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diff --git a/29261-0.txt b/29261-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e48a47b --- /dev/null +++ b/29261-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,3536 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Animaduersions uppon the annotacions and +corrections of some imperfections of imp, by Francis Thynne + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Animaduersions uppon the annotacions and corrections of some imperfections of impressiones of Chaucer's workes + 1865 edition + +Author: Francis Thynne + +Editor: George Henry Kingsley + +Release Date: June 28, 2009 [EBook #29261] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANIMADUERSIONS--CHAUCER'S WORKES *** + + + + +Produced by Louise Hope, Taavi Kalju and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + + +[This text uses UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding. If the apostrophes and +quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, make sure your +text reader’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to Unicode +(UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. As a last +resort, use the Latin-1 version of the file instead. + +The text is based on the 1865 EETS edition of Thynne’s _Animadversions_. +Two purely typographic features have been adopted from the 1876 Chaucer +Society re-edition of the same MS. Passages printed in brackets in 1865 +have been changed to 1876’s parentheses; conversely, letters and whole +words supplied by the editor are shown in brackets, reserving italics +for expanded abbreviations. A few apparent errors were corrected from +the 1876 text. Some other differences between the two editions are +noted at the end of the e-text. + +Italicized letters within a word are shown in {braces}. Other italics +are shown conventionally with _lines_. Superscripts are shown with +carets ^. + +The Sidenotes have been duplicated at the beginning of the text to act +as a table of contents.] + + + + + Animaduersions + + uppon + + Chaucer’s Workes. + + + + + [Sidenotes: + The author is vexed that Master Speight did not consult him on + his new edition of Chaucer. + Also vexed at a side blow at his father’s edition, and justifies + him as editor. + His father’s collection of MS. Chaucers and their curiosity. + The Pilgrime’s Tale telling forth the evil lives of churchmen. + William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII., who promiseth to + countenance him. + The promise broken through the power of Wolsey. + The most part of Colin Clout written at William Thynne’s house + at Erith. + Chaucer’s works like to be destroyed by parliament. + Reasons why the Pilgrime’s Tale should be Chaucer’s. + How William Thynne’s collection of Chaucer’s MS. was dispersed + abroad. + He differeth from Master Speight on Chaucer’s family. + Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man. + Chaucer his arms injustly undervalued. + Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince Edward. + Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for Philippa of Henault. + The conjecture that Chaucer’s ancestors were merchants, of no + valydytye. + Master Speight misquoteth Gower. + Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to Chaucer. + Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of Stittenham. + Gower’s chaplette for knighthood not for poetry. + The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of honour. + The knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye. + Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a Franciscan Fryer but? + The lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III. + Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer’s wife, nor doth Thynne. + The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and legytymated by + the Pope and the Parliament. + Chaucer’s children and their advauncement and of the Burgershes. + Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace. + Jane of Navarre maryed to Henry IV., in the 5th year of his reign. + The de la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but + William was not the first that did so. + The clergy offended that the temporal men were found as wise as + themselves. + A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant. + Alice, the wife of Richard Neville, was daughter of Thomas + Montacute. + He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of printing. + The Romante of the Rose began by Guillm̄ de Loris, and finished + by John de la Meune. + Why the dream of Chaucer cannot be the book of the Duchess. + John of Gaunt, his incontinency. + Doubteth master Speight’s ability in the exposition of old words, + but commendeth his diligence and knowledge. + Aketon or Slevelesse jacket of plate for the war. + A besant is a besant, and not a duckett. + Fermentacione is fermentacione, and not dawbing even + metaphorically. + Orfrayes not Goldsmith’s work, but frysed cloth of gold, + a manufacture peculiar to the English. + Oundye and Crispe meaneth wavy like water. + Resager is ratsbane or arsenic. + Begyns are nuns, though it cometh to mean superstitious and + hypocritical women from their nature. + Citrinatione or perfect digestion. + Forage is old and hard provision made for horses and cattle in + winter, or metaphorically, or to help out the ryme it may mean + grass. + Heroner is a long-winged hawk for the heron. + The Hyppe is the berye of the sweet bryer or eglantine. + Nowell meaneth more than Christmas. + Porpherye is a peculiar marble, not marble in common. + Sendale, a sylke stuffe. + The trepegett is not the battering-ram, but an engine to cast + stones. + Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon. + Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not of antiquitye. + Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so. + Of the Vernacle. + Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, and giveth + reasons. + Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of Heros, + and giveth reasons. + Of florins and their name from the Florentines. + Sterling money taketh its name from the Esterlings. + King John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens. + Of the oken garland of Emelye. + Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction. + The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or he would not have + known Emelye. + Straught, a better word than haughte. + Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction. + Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction. + It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that he coughed at + the window. + Surrye or Russye, indifferent which. + Cambuscan is Caius canne. + “That may not saye naye,” better than “there may no wighte say + naye.” + Theophraste, not Paraphraste. + The wife of Bath’s Prologue taken from the author of Policraticon. + Country, not Couentry. + Maketh, not waketh. + Hugh of Lincoln. + “Where the sunne is in his ascensione,” a good reading. + Kenelm slain by Queen Drida. + Master Speight mistaketh his almanack. + The degrees of the signe are misreckoned, not the signe itself. + Mereturicke is a corruption of Merecenrycke, or the kingdom of + Mercia. + Pilloures of silver borne before Cardinalls. + Liketh best the old reading of “change of many manner of meates.” + And also the old reading of “myters” more than one or two for + the sake of the meter. + The lordes sonne of Windsore is in the French Romant of the rose, + but is there spelled Guindesores. + Master Thynne knoweth not clearly why the Baron should be called + of Windsor. + The ordeal was not tryall by fier only, but also by water, nor + for chastity only, but for many other matters. + The fyery ordeal was by going on hote shares and cultors, not + going through the fyre. The mother of Edward confessor passed + over nine burnynge shares. + The ordeal taken away by the court of Rome, and after by Henry + III. + The stork bewrayeth not adultery but wreaketh the adultery of + his owne mate. + The plowman’s tale is wrong placed. + Chaucer’s proper works should be distinguished from those + adulterat and not his. + There were three editions of Chaucer before William Thynne + dedicated his to Henry VIII. + The first editions being very corrupt, William Thynne augmented + and corrected them. + Master Speight hath omytted many auctors vouched by Chaucer. + It should be Harlottes, and not Haroldes. + The king of Ribalds or Harlottes, an officer of great accompt + in times past. + Johannes Tyllius maketh mention of a Rex Ribaldorum. + Also Vincentius Luparius maketh him an honourable officer. + The Rex Ribaldorum was like unto our Marshall. The Marshalls + duties and his powers over Harlotts and lost men. + Master Thynne being a herold liketh not that false semblance + should be thought one. + Hate was a Moueresse or stirrer of debate, not a minoresse. + Molinet calleth Hate a Ducteress, or leader.] + + + + + +Chaucer.+ + + + ANIMADUERSIONS + + uppon the Annotacions and correct{i}ons of some + imperfect{i}ons of impress{i}ones + of Chaucer’s workes (sett + downe before tyme and + nowe) reprinted in the + yere of our lorde + 1598 + + Sett downe by + FRANCIS THYNNE. + + “Sortee pur bien ou ne sortee rien.” + + + Now Newly Edited from the MS. in the + Bridgewater Library + + by + + G. H. KINGSLEY, M.D., F.L.S. + + LONDON: + Published for the Early English Text Society, + by N. Trübner & Co., 60, Paternoster Row. + + MDCCCLXV. + + + + + John Childs and Son, Printers. + + + + +PREFACE. + + +Although only the grandson of the first of his name, the author of the +following interesting specimen of 16th-century criticism came of a +family of great antiquity, of so great an antiquity, indeed, as to +preclude our tracing it back to its origin. This family was originally +known as the “De Botfelds,” but in the 15th century one branch adopted +the more humble name of “Thynne,” or “of the Inne.” Why the latter name +was first assumed has never been satisfactorily explained. It can hardly +be supposed that “John de la Inne de Botfelde,” as he signed himself, +kept a veritable hostelry and sold ale and provender to the travellers +between Ludlow and Shrewsbury, and most probably the term Inn was used +in the sense which has given us “Lincoln’s Inn,” “Gray’s Inn,” or +“Furnivall’s Inn,” merely meaning a place of residence of the higher +class, though in this case inverted, the Inn giving its name to its +owner. + +However obtained, the name has been borne by the most successful branch +of the De Botfelds down to the present Marquess of Bath, who now +represents it. Much interesting matter connected with the family was +collected by a late descendant of the older branch, Beriah Botfeld, and +published by him in his “Stemmata Botvilliana.” + +The first “John of the Inn” married one Jane Bowdler, by whom he had a +son Ralph, who married Anne Hygons, and their son William became clerk +of the kitchen, and according to some, master of the household to Henry +VIII. He married in the first place a lady who, however she may have +advanced her husband’s prospects at court, behaved in a manner which +must have considerably marred his satisfaction at her success. Those who +wish to study the matrimonial sorrows of “Thynnus Aulicus,” as he calls +him, may consult Erasmus in his Epistolæ, lib. xv. Epist. xiv. + +His second marriage to Anne Bond, daughter of William Bond, clerk of +green cloth and master of the household to Henry VIII., was more +fortunate, and by her he had daughters and one son, our Francis Thynne. + +Though his son gives him no higher position in the court of Henry VIII. +than the apparently humble one of clerk of the kitchen, he is careful to +let us know that the post was in reality no mean one, and that “there +were those of good worship both at court and country” who had at one +time been well pleased to be his father’s clerks. That he was a man of +superior mind there is no question, and we have a pleasant hint in the +following tract of his intimacy with his king, and of their mutual +fondness for literature. To William Thynne, indeed, all who read the +English language are deeply indebted, for to his industry and love for +his author we owe much of what we now possess of Chaucer. Another +curious bit of literary gossip to be gleaned from this tract is that +William Thynne was a patron and supporter of John Skelton, who was an +inmate of his house at Erith, whilst composing that most masterly bit of +bitter truth, his “Colin Clout,” a satire perhaps unsurpassed in our +language. + +William Thynne rests beside his second wife, in the church of +Allhallows, Barking, near the Tower of London, where there are two +handsome brasses to their memory. That of William Thynne represents him +in full armour with a tremendous dudgeon dagger and broadsword, most +warlike guize for a clerk of the kitchen and editor of Chaucer. The +dress of his wife is quite