought hand to hand at Nienburg in the +circle of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[Pg 556]</a></span> +Lower Saxony with the forces of the League which were +pressing forward into that country. He was strong in cavalry but weak in +infantry: the German envoys who were present in England insisted that +gallant English troops should be sent to his assistance, and that the +fleet which was ready for service should be ordered to the Weser; for +that the support which the fleet would give to the King would encourage +him to advance with good heart. And then, as they added with extravagant +hopefulness, the King of Sweden, who had already offered his aid, would +come forward actively, if only he had some security; the Elector of +Brandenburg, who had just married his sister to the King of Sweden, +would declare himself; the Prince of Transylvania, who was connected +with the same family, would force his way into Bohemia: every one would +withstand the League and compel it to restore the lands occupied by it +to their former sovereigns, and to the religion hitherto professed in +them.</p> + +<p>But Buckingham had as little sympathy with the German as with the French +Protestants: his passionate ambition was to make the Spaniards directly +feel the weight of his hatred. For this purpose he had just concluded an +offensive and defensive alliance with the United Provinces; even the +great maritime interests of England were themselves a reason for +opposing Spain. At all events, in the autumn of 1625 he despatched the +fleet, not to the Weser, which appeared to him almost unworthy of this +great expedition, but against the coasts of the Spanish peninsula. +Orders were given to it to enter the mouth of the Guadalquivir, and to +alarm Seville, or else to take the town of Cadiz, for which object it +had on board a considerable number of land troops; or, finally, to lie +in wait for the Spanish fleet laden with silver, and to bring home the +cargo as a lawful prize. Buckingham proceeded on the supposition that +the foundation of the Spanish power and its influence would be +undermined by the interruption of the Spanish trade with America, and +that in the next year the Spaniards would be able to effect nothing. He +did not perceive that this would have no decisive influence on that +undertaking on which in<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1626.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[Pg 557]</a></span> +the first instance everything depended, that of +the King of Denmark, as meanwhile in Rome, Vienna, and Munich, native +forces, independent of Spain, had been collected. But while he preferred +the more distant to the more immediate end, it was his fate to achieve +neither the one nor the other. In December 1625 the fleet returned +without having effected anything at sea or on the Spanish coasts. On the +contrary it had suffered the heaviest losses itself.</p> + +<p>The discredit into which Buckingham fell with those whom he had desired +to win over, and whose wishes were fixed on the struggle with Spain, is +exhibited in a very extraordinary enterprise which sprung up at this +time, and which had for its object the formation of what we may almost +call a joint-stock war company. A wish was felt to form a company for +making war on Spain, upon the basis, it is true, of a royal charter, but +under the authority of Parliament, with the intention of sharing the +booty and the conquests, as well as the costs among the +members.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a></p> + +<p>By the late enterprise moreover the means had been wasted which might +have been used for supporting the German allies of England. Left without +sufficient subsidies in his quarrel with Parliament, the King was unable +to pay the arrears due both to the seamen who were returning from Spain, +and to his troops in Holland. He could not repair his fleet; he could +hardly defend his coasts: how could he be in a position to make any +persevering effort for the conduct of the war in Germany? The King of +Sweden asked for only £15,000 in order to set his forces in motion; but +at that time this sum could not be raised. The King of Denmark was the +more thrown on England, as the French also made their services depend on +what the English would do: but Conway, the Secretary of State, declared +himself unable to pay the stipulated sum. Could men feel astonished that +the Danish war was not carried on with the energy which the cause seemed +to demand?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[Pg 558]</a></span> +Christian IV had not troops enough, and could not pay even +those which he had. The cavalry, which constituted his main strength, +had on one occasion refused to fight, because they had not received +their pay. He himself threw the chief blame on the English for the +defeat which he now sustained at Lutter; and which was the more +decisive, as meanwhile Mansfeld also, who wished to turn his steps to +the hereditary dominions of Austria in order to combine with the Prince +of Transylvania, had been not only defeated, but almost annihilated. The +armies which were to have defended the Protestant cause disappeared from +off the field. The forces of the Emperor and of the League now occupied +North Germany also on both sides of the Elbe.</p> + +<p>To Germany the alliance with England had at that time brought no good. +It may be doubted whether the Elector Palatine would have accepted the +crown of Bohemia but for the support which he thought to find in +England. This affair had a great part in bringing on the outbreak of the +great religious conflict. But James I sought to retrieve the misfortune +into which the Elector had fallen, not so much by employing his own +power, as by developing his relations with the Spaniards; and thus he +had himself given them the opportunity of establishing themselves in the +Palatinate, and had caused the Catholic reaction to triumph in Upper +Germany. Without the instigation of England, and the great combination +of the powers in East and West hostile to the house of Austria, the King +of Denmark would not have determined to begin war, nor would the circle +of Lower Saxony have aided him. On this occasion as on others in England +the interests of its own power outweighed consideration for the allies. +The policy of the English had formerly been ruled by their friendly +relations with Spain: it was now ruled by their hostile intentions +towards that country. All available forces were employed for their +purpose, and the movement in Germany was left to its fate.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile another consequence of the breach with Spain came to light, +which King James had always feared. In order not to be forced to fight +both great powers at once, Spain found it advisable to show a compliance +hitherto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[Pg 559]</a></span> +unprecedented in the affairs of Italy, in which France had +interested herself. After this the irritation against the ascendancy of +the Spaniards evidently abated in France.</p> + +<p>For in alliances of great powers it is self-evident that their political +points of view, if for a moment they coincide, must nevertheless in a +short time be again opposed to one another. How should one power really +seek the permanent advantage of another?</p> + +<p>At that time also, as on so many occasions, other relations arising out +of the position of the leading statesmen as members of parties, produced +an effect on politics. Cardinal Richelieu met with opposition from a +zealously Catholic party, which gathered round the queen mother, and +considered the influence of Spain to a certain degree necessary. This +party seized the first favourable opportunity of setting on foot a +preliminary treaty of peace, to which Richelieu, however long he +hesitated, and however much he disliked it, could not help acceding.</p> + +<p>Quite in keeping with this understanding between the Catholic powers was +the partial recoil of Protestantism in England from the advances which +it had made to the Catholic party. The French who surrounded the Queen +were so numerous, that a strong feeling of opposition on religious and +national grounds was awakened in them by their contact with the English +character. They saw in the English nothing but heretics and apostates; +the Catholics who had formerly been executed at Tyburn as rebels they +honoured as martyrs. The Queen herself, upon whom her priests laid all +kinds of penance corresponding to her dignity, was once induced to take +part in a procession to this place of execution. It is conceivable how +deeply wounded and irritated the English must have felt at these odious +demonstrations. To the King it seemed insufferable that the household of +his consort should take up a position of open hostility to the +ecclesiastical laws of the land. Personally also he felt injured and +affronted. We hear complaints from him that he was robbed of his sleep +at night by these demonstrations. He quickly and properly resolved to +rid himself once for all of these refractory people, whatever might be +the consequence. The Queen's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[Pg 560]</a></span> +court was then refusing to admit into it +the English ladies whom he had appointed to attend on her. The King +seized the opportunity: he invited his wife to dine with him, for they +still had separate households; and after dinner he made her understand +by degrees that he could no longer put up with this exhibition of +feeling on the part of her retinue, but must send them all home again, +priests and laymen, men and women +alike.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> +This resolution was +carried out in spite of all the resistance offered by those whom it +affected. Only some few ladies and two priests of moderate views were +left with the Queen; all the rest were shipped off to France. There they +filled the court and the country with their complaints. Those about the +Queen-mother assumed an air as if the most sacred agreements had been +infringed, and any measure of retaliation was thought justifiable.