refreshing in its graceful comeliness in +these days of revived “farthingales and hoops.” These brasses were +restored by the late Marquess of Bath. Would that the same good feeling +for things old had prevented the owners of the “church property” from +casing the old tower with a hideous warehouse. + +The Sir John Thynne mentioned in the “Animadversions” was most probably +a cousin of Francis. He married the daughter of Sir Thomas Gresham, the +builder of the Royal Exchange, part of whose wealth was devoted by his +son-in-law to the building of the beautiful family seat of Long Leat, +in Wiltshire, in which work he was doubtless aided indirectly by the +Reformation, for, says the old couplet, + + “Portman, Horner, Popham, and Thynne, + When the monks went out they came in.” + +Francis Thynne was born in Kent, probably at his father’s house at +Erith, about 1550. He was educated at Tunbridge school under learned +Master Proctor, thence to Magdalen College, Oxford, and then, as the +manner was, to the Inns of Court, where he lay at Lincoln’s Inn for a +while. Some men are born antiquarians as others are born poets, and we +may be pretty certain that it was at Thynne’s own desire that his court +influence was used to procure him the post of “Blanch Lyon pursuivant,” +a position which would enable him to pursue studies, the results of +which, however valuable in themselves, but seldom prove capable of being +converted into the vulgar necessities of food and raiment. Poor John +Stowe, with his license to beg, as the reward of the labour of his life, +is a terrible proof of how utterly unmarketable a valuable commodity may +become. + +Leading a calm and quiet life in the pleasant villages of Poplar and +Clerkenwell, in “sweet and studious idleness,” as he himself calls it, +the old herald was enabled to accumulate rich stores of matter, much of +which has come down to us, principally in manuscript, scattered through +various great libraries, which prove him to have deserved Camden’s +estimate of him as “an antiquary of great judgment and diligence.” It +would seem that he had entertained the idea of following in his father’s +footsteps, and of becoming an editor of Chaucer, and that he had even +made some collections towards that end. The appearance of Speight’s +edition probably prevented this idea being carried out, and the evident +soreness exhibited in this little tract very probably arose from a +feeling that his friend had rather unfairly stolen a march upon him. +However the wound was not deep, and Speight made use of Thynne’s +corrections, and Thynne assisted Speight, in new editions, with all +friendship and sympathy.[1] I suspect him of dabbling in alchemy and +the occult sciences. He shows himself well acquainted with the terms +peculiar to those mysteries, and hints that Chaucer only “enveyed” +against the “sophisticall abuse,” not the honest use of the Arcana. +Moreover in the British Museum (MS. add. 11,388) there is a volume +containing much curious matter collected by him on these subjects, and +not only collected but illustrated by him with most gorgeous colours and +wondrous drawing, worthy of the blazonry of a Lancaster Herald. The +costumes however are carefully correct, and give us useful hints as to +the fashion of the raiment of our ancestors. From the peculiar piety and +earnestness (most important elements in the search for the philosopher’s +stone), of the small “signs” and prayers appended to these papers, it +is, I think, clear, that he was working in all good faith and belief. +Possibly the following lines, which seem to have been his favourite +motto, may have been inspired by the disappointment and dyspepsia +produced by his smoky studies and their ill success, + + “My strange and froward fate + Shall turn her whele anew + To better or to payre my fate, + Which envy dothe pursue.” + + [Footnote 1: “To the readers. After this booke was last printed, + I understand that M. Francis Thynn had a purpose, as indeed he + hath when the time shall serve, to set out Chaucer with a coment + in our tongue, as the Italians have Petrarke and others in their + language. Whereupon I purposed not to meddle any further in this + work, although some promise made to the contrarie, but to referre + all to him; being a gentleman for that purpose inferior to none, + both in regard to his own skill, as also of those helps left to + him by his father. Yet notwithstanding, Chaucer now being printed + againe I was willing not only to helpe some imperfections, but + also to add some things whereunto he did not only persuade me, but + most kindly lent me his helpe and direction. By this means most of + his old words are restored: proverbes and sentences marked: such + Notes as were collected, drawne into better order and the text by + olde copies corrected.” Speight’s Chaucer, 1602.] + +On the 22nd of April, 1602, he was with great ceremony advanced to the +honour of Lancaster Herald. He never surrendered his patent, and as his +successor entered on that post in November, 1608, he is supposed to have +died about that date, though some postpone his death till 1611. He +married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas de la Rivers of +Bransbe, but left no issue. + +There are many points of interest to be picked out of the following +honest and straightforward bit of criticism, if we examine it closely: +and, firstly, as to its author? Is there not something very +characteristic in its general tone, something dimly sketching a shadowy +outline of a kindly, fussy, busy, querulous old man, much given to tiny +minutiæ, a careful copier with a clean pen, indefatiguable in collecting +“contributions” to minor history; one jealous of all appearance of +slight to his office, even to being moved to wrath with Master Speight +for printing “Harolds” instead of “Harlotts,” and letting him know how +mightily a “Harold” like himself would be offended at being holden of +the condition of so base a thing as False Semblance? Perhaps the more so +from a half-consciousness that the glory of the office was declining, +and that if the smallest opening were given, a ribald wit might create +terrible havock amongst his darling idols. How delicately he snubs +Master Speight for not calling on him at Clerkenwell Green (How would +Speight have travelled the distance in 1598? It was a long uphill walk +for an antiquarian, and the fields by no means safe from long-staff +sixpenny strikers); and how modestly he hints that he would have derived +no “disparagement” from so doing; showing all the devotion to little +matters of etiquette of an amiable but irritable old gentleman of our +own day. + +But mark this old gentleman’s description of his father’s collection of +Chaucer’s MS.! Had ever a Bibliophile a more delightful commission than +that one of William Thynne’s, empowering him to rout and to rummage +amongst all the monasteries and libraries of England in search of the +precious fragments? And had ever a Bibliophile a greater reward for his +pleasant toils? “Fully furnished with a multitude of books, emongst +which one coppye of some part of his works subscribed in various places +‘Examinatur Chaucer’!” Where is this invaluable MS. now? It is worth the +tracing, if it be possible, even to its intermediate history. Was it one +of those stolen from Francis Thynne’s house at Poplar by that +bibliomaniacal burglar? or was it one of those which in a fit of +generosity, worthy of those heroic times, he gave to Stephen Batemann, +that most fortunate parson of Newington? Is this commission to be +regarded as some slight proof that the spoliation of the monasteries was +not carried on with the reckless Vandalism usually attributed to the +reformers? + +We learn from this tract that William Thynne left no less than +twenty-five copies of Chaucerian MS. to his son, doubtless but a small +tything of the entire number extant, showing that there were men amongst +the monks who could enjoy wit and humour even when directed against +themselves, and that there must have been some considerable liberality +if not laxness of rule amongst the orders of the day. It would, I fancy, +be difficult to find amongst the monkeries of our own time (except +possibly those belonging to that very cheery order the Capuchines) an +abbot inclined to permit his monks to read, much less to copy, so +heretical a work as the Canterbury Tales, however freely he winked at +the introduction of French nouvellettes. + +But though some may have enjoyed Chaucer in all good faith, there were +others who saw how trenchant were the blows he dealt against the +churchmen of his time, and what deadly mischief to their pre-eminence +lurked under his seeming _bonhommie_. Wolsey thought it worth his while +to exert his influence against him so strongly as to oblige William +Thynne to alter his plan of publication, though backed by the promised +protection of Henry VIII. And the curious action of the Parliament +noticed in the tract (p. 7) was doubtless owing to the same +influence:[2] an assumption of the right of censure by the Parliament +which seems to have gone near to deprive us of Chaucer altogether. The +Parliament men were right in regarding the works of Chaucer as mere +fables, but they forgot that fables have “morals,” and that these morals +were directed to the decision of the great question of whether the +“spiritual” or the “temporal” man was to rule the world, a question +unhappily not quite settled even in our own time. + + [Footnote 2: Urry, in his Ed. of Chaucer, says that the Canterbury + Tales were exempt from the prohibition of the Act of 34 Henry + VIII. “For the advancement of true religion.” I find no notice of + this in the Act in the “Statutes at large,” 1763. He also refers + to Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, which is also merely negative on the + subject.] + +The notice of that other sturdy reformer, John Skelton (p. 7) is also +very interesting, and gives us a hint of the existence of a “protesting” +feeling in the Court of Henry VIII. before there was any reason for +attributing it to mere private or political motives. From the way in +which it is mentioned here, I suspect that the more general satire +“Colin Clout” preceded the more directly personal one of “Why come ye +nat to court?” which lashes Wolsey himself with a heartily outspoken +virulence which would hardly have been tolerated by him when in the +zenith of his power. It was not improbably written whilst its author was +safe in sanctuary under Bishop Islip. William Thynne, court favourite +though he was, could never have kept Skelton’s head on his shoulders +after so terrible a provocation. + +Wherever he may be placed, John Skelton stands alone amongst satirists, +there is no one like him: possibly from a feeling that he was writing on +the winning side, and sure of sympathy and protection, he scorns to hide +his pearls under a dunghill like Rabelais, and utters fearlessly and +openly what he has to say. Even in our own time, + + “Though his rime be ragged + Tattered and iagged + Rudely rain-beaten + Rusty and moth-eaten + _If ye talke well therewyth + Yt hath in it some pith_.” + +Thynne’s note on the family of Gower (p. 14) is of value as agreeing +with later theories, which deny that Gower the poet was of the Gowers of +Stittenham, the ancestors of the present houses of Sutherland and +Ellesmere. The question is not, however, finally decided, and we have +reason to believe that all the Gowers of Great Britain are descended +from the same family of Guers still flourishing in Brittany. Early +coat-armours are not much to be depended on, and Thynne as a Herald may +lean a little too much towards them. The question is, however, in good +hands, and I hope that before long some fresh light may be thrown +upon it. + +The old story of Chaucer’s having been fined for beating a Franciscan +friar in Fleet Street is doubted by Thynne, though hardly, I think, on +sufficient grounds. Tradition (when it agrees with our own views) is not +lightly to be disturbed, and remembering with what more than feminine +powers of invective “spiritual” men seem to be not unfrequently endowed, +and also how atrociously insolent a Franciscan friar would be likely to +be (of course from the best motives) to a man like Chaucer, who had +burnt into the very soul of monasticism with the caustic of his wit, +I shall continue to believe the legend for the present. If the mediæval +Italians are to be believed, the cudgelling of a friar was occasionally +thought necessary even by the most faithful, and I see no reason why +hale Dan Chaucer should not have lost his temper on sufficient +provocation. Old men have hot blood sometimes, and Dickens does not +outrage probability when he makes Martin Chuzzelwit the elder, fell Mr +Pecksniff to the ground. + +Much of the tract is taken up by corrections of etymologies, and the +explanation of obscure and obsolete words. It is a little