</p> + +<p>Marshal Bassompierre indeed set out once more for England in order to +bring about a reconciliation. Though ill received at first, he +nevertheless won his way by his splendid appearance and by clever talk +and moderation. In a preliminary agreement leave was given to the Queen +to receive back a number of priests and some French +ladies;<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> +and Buckingham prepared to go to France to remove the obstacles still +remaining. But meanwhile the feeling of estrangement at the French court +had become still stronger. The agreement was not approved: and the court +would not hear of a visit from Buckingham, as it was thought that he +would be sure to use the opportunity afforded by his presence to stir up +the Huguenots. Richelieu thought that the dispute with England had been +provoked by his enemies in order to break up the friendly relations +which he had established. But nevertheless he too did not wish to see +Buckingham in France, for he feared that the English minister might side +outright with his opponents.</p> + +<p>Personal considerations of many kinds co-operated in producing this +result, but it was not due mainly to their influence. The religious +sympathies and hatreds at work had incalculable +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[Pg 561]</a></span> +effects. While the opposition between the two religions again awoke in all its strength, +and a struggle for life and death was being fought out between them in +Germany, an alliance could not well be maintained between two courts +which professed opposite religious views. The current of the general +tendencies of affairs has a power by which the best considered political +combinations are swept into the background.</p> + +<p>The paramount importance of religious movements not only prevented a +combination between France and England, but also brought both Catholic +powers into closer agreement with one another, as soon as their +immediate differences had been in some measure adjusted. Father Berulle +had promoted the marriage of a French princess with the King of England +in the hope of converting him; but now that he became conscious of his +mistake, he lent his pen to a project for a common attack to be made by +the Catholic powers upon England. The domestic dissensions in that +country, which again aroused Catholic sympathies among a part of the +population, appeared to favour such a project. An agreement on the +subject was in treaty for some time. It was at last concluded and +ratified in France in the form in which it was sent back from +Spain.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a></p> + +<p>Although it is not clear that people in England had authentic +information of these negotiations, yet the advances made by the two +courts to one another, which were visible to every one, could not but +cause some anxiety in the third. The English were always anxiously +considering what Philip IV might have in view for the next year; at +times even in Charles' reign they feared another attack from the Belgian +coast. What would happen if France lent her aid in such an enterprise? +It was known at all events that the priests exhorted her to do so. That +France and Spain should make a joint attack on England appeared to be +most for the interest of the Catholic +world.<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[Pg 562]</a></span> +Another ground for anxiety in England was from that resolution to +revive the French naval power, which Richelieu had already taken in +consequence of his late experiences. He bought ships of war, or had them +built, and took foreign sailors into his service. Charles I perceived +this with the greatest displeasure. He regarded it as a threat against +England, for he thought that the French could have no other intention +than that of robbing England of the supremacy that she had exercised +from time immemorial over the sea which bears her name. He declared that +he was resolved to prevent matters from going so far.</p> + +<p>A great effect was produced by a very definite misunderstanding which +now arose between England and France, and affected naval interests as +well as the question of religion.</p> + +<p>Of all the French Huguenots, who had been compelled by their last defeat +to seek peace with the King, the citizens of Rochelle felt the blow most +deeply. They had at that time been hemmed in on all sides, and were +especially harassed by a fort erected in their neighbourhood. They had +been assured that at the proper time they would be relieved of this +annoyance. They had not an express and unequivocal promise; but the +English ambassador, who had been invited to mediate, had guaranteed to +them, after conference with the French ministry, such an interpretation +of the expressions used as would secure the wished-for +result.<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> +But just the contrary took place: they were constantly being more closely +shut in, and more seriously threatened with the loss of that measure of +independence which they had hitherto enjoyed. They turned to Charles I. +They would rather have acknowledged him as their sovereign than have +submitted to such a loss, and he felt the full weight of his obligation +to them. But, if he desired to grant them assistance, it could only be +rendered by open war.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">A.D. 1627.</span> +When the English resolved to undertake an expedition against the Island +of Rhé, the prevention of the fall +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[Pg 563]</a></span> +of Rochelle was not the only object +in view. It was rather considered that nothing could be more desirable +and advantageous than the command of this island in the event of a +struggle with the two powers. For Biscay could be reached in a voyage of +one night from thence, and the communication between the Netherlands and +the harbours on the north-east coast of Spain could at any time be +interrupted by the possessors of the island, which might be used at the +same time for keeping up constant communication with the Huguenots, and +for giving the French power employment at +home.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> +The Huguenots had already taken up arms again, and Rochelle displayed the English banner +on its walls. Charles I intended to use Rhé as a station for his fleet, +but to cede the general sovereignty over it to Rochelle. A successful +result here might serve to infuse new life into the Protestant cause.</p> + +<p>In order to achieve so great an end the King thought it admissible to +levy a forced loan, and thus to collect those sums which Parliament had +promised him by word of mouth, but had not yet formally granted. We +shall have hereafter to consider the resistance which he encountered in +this attempt, and the various arbitrary acts to which he resorted for +its suppression; for they formed one of the turning points of his +history. At first he actually succeeded so far, that a fleet of more +than a hundred sail was able to put to sea for the attack of Rhé and the +support of Rochelle. It was considered in raising this loan that a war +with France had greater claims upon popular support than any other. In +the present doubtful state of affairs a decided advantage gained in such +a war might even now have exercised great influence upon the internal +state of the kingdom.</p> + +<p>At this juncture Buckingham assumed a position of extraordinary +importance. After the repeated failures of the Protestants, his +undertaking aroused all their hopes. Directed against both the Catholic +powers, it must, if successful, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[Pg 564]</a></span> +have directly benefited the French +Protestants, and indirectly the German Protestants also by the effect +which it would inevitably have produced. But it was besides one +enterprise more undertaken by the sole power of the monarch: it was +carried out independently of any Parliamentary grants properly so +called. It represented the principle of a moderate monarchical +Protestantism, combined with toleration for the native Catholics, among +whom Buckingham endeavoured to find support. His was a position of which +the occupant must either be a great man or perish. Buckingham, who had +no equal in restless activity, and was by nature not devoid of +adroitness and ability, nevertheless had not that persevering and +comprehensive energy which is required for the performance of great +actions. He had not gone through the school of those experiences in +which minds ripen: and for the want of this training his native gifts +were not sufficient to compensate. He was so far fortunate as to gain +possession of the Island of Rhé; but Fort Martin, which had been erected +there a short time before, and on which the possession of the island +depended, defied his attacks, and he was not skilful enough to intercept +the support which was thrown into the fort in the hour of its greatest +danger. The defence of the French certainly showed greater perseverance +than the attack of the English. Buckingham did not know how to awaken +among his men that fiery devotion which shrinks from no obstacle, and +which would have been necessary here. And the measures which were +arranged at home were not so effective as to bring him at the right +moment the reinforcement he needed. In November 1627 he returned to +England without having effected his object. He left behind him the +French Protestants, and Rochelle especially, in the greatest distress.</p> + +<p>Charles I had no intention of proving false to the promises which he had +given them, any more than he wished to allow the King of Denmark to sink +under his difficulties. But what means did he possess of bestowing help +either on the former or on the latter?</p> + +<p>After the battle of Lutter he had told the Danish ambassador, that he +would come to the assistance of his uncle, even if he should have to +pawn his crown. How heavily his position +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[Pg 565]</a></span> +weighed on him at that time! +While he had undertaken the responsibility of contending for the +greatest interests of the world, he was obliged to confess, and did so +with tears in his eyes, that at present he hardly had at his disposal +the means of defraying the necessary expenses of his daily life.</p> + +<p>The King of Denmark advised him to call Parliament together again, and +make the needful concessions, in order to obtain such subsidies as would +enable him to give vigorous support to his allies. Charles I in the +first instance took umbrage at this, because it was good advice from an +uncle and an elder, as if some blame were thereby cast on him: by +degrees he became convinced of the necessity of this measure.</p> + +<p>It was quite evident from the events of the last few years that the King +would not be able to maintain the position he had assumed, without +active support from Parliament. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Z. Pesaro, April 25, 1625: 'Che la conservatione della +pace in Francia sara il fondamento del beneficio comune, che li rumori +civili in quella natione sariano il solo remedio che Spagnoli procurano +alli loro mali.