curious that +the word “orfrayes,” which had gone so far out of date as to be +unintelligible to Master Speight, should, thanks to the new rage for +church and clergy decoration, have become reasonably common again. The +note on the “Vernacle” is another bit of close and accurate antiquarian +knowledge worth noting. It is most tantalizing that after all he says +about that mysterious question of “The Lords son of Windsor,” a question +as mysterious as that demanding why Falstalf likened Prince Henry’s +father to a “singing man” of the same place, we should be left as wise +as we were before. We have here and there, too, hints as to what we have +lost from Thynne’s great storehouse of information; how valuable would +have been “that long and no common discourse” which he tells us he might +have composed on that most curious form of judicial knavery, the ordeal; +and possibly much more so is that of his “collections” for his edition +of Chaucer! This last may, however, be still recovered by some fortunate +literary mole. + +The notice, by no means clear, but certainly not complimentary, of “the +second editione to one inferior personne, than my father’s editione +was,” may refer to any of the editions of Chaucer which, according to +Lowndes, were printed more or less from William Thynne’s edition in +1542, 1546, and 1555; but from another passage hinting that Speight +followed “a late English corrector whom I forbear to name,” I suspect +that the “inferior personne” was poor John Stowe, and the edition to +have been that edited by him in 1561, the nearest in point of date to +that of Speight. + +The manuscript from which this tract is reprinted is, like most of the +treasures of the Bridgewater Library, wonderfully clean and in good +order. It is entirely in the Autograph of Francis Thynne, and was +evidently written purposely for the great Lord Chancellor Egerton, +and bears his arms emblazoned on the title-page. Master Speight most +probably got _his_ copy of Animadversions in a more humble form. + +In conclusion may I remark that, as usual, the green silk ribands, +originally attached to the vellum and gold cover, are closely cut away, +probably for the purpose of being converted into shoe-ties, which Robert +Green informs us was the usual destination of those appended to +presentation copies, hinting at the same time that they were generally +the only solid advantage gained by the dedicatee from the honour done +him. + + + + +LIST OF THYNNE’S WORKS + + +1. The perfect Ambassador, treating of the Antiquity, Privileges, and +Behaviour of men belonging to that Function. 12mo, 1651 & 1652. + +(This was first published in 1651 under the title “The application of +certain histories concerning Ambassadors and their functions.” The +title-page only is new. MS. note by Bliss. British Museum, 8005--a.) + +2. Annals of Scotland, in some part continued from the time in which Ra. +Holinshead left, being an. 1571 unto the year 1586. London, 1586. fol. + +3. “There are also the catalogues of the Protectors, Governors, or +Regents of Scotland during the King’s minority, or the minority of +several kings, or their insufficiency of government. There are also the +catalogues of all Dukes of Scotland by creation or descent, of the +Chancellors of Scotland; Archbishops of St Andrews and divers writers of +Scotland.” _A. a’ Wood._ + +4. Catalogue of English Cardinals set down in R. Holinshed’s Chronicle +at the end of Q. Mary. + +5. “A Discourse of Arms,” dated “Clerkenwell Grene, 5th of Jan., 1593.” +MS. in the College of Arms. + +6. “Catalogue of the Chancellors of England.” MS. in the Bridgewater +Library. + +7. “Collections for the History of England.” MS. in Bridgewater Library. + +8. Animadversions on Speight’s Chaucer, MS. in Bridgewater Library. + +9. Several Collections of Antiquities. Notes concerning Arms, monumental +Antiquities, &c. MS. Cotton’s Lib. Cleopatra, C. 3. p. 62. + +10. A discourse of the duty and office of a Herald of Arms, ad. 1605. +MS. Bib. Ashmol. n. 835. + +11. Missellanies of the Treasury. MS. 1599. + +12. Matters concerning Heralds, and Tryal of Armes and the Court +Military. MS. Bib. Ashmol. 12 (printed in Hearne’s Collection of Curious +Discourses). + +13. Names of the Earls Marshall of England, A.D. 1601. MS. Bib. Ashmol. +1374. + +14. Epitaphia. Sive monumenta Sepulchrorum Anglici et Latini quam +gallice. MS. + +“In the castrations to Hollingshed’s Chronicles are the four following +discourses by this Author, which were suppressed from political motives, +they have been added to the late quarto Edition.” + +15. The Collection of the Earls of Leicester, compiled in 1585. + +16. The lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, written in 1586. + +17. Treatise of the Lord Cobham. (Is this the “Lives of the Lords Cobham +of Cobham, Randale and Harborough,” British Mus. MS. add. 12,514. +f. 56?) + +18. The catalogue of the Lord Wardens of the Cinque Ports, and +constables of Dover Castle, as well in the time of King Edward surnamed +the Confessor, as since the reign of the conqueror. MS. 1585 (Was in the +library of More, Bishop of Eley, and now in the British Museum. MS. add. +12,514). + +19. Of Stirling Money. + +20. Of what antiquity shires were in England. + +21. Of the antiquity and etymology of terms and fines for administration +of justice in England. + +22. Of the antiquity of the houses of Law. + +23. Of Epitaphs. + +24. On the antiquity, &c., of the high Steward of England. + +25. The antiquity and office of Earl Marshall. (These last seven are +printed in “Hearne’s Curious Discourses.” 8vo, 1775.) + +26. Discourse of bastards. Brit. Mus. MS. add. 4176, fol. 139. + +27. The Plea between the advocate and the anti-advocate concerning the +Bath and Batchelor Knights. Brit. Mus. MS. add. 12,530. + +28. Annals of England. Mus. Brit. MS. add. 926, 1017, 12,514. + +29. The kinges book of all the border Knyghtes, Squiers, and gentlemen +of this realm of England, by Francis Thynne, 1601, MS. Mus. Brit. MSS. +add. 11,388. + +(The same volume contains much curious matter collected and illustrated +by Thynne--principally bearing on the philosopher’s stone. The principal +paper is a rhyming Latin poem, “De Phenicæ sive de Lapide Philosophico,” +referred to in the tract.) + +Collections out of Domus Regni Angliæ. Nomina Episcoporum in Somerset. +Nomina Saxonica de Donatoribus a Regibus Eadfrido, Eadgare et Edwardo, +Catalogus Episcoporum, Barton and Wells. A book of collections and +commentaries de historia et Rebus Britannicis. + +Collections out of manuscript, Historians Registers of Abbies, Leger +books, and other antient manuscripts. + + + + +ANIMADVERSIONS. + ++To the righte Honorable his singular goode Lorde Sir Thomas +Egertone knighte lorde keper of the greate seale and Master of +the Rooles of the Chancerye.+ + + +It was (Ryghte honorable and my verye good lorde) one annciente +and gretlye estemed custome emongste the Romans in the heigh[t]e +of their glorye, that eche one, accordinge to their abylytye or +the desarte of his frende, did in the begynnynge of the monthe +of Januarye (consecrated to the dooble faced godd Janus one the +fyrste daye whereof they made electione of their cheife officers +and magystrates) presente somme gyfte unto his frende as the +noote and pledge of the contynued and encresed amytye betwene +them, a pollicye gretlye to be regarded, for the manye good +effectes whiche issue from so woorthye cause. This custome not +restinge in the lymyttes of Italye, but spredinge with the +Romans (as did their language and many other their usages and +lawes) into euerye perticuler Countrye where theyr powre and +gouermente stretched. passed also ouer the Oceane into the litle +worlde of Brytannye, being neuer exiled from thence, nor frome +those, whome eyther honor, amytye, or dutye doth combyne. ffor +whiche cause lest I myghte offende in the breche of that moste +excellente and yet embraced Custome, I thynke yt my parte to +presente unto yo{u}r Lo{rdship} suche poore neweyeres gyfte as +my weake estate and the barrennesse of my feble skyll will +permytte: Wherefore, and because Cicero affirmethe, that he +whiche hathe once ouer passed the frontiers of modestye must for +euer after be impudente, (a grounde w{hi}che I fynde fully +veryfyed in my selfe, havinge once before outgonne the boundes +of shamefastnesse in presentinge to yo{u}r Lordshippe my +confused collect{i}ons and disordered discourse of the +Chauncelors)[3] I ame nowe become utterlye impudente in not +blusshinge to salute you agayne (in the begynnynge of this newe +yere) with my petye animadvers{i}ons, uppon the annotac{i}ons +and corrections delivered by Master Thomas Speghte uppon the +last edit{i}one of Chaucer’s workes in the yere of oure +redempt{i}one 1598; thinges (I confesse) not so answerable to +yo{u}r Lordshippes iudgmente, and my desyre, as boothe your +desarte and my dutye doo challenge. But althoughe they doo not +in all respectes satisfye youre Lordshippes expectac{i}one and +my goode will, (accordinge as I wyshe they sholde), yet I dobt +not but yo{u}r lordshippe (not degeneratinge from youre former +curtesye wontinge to accompanye all youre act{i}ons) will +accepte these trifles from yo{u}r lovinge well-willer, in suche +sorte, as I shall acknowledge my selfe beholdinge and endebted +to yo{u}r Lordshippe for the same. whiche I hoope yo{u}r +Lordshippe will the rather doo (with pardonynge my presumptione) +because you haue, by the former good acceptance of my laste +booke, emboldened me to make tryall of the lyke acceptance of +this pamfelette. Wherefore yf yo{u}r Lordshippe shall receve yt +curteouslye (and so not to dischorage mee in my sweete and +studiouse idlenesse) I will hereafter consecrate to yo{u}r +lykinge some better labor of moore momente and higher subiecte, +answerable to the excellencye of yo{u}r iudgemente, and mete to +declare the fulnesse of the dutyfull mynde and service I beare +and owe unto your Lordshippe, to whome in all reuerence I +commytte this simple treatyce. Thus (withe hartye prayer +comendinge youre estate to the Almightye (who send to yo{u}r + Lordshippe manye happye + and helthfull yeres + and to me the + enlarged + contynuance of + youre honorable fauo{r}) + I humblye take my leave. + Clerkenwell grene + the xx of + December + 1599. + Yo{u}r Lordshippes wholye to + dyspose, + Francis Thynne. + + [Footnote 3: “_The names and Armes of the Chancellors + collected into one Catologue by ffrancis Thynn declaring the + yeres of the reignes of the kinges and the yere of our Lorde in + whiche they possessed that office._” --_Folio MS. Bridgewater + Library._] + + + + +TO MASTER THOMAS SPEIGHTE ffrancis Thynn sendeth greeting. + +[Sidenote: The author is vexed that Master Speight did not +consult him on his new edition of Chaucer.] THE INDUSTRYE AND +LOVE (MASTER SPEIGHT) whiche you haue used, and beare, uppon and +to oure famous poete Geffrye Chaucer, deseruethe bothe +comendat{i}one and furtherance: the one to recompense yo{u}r +trauayle, the other to accomplyshe the duetye, whiche we all +beare (or at the least yf we reuerence lernynge or regarde the +honor of oure Countrye, sholde beare) to suche a singuler +ornamente of oure tonge, as the woorkes of Chaucer are: Yet +since there is nothinge so fullye perfected, by anye one, +whereine some imp{er}fect{i}one maye not bee founde, (for as the +prouerbe is Bernardus, or as others have Alanus, non videt +omnia,) you must be contented to gyve me leave in discharge of +the duetye and love whiche I beare to Chaucer, (whome I suppose +I have as great intereste to adorne withe my smale skyll as anye +other hath, in regarde that the laborious care of my father made +hym most acceptable to the worlde in correctinge and augmentinge +his woorkes,) to enter into the examinat{i}one of this newe +edit{i}one, and that the rather, because you with _Horace_ his +verse “si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti,” have +willed all others to further the same, and to accepte yo{u}r +labors in good p{ar}te, whiche as I most willingly doo, so +meaninge but well to the worke, I ame to lett yo{u} understande +my conceyte thereof, whiche before this, yf yo{u} wolde have +vouchesafed my howse, or have thoughte me worthy to have byn +acqueynted with these matters, (whiche yo{u} might well have +donne without anye whatsoeuer dispargement to yo{ur}selfe,) you +sholde haue understoode before the impressione, althoughe this +whiche I here write ys not nowe uppon selfe will or fonnd +conceyte to wrangle for one asses shadowe, or to seke a knott in +a rushe, but in frendlye sorte to bringe truthe to lighte, +a thinge whiche I wolde desire others to use towardes mee in +whatsoeuer shall fall oute of my penne. Wherefore I will here +shewe such thinges as, in mye opynione, may seme to be touched, +not medlinge withe the seconde editione to one inferior personne +then my fathers editione was. + +[Sidenote: Also vexed at a side blow at his father’s edition, +and justifies him as editor.] Ffyrste in yo{ur} forespeche to +the reader, yo{u} saye “secondly the texte by written copies +corrected” by whiche worde corrected, I maye seme to gather, +that yo{u} imagine greate imperfect{i}one in my fathers +editione, whiche peraduenture maye move others to saye (as some +unadvisedlye have sayed) that my father had wronged Chaucer: +wherefore to stoppe that gappe, I will answere, that Chaucers +woorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce, yf not thrice, and +therfore by oure carelesse (and for the most p{ar}te unlerned) +printers of Englande, not so well performed as yt ought to bee: +so that of necessytye bothe in matter, myter and meaninge, yt +must needes gather corrupt{i}one, passinge throughe so manye +handes, as the water dothe the further yt run{n}ethe from the +pure founteyne. To enduce me and all others to iudge his +edit{i}one (whiche I thinke yo{u} neuer sawe wholye together, +beinge fyrst printed but in one coolume in a page, whereof I +will speake hereafter) was the p{er}fectest: ys the ernest +desire and love my father hadde to have Chaucers woorkes +rightlye to be publy{s}hed. for the performance whereof, my +father not onlye used the helpe of that lerned and eloquent +kn[i]ghte and antiquarye Sir Briane Tuke, but had also made +greate serche for copies to p{er}fecte his woorkes, as apperethe +in the ende of the squiers tale, in his edit{i}one printed in +the yere 1542; [Sidenote: His father’s collection of MS. +Chaucers and their curiosity.] but further had comiss{i}one to +serche all the liberaries of Englande for Chaucers works, so +that oute of all the Abbies of this Realme (whiche reserved anye +monumentes thereof) he was fully furnished w{i}th multitude of +Bookes. emongst w{hic}he one coppye of some p{ar}te of his +woorkes came to his handes subscribed in diuers places withe +“examinatur Chaucer.” By this Booke, and conferringe manye of +the other written copies together, he deliuered his edit{i}one, +fullye corrected, as the amendementes under his hande, in the +fyrst printed booke that euer was of his woorkes (beinge stamped +by the fyrste impress{i}one that was in Englande) will well +declare, at what tyme he added manye thinges w{hi}che were not +before printed, as you nowe haue donne soome, of whiche I ame +p{er}swaded (and that not w{i}thoute reasone) the originall came +from mee. [Sidenote: The Pilgrime’s Tale telling forth the evil +lives of churchmen.] In w{hi}che his edit{i}one, beinge printed +but w{i}th one coolume in a syde, there was the pilgrymes tale, +a thinge moore odious to the Clergye, then the speche of the +plowmanne; that pilgrimes tale begynnynge in this sorte; + + “In Lincolneshyre fast by a fenne, + Standes a relligious howse who doth yt kenne,” &c. + +In this tale did Chaucer most bitterlye enveye against the +pride, state, couetoussness, and extorc{i}one of the Bysshoppes, +their officialls, archdeacons, vicars generalls, comissaryes, +and other officers of the spirituall courte. The invent{i}one +and order whereof (as I have herde yt related by some nowe of +good worshippe bothe in courte and countrye but then my fathers +clerkes,) was, that one comynge into this relligious howse, +walked upp and down the churche, beholdinge goodlye pictures of +Bysshoppes in the windowes, at lengthe the manne contynuynge in +that contemplatione, not knowinge what Byshoppes they were, +a grave olde manne withe a longe white hedde and berde, in a +large blacke garment girded unto hym, came forthe and asked hym, +what he iudged of those pictures in the windowes, who sayed he +knewe not what to make of them, but that they looked lyke unto +our mitred Byshoppes; to whome the olde father replied, yt is +true, they are like, but not the same, for oure byshoppes are +farr degenerate from them, and withe that, made a large +discourse of the Byshoppes and of their courtes. + +[Sidenote: William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII., who +promiseth to countenance him.] This tale when kinge henrye the +eighte had redde, he called my father unto hym saying Williame +Thynne I dobte this will not be allowed, for I suspecte the +Byshoppes will call the in questione for yt, to whome my father, +beinge in great fauore with his prince, (as manye yet lyvinge +canne testyfye,) sayed yf yo{ur} grace be not offended, I hoope +to be protected by yo{u}, whereuppon the kinge bydd hym goo his +waye and feare not. All whiche not withstandinge, [Sidenote: +The promise broken through the power of Wolsey.] my father was +called in quest{i}one by the Bysshoppes and heaved at by +cardinall Wolseye his olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostly +for that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his Collen +Cloute againste the Cardinall, [Sidenote: The most part of Colin +Clout written at William Thynne’s house at Erith.] the moste +p{ar}te of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse at +Erithe in Kente. But for all my fathers frendes, the Cardinalls +p{er}swadinge auctorytye was so greate withe the kinge, that +thoughe by the kinges favor my father escaped bodelye daunger, +yet the Cardinall caused the kinge so muche to myslyke of that +tale, that chaucer must be newe printed and that discourse of +the pilgrymes tale lefte oute, and so beinge printed agayne, +some thynges were forsed to be omitted, and the plowmans tale +(supposed, but untrulye, to be made by olde Sir Thomas Wyat, +father to hym which was executed in the firste yere of Quene +Marye, and not by Chaucer,) with muche ado p{er}mitted to passe +with the reste, [Sidenote: Chaucer’s works like to be destroyed +by parliament.] in suche sorte that in one open parliamente +(as I have herde St. Johne Thynne reporte, beinge then a member +of the howse,) when talke was had of Bookes to be forbidden, +chaucer had there for euer byn condempned, had yt not byn that +his woorkes had byn counted but fables. [Sidenote: Reasons why +the Pilgrime’s Tale should be Chaucer’s.] Whereunto yf yo{u} +will replye, that their colde not be any suche pilgrymes tale, +because Chaucer in his prologues makethe not mentione of anye +suche persoune, whiche he wolde haue doune yf yt had byn so: for +after that he had recyted the knighte, the squyer, the squiers +yeomane, the prioresse, her noone, and her thre prests, the +monke, the fryer, the marchant, the clerke of Oxenforde, +seriante at the lawe, franckleyne, haberdassher, goldsmythe, +webbe, dyer and tapyster, cooke, shypmane, Doctor of physecke, +wyfe of Bathe, p{ar}soune and plowmane, he sayeth at the end of +the plowmans prologue, + + There was also a Reue, and a Millere + A sumpneure, and a Pardoner + A manciple and my selfe there was no mo. + +All whiche make xxx persons with Chaucer: wherefore yf there had +byn anye moore, he wolde also haue recyted them in those verses, +whereunto I answere, that in the prologes he lefte oute some of +those w{hic}he tolde their tales; as the chanons yomane, because +he came after that they were passed out of theyre Inne, and did +overtake them, as in lyke sorte this pilgrime did or mighte doo, +and so afterwardes be one of their companye, as was that chanons +yeomane, althoughe Chaucer talke no moore of this pilgrime in +his prologe then he doothe of the chanons yeomane; whiche I +dobte not wolde fullye appere, yf the pilgrimes prologe and tale +mighte be restored to his former light they being nowe looste, +as manye other of Chaucers tales were before that, as I am +induced to thinke by manye reasons. + +[Sidenote: How William Thynne’s collection of Chaucer’s MS. was +dispersed abroad.] But to leave this, I must saye that in those +many written Bookes of Chaucer, w{hic}he came to my fathers +hands, there were manye false copyes, whiche Chaucer shewethe in +writinge of Adam Scriuener, (as yo{u} have noted) of whiche +written copies there came to me after my fathers deathe some +fyve and twentye; whereof some had moore and some fewer tales, +and some but two and some three. w{hic}he bookes beinge by me +(as one nothinge dobting of this whiche is nowe donne for +Chaucer) partly dispersed aboute xxvj years agoo, and partlye +stoolen out of my howse at Popler: I gave divers of them to +Stephen Batemanne person of Newington, and to div{er}s other, +whiche beinge copies unp{er}fecte and some of them corrected by +my fathers hande yt maye happen soome of them to coome to some +of yo{ur} frendes handes, whiche I knowe yf I see agayne: and yf +by anye suche written copies yo{u} have corrected Chaucer, yo{u} +maye as well offende as seme to do good. But I judge the beste, +for in dobtes I will not resolve with a settled judgement, +althoughe yo{u} may iudge this tediouse discourse of my father a +needlesse thinge in setting forthe his diligence in breaking the +yce, and givinge lighte to others, who may moore easely +p{er}fecte then begyne any thinge, for facilius est addere +qua{m} Invenire, and so to other matters. + +[Sidenote: He differeth from Master Speight on Chaucer’s +family.] Under the tytle of chaucers countaye,[4] yo{u} seme to +make yt probable that Richarde Chaucer vinetener of Londone, was +Geffrye Chaucers father, But I holde that no moore the{n} that +Johne Chaucer of Londone, was father to Richarde; of whiche +Johne I fynde in the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. patent. 24 de +anno 30. Ed. 1. in the towre. that kinge Edwarde the firste had +herde the compleinte of Johne chaucer of London, who was beaten +and hurte, to the domage of one thousand pownde (that some +amountinge at this daye to thre thowsande pownde;) for whiche a +comiss{i}one went forthe to enquire thereof. wherbye yt semethe +that he was of some Reconynge. But as I cannott saye that Johne +was father to Richarde, or hee to Geffroye: So yet this muche I +will deliuer in settinge downe the antiquytye of the name of +chaucer, that his anncesters (as you well coniecture) were +strangers, as the etymon of his name (beinge frenche in Englishe +synyfyinge one who shueth or hooseth a manne) dothe prove, +[Sidenote: Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man.] for that +dothe the Etymon of this worde chausier presente unto us, of +whiche name I have founde (besides the former recyted Johne) on +Elias chauseryr lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the thirde and of +Edwarde the firste, of whome the record of pellis exitus in the +receyte of the Exchequier in the firste yere of Edwarde ye +firste hathe thus noted: “Edwardus dei gra{tia} &c. Liberate de +thesauro Nostro Elie chauseryr decem solidos super arreragia +triu{m} obuloru{m} diurnoru{m} quos ad vita{m} sua{m} per +litteras domini. H. Regis patris nostri, percepit ad +scaccar{iu}m nostru{m}. datu{m} per manu{m} Walleri Merton +cancellarii nostri apud West {minsteriu}m 24 Julii anno regni +nostri primo.” with whiche carractres ys Geffry Chausyer written +in the Recordes in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde and Richarde +the seconde. So that yt was a name of office or occupat{i}one, +whiche after came to be the surname of a famelye, as did Smythe, +Baker, Porter, Bruer, Skynner, Cooke, Butler, and suche lyke, +and that yt was a name of office apperethe in the recordes of +the towre, where yt is named Le Chaucer, beinge more annciente +then anye other of those recordes; for in Dorso clause of +10: H. 3 ys this: Reginaldus mirifir^s et alicia uxor eius +attornaveru{n}t Radulfu{m} le Chausier contra Joh{ann}em Le +furber et matildem uxorem eius de uno messuagio in London. This +chaucer lyvinge also in the time of kinge John. And thus this +muche for the Antiquytye and synificat{i}one of Chaucer, +w{hic}he I canne prove in the tyme of Edward the 4 to signyfye +also, in oure Englishe tonge, bootes or highe shoes to the calfe +of the legge: for thus hathe the Antique recordes of Domus Regni +Anglie, ca. 53 for the messengers of the kinges howse to doo the +kings comanndementes: that they shalbe allowed for their Chauses +yerely iiij^s viij^d: But what shall wee stande uppon the +Antiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle Abbeye +affirmeth hym to come in with the Conquerer. [Sidenote: Chaucer +his arms injustly undervalued.] Under the title of Chaucers +countrye, yow sett downe that some Heraldes are of opyny-o{n}e +that he did not discende of any great howse; whiche they gather +by his armes. This ys a slender coniecture, for as honorable +howses and of as greate Antiquytye haue borne as meane armes as +Chaucer, and yet Chaucers armes are not so meane eyther for +coolo{r}, chardge or partic{i}one as some will make them. +And where yo{u} saye, yt semethe lykelye, Chaucers skill in +Geometrye considered, that he tooke the groundes and reasons +of his armes oute of seuen twentye and eight and twentye +proposit{i}ones of Euclide’s first booke, that ys no inference +that his armes were newe or fyrst assumed by hym oute of +Geometricall proportions, because he was skyllfull in Geometrye: +for so yo{u} maye saye of all the auncient armes of England +w{hic}he consyste not of anymalls or vegitalls. for all other +armes whiche are not Anymalls and vegitalls, as Cheuerons, +pales, Bendes, Checkes, and suche lyke, stande uppon +geometricall proport{i}one{s}. And therfore howe greate so euer +their skyll bee, which attribute that choyce of armes to Chaucer +[they] had no moore skyle in armes then they needed. + + [Footnote 4: _Error for family?