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> 'That the King and all the rest were exceedingly glad of +that relation which he made of the discontent and mutiny of his +compagnie.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> M. A. Correro: 'Trattano di formar una compagnia per la +quale possino con l'autorità del parlamente e privilegi reggi attaccare +con una flotte il re di Spagna per dividere l'interesse della spesa e +l'utile delli bottini e delli acquisti nelli compagni che ne averanno +parte (27 Mayo 1626).'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Letter to Joseph Mead: Court and Times of Charles I, i. +134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> According to Ruszdorf, who was well acquainted with +Bassompierre, the latter represented 'hoc facto regem obligatum nihil +esse intermissurum, quod ad conservationem fortunae illius queat +conducere.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Siri, Memorie recondite vi. 261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> Letter to Joseph Mead, March 16, 1626: 'It still holds +that both France and Spain make exceeding great preparations both for +sea and land.—The priests of the Dunkirkers are said to preach that God +had delivered us into their hands.' (Court and Times of Charles I, i. +205).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> I refer for the fuller explanation of these transactions +to my History of the Popes and my French History. My meaning is very +fully recognised in an essay in the Revue Germanique, Nov. 1859.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> Beaulieu to Pickering. 'It lieth in the way to intercept +the salt that cometh from Biscaje and serveth almost all France, and +what so ever cometh out of the river of Bourdeaux: besides it commandeth +the haven of Rochelle.' (Court and Times of Charles I, i. 257).</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_VIII" id="BV_VIII"></a> +PARLIAMENT OF 1628. PETITION OF RIGHT.</p> + +<p>In the heat of controversy about the supplies to be granted and the +liberties to be confirmed by the King in return, it was once harshly +said in the Lower House during this Parliament that it was better to be +brought low by foreign enemies than to be obliged to suffer oppression +at home. The King answered by saying no less abruptly that it was more +honourable for the King to be straitened by the enemies of his country, +than to be set at nought by his own subjects.</p> + +<p>So much more importance was attached by both sides to domestic than to +foreign struggles. But after the last failure both parties had come to +feel how much the honour of the country and religion itself suffered +from their dissensions. Among the politicians of the time there was a +school of learned men, who had studied the old constitution of the +country, and wished for nothing more than its restoration. They were +seriously bent on establishing an equilibrium between the royal +prerogative and the rights of Parliament. Among them were found Edward +Coke, John Selden, and John Glanvil; but Robert Cotton may be regarded +as the most distinguished of them all, a man who had studied most +deeply, and who combined with his studies an insight into the present +that was unclouded by passion. To Cotton we owe a report presented by +him to the Privy Council, in which he explains that the government +should proceed on the old royal road of collecting taxes by grant of +Parliament, and indeed should adopt no other method; while at the same +time he expresses the conviction that Parliament would be satisfied, if +its most pressing anxieties were dissipated. He says that he himself +would not advise the King to sacrifice the First Minister, for that such +<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1628.</span> +a step had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[Pg 567]</a></span> +always had ruinous consequences: he thought moreover that +the old passionate hostility against the Duke need not be feared, if he +came forward himself as the man who had advised the King to reassemble +Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> +We learn that the King did not determine to summon it, +until the most prominent men had given him an assurance that Buckingham +should not be attacked. Moderation in the attitude of Parliament, and +security for the First Minister formed as it were the condition under +which the Parliament of 1628 was +summoned.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p> + +<p>On March 22, five days after the beginning of the session, the +deliberations of the Lower House were opened by the remark from the +Speaker, that they must indeed grant subsidies to the King; but that at +the same time they must maintain the undoubted rights of the country. +Francis Seymour, who had now again been returned to Parliament, at once +expressed himself to the same effect. While he acknowledged that every +one must make sacrifices for king and country, he shewed at the same +time that it was a sacred duty to cling to their ancestral laws. He +proceeded to say that these laws had been transgressed, their liberties +infringed, their own selves personally ill-treated, and their property, +with which they might have supported the King, exhausted. He proposed +therefore to secure the rights, laws, and liberties transmitted from +their ancestors by means of a petition to the +King.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a></p> + +<p>Whatever be the tone of opposition which this language betrays, it fell +far short of that adopted in the former Parliament. Men had come to an +opinion that certainly no money should be granted unless securities +could be obtained for their ancient liberties; but at the same time that +the King<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[Pg 568]</a></span> +should not be induced to grasp directly at absolute power, for +that this would lead at once to a rebellion of uncertain +issue.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> +Men were resolved to avoid questions which could rouse old passions. This +time it was not insisted that the penal laws against the Catholics +should be made more severe: Parliament waived its claim to alter the +constitution of the Admiralty, and to appoint treasurers to manage the +money granted to the King: it showed deference for the King, and said +nothing of the Duke. But a commission was appointed to take into +consideration the rights which subjects ought to have over their persons +and property. Already on April 3 resolutions were proposed to the House, +by which it was intended that some of the most obnoxious grievances +which had lately arisen should be made for ever impossible, such as the +collection of taxes that had not been granted, and restraints imposed on +personal liberty in consequence of refusal to +pay.<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p> + +<p>Charles I also now took up this question. Through Coke his Secretary of +State, who was also a member of the House, he issued an invitation to +them not to allow themselves to be deterred by any anxiety about liberty +or property from making those grants, on which, as he said, the welfare +of Christendom depended; 'upon assurance,' Coke proceeds to add, 'that +we shall enjoy our rights and liberties, with as much freedom and +security in his time as in any age heretofore under the best of our +kings; and whether you shall think fit to secure ourselves herein, by +way of bill or otherwise, so as it be provided for with due respect to +his honour and the publick good whereof he doubteth not that you will be +careful, he promiseth and assureth you that he will give way to it.'</p> + +<p>This is indeed a very important message. The King approves of an inquiry +into the violations of old English right and prescription, which had +taken place in his reign. He consents that a bill to secure their +observance should be drawn up, and gives hopes beforehand of its +ratification.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[Pg 569]</a></span> +Charles I, like James, had constantly been anxious to +prevent grants from being made dependent on conditions; but something +very like this occurs when he backs his invitation to a speedy grant of +subsidies by a promise to approve of the petition submitted to him for +certain objects.</p> + +<p>On this five subsidies were without delay unanimously granted to the +King, with the concurrence even of members like Pym, who systematically +opposed him. It was now only necessary that both sides should agree on +the enactments for doing away with the abuses which had been pointed +out.</p> + +<p>The principal grievance arose from the conduct of the King, who in his +embarrassments had imposed a forced loan at the rate fixed on the +occasion of the last subsidies, and had sent commissioners into the +counties in order to exact payment, just as if he had been armed with +the authority of Parliament for this object. Many had submitted: but not +a few others high and low had refused to pay, not from want of means but +on principle. The King had thought this behaviour a proof of personal +disaffection, and had had no hesitation in arresting those who refused: +he had even taken steps to assert his right to do so as a matter of +principle. Much notice was attracted at that time by a sermon preached +by one Sibthorp, in which plenary legislative authority was ascribed to +the King, and unconditional obedience was demanded for all his orders if +they did not contradict the divine commands. Archbishop Abbot had +steadfastly refused to allow the printing of this sermon, which he +regarded as an attack upon the constitution: eighteen times in +succession an intimate friend of the King went to him to urge him to +give leave.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> +As the Archbishop refused to comply, he received orders +to leave London, and was struck out of the High Commission: the sermon +had been printed with the permission of another bishop. So earnestly +bent was the King at that time on pressing his claim to override the +necessity of a parliamentary grant in moments of emergency.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[Pg 570]</a></span> +He had now however retreated from this position. Abbot had obtained +permission to resume his seat in the Upper House, and so had Lord +Bristol. When, in consequence of the above-mentioned declaration in +Parliament, a project was now decided on for securing the legal position +of the subject, especially the rights of property and personal freedom, +which had been infringed by the previous proceedings, the King expressed +his agreement loudly, explicitly, and repeatedly; in general terms he +gave up his claim ever to proceed again to a forced loan. No one was +ever to be arrested again because he would not lend money; and in all +other cases where arrest was necessary the customary forms were to be +observed.</p> + +<p>At this point however another question arose touching the very essence +of the supreme power. The Lower House was not yet content that an abuse +like that which had occurred should be merely removed: it wished to +destroy it at the root. It was not satisfied with the promise of the +King that he would never in any case punish by arrest, unless he was +convinced in his conscience of its necessity. They wished to put an end +to this discretionary power itself, of which his ministers could avail +themselves at pleasure. Parliament demanded that henceforth no one +should be arrested without assignment of the reason and observance of +the forms of law.</p> + +<p>This question led to a discussion of points of constitutional doctrine +before the House of Lords, between the representatives of the Lower +House and Sir Robert Heath, the Attorney General, in an argument which +deserves our whole attention.</p> + +<p>The Lower House appealed to that article of Magna Charta, by which the +arrest of free persons was forbidden except on the judgment of their +peers, or according to the law of the land: and by the law of the land +it understood the judicial process and its forms. Sir Robert Heath would +not admit this interpretation. He thought that the expression in no way +forbade the King to restrict the liberty of individuals in extraordinary +cases for reasons of state; and that this restriction could not be +avoided, when it was desired to trace out some conspiracy or treason. If +the cause were to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[Pg 571]</a></span> +be assigned he thought that it must be the real +cause, which could be proved before a tribunal; but how often cases +arose of such a kind that arrest would have to be ordered under some +other pretext, until the ring-leader could be laid hold of! It was very +true, he said, that such a power might be seriously abused, but it was +the same with all the rights of the prerogative: even the right of +making war and peace, and the right of pardon might be abused, and yet +no man wished to take these from the crown: it always was, and must +always be presumed, that the King would not betray the confidence of +God, who had placed him in his office.</p> + +<p>Not without good reason did Edward Coke call this the greatest question +which had ever been argued in Westminster. It was proved to him that he +himself as judge had followed the interpretation which he now condemned. +He answered that he was not pope, and made no pretensions to +infallibility. He now firmly maintained that the King had no such +prerogative at all.</p> + +<p>We can see how opinion wavered from a speech of Sir Benjamin Rudyard, +who maintains on the one hand that it is impossible to find laws +beforehand for every case, but that a circle must be drawn within which +the royal authority shall prevail; while on the other hand he lays +emphasis also on the danger arising from the plea of mere reasons of +state, which he said would only too easily come into conflict with the +laws and with religion itself. The best arrangement according to him +would be, if Parliament were held so often that the irregular power +which could not be broken at once, might by degrees 'moulder away.' A +copy of this speech with observations by Laud is extant in the archives. +Laud calls attention to the contradiction which lies in first +acknowledging the necessity of liberty of movement on the part of the +government, and then notwithstanding considering it to be the +destination of Parliament by degrees to absorb its power, as it was at +present exercised.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[Pg 572]</a></span> +And certainly it may have been the idea of the moderate members of the +House of Commons, gradually to break up such a power as that exercised +by the minister and favourite, by coming to a better understanding with +the King, and at the same time by strictly limiting his arbitrary +authority.</p> + +<p>The impression however gained ground that even the indispensable +functions of the supreme authority would be restricted by the enactments +proposed. The right of arresting persons dangerous and troublesome to +the government was just then exercised in France to the widest extent; +Cardinal Richelieu could never have maintained himself but for his quick +and energetic use of it. In all other states, as well republican as +monarchical, it was a weapon with which the government thought that it +could not dispense. Was it to be dropped in England alone? And that too +at a moment when the opposition of factions was constantly becoming more +active? In fact the impression spread that Parliament, not content with +full promises from the King, while it checked abuses, was impairing his +authority.</p> + +<p>In the Upper House, where there was a strong party in favour of the +King's prerogative, these and similar considerations influenced votes. +Men were agreed that abuses like those which had occurred must be for +ever put a stop to. Even the proposals introduced for securing +individual freedom were not properly speaking rejected: but it was +desired to limit them by a clause to the effect that the sovereign power +with which the King was entrusted should remain in his hands +undiminished for the protection of his people. The Lower House however +would not accept any such addition: for the provisions of the Petition +would thus be rendered useless. They foresaw that what those provisions +forbade would pass as lawful in virtue of the plenitude of the sovereign +power: yet the expression 'sovereign power' was unknown in the English +Parliament: that body was familiar only with the prerogative of the +King, which at the same time was embodied in the laws. The Upper House +on this declared that it did not think of departing from the Oath by +which each one of them was pledged to maintain the prerogative of the +King. Even in the Lower House the members were reminded of this, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[Pg 573]</a></span> +and no one raised his voice against it; for who would have been willing to +confess that he was withstanding the lawful prerogative of the King? The +only question was as to its extent.</p> + +<p>This question now presented itself to the King himself. Was he to accept +the proposal of the Commons, and to content himself with a general +reservation of his prerogative? It is very instructive, and forms one of +the most important steps in his career, that he thought it advisable to +inform himself first of all what rights in this matter he really +possessed.</p> + +<p>On the 26th of May, just when the heat of the quarrel was most intense, +he summoned the two Chief Justices, Hyde and Richardson, to Whitehall, +and submitted to them the question whether or not he had the right of +ordering the arrest of his subjects without specifying the reason at the +same time. On this the Judges were assembled by their two chiefs in the +profoundest secrecy, to pronounce on the question. They decided that it +certainly was the rule to specify the reasons; but that there might be +cases in which the secrecy required made it necessary for some time to +withhold them. A further question was then followed by a decision of the +same import, that the judges in such a case were not bound to give up +the prisoner even if a writ of habeas corpus were presented. Charles +then proceeded to a third question, to which no doubt he attached the +most importance. If he accepted the petition of the Commons, did he +surrender for ever the right of ordering imprisonment without assigning +a cause? The judges assembled again, and on the 31st of May, after +deliberating together, they gave in their answer, signed with their +names. Every law, they said, had its own interpretation; and so must +this petition: and the answer must always depend upon the circumstances +of the case in question, which could not be determined until the case +arose; but the King certainly did not give up his right beforehand by +granting the petition.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></p> + +<p>At a later time and in another epoch these questions were finally +settled in a different way. The Judges of this time decided them in +favour of the power of the time. If we might +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[Pg 574]</a></span> +apply a parallel, though +certainly one borrowed from a very different form of government, we +might say that the fettah of men learned in the law, the sentence of the +mufti, was in favour of the King. In this, as in other respects, a +difference is found to exist between the constitutions of the East and +those of the West: such a sentence in the West does not finally decide a +case; but even here, nevertheless, it always carries great weight. +Charles I felt that according to the existing state of the law, he did +not exceed his rights by maintaining the prerogative which he had +hitherto exercised. The last decision raised him even above the +apprehension of losing it by acceding to a petition which was opposed to +it.</p> + +<p>He could not however resolve on this step without further consideration.</p> + +<p>To accede to the petition, and at the same time to reserve in his own +favour the declaration made by the Judges, was an act of duplicity, +which he wished to escape by giving an assurance couched in general +terms.</p> + +<p>On the 2nd of June he came down to the House in full assembly, and had +his answer read. Its tenor was, that the laws should be observed and the +statutes put in force, and his subjects freed from oppression; that he +the King was as anxious for their true rights and liberties as for his +own prerogative.</p> + +<p>But it is easily intelligible that these words satisfied no one. They +appeared to one party as dark as the sentence of an oracle; to the other +they appeared useless; for the King, they said, was already pledged to +all this by his Coronation Oath: such long sittings and so much labour +would not have been required to effect such a result as this. The answer +however was not ascribed to the King, whose deliberations remained +shrouded in the closest secrecy, and who on the contrary was thought to +agree with the substance of the petition, but to the favourite, who was +supposed to find such an agreement dangerous for +himself.