_] + +[Sidenote: Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince +Edward.] In the same title also, yo{u} sett downe Quene +Isabell, &c. and her sonne prince Edwarde withe his newe maried +wyfe retourned oute of Henalte. In whiche are two +unperfect{i}ons. the first whereof ys, that his wyfe came oute +of Henalte w{it}h the prince, but that is not soo, for the +prince maryed her not before he came into England, since the +prince was onlye slenderly contracted and not maryed to her +before his arryvall in Englande, beinge two yeres and moore +after that contracte, (betwene the erle of henalt and his +mother,) about the latter ende of the seconde yere of his +reigne, thoughe others haue the firste, the solempnytye of that +mariage beinge donne at Yorke. besides she came not ouer with +Quene Isabell and the prince, but the prince sent for her +afterwardes, and so I suppose sayeth Hardinge in his cronicle, +yf I do not mysconceve yt, not havinge the historye now in my +handes. But whether he saye so or no, yt ys not materiall, +because the recordes be playne, that he sent for her into +Henalte in the seconde yere of his reigne in october, and she +came to the kinge the 23 of Januarye followinge, w{hic}he was +aboute one daye before he beganne the thirde yere of his reigne, +wherunto he entred the 25 of Januarye. and for prooffe of the +tyme when and whoome the Kinge sente, and what they were allowed +therefore, the pellis exitus of the Exchequier remayninge in +master warders office hathe thus sett downe to the forthe daye +of februarye [Sidenote: Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for +Philippa of Henault.] “Bartholomeo de Burgershe nuper misso ad +partes Douor ad obuiandu{m} filiæ comitis Hannoniæ consorti +ipsius Regis &c.” but this recorde followinge is most pleyne, +shewing bothe who went for her, the day when they tooke their +yourneye towardes henalte, with the daye when and where they +presented her to the kinge after their retorne into Englande, +and the daye one whiche they wer payed their charges, beinge the +forthe of marche one w{hic}he daye yt is thus entred in the +records of pellis exitus, Michaell. 2. ed. 3. “Rogero couentry +&c Lichefeld episcopo nuper misso in nuntiu{m} domini Regis ad +partes Hannoniæ pro matrimonio inter dominu{m} Regem et filiam +comitis Hannoniæ contrahendo, ab octavo die octobris proxime +preterito, quo die reessit de Notingha{m} ipso domino Rege +ibidem existente, arripiendo iter suu{m} predictu{m}, versus +partes predictas, usqu{e} vicesimu{m} tertiu{m} diem Januarii +proxime sequente{m}, quo die rediit ad ipsu{m} Regem predictu{m} +apud Eboru{m} in comitatiua filiæ comitis Hannoniæ predictæ +utroqu{e} die computato pro cviij diebus percipiendo per diem +iij.^li vj.^s viij.^d pro expensis suis.” Thus muche the +recorde, whiche confirmethe that w{hi}che I go aboute to prove, +that she came not into Englande with prince Edwarde, and that he +was not maryed at that tyme, no, not contracted, but only by +agremente betwene the erle and his mother. [Sidenote: The +conjecture that Chaucer’s ancestors were merchants, of no +valydytye.] Next yo{u} seme to implye by a coniecturall +argumente, that Chaucers auncesters sholde be m{e}rcha{n}ts, +for that in place where they haue dwelled the armes of the +marchantes of the staple haue bin seene in the glasse windowes. +This ys a mere coniecture, and of no valydytye. For the +m{a}rchantes of the staple had not any armes granted to them +(as I haue bin enformed) vntill longe after the deathe of +Chaucers parentes, w{hi}che was aboute the 10 or 12 of Edwarde +the thirde; and those merchantes had no armes before the tyme of +Henrye the sixte, or muchewhat thereaboutes, as I dobt not but +wilbe well proued, yf I be not mysenformed. But admytte the +staplers had then armes, yt ys no argume{n}te that chaucers +auncesters were merchantes because those armes were in the +wyndowes, as you shall well p{er}ceave, yf yo{u} drawe yt into a +syllogisme, and therefore yo{u} did well to conclude, that yt +was not materiall whether they were merchants or noo. + +[Sidenote: Master Speight misquoteth Gower.] In the title of +Chaucer’s educat{i}one, yo{u} saye that Gower in his booke +entituled confessio amantis termethe Chaucer a worthye poet, +and maketh hym as yt were the iudge of his woorkes; in w{hi}che +Booke, to my knowledge, Gower dothe not terme hym a worthye +poet, (althoughe I confesse he well deserueth that name, and +that the same may be gathered oute of Gower comendynge hym,) +nether doth he after a sorte (for any thinge I canne yet see) +make hym iudge of his workes, (whereof I wolde be glad to be +enformed,) since these be Gowers woordes, vttered by Venus in +that booke of confessio Amantis: + + And grete well Chaucer when ye mete, + As my disciple and my poet: + for in the flowere of his youthe, + In sondrye wise, as he well couthe, + of dytyes and of songes glade + the whiche for my sake he made, + the laude fulfilled is ouer all: + wherefore to hym in especiall + aboue all others I am most holde; + for thy nowe in his dayes olde, + thow shalt hym tell this message, + that he vppon his latter age + sett an ende of all his werke, + as he whiche is myne owne clerke + do make his _testament of Love_, + as thow hast done thy shrift ab[o]ue, + so that my Courte yt may recorde, &c. + +[Sidenote: Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to +Chaucer.] These be all the verses w{hi}che I knowe or yet canne +fynde, in whiche Gower in that booke mentioneth Chaucer, where +he nether nameth hym worthye poet, nor after a sorte submyttethe +his workes to his iudgmente. But quite contrarye Chaucer doth +submytte the correctione of his woorks to Gower in these playne +woordes, in the latter ende of the fyfte booke of Troylus: + + O Morall Gower, this booke I directe + To the, and the philosophicall stroode, + To vouchesafe where nede is to correcte + Of your benignityes and zeales good. + +But this error had in you byn p{ar}doned, yf you had not sett yt +downe as your owne, but warranted with the auctorytye of Bale in +Scriptoribus Anglie, from whence yo{u} haue swallowed yt. +[Sidenote: Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of +Stittenham.] Then in a marginall note of this title yo{u} saye +agayne oute of Bale, that Gower was a Yorkshire manne; but you +are not to be touched therfore, because you discharge yo{ur} +selfe in vouching yo{ur} auctor. Wherfore Bale hath muche +mistaken yt, as he hath donne infynyte thinges in that Booke de +scriptoribus Anglie, beinge for the most parte the collect{i}ons +of Lelande. For in truth yo{u}r armes of this S^r Johne Gower +beinge argent one a cheuerone azure, three leopardes heddes or, +do prove that he came of a contrarye howse to the Gowers of +Stytenham in Yorkeshyre, who bare barrulye of argent and gules a +crosse patye florye sable. Whiche difference of armes semethe a +difference of famelyes, vnlesse yo{u} canne prove that, beinge +of one howse, they altered their armes vppone some iuste +occas{i}one, as that soome of the howse maryinge one heyre did +leave his owne armes and bare the armes of his moother; as was +accustoomed in tymes paste. But this differe{n}ce of Cootes for +this cause, or anye other, (that I colde yet euer lerne,) shall +you not fynde in this famelye of Gower: and therefore seuerall +howses from the fyrst originall. Then the marginall note goeth +further out of Bale, that Gower had one his hedde a garlande of +ivye and rooses, the one the ornamente of a knyghte, the other +of a poet. [Sidenote: Gower’s chaplette for knighthood not for +poetry.] But Bale ys mystaken, for yt ys not a garlande, vnlest +you will metaphoricallye call euerye cyrcle of the hedde a +garlande as Crownes are sometymes called garlandes, from whence +they had their originall, nether ys yt of Ivye, as any manne +whiche seethe yt may well iudge, and therefore not there sett +for anye suche intente as an ensigne of his poetrye, but ys +symplye a chapplett of Roses, suche as the knyghtes in olde tyme +vsed ether of golde, or other embroderye, made after the +fasshone of Roses, one of the peculier ornamentes of a knighte, +as well as his coller of SSS, his guilte swoorde, and spurres. +[Sidenote: The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of +honour.] W{hi}che chaplett or cyrcle of Rooses was as well +attributed to knights, the lowest degree of honor, as to the +hygher degrees of Duke, Erle, &c. beinge knyghtes, for so I haue +seene Johne of Gaunte pictured in his chaplett of Rooses; and +kinge Edwarde the thirde gaue his chaplett to Eustace Rybamonte, +only the difference was, that as they were of lower degree, so +had the[y] fewer Rooses placed on their chaplett or cyrcle of +golde, one ornament deduced frome the Dukes crowne whiche had +thee rooses vppon the toppe of the cyrcle, when the knighte had +them onlye vppon the cyrcle or garlande ytselfe. of whiche dukes +crowne to be adorned with little rooses, [Sidenote: The +knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye.] Mathewe Paris, +speakinge of the creatinge of Johne erle Mortone, duke of +Normandye, in the yere of Christe 1199, dothe saye, Interim +comes Johannes Rothomagu{m} veniens in octavis pasche gladio +ducatus Normaniæ cinctus est, in matrice ecclesia, per +ministeriu{m} Waltheri Rothomage{n}sis Archie{pisco}pi, vbi +Archiepiscopus memoratus ante maius altare in capite eius posuit +circulu{m} aureu{m} habente{m} in su{m}mitate per gyru{m} +rosulas aureas artificialiter fabricatas, whiche chaplett of +Rooses came in the ende to be a bande aboute oure cappes, sette +with golde Buttons, as may be supposed.--In the same title yo{u} +saye, yt semethe that these lerned menne were of the Inner +Temple; [Sidenote: Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a +Franciscan Fryer but?] for that, manye yeres since, master +Buckley did see a recorde in the same howse, where Geffrye +Chaucer was fined two shillinges for beatinge a Franciscane +Fryer in flete-streate. This is a hard collect[i]one to prove +Gower of the Inner Temple, althoughe he studyed the lawe. for +thus yo{u} frame yo{ur} argumente. Mr Buckley founde a recorde +in the Temple, that Chaucer was fyned for beatinge the fryer; +ergo, Gower and Chaucer were of the Temple. But for myne owne +parte, yf I wolde stande vppon termes for matter of Antiquytye +and ransacke the originall of the lawiers fyrst settlinge in the +Temple, I dobte whether Chaucer were of the temple or noe, +vnless yt were towardes his latter tyme, for he was an olde +manne, as appereth by Gower in Confessione Amantis in the xvi +yere of R. 2: when Gower wroote that Booke. [Sidenote: The +lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III.] +And yt is most certeyne to be gathered by cyrcumstances of +Recordes, that the lawyers were not in the temple vntill +towardes the latter parte of the reygne of kinge Edwarde the +thirde; at w{hi}che tyme Chaucer was a grave manne, holden in +greate credyt, and employed in embassye, so that me thinkethe he +sholde not be of that howse; and yet, yf he then were, I sholde +iudge yt strange that he sholde violate the rules of peace and +gravytye yn those yeares. But I will passe over all those +matters scito pede, and leave euerye manne to his owne +iudgemente therein for this tyme. + +[Sidenote: Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer’s wife, nor +doth Thynne.] IN THE TITLE OF Chawcer’s mariage yo{u} saye, +yo{u} cannotte fynde the name of the Gentlewomanne whome he +maryed. Trulye, yf I did followe the conceyte of others, +I sholde suppose her name was Elizabethe, a waytinge womanne of +Quene philippe, wyfe to Edwarde the thirde & daughter to +Willi{a}m erle of Henalte. but I favor not their oppynyone, for, +althoughe I fynde a recorde of the pellis exitus, in the tyme of +Edwarde the thirde, of a yerely stypende to Elizabethe Chawcer, +domicellæ reginæ Philippæ, wh{ic}he domicella dothe signyfye one +of her waytinge gentlewomen: yet I cannott for this tyme thinke +this was his wyfe, but rather his sister or kinswomanne, who +after the deathe of her mystresse Quene philippe did forsake the +worlde, and became a nonne at Seinte Heleins in london, +accordinge as yo{u} haue touched one of that profess{i}one in +primo of kinge Richarde the seconde. + +[Sidenote: The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and +legytymated