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> +It was remarked that two days before making this declaration the King had been +at one of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[Pg 575]</a></span> +the country seats of the Duke, and had held confidential +conversations with him. It was thought that there, under the influence +of the Duke, the declaration had been drawn up, which contained nothing +but words that might easily be explained in another sense, and which did +not even make any mention of the petition at all. It was fancied that +Buckingham even wished to hinder the King from coming to a genuine +understanding with his Parliament, which might be disadvantageous to his +interests.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> +His opponents thought that he was at the root of all +previous misfortunes; and what might they not still expect from him? He +was credited with wishing to alter the constitution of England, to +excite a war with Scotland, and to betray Ireland to the Spaniards. In +spite of all that the King might have originally expected, they +determined to make a direct attack upon such a minister. Popular +susceptibility knows no limits in its anxieties or hopes, in its likings +or hatreds. Even thoughtful and serious men allowed themselves to +entertain the opinion that the prosperity of England at home and abroad +was as good as lost: the former was lost if people were content with the +answer given, the latter if they refused to make the grants demanded, or +even if they made them but left the administration in those +untrustworthy hands in which it was at the present time. On one occasion +these feelings gave rise to an unparalleled scene in Parliament. Those +bearded and sedate men wept and cursed. They feared for their country, +and each one feared for himself, if they did not get rid of the man who +possessed power, while on the other hand it seemed to them impossible to +do so. Some could not speak for tears: violent exclamations against the +Duke prevented the continuance of the debate. But not only were +complaints heard: the expression was also heard, that men had still +hands and swords, and could get rid of the enemy of King and country by +his death. They proceeded at last to deliberate on a protestation which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[Pg 576]</a></span> +was resolved on after that debate, and they had gone so far as to name +the Duke, and to declare him a traitor, when the Speaker who had quitted +the House came in again, and brought a message from the King, by which +the sitting was adjourned to the following day.</p> + +<p>No course seemed to be left for Charles I but to dissolve this +Parliament immediately as he had dissolved its predecessor. But what +would then have become of the grant of money, which was every day more +urgently needed? Like the Petition, it would have fallen to the ground.</p> + +<p>Before the end of the same day, June 5, a meeting of the Privy Council +was held, in which it was resolved to calm the agitation by accepting +the Petition of Right. We do not learn if on that occasion the scruples +of the King were discussed or not; but as his questions to the judges +already betrayed his inclination to such a course, so now he actually +resolved to plunge into the contradiction which he had wished to avoid, +and accept the Petition while at the same time, in accordance with the +sentence of the Judges, he would reserve for himself the future exercise +of the right therein denied.</p> + +<p>On June 7 the King appeared in the Upper House, where the Commons also +were assembled. The Lords were in their robes, and the King sat upon his +throne while the Petition of Right was read. It was directed against +some temporary grievances, such as forced billeting and the application +of martial law in time of peace, but principally against the exaction of +forced loans, or taxes which had not been granted, and against the +imprisonments which had been so much talked of. The King, as had been +desired, uttered the formula of assent used by his Norman ancestors. His +words were greeted with clapping of hands and acclamations. The King +added that he had meant just as much by his first declaration; indeed he +knew well that it was not the intention of Parliament, nor even in its +power, to limit his prerogative: for that this would be strengthened by +the liberties of the people, and consisted in defending those +liberties.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[Pg 577]</a></span> +The excitement of the House was taken up by the city. The bells were +rung, and bonfires were kindled; and a rumour obtained credence that the +Duke of Buckingham himself had fallen, and was expecting his reward on +the scaffold. Of what an illusion were men the victims! The King clung +to Buckingham as firmly as ever: in granting the Petition he did not +mean to surrender a jot of his lawful prerogative. We have seen what he +thought of his right to make arrests. In resigning his claim to levy +taxes that had not been granted by Parliament he did not mean to be +restricted in his claim to tonnage and poundage, for he thought that, +unless these were collected, the administration of the State could not +be carried on at all, and in the late controversies his right to them +had not come under discussion. Some of the higher officials, the +Recorder and the Solicitor General, confirmed the King in this view: and +to many of his opponents in Parliament it was pointed out that they had +previously entertained the same opinion.</p> + +<p>The Lower House on its part allowed the bill, by which the grant was +made, to pass the last stage; but it could not be moved by advice or +warning to desist from the great Remonstrance, in the composition of +which the House had been interrupted. In this, mention was made of the +Arminian opinions which were now making way in England, and which +appeared to Parliament to involve a tendency in the direction of +Romanism: but it complained principally of the connivance, which in +spite of all ordinances was still constantly extended to the recusants, +so that Catholicism, especially in Ireland, had the fullest scope. And +the State, it was said, was in just the same plight as religion. The +government was introducing foreign soldiers, especially German troopers, +and was meditating the imposition of new taxes in order to pay them. In +the midst of peace a general was commanding in the country. Trustworthy +men were being dismissed from their offices; Parliament and its rights +were contemned: was it intended to 'change the frame both of religion +and government?'<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> +But the source of all evil was the Duke of +Buckingham. The remonstrants begged the King to consider +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[Pg 578]</a></span> +whether it was advisable for himself and for his kingdom to allow him to continue in +his high offices, and to keep him among his confidential +advisers.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a></p> + +<p>As we gather, the Lower House attached weight to the circumstance that +it did not raise a complaint, nor even strictly speaking a protest, +against the continuance of Buckingham's authority, but simply preferred +a request that the position of affairs should be taken into +consideration. But the King was greatly offended even at this. He +replied that he had hitherto always believed that the members of the +Lower House understood nothing about the affairs of State, and that he +was now greatly strengthened in his opinion by the purport of this +representation.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> +Buckingham prayed the King to cause unsparing +investigation into the charges raised against him to be made, for that +such a proceeding would bring his innocence to light. The King offered +him his hand to kiss, and addressed to him some friendly expressions. +But the Lower House was incensed afresh at the bad success of its +representation, and proceeded to adopt an express remonstrance on the +subject of tonnage and poundage. In order to save himself from again +receiving such an address, the King declared Parliament to be prorogued +on June 20.</p> + +<p>Although it was assumed just at that time that a genuine understanding +between the Crown and the Parliament had been brought about in this +session, yet this assumption is certainly a mistake. At the beginning of +the session suspicious controversies were intentionally avoided. A basis +was obtained upon which union between the two parties seamed possible: +the great Petition of Right was drawn up, on the whole in concert with +the government. When it was discussed however, a demand was set up +affecting rights which the King would not forego. He surrendered them in +his eagerness to obtain the proceeds of the grants made to him, but not +without secretly reserving his rights in his own favour. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[Pg 579]</a></span> +Then other old differences also came to light again in their full strength. An open +disagreement broke out: in haste and with tempers irritated the two +parties separated. </p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> The Danger wherein the Kingdom now standeth and the +Remedy, written by Sir Robert Cotton. Jan. 1627-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Aluise Contarini, Feb. 10, 1628: 'La deliberatione di +convocare il parlamente è nata—dalle promesse, che hanno fatte molti +grandi, che non si parlera del duca.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> 'Those rights, laws, and liberties, which our wise +ancestors have left us.' So run the words in the draught of the speech +contained in a memorandum in the St. P. O. under the title, 'Speeches of +some in the Lower House, March 22, 1628.' In Rushworth and in both +Parliamentary Histories two reports are given which differ from one +another.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> 'Assoluto dominio destruttivo dei parlamenti con azzardo +di sollevatione.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> 'To draw the heads of our grievances into a petition, +which we will humbly, soberly, and speedily address unto His Majesty +whereby we may be secured.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Abbot's Narration, in Rushworth i. 459.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> 'The end is, to make the other power, which he calls +irregular moulder away.' (St. P. O.) In Bruce's Calendar, 1628-9, p. 92, +more particular reference is made to this document.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Memorandum of Nicholas Hyde, Chief Justice of the King's +Bench, in Ellis's Letters, ii. iii. 250.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Nethersole writes to the Queen of Bohemia as early as in +April: 'the duke can neither subdue this parliament, neither by fear nor +favour,—is almost out of his senses to find that it gained credit with +His Majesty.' (St. P. O.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Al. Contarini, 17 Giugno: 'Attribuendone la cagione al +duca per i suoi interessi di voler il re padrone disgionto dai popoli +unito solo con lui, et per le pratiche di Spagnoli guidati in generale +da cattolici et in particolare da Gesuiti che praticano quella cosa.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Parliamentary History viii. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Parliamentary History viii. 227.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Ruszdorf ii. 547.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Al. Contarini: 'Che sempre suppose ne havessero poca +cognitione, ma che adesso credeva, che non havessero niente affatto.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<p class='centersm'><a name="BV_IX" id="BV_IX"></a> +ASSASSINATION OF BUCKINGHAM. SESSION OF 1629.</p> + +<p>For some years nothing had surprised foreigners who came to England so +much as the wide severance between the government and the nation. Upon +the one side they saw the King, the favourite, and his adherents; upon +the other every one else. The King had lost much of the popularity which +he had enjoyed when he ascended the throne; but a genuine hatred was +directed against the arbitrary government of the Duke. Although it had +been repressed out of regard to the King, it had again broken loose: the +less practical result it produced, the more it filled all hearts.</p> + +<p>Burdened with this hatred, and with the ground shaking under him, +Buckingham was nevertheless revolving the largest enterprises in his +brain. He repelled with scorn the charge of still keeping up an +intercourse with Spain; that was contrary to his obligations to the +Protestants. He himself, so he said, had concluded the alliances between +England and Denmark and the States-General; and he wished also to abide +by them. Without doubt overtures had been made on the part of Spain, and +had been responded to on the part of England; but their relations had in +fact been such as had led to no result. On the contrary, negotiations +with France, which certainly offered some prospect of success, had been +opened through the mediation of the Venetian ambassadors resident at the +two courts. The English were ready to waive all other points at issue if +the other side would resolve to show some indulgence, especially if they +would conclude some tolerable arrangement with Rochelle. The forces of +both powers would then undertake the war +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[Pg 581]</a></span> +against the Spanish monarchy, and against the advance of the Emperor in Germany. The French army would +turn its steps to Italy; the English fleet would go to the aid of the +Danes: it was expected that these attacks would exert an enormous +influence in all +directions.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> +Buckingham was still engrossed with +designs against Spain, in spite of secret but only pretended overtures +to that power. He intended to attack the Spanish monarchy at the source +of its greatness, in the West Indies; and by a combination of forces on +the Continent to wrest the Palatinate from it, and thereby to destroy +the position which it had won on the Middle Rhine. A strange ambition, +although in keeping with the age and with his personal character, +appears to have been connected with this design. It had entered into his +head to marry his daughter to the Electoral Prince Palatine, and perhaps +to give his daughter the appearance of a higher rank by getting himself +declared independent prince of some West Indian conquest—Jamaica had +attracted his ambition<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>:—a +hope not altogether chimerical; for he +was still all-powerful with Charles. Foreigners were astonished that he +undertook the most extensive negotiations before he had given his +sovereign notice of them. Not unlike James I he cherished the hope that +the threatening attitude which he took up, even if he did not strike a +blow, would dispose the French to make concessions and would restore the +former understanding between them. If this were not the case, he was +determined to undertake the relief of Rochelle with all his energies.</p> + +<p>The condition of the English navy was such that he might reasonably +promise himself success. We have credible information according to which +Buckingham had made it half as large again as it had been in the time of +Elizabeth. He had increased it from 14,000 tons burden to 22,000: he +had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[Pg 582]</a></span> +put the dockyards and magazines at Chatham, Deptford, Woolwich, and +Portsmouth into good repair; and a number of large vessels had been +built under his orders. Already in May an English squadron had made an +attempt to relieve Rochelle: but the commanders on that occasion would +not undertake the responsibility of exposing the ships entrusted to +them, to the great danger which threatened them if they made the +attempt: they were apprehensive of being called to account. Buckingham +was not fettered by considerations of this kind. He had had engines of +extraordinary dimensions constructed, which it was expected would rend +with irresistible power the mole in front of the harbour, by which +Rochelle was cut off.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> +And who shall say that success would have been impossible?</p> + +<p>Buckingham felt the hatred which men entertained towards him, but +thought that he should still turn it into admiration. He wished to atone +for the faults of his youth, and, as he said, to enter on new paths +traced on the lines of the ancient maxims and ancient policy of England, +in order to bring back better +days.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> +He had to a certain extent made himself the centre of Protestant interests. Every one expected that he +would proceed without delay to the relief of Rochelle, for which all +preparations had been made. The destinies of the world seemed to hang +upon his resolutions. And he had just received better tidings from that +town: no one had ever seen him fuller of strength and energy. At this +culminating point of his life he was smitten by a sudden and horrible +death. As he stepped out of the dressing-room in his lodging at +Portsmouth, and was crossing the hall, in order to mount his carriage +and drive to the King, he was murdered by a stroke from a dagger.</p> + +<p>The murderer might easily have escaped, for the house was full of men, +among them many Frenchmen, on whom the first suspicion fell. While all +were crying out for the villain who had murdered the Duke, the murderer +said, 'No villain did it, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[Pg 583]</a></span> +but an honourable man. I am the man.' Men saw +before them a lean man with red hair, and dark melancholy features. His +name was Felton: he had served in the last maritime expeditions, and had +formerly been passed over when there was a vacancy for promotion. He +could not endure to be placed below men who had never borne arms, merely +because they were in the Duke's favour. The strongest impression had +been produced on him by the +Remonstrance,<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> +which censured similar transactions, and at the same time represented the Duke as the enemy of +religion and his country. Felton was one of these men, who from the way +in which they combine religious and political opinions are capable of +anything. In this respect he may be compared with the assassins of +William of Orange, Henry III, and Henry IV; except that he came forward +in behalf of the opposite side, and in his case there is no mention of +any participation of a minister of religion. A paper was found on him in +which he pronounced that man cowardly and base who was not ready to +sacrifice his life for the cause of his God, his king, and his country. +In his lodging there was another, on which he had put down some +principles, which he seemed to have drawn from one or two books, and +which make his intentions somewhat clearer. It is there said that a man +has no relations which place him under greater obligations than those +which he has with his country; that the welfare of the people is the +highest law, and that 'God himself has enacted this law, that whatsoever +is for the profit or benefit of the commonwealth should be accounted to +be lawful.'<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> +He was believed, and rightly, when he affirmed that he +had no accomplices: the slight put upon him, he said, had inspired him +with the thought, the Remonstrance had strengthened him in it: 'On my +soul,' he repeated, 'nothing but the Remonstrance. He thought that he +might remove the man out of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[Pg 584]</a></span> +the way who obstructed the public welfare. And he looked with some feeling of sarcasm at those who testified their +horror of him when he was led by: 'In your hearts,' he cried out, 'you +rejoice in my deed.' There were some in fact who really displayed such a +feeling: the crews, who had once already wished to mutiny, disguised +their sentiments least; over their beer and pipes they gave the assassin +a cheer. Others lamented most that an Englishman should have been +capable of assassination. Felton himself was afterwards convinced that +his principles were false. He was told that a man had other still nearer +and deeper obligations to God, and to his own soul, than to his country; +that no one should do the smallest evil for the sake of the greatest +good,<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> +much less then a monstrous crime like his in behalf of a +cause which to his blinded eyes appeared good. He at last thanked his +instructors for their lesson, and only asked in mercy to be allowed +before his execution to do penance in sackcloth with ashes on his head, +and a cord round his neck, in presence of all the world.</p> + +<p>In public King Charles never lost his calmness of demeanour for a +moment. He appeared to accept the event as a dispensation of Heaven; but +afterwards he shut himself up for two whole days, and gave way to his +sorrow.