by the Pope and the Parliament.] In the Latyne +stemme of Chawcer you saye, speakinge of Katherine Swyneforde, +Que postea nupta Johanni Gandauensi tertij Edwardi Regis filio, +Lancastriæ duci, illi procreavit filios tres et vnica{m} +filia{m}. Wherbye we may inferre that Johne of Gaunte had these +childrene by her after the mariage. Whiche is not soo for he had +all his children by her longe before that mariage, so that they +beinge all illegitimate were enforced afterwarde vppon that +maryage to be legytymated by the poope; & also by acte of +Parliamente, aboute the two & twentythe of kinge Richarde the +seconde; so that yo{u} cannott saye, que postea nupta procreavit +Lancastriæ duci tres filios, etc. + +[Sidenote: Chaucer’s children and their advauncement and of the +Burgershes.] In the title of Chawcers children and their +advauncemente, in a marginall noote yo{u} vouche master Campdene +that Barthelmewe Burgershe, knyghte of the Garter, was he from +whome the Burgershes, whose daughter & heyre was maryed to +Thomas Chawcer, did descende. But that is also one error. for +this Barthelmewe was of a collaterall lyne to that S^r Johne +Burgershe the father of Mawde wyfe to Thomas Chawcer; and +therefore coulde not that S^r Johne Burghershe be descended of +this Barthelmewe Burgershe, though hee were of that howse. +[Sidenote: Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace.] +Then, in that title, yo{u} vouche oute of Mr. Campdene that +Serlo de Burgo brother to Eustachius de Vescye builte +Knaresborowe Castle. but that ys not right for this Serlo beinge +called Serlo de Burgo siue de Pembroke was brother to Johne +father to Eustace Vescye, as haue the recordes of the towre, and +so vncle and not brother to Eustace. [Sidenote: Jane of Navarre +maryed to Henry IV., in the 5th year of his reign.] for one +other marginall noote in that tytle, yo{u} saye, that Jane of +Navarre was maryed to Henrye the forthe in the fourthe yere of +his reygne, wherein you followe a late englishe cronicler whome +I forbeare to name.[5] But Walsingha{m} bothe in his historye of +Henry the fourthe, & in his ypodigma, sayethe that she was +maryed the 26 of Januarye in the yere of Christe 1403, whiche +was in the fyfte yere of the kinge, yf you begynne the yere of +oure lorde at the annu{n}tiat{i}one of the Virgine, as we nowe +doo; but this is no matter of great momente. [Sidenote: The de +la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but +William was not the first that did so.] ffourthlye in that title +yo{u} seme to attribute the advancemente of the Pooles to +Williame de la poole, merchante of Hull, that lente the kinge a +greate masse of moneye. But this Williame was not the fyrste +advancer of that howse because his father Richarde at Poole +beinge a cheife gouernor in hull, and serving the kings +necessytye with money, was made pincerna Regis, one office of +great accompte; by the same gyvinge the fyrste advancemente to +the succedynge famelye. Whereof the Record to prove Ric. de la +Poole pincerna Regis is founde in the pryvye seales of the +eleventhe yere of kinge Edwarde the thirde, in master wardoures +office, the lorde treasurers clerke. Where yt is in this manner: +Edwardus dei gratia rex Angliæ et dux Acquitaniæ, &c. +Supplicavit nobis dilectus noster Richardus de la Poole Pincerna +noster, vt quum ipse de expensis officii Pincernariæ ac omnibus +aliis officiu{m} illud tangentibus, ad dictu{m} Scaccariu{m} a +festo sancti michaelis anno regni nostri decimo, vsque ad ide{m} +festu{m} proxime sequens plenarie computaverit, et 2090^li: +13^s: et 11^d et vnus obulus sibi per computu{m} illud de claro +debeatur: volumus ei solutione{m} inde, seu aliàs +satisfactione{m} sibi fieri competentem: Nos eius supplicationi +in hac parte, prout iustu{m} est, an{n}uentes, vobis mandamus, +etc. Datu{m} apud Westmonasteriu{m} 14 Decembris, anno regni +nostri vndecimo. To whose sonne this Williame de la Poole the +older, and to his sonne Michaell de la Poole (who was after +Chauncelor) and to his heyres, the kinge graunted fowre hundred +markes by yere out of the custome of Hull, as apperethe in the +record of pellis exitus of 46 Ed. 3. the same Michaell de la +Poole recevinge the arrerages of that Annuytye. for thus yt is +entred in Michaelmas terme one the first of December of that +yere: Michaeli de la poole filio et heredi Will{iel}mi de la +poole senioris per Tallia{m} levata{m} isto die continentem +iij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d ob. eidem michaeli liberat per compotum +suum factum ad Scaccariu{m} computator virtute cuiusdam brevis +de magno sigillo, Thesaurario et Baronibus Scaccarii directum +pro huius compoto faciendo, de quoda{m} annuo certo iiij^c marc. +per annu{m} quas dominus rex Willielmo de la Poole seniori +defuncto, et michaeli filio suo et heredibus suis de corpore suo +exeuntibus, de Custumia in portis ville de kingeston super Hull +per litteras suas patentes concess: percipendu{m} qua{m}diu +vij^c xxxv^li xviij^s i^d ob. eidem Michaeli per compotu{m} +predictu{m} sic debitu{m}, etc. D{omi}n{u}s Rex mandat vt ei +satisfactionem vel assignationem competentem (in locis vbi ei +celeriter satisfieri poterit) fieret et haberet, per breve de +magno sigillo inter mandata de termino Paschæ anno quadragesimo +tercio, etc. So that Richarde, Michaell de la Pooles +grandfather, (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull,) was the +fyrste that gaue advancemente to that howse: although Williame, +father to this michaell, were of lyke estate and a knyghte. +nether canne I fynde (nor ys yt lyke) that michaell de la poole +was a marchante, (havinge two such welthy marchantes to his +ancestors before hym,) notwithstandinge that Walsingha{m} +[Sidenote: The clergy offended that the temporal men were found +as wise as themselves.] (moore offended than reasone, as all the +Clergye were against temporall menne who were nowe become chief +officers of the realme; and the spyrituall menne, till then +possessinge those offices, displaced, w{hic}he bredd greate +Sorseye in the Church menne againste them); sayethe that +michaell de la poole fuerit à pueritia magis mercimoniis (vtpote +Mercator Mercatoris filius) quam militia occupatus. [Sidenote: +A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant.] And yet yt may bee +that he mighte have some factors in merchandise, and deale by +his attorneyes as many noble menne and great persons have donne, +whereuppon Walsingham (who wroote longe after) might seme to +call hym merchante by reasone of others mens dealinge for hym, +althoughe in troothe he was neuer merchante in respecte of his +owne persone, (for whiche they are properly called merchantes,) +as may be supposed. [Sidenote: Alice, the wife of Richard +Neville, was daughter of Thomas Montacute.] ffyftlye in the same +title yo{u} saye, that Alice, wyfe of Williame de la poole duke +of Suffolke, had a daughter, by her seconde husbande thomas +montague erle of Sarisberye, named, after her mother, Alice, +maryed to Richarde Neville sonne to Raphe Neuill erle of +Westmerlande, by whome he had issue Richarde, Johne, and George. +But this is nothinge so. for this Alice, the wyfe of Richarde +Neville, (erle of Sarisbery in the righte of the same Alice,) +was daughter of Thomas Montacute erle of Salisburye and of Alice +his wyfe, daughter of Thomas Hollande erle of Kente; and not of +Alice daughter to Thomas Chawcer and widdowe to William de la +Poole duke of Suffolke. + + [Footnote 5: Stowe.] + +[Sidenote: He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of +printing.] IN THE LATTER END of the title of Chawcers deathe +yo{u} saye, that printinge was brought oute of Germanye in the +yere 1471 being the 37. H. 6. into Englande, beinge fyrst founde +at Magunce by one Johne Cuthembergus, and broughte to Roome by +Conradus one Almayne. But the yere of Christe 1471 was not the +37. H. 6. but the eleuenthe of kinge Edward the fourthe; and, as +some have yt, was not fyrste founde at Magonce or mentz but at +Strasborowe, and perfected at Mago{n}ce. David Chytreus in his +historye sayethe, yt was fyrst founde in anno 1440, and brought +to Rome by Henricus Han[6] a Germane in the yere 1470; whereof +Antonius Campanus framed this excellente epigrame: + + Anser Tarpeii custos Jovis, vnde, quòd alis + Constreperis, Gallus decidit; vltor adest + Vlricus Gallus, ne quem poscantur in vsum, + Edocuit pennis, nil opus esse tuis. + + [Footnote 6: “Hahn,”--German, a cock. “Cognomine Latino + _Gallus_,” Maittaire _Ann. Typ._ i. 52.] + +But others do suppose that yt was invented at Argenterote, +as dothe Mathewe Parker in the lyfe of Thomas Bourchier +Archbyshoppe of Canterburye; whiche for the incertentye thereof +I leave at this tyme to farther examinat{i}one, not havinge nowe +presente leysure therefore. + +[Sidenote: The Romante of the Rose began by Guillm̄ de Loris, +and finished by John de la Meune.] IN THE TITLE OF THE augmente +to euerye tale and booke you write, that the Romante of the +Roose was made in frenche by Johne Clopinell alias Johne Moone; +when in truthe the booke was not made by hym alone: for yt was +begonne by Guillame de Loris, and fynished fourtye yeres after +the death of Loris, by Johne de Meune alias Johne Clopinell, as +apperethe by Molinet, the frenche author of the moralytye vppon +the Romante of the Roose, ca. 50. fo. 57. and may further appere +also in the frenche Romante of the Roose in verse, w{hic}h +Chaucer w{i}th muche of that matter omytted, not havinge +translated halfe the frenche Romante, but ended aboute the +middle thereof. Againste whiche Booke Gersone compiled one +other, intituled La reprobat{i}o{ne} de la Romante del Roose; as +affirmethe the sayed Molinett, in the 107 chapter of the sayed +moralizatione, where he excusethe Clopinell and reprouethe +Gersone for that Booke, because Gersone soughte no further +meanynge than what was conteyned in the outewarde letter, this +Clopinell begynnynge the Romante of the Rose, in these verses of +Chaucer: + + Alas my wane hoope nay, pardyee; + for I will neuer dispayred bee: + yf happe me fayle, then am I + vngratious and vnworthy, &c. + +[Sidenote: Why the dream of Chaucer cannot be the book of the +Duchess.] Secondlye, under that title yo{u} saye, the woorke, +before this last edit{i}one of Chaucer, termed the Dreame of +Chaucer, is mystermed, and that yt is the Booke of the Duches, +or the Deathe of Blanche. wherein you bee greatlye mysledde in +my conceyte, for yt cannott bee the Booke of the Duches or of +the Deathe of Blanche, because Johne of Gaunt was then but fowre +and twentye yere olde when the same was made, as apperethe by +that tretyse in these verses: + + Then founde I syttinge euen vprighte + A wonder well faringe knighte, + By the manner me thought so, + Of good mokell, and right yonge thereto, + Of the age of twentye fowre yere, + Vppon his bearde but little heare. + +Then yf he were but fowre and twentye yeres of age, being born, +as hath Walsingha{m}, in the yere of Christ 1339 the 13. of +kinge Edwarde the thirde; and that he was maryed to Blanche the +fourtene calendes of June 1359, the 33 of Ed: the thirde; he was +at this mariage but twentye yeres of age; who within fower yeres +after sholde make his lamentac{i}on for Blanche the duchesse +which must be then dedde. But the duchesse Blanche dyed of the +pestilence in the yere of xxe 1368, as hath Anonimus MS, or +1369, as hath Walsinghame w{hi}che by the first accompte was the +{ix.} and by the last the {x.