</p> + +<p>The expedition against Rochelle now put to sea under the command of the +Earl of Lindsay. But the captains did not properly obey their chief: +orders which had been planned and issued remained unexecuted: the +fire-ships, which were intended to break through the defences of the +enemy, were ill-managed. The intention was then formed of waiting for a +higher tide, in order to attempt another attack; but meanwhile the very +last resources of the town were exhausted, and it found itself obliged +to capitulate. England's position in the world was immeasurably lowered +when Rochelle was conquered by Richelieu. What further schemes of +maritime supremacy had Buckingham latterly connected with the +maintenance of this town! The ideas of Buckingham vanished as completely +as if they had never been: the<span class="sidenote">A.D. 1629.</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[Pg 585]</a></span> +ideas of Richelieu became the foundation +of a new order in the world.</p> + +<p>Krempe also fell, which had hitherto been deemed impregnable, the spot +which, with Gluckstadt, was still the principal stay of Danish +independence, and to which Buckingham's attention had been constantly +directed. It is thought that about 8000 men would have sufficed to +relieve it, but as they were not forthcoming, the fortress fell into the +hands of the enemy in November 1628.</p> + +<p>And Charles I, instead of placing himself in a position to repair these +losses of his allies, embarked on a new domestic quarrel with the +Parliament.</p> + +<p>As the customs had not been fixed by the advice of Parliament, and +tonnage and poundage had not been regularly granted at all, some London +merchants had refused to satisfy the Custom House. On this the Lords of +the Treasury laid their property under seizure. Of course the persons +affected declared this proceeding also illegal, and filled the country +with their complaints. On this occasion it was not, as almost always +hitherto, the want of an immediate subsidy, but the necessity of +removing this constitutional difficulty, which caused Parliament to be +assembled in January 1629. People might flatter themselves that after +the death of Buckingham, who had been the object of the principal +hostility of that body, an agreement would be more easily effected.</p> + +<p>The plan drawn up by the Privy Council was in the first instance of a +conciliatory nature. The right of granting money in general was to be +acknowledged, even in the case of tonnage and poundage: the levying of +this tax up to the present time, however, was to be justified, on the +ground that other kings had collected it before it had been granted. If +Parliament, after this general acknowledgement of its right, should +still persist in refusing the present King what former kings had +enjoyed, he would be exculpated: not the government, but Parliament +would in that case have to bear the blame of the breach which would +arise in consequence.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a></p> + +<p>This was the tenor of the King's speech at the opening of the discussion +on January 23, 1629. He asked for tonnage +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[Pg 586]</a></span> +and poundage, less on the strength of his hereditary right to it, than on the plea of custom and +necessity. He would always consider it as a gift of his people; but +after their scruples had been removed by this declaration, he expected +that an end would be put to all difficulties by a grant such as had been +made to his ancestors. It was offensive to him that any one contested +his title to a tax, without which his state could not be kept up. In the +assembled Privy Council he declared that a temporary grant was +derogatory to his honour. He said that he would no longer live from hand +to mouth: he had as little disposition to suffer from want, or to allow +the privileges of his crown to be wrested from him, as he had had +thought of infringing the liberties of his +people.<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> +Secretary Coke, a member of the House, brought in the requisite bill without delay, and +proposed the first reading.</p> + +<p>The assembly, however, consisted of the very men who had thought that +through the Petition of Right they had set up a fundamental law for +ever, but had since then become conscious how little they had effected +by that means.</p> + +<p>An unpleasant impression had already been made on them by the printing +of the Petition of Right without the expression of simple approval, but +with the restrictive declarations which the King had at first +made.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> +But besides this it was seen how little the King intended to be bound to +the literal meaning of his words, for arrests without definite +assignment of the reason had again taken place. The Star Chamber, which +was already regarded as a court of doubtful legality, had imposed harsh +and arbitrary penalties which awakened loud murmurs. The political +opinions of one or two clergymen had caused general agitation. A +preacher named Roger Manwaring gave utterance to extreme Royalist views. +He defended forced loans, and contested the unconditional right of +Parliament to grant taxes. From some passages of Scripture he deduced +the absolute power of the sovereign, so that properly speaking no +contract at all could, in his opinion, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[Pg 587]</a></span> +be made between king and +people.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> +Parliament had called him to account for this, and had +punished him by fine and suspension; but the King remitted the sentence. +Another clergyman of kindred views, Montague, whom we have already +mentioned, had been advanced by the King to the bishopric of Chichester, +though, as deserves to be noticed, not without encountering opposition. +For at the elections the old forms were still observed. Before the +commissary of the Archbishop confirmed the election, which had taken +place at the King's commands, he invited those present, if they knew +anything in the life and conduct of the bishop-elect which could hinder +his confirmation, to declare it. What had never been done on any other +occasion was done then. An objection against Montague was presented in +writing on the ground that doctrines occurred in his books which were +irreconcilable with the existing institutions of England. The matter was +brought before a court of justice, which, however, dismissed the +objection as proceeding from a man who did not belong to the diocese of +Chichester. The royal confirmation had then +followed.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> +But must it not have been irritating to Parliament that the very men were promoted +about whom it had complained? Its complaints seemed rather to serve as a +recommendation.</p> + +<p>Besides this a Jesuit institution had been discovered in the immediate +neighbourhood of London, and had then not been prosecuted with all the +severity which Parliament thought requisite. People complained that the +number of Papists was increasing every day; that in the counties, where +before there had been none, they were now reckoned by thousands. Mainly +at the instigation of Sir John Eliot, the Lower House issued a +declaration, that it desired to hold the Articles of the English Church +in the sense in which they were understood by the writers, whose +authority was recognised in that Church, and not in the sense of the +Jesuits and Arminians, which was repudiated.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[Pg 588]</a></span> +The question of tonnage and poundage came before the House while it was +labouring under the irritation kindled by this discussion. What the +government desired, the establishment of this tax on a legal footing, +was also the wish of Parliament; but Parliament wished the matter to be +settled in a way different from that intended by the King. Parliament +desired to make the right of granting taxes a genuine reality, and +henceforward to fix the duties in detail. The first reading of the bill +brought forward by the government was rejected, on the formal ground +that tonnage and poundage were subsidies, for granting which a +resolution must be taken before a bill on the subject could be brought +in.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> +Parliament espoused the cause of the London merchants, who had +certainly suffered in support of its claims, and demanded that the +proceedings of the Treasury should be reversed. For they maintained that +the collection of tonnage and poundage was as much a breach of the +fundamental principles of the realm, as the raising of any other tax +that had not been granted would be. Or could any one, they asked, grant +what he did not possess? If tonnage and poundage already belonged to the +King, he did not need to have it granted him. The arrangement proposed +by the government was rejected altogether: and everything else which was +inconsistent with the literal meaning of the petition was also declared +illegal.</p> + +<p>The King was incensed at the political, as well as at the religious +attitude of the Lower House. A treatise in his own handwriting is +extant, in which he expresses himself on the latter subject. 'You take +to yourselfs,' he says, 'the interpretation of articles of religion, the +deciding of which in doctrinal points only appartaines to the clergy and +convocation.'<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> +He added that His Majesty—for he loved to speak of +himself in the third person—had a short time before announced his +intention of maintaining the integrity of the religion of the English +Church, and its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[Pg 589]</a></span> +unity, and that after much reflection, in agreement +with the Privy Council and with the bishops: that as the Commons had the +same object in view, he was surprised that they were not content with +this announcement, and that they did not at all events state wherein the +King's declaration did not content them: for that the King was the +supreme governor of the English Church after God.</p> + +<p>At this very time an order was issued to the Treasury, and to the +collectors of customs at the ports that tonnage and poundage should be +henceforth levied, just as it had been in the latter years of James I; +and that every one who refused payment should be punished.</p> + +<p>In this way the King embarked afresh on a course of the most unequivocal +hostility towards his Parliament. But that body did not intend to give +way. It would not be deterred from drawing up a fresh remonstrance, in +which it made use of the strongest expressions to give point to its +claims. In this it was said, that whoever furthered Popery or +Arminianism, whoever collected or helped to collect tonnage and poundage +before it was granted, or who even paid it, the same was an enemy of the +English realm and of English liberty. This was a strange combination of +ecclesiastical and financial grievances and pretensions. But the course +of the transactions had established an intimate relation between them. +In regard to both the Commons again took up as hostile an attitude +towards the ministers of that day, as they had formerly taken up towards +the Duke of Buckingham. The Lord Treasurer Weston was the special object +of their hatred on both accounts. For it was said that he was a +rebellious Papist—nay even a Jesuit:—did not his nearest kinsmen +belong to that order?—and that he was now giving the King pernicious +advice, hostile to the rights of the country and the dignity of +Parliament. Proceeding on the principle that the collection of tonnage +and poundage was a breach of the constitution, preparations were made +for calling to account the officers engaged in this process. Nor would +men have been content to stop at the subordinates; they would have +reached even the highest.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[Pg 590]</a></span> +In this session the moderation which had been for some time exhibited in +the former dropped out of sight: the contempt shown to the Petition of +Right had called forth a spirit of bitter, violent, and unbounded +opposition. When the King, in order to prevent the formal passing of the +Remonstrance, proceeded in the first instance to have the session +adjourned, a scene of tumult and violence was witnessed, to which the +annals of former Parliaments offered no parallel.</p> + +<p>The Speaker of the House, Sir John Finch, one of those men who had +passed over from the side of the Commons to that of the King, announced +to the assembled members after the opening of the sitting on the 2nd of +March, that the King adjourned the House till the 10th. But this was the +very hour when Sir John Eliot, who had drawn up the new Remonstrance had +with his friends intended to carry it through Parliament. The House +declared it illegal for the Speaker to make himself the mouthpiece of +the royal will: and when he tried to withdraw, he was held on his chair +by a couple of strong and resolute members. The Usher of the Black Rod, +whose business it was to declare the House adjourned, had already +appeared in the ante-room; but the doors of the hall were shut. In this +tumult the Remonstrance had to be read and voted on. The Speaker refused +to have anything to do with it, although it was declared 'to be his duty +to put it to the vote. Sir John Eliot and Denzil Holles must have +delivered the sense of the Remonstrance orally, rather than read it +properly through: but even in this fashion the majority of the House +made known their assent, and in this way the immediate object was +attained, as well as the circumstances allowed. On a threat that the +doors should be broken through, they were now opened, and the members +left the chamber.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p> + +<p>An extraordinary act of disobedience, considering that it was intended +to be the means of securing the legal forms of Parliament! It was the +last step in this stage of the proceedings. It involved an open breach +between the two authorities.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[Pg 591]</a></span> +In later times the responsibility for this act has been thrown on the +King. Contemporaries of moderate views, and who favoured the Parliament, +were of opinion however that the responsibility rather lay with those +fiery and crafty men who had possessed themselves of the control of +Parliament. For they thought that the King had seriously striven to +compose the quarrel: that people might well have accepted his first +declaration, and that the greater part of the members had been inclined +to do so; but that the seeming zeal of some few for the liberties of the +country had, unfortunately for England, prevented them from +yielding.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> +It is difficult to suppose that the strength and depth of +the opposition would any longer have permitted an adjustment. It was now +fully apparent at all events that the King and the Lower House could no +longer work together.</p> + +<p>In the Privy Council the opinion was once more expressed, that +Parliament should be treated with indulgence. This was the wish of the +Lord Keeper Coventry: but the Treasurer recommended the strict +enforcement of the prerogative, and the King sided with this view. Not +only was the dissolution of Parliament pronounced, but just as Henry +VIII and Elizabeth had done, Charles I proceeded to punish the members +who had offended against his dignity in their speeches. He first of all +decided not to call Parliament together again. He declared that he had +now abundantly proved that he loved to rule by the help of Parliament; +that he had been compelled against his wish by the last proceedings to +desist from the attempt, and that he would not renew it until his people +had learnt to know him better. He said that he should consider it +presumption if any time were prescribed to him for reassembling +Parliament; that Parliament ought to be summoned, held, and dissolved, +solely at the discretion of the King.</p> + +<p>The great advantage of Parliament in this conflict consisted in its +ability to appeal to legal precedents of past centuries in its favour. +What had once rendered the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[Pg 592]</a></span> +continuance of the ascendancy of Parliament +impossible, the danger into which it had plunged the common interests of +the kingdom, was now forgotten. The laws of those times had not been +repealed, but had only been modified and curtailed in its own favour by +the sovereign power, which had grown strong since that time. Every +position, new or unusual at the moment, which Parliament maintained was, +if not laid down in former ordinances, yet at all events so logically +inferred from them, that it appeared customary and in accordance with +primitive law. If on the contrary Charles I maintained the prerogative +which his father had exercised, and which Queen Elizabeth and the House +of Tudor in general had possessed, he was placed in the awkward position +of appearing to act without the countenance of the laws. He now resolved +to govern, at least for a time, without the aid of Parliament. Many of +his ancestors had done exactly the same; but since their time attachment +to parliamentary government had become part of the national feeling. It +now appeared not only to represent fully the liberties, but also +especially the most popular religious tendencies of the country.</p> + +<p>Whether under these circumstances the King would have succeeded in +giving effect to his ideas, even if more peaceful times had ensued, was +from the beginning extremely +doubtful.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes">NOTES: + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> Al. Contarini, Aug. 14, 1628. 'Carleton mi soggionse che +certamente la flotta si volgerebbe in ajuto del re di Danimarca, quando +Più non fosse necessaria in Francia.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> The first intimation of this design occurs in an +anonymous letter to the King, which probably belongs to the year 1623: +Cabala 223. In the correspondence of the ambassadors the project is +assumed as certain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Ruszdorf: 'Magnos apparatus instituit, quibus sperat +structuram et molem rumpere'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> From the letter of Dudley Viscount Dorchester, in Bruce's +Calendar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> 'The remonstrance in the last Parliament and that the +duke was the cause of the public grievances, it came into his mind that +it would be a good service to God and the Commonwealth to take him +away.' Relation of the Duke of Buckingham's death. (St. P. O.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> From the report of Duppa (St. P. O.), which admirably +supplements that which is given in the State Trials iii. 370.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> 'That the common good could no way be a pretense to a +particular mischief.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Rushworth i. 654: 'To avow a breach upon just cause +given, not sought by the King.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Fragmentary memoranda of a sitting of the Privy Council +at the beginning of February 1628-29. (St P. O.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Statement of the printer. Parliamentary History viii. +247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> His declaration before the Lords. Parliamentary History +viii. 208.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> We learn this from a letter of Nethersole to the queen of +Bohemia, Jan. 28. (St. P. O.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Nethersole to the Queen of Bohemia: 'That what at the +first propounding seemed a very reasonable motion—was at last upon this +reason that the bill is in truth and is intituled a bill of subsidy.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Holograph declaration of Charles I. (St. P. O.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> Information in Star Chamber. Rushworth i. 675.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Autobiography of Sir Symond d'Ewes i. 405: 'Being only +misled by some Machiavellian politics who seemed zealous for the liberty +of the common wealth.'</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> Observation of Contarini, March 16, 1629. 'Quello che +importa è il parlamento si è conservato nell'intero possesso dei suoi +privilegi, senza cader un tantino: il re per queste due volte ha ceduto +sempre qualche cosa.'</p></div> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p class='center'>END OF VOL. I.</p> + +<div class='tnote'>Transcriber's Note: +<p>The section header 'The Conquest' in Book I Chapter II +is missing from the original table of contents.</p> +</div> + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF ENGLAND PRINCIPALLY IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, VOLUME I (OF 6)***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 28546-h.txt or 28546-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/8/5/4/28546">http://www.gutenberg.org/2/8/5/4/28546</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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