} yere after the mariage, and sixe +or at the least five yeres after this lamentatione of Johne of +Gaunte made in the fowre and twentye yere of his age. Wherfor +this cannott be the boke of the Duches because he colde not +lamente her deathe before she was deade. And yf you replye that +yt pleinlye apperethe the same treatyce to be mente of the +duches Blaunche, whiche signyfyethe whyte, by which name he +often termethe his ladye there lamented, but especially in these +verses, + + Her throte, as I haue memoyre, + semed as a round towre of yuoire, + of good gretnesse and not to greate, + and fayre white she hete, + that was my ladies name righte; + she was thereto fayre and brighte, + she had not her name wronge, + right fayre sholders and body longe, &c. + +I will answere, that there is no necessitye that yt must be of +Blanche the Duchesse because he sayeth her name was white; since +there ys a famelye of that denominatione, and some female of +that lyne myghte be both white in name, and fayre and white in +p{er}sonne; and so had not her name wronge or in veyne, as +Chaucer sayeth. or yt mighte be some other louer of his called +Blanche, [Sidenote: John of Gaunt, his incontinency.] since he +had many paramou{r}s in his youthe, and was not verye contynente +in his age. Wherefore, to conclude, yt apperethe as before, that +yt coulde not be mente of the Duchesse Blanche his wyfe, whiche +dyed long after that compleinte. for whiche cause that Dreame of +Chaucer in mye opynyone may well (naye rather of righte sholde) +contynewe his former title of The Dreame of Chaucer. for that, +wh{ic}he you will haue the Dreame of Chaucer, is his Temple of +Glasse; as I haue seene the title thereof noted, and the thinge +yt selfe confirmethe. + +[Sidenote: Doubteth master Speight’s ability in the exposition +of old words, but commendeth his diligence and knowledge.] IN +THE EXPOSITIONE of the olde wordes, as yo{u} shewe greate +diligence and knowledge, so yet in my opynione, unlesse a manne +be a good saxoniste, french, and Italyane linguiste, (from +whence Chaucer hathe borowed manye woordes,) he cannott well +expounde the same to oure nowe vnderstandinges, and therefore +(thoughe I will not presume of much knowledge in these tounges) +yt semeth yet to mee, that in your expositione, soome woordes +are not so fullye and rightlye explaned as they mighte bee, +althoughe peradventure yo{u} haue framed them to make sence. +Wherefore I haue collected these fewe (from many others lefte +for moore leysure) whiche seme to mee not to be fully explaned +in their proper nature, thoughe peradventure yo{u} will seme to +excuse them by a metaphoricall gloose. + +[Sidenote: Aketon or Slevelesse jacket of plate for the war.] +Aketon or Haketone you expounde a jackett w{i}thoute sleves, +without any further addit{i}one, that beinge an indiffynyte +speache, and therefore may be entended a comone garmente daylye +vsed, suche as we call a jerken or jackett withoute sleues: +But _haketon_ is a slevelesse jackett of plate for the warre, +couered withe anye other stuffe; at this day also called a +jackett of plate, suche aketon Walter Stapletone, Bishoppe of +Excester and Custos or Wardene of Londone, had vppon hym +secretlye, when he was apprehended and behedded in the twentyeth +yere of Edwarde the seconde. + +[Sidenote: A besant is a besant, and not a duckett.] Besante you +expounde a duckett, But a duckett ys farre from a besante, bothe +for the tyme of the invent{i}one, and for the forme; and as I +suppose for the valewe, not withstandinge that Hollybande in his +frenche-Englishe dictionarye make yt of the valewe of a duckett, +whiche duckett is for the most part eyther venetiane or +spanyshe, when the Besante ys mere Grekishe; a coyne well knowen +and vsed in Englande (and yet not therefore one auncient coyne +of Englande, as Hollybande sayethe yt was of france,) emongst +the Saxons before, and the Normans after the Conqueste; the +forme whereof I will at other tyme describe, onlye nowe settinge +downe, that this besante (beinge the frenche name, and in +armorye rightlye accordinge to his nature, for a plate of +golde,) was called in Latine Byzant{i}um, obteyninge that name +because yt was the coyne of Constantinople sometyme called +Bizant{i}um; and because you shall not thinke this any +fic{ti}one of myne owne, I will warrante the same with Williame +of Malmesberye in the fourthe booke De Regibus, who hathe these +wordes: Constantinopolis prim{u}m Bizantiu{m} dicta forma{m} +antiqui vocabuli preferu{n}t imperatorii nu{m}mi Bizantiu{m} +dicta; where one other coppye for nummi Bizantiu{m} hath +Bizantini nu{m}mi, and the frenche hath yt besante or Bezantine, +makinge yt an olde coyne of france, (when he sholde haue sayed +one olde coyne in France and not of France,) of the valewe of a +duckette. + +[Sidenote: Fermentacione is fermentacione, and not dawbing even +metaphorically.] Fermentac{i}o{n}e yo{u} expounde Dawbinge, +whiche cannott anye way be metaphoricallye so vsed in Chaucer, +althoughe yt sholde be improperlye or harsely applied. For +fermentac{i}one ys a peculier terme of Alchymye, deduced from +the bakers fermente or levyne. And therefore the Chimicall +philosophers defyne the fermente to bee anima, the sowle or +lyfe, of the philosophers stoone. Whereunto agreethe Clauiger +Bincing, one chimicall author, sayinge, ante viuificatio{ne}m id +est fermentac{i}o{ne}m, w{hi}che is before tinctinge, or gyvinge +tincture or cooler; that beinge as muche to saye as gyvinge +sowle or lyfe to the philosophers stoone, wherby that may +fermente or cooler or gyue lyfe to all other metaline bodyes. + +[Sidenote: Orfrayes not Goldsmith’s work, but frysed cloth of +gold, a manufacture peculiar to the English.] Orfrayes yo{u} +expounde Goldsmythes worke, w{hi}che ys as nere to goldsmythes +woorke as clothe of golde, for this worde orefrayes, beinge +compounded of the frenche worde (or) and (frays, or fryse,) the +Englishe is that w{hi}che to this daye (beinge now made all of +one stuffe or substance) is called frised or perled cloothe of +gold; in Latyne, in tymes past, termed aurifrisium or +aurifrixori{u}m. A thinge well knowen to the Saxons in Englande +before, as to the Normans after, the Conqueste, and therfore +fullye to satisfye you thereof, I will produce twoo +auctorauctors of the weavinge and vse thereof before the +conquest and since, wherin you shall pleynely see what yt was, +and in what acco{m}pt yt was holden, beinge a worke peculier to +the Englishe. The lieger booke of Elye, speakinge of Ediswetha +daughter to Brightnothus, aldermanne, erle or duke, of +northumberlande before the Conquest sayethe; cui tradita +Coveneia, locus monasterio vicinus, vbi aurifrixorie et texturæ +secretiùs cu{m} puellis vacabat; and a little after, Tunica +Rubra purpura per gyrum et ab humeris aurifri vndiq{ue} +circumdatu{m}. Then, after the conquest, mathew Paris speakethe +thereof aboute ornamentes to be sente to the Poope. but because +I haue not my mathewe Paris here, I will vouche one whose name +hathe muche affinytye with hym, and that is Mathewe Parker +Archbyshoppe of Canterburye, who, in the Lyfe of Bonifacius +Archbishoppe of that see, hathe these wordes. “A^o. Domini 1246, +Romæ multi Anglicani aderant Clerici, qui capis vt aiu{n}t +chorealibus, et infulis, ornamentisq{ue} ecclesiasticis, ex +Anglice tunc more gentis, ex lana tenuissima et auro artificiosè +intexto fabricatis, vterentur. Huius modi ornamentoru{m} aspectu +et concupiscentia provocatus Papa, rogavit cuiusmodi essent. +Responsu{m} est, aurifrisia appellari, quia et eminens ex panno +et lana qua{m} Angli fryse appellant, simul contexta sunt. Cui +subridens et dulcedine captus Papa, Vere, inquit,” (for these +are the woordes of Mathewe Paris whiche lyved at that tyme,) +“Hortus noster delitiaru{m} est Anglia, verus puteus est +inexhaustus, et vbi multa abundant, de multis multa sumere +licet. Itaq{ue}, concupiscentia illectus oculorum, litteras +suas Bullatas sacras misit ad Cistercienses in Anglia Abbates, +quoru{m} orationibus se devotè commendabat, vt ipsi hec +aurifrisia speciosissima ad suum ornandu{m} choru{m} +compararent. Hoc Londoniensibus placuit, quia ea tum venalia +habebant, tantiq{ue} quanti placuit vendiderunt.” In whiche +discourse you not onlye see that orefryes was a weued clothe of +golde and not goldsmythe worke, and that Englande had before and +since the conqueste the arte to compose suche kynde of delicate +Cloothe of golde as Europe had not the lyke; for yf yt hadd, +the poope wolde haue made suche prouis{i}one thereof in other +places, and not from Englande. And because you shall not thinke +that yt was onlye vsed of the Clergye, you shall fynde in a +record of the Towre that yt was also one ornamente of the kings +garmente, since the Conqueste, for, in Rotulo Patentiu{m} 6. +Joh{ann}is in Dorso (in whiche the kinge comaunded the templers +to deliuer suche jewells, garmentes, and ornamentes as they had +of the kings in kepinge,) are these wordes: “Dalmaticam de eodem +samitto vrlatani de orfreyes et cu{m} lapidibus.” Whiche is to +saye, the kings Dalmaticall garmente of the same samitte (spoken +of before, whiche was crymsone,) vrled or bordrede (suche as we +nowe calle garded) withe orfreyes. + +[Sidenote: Oundye and Crispe meaneth wavy like water.] fforthlye +Oundye and Crispe is by you expounded slyked and curled, whiche +sence althoughe yt may beare after some sorte; yet the proprytye +of the true sence of oundye (beinge an especiall terme +appropriate to the arte of Heraldye) dothe signifye wavinge or +movinge, as the water dothe; being called vndye, of Latyne vnda +for water, for so her haire was oundye, that is, layed in rooles +vppone and downe, lyke waves of water when they are styrred with +the winde, and not slyked or playne, etc. + +[Sidenote: Resager is ratsbane or arsenic.] ffyftlye You +expounde not Resager, beinge a terme of Alchymye; as yo{u} leave +manye of them vntouched. This worde sholde rather be resalgar, +wherefore I will shewe yo{u} what resalgar ys in that abstruse +science, whiche Chawcer knewe full well, althoughe he enveye +againste the sophisticall abuse thereof in the chanons Yeomans +Tale. This Resalgar is that w{hi}che by some is called +Ratesbane, a kynde of poysone named Arsenicke, which the +chimicall philosophers call their venome or poysone. Whereof I +coulde produce infynyte examples; but I will gyve yo{u} onlye +these fewe for a taste. Aristotle, in Rosario Philosophoru{m}, +sayethe, “nullu{m} tingens venenum generatur absq{ue} sole et +eius vmbra, id est, uxore.” whiche venome they call by all names +presentinge or signifyinge poysone, as a toode, a dragon, +a Basilyske, a serpente, arsenicke, and suche lyke; and by manye +other names, as “in exercitacio{n}e ad turbam philosophorum,” +apperethe, wher aqua simplex is called venenu{m}, Argentum +vivum, Cinnabar, aqua permanens, gumma, acetu{m}, urina, aqua +maris, Draco, serpens, etc. And of this poysone the treatyce _de +phenice_,[7] or the philosophers stoone, written in Gothyshe +rymynge verse, dothe saye; + + Moribunda, corporis virus emanabat + quod materna{m} faciem ca{n}dida{m} fœdabat. + + [Footnote 7: A copy of this curious poem in Thynne’s + hand-writing, and marvellously illustrated by him, is in the + Brit. Mus., MSS. Add. No. 11,388.] + +[Sidenote: Begyns are nuns, though it cometh to mean +superstitious and hypocritical women from their nature.] Begyn +and Bigott yo{u} expounde sup{er}sticious hypocrites, whiche +sence I knowe yt maye somewhat beare, because yt sauorethe of +the disposit{i}one of those begins, or Beguines, for that ys the +true wrytinge. But this woorde Begyn sholde in his owne nature +rightlye haue ben expounded, sup{er}sticious or hipocriticall +wemenne, as appereth by chaucer himselfe, w{hi}che nombrethe +them emongest the wemen in the Romante of the Roose when he +sayethe, + + But empresses, & duchesses, + These queenes, & eke countesses + These abbasses, & eke Bigins, + These greate ladyes palasins. + +And a little after, in the same Romante, he doth write, + + That dame abstinence streyned + Tooke one a Robe of camelyne, + And ganne her gratche as a Bygin. + A large cover-cherfe of Thredde + She wrapped all aboute her hedde. + +These wemene the Frenche call Beguynes or nonnes; being in +Latyne called Bigrinæ or Biguinæ. Whose originall order, +encrease, and contynuance are sett downe by mathewe Paris and +Mathewe Westm{inster}. But as I sayed, since I haue not my +mathewe Paris at hand, I will sett you downe the wordes of +mathewe Westmynster (otherwise called “Flores Historiarum” or +“Florilegus”) in this sorte. Sub eisdem diebus (w{hi}ch was in +the yere of Christe 1244, and aboute the 28 of kinge Henry the +thirde,) quidam in Almania precipuè se asserentes vitam et +habitu{m} relligionis elegisse, in utroq{ue} sexu, sed maximè +in muliebri, continentia{m}, cu{i}u{s} vitæ simplicitate +profitentes, se voto priuato deo obligaru{n}t. Mulieresq{ue}, +quas Bigrinas vulgaritèr vocamus, adeò multiplicatæ sunt, quòd +earu{m} numerus in vna ciuitate, scilicèt Colonia, ad plus quam +mille asseritur ascendisse, etc. After whiche, speakinge yn the +yere of Christe 1250 of the encrease of relligious orders, he +sayeth, Item in Alemania et Francia mulieres, quas Biguinas +nominant, etc. + +[Sidenote: Citrinatione or perfect digestion.] Citrinatione +yo{u} do not expounde, beinge a terme of Alchymye. Whiche +Citrinatione is bothe a color and parte of the philosophers +stoone. for, as hathe Tractatus Avicennæ (yf yt be his and not +liber suppositi[ti]us, as manye of the Alchimicall woorkes are +foysted in vnder the names of the best lerned authors and +philosophers, as Plato, Aristotle, Avicen, and suche others,) in +parte of the 7 chapter. Citrinatio est que fit inter albu{m} et +rubru{m}, et non dicitur coolor perfectus, whiche +Citrinat{i}one, as sayethe Arnoldus de Nova Villa, li. i. ca. 5. +nihil aliud est quàm completa digestio. For the worke of the +philosophers stoone, following the worke of nature, hathe lyke +color in the same degree. for as the vrine of manne, being +whityshe, sheweth imp{er}fecte digestione: But when he hathe +well rested, and slepte after the same, and the digestione +p{er}fected: the vrine becomethe citrine, or of a depe yellowe +cooler: so ys yt in Alchymye. whiche made Arnolde call this +citrinatione perfect digestion, or the cooler provinge the +philosophers stoone broughte almoste to the heigh[t]e of +perfect{i}one. + +[Sidenote: Forage is old and hard provision made for horses and +cattle in winter,] Forage in one place you expounde meate, and +in other place fodder. boothe whiche properly cannott stande in +this place of chaucer in the reves prologue, where he sayeth, +“my fodder is forage.” for yf forrage be fodder, then is the +sence of that verse, “my fodder is fodder.” But fodder beinge a +generall name for meate gyven to Cattle in winter, and of +affynytie withe foode applied to menne and beasts, dothe onlye +signyfye meate. And so the sence is, “my meate ys forage,” that +is, my meate is suche harde and olde provis{i}one as ys made for +horses and Cattle in winter. for so doth this worde forragiu{m} +in latyne signyfye. and so dothe Chaucer meane. for the word +next before dothe well shewe yt, when the Reve sayeth, + + I ame olde, me liste not play for age, + Grasse tyme is donne, my fodder is forrage. + +[Sidenote: or metaphorically, or to help out the ryme it may +mean grass.] Yet metaphorically yt may be taken for other than +drye horse meate, although improperlye; as Chaucer hathe, in Sir +Topas Ryme, where he makethe yt grasse for his horse, and vseth +the woorde rather to make vpp the ryme than to shewe the true +nature thereof; sayinge, + + That downe he layed hym in that place, + to make his steede some solace + and gyve hym good forage. + +[Sidenote: Heroner is a long-winged hawk for the heron.] Heroner +yo{u} expounde a certeyne kynde of hawke, whiche is true, for a +gowshawke, sparrowe hawke, tassell, &c. be kyndes of hawkes. But +this heroner, is an especiall hawke (of anye of the kyndes of +longe winged hawkes) of moore accompte then other hawkes are, +because the flighte of the Herone ys moore daungerous than of +other fowles, insomuch, that when she fyndeth her selfe in +danger, she will lye in the ayre vppon her backe, and turne vpp +her bellye towardes the hawke; and so defile her enymye with her +excrementes, that eyther she will blinde the hawke, or ells with +her byll or talons pierce the hawkes brest yf she offer to cease +vppon her. + +[Sidenote: The Hyppe is the berye of the sweet bryer or +eglantine.] The Hyppe is not simplye the redde berrye one the +Bryer, vnlest yo{u} adde this epithetone and saye, the redde +Berrye one the swete Bryer, (which is the Eglantyne,) to +distinguyshe yt from the comone Bryer or Bramble beringe the +blacke Berye, for that name Bryer ys comone to them boothe; when +the Hyppe is proper but to one, neither maye yt helpe yo{u} that +yo{u} saye the redd Berye, to distinguyshe yt from the Blacke, +for the blacke berye ys also redde for a tyme, and then may be +called the redde Berye of the Bryer for that tyme. + +[Sidenote: Nowell meaneth more than Christmas.] Nowell yo{u} +expounde Christmasse, whiche ys that feaste and moore, for yt is +that tyme, whiche is properlye called the Advente together with +Christmasse and Newe yeres tyde, wherefore the true etymologye +of that worde ys not Christmasse, or the twelve dayes, but yt is +godd with us, or, oure Godde, expressinge to vs the comynge of +Christe in the fleshe, whiche p{er}adventure after a sorte, by +the figure synecdoche, yo{u} may seeme to excuse, placinge ther +xþemas (_Christmasse_) a p{ar}te of this tyme of Nowell for all +the tyme that Nowell conteynethe. for in the same worde is +conteyned sometyme xx, but for the most p{ar}te thirtye dayes +before Christmesse, aswell as the Christmesse yt selfe, that +woorde being deduced as hathe Will{iel}m{u}s Postellus in +Alphabet. 12 Linguarum, from the hebrue worde Noell: for thus he +writethe: נאלnoel, sonat deus noster sive Deus nobis advenit, +solitaq{ue} est hec vox cantari a plebe ante xþi ({Christi}) +natalitia viginti aut triginta dies quodam desiderio. + +[Sidenote: Porpherye is a peculiar marble, not marble in +common.] Porpherye you expounde marble, w{hi}che m{ar}ble ys +genus, but porpherye is species, for as there is white and grey +marble, so ys there redde marbell, whiche is this porpherye, +a stone of reddish purple coolor, distincte or enterlaced with +white veynes as yo{u} may see in the great pillars entringe into +the royall exchange or burse in Cornhill. + +[Sidenote: Sendale, a sylke stuffe.] Sendale you expounde a +thynne stuffe lyke cypres. but yt was a thynne stuffe lyke +sarcenette, and of a rawe kynde of sylke or sarcenett, but +courser and narrower, than the sarcenett nowe ys, as my selfe +canne remember. + +[Sidenote: The trepegett is not the battering-ram, but an engine +to cast stones.] Trepegett you expounde a ramme to batter +walles. But the trepegete was the same that the magonell; +for Chaucer calleth yt a trepegett or magonell; wherefore the +trepegett and magonell being all one, and the magonell one +instrumente to flynge or cast stones (as youre selfe +expounde yt) into a towne, or against a towne walles, (an engine +not muche vnlyke to the catapulte, an instrumente to cast forthe +dartes, stones, or arrowes,) the trepeget must nedes also be one +instrumente to cast stones or such lyke against a wall or into a +towne, and not a Ramme to batter wales; since the Ramme was no +engine to flinge anye thinge, but by mens handes to be broughte +and pusshed againste the walles; a thinge farr different in +forme from the magonell or catapulte, as appereth by Vigetius +and Robertus Valturius de re militari. + +[Sidenote: Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon.] Wiuer +yo{u} expounde not. Wherefore I will tell you, a wyuer is a +kynde of serpent of good Bulke, not vnlyke vnto a dragon, of +whose kinde he is, a thinge well knowen vnto the Heroldes, +vsinge the same for armes, and crestes, & supporters of manye +gentle and noble menne. As the erle of Kent beareth a wiuer for +his creste and supporters, the erle of Pembroke, a wiuer vert +for his creste; the erle of Cumberlande, a wiuer geules for his +supporters. + +[Sidenote: Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not of +antiquitye.] Autenticke yo{u} expounde to be antiquytye. But +howe yo{u} may seme to force and racke the worde to Chaucers +meaninge, I knowe not; but sure I ame the proper +signyficat{i}one of autenticke is a thinge of auctoritye or +credit allowed by menne of auctoritye, or the originall or +fyrste archetypu{m} of any thinge; whiche I muse that you did +not remember. + +[Sidenote: Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so.] +Abandone you expounde libertye; whiche in all Italiane, Frenche, +and Spanishe, signifyeth relinquere, to forsake and leave a +thinge; w{hi}che me thinkethe yo{u} most hardely stretche to +libertye, vnlest yo{u} will saye that, when one forsakethe a +thinge, he leaveth yt at libertye; whiche ys but a streyned +speche, although the frenche Hollybande, not vnderstandinge the +true energye of our tongue, hath expounded yt libertye; whiche +may be some warrante vnto you. + +VNDER THE TITLE OF YOURE Annotacions and Corrections. + +[Sidenote: Of the Vernacle.] IN YOURE ANNOTACIONS you describe, +oute of the prologues, the vernacle to be a broche or figure, +wherein was sett the instruments wherewith Christe was +crucyfyed, and withall a napkyn whereine was the printe of his +face. but the vernacle did not conteyne the instrumentes of his +deathe, but only the clothe wherein was the figure of his face; +as I conceve yt with others. + +[Sidenote: Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, and +giveth reasons.] Fo: 1. pa: 2. For Campaneus you wolde reade +Capaneus, wherunto I cannott yelde. for althoughe Statius and +other latine authors do call hym Capaneus; yet all the writers +of Englande in that age call him campaneus; as Gower, in +confessione amantis, and Lidgat in the historye of Thebes taken +out of Statius, and Chaucer hym selfe in many other places. so +that yt semethe they made the pronu{n}tiatione of Campaneus to +be the dialecte of our tongue for Capaneus. Besides chaucer is +in this to be p{ar}doned, in that taking his knightes tale out +of the Thesayde of Bocas, written in Italiane (and of late +translated into frenche,) doth there, after the Italiane manner, +call him campaneus; for so the Italians pronounce woordes +beginninge with cap: with the interposit{i}one of the l{ette}re +m, pronouncinge yt camp: for, that w{hi}che the Latins call +capitoliu{m}, the Italians call campidoglio; and suche lyke. +Wherefore since yt was vniversallye receued in that age, to call +him Campaneus: lett vs not nowe alter yt, but p{er}mytte yt to +have free passage accordinge to the pronuntiat{i}one and +wrytinge of that age. since, in deducinge woordes from one +language to one other, there ys often additione and +substract{i}one of letters, or of Sillabes, before, in the +middle, and in the ende of those wordes. whereof infynyte +examples mighte be produced, whiche I nowe shonne for brevytye. + +[Sidenote: Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of +Heros, and giveth reasons.] Fo: 3. pa: 2. (“Noughte comelye lyke +to lovers maladye of Hereos.”) for whiche woorde hereos you +reade eros, i. cupide, a very good and probable correct{i}one, +well gathered out of Luciane. But (salua patient{i}a vestra, +and reservinge to myselfe better iudgmente hereafter yf I nowe +mystake yt,) I wolde, for the printed hereos of Chaucer, read +heroes. whiche two woordes onlye differ in misplacinge of the +letters; a comone thinge for the printer to do, and the +corrector to overpasse. for Arcyte, in this furye of his love, +did not shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, whiche the Heroes, +or valiante p{er}sons, in tymes past vsed, for thoughe they +loued, yet that passione did not generallye so farre overrule +them (althoughe yt mighte in some one p{ar}ticuler personne) as +that theye lefte to contynewe the valor, and heroicke actions, +whiche they before performed. for the Heroes sholde so love, as +that they sholde not forgett, what they were in place, valor, or +magnanymytye, whiche Arcite, in this pass{i}one, did not observe +“lyke to lovers malady of Heroes.” Whereof I coulde produce six +hundred examples, (as the proverbe ys,) were yt not that I +avoyde tedious prolixytye. + +[Sidenote: Of florins and their name from the Florentines.] +Fo: 6. pa: 2. (“Manye a florence.”) In whiche noote yo{u} expounde +a florence to be ij^s frenche, and a gelder to be the same in +dutche. Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens, suche +as was vsed in Chaucers tyme, w{hic}he taking his name of the +woorkemenne, beinge florentynes, (of the terrytorye of florence +in Italye,) were called Florens; [Sidenote: Sterling money +taketh its name from the Esterlings.] as sterlinge money tooke +their name of Esterlinges, whiche refyned and coyned the silver +in the tyme of kinge Henry the seconde. for two shillinges +frenche ys not equall in valewe (as I nowe take yt) to two +shillinges Englishe: and much lesse equall to the florens in +Chaucers tyme, whiche was of the valewe of thre shillings, fowre +pence, or halfe a noble, or, at the leaste, of two shillinges +tenne pence farthinge, as apperethe by recorde and historye: +some of them being called florens de scuto or of the valewe of +the shelde or frenche crowne and some of them called florens +regall. Whereof yo{u} shall fynde, in the recorde of pellis +exitus in the exchequer in michelmas terme 41. Ed. 3. this note. +Bartholomeo de Burgershe militi in denariis sibi liberatis in +parte solutionis 8000 florenoru{m} de scuto pretii petii iij^s. +iiij^d. sibi debitis de illis 30000 florenoru{m} de scuto in +quibus Rex tenebatur eidem Bartholomeo pro comite de Ventadoure, +prisonario suo apud Bellu{m} de Poyters in guerra capto, et ab +eodem Bartholomeo ad opus Regis empt{o}, vt patet per litteras +Regis patentes, quas idem Bartholomeus inde penes se habet. in +Dors. de summa subscripta, per bre{ve} de magno sigillo, inter +mandata de Term. Michaelis de anno 36 --xx^li. To the valewe +whereof agreeth Hipodigma Neustriæ, pa. 127, [Sidenote: King +John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens.] where +setting downe the ransome of the frenche kinge taken at Poyters +to the valewe of thre milliones of florens, he sayethe “of +w{hic}he florens duo valebant vj^s. viij^d.” These florens the +same Walsingha{m} in another place callethe scutes or frenche +crownes, pa. 170, sayinge: Rex quidem Franciæ pro sua +redemptione soluit regi Angliæ tres milliones scutoru{m}, +quoru{m} duo valent vnu{m} nobile, videlicet, sex solidos et +octo denarios. Whiche scutes in lyke manner, in the tyme of +kinge Henry the sixte were of the same valewe, as apperethe in +Fortescues commentaries of the lawes of Englande. But as those +florens for the redempt{i}one of the frenche kinge, were of the +valewe of half one noble: so at the tyme of that kings reigne +there were also one other sorte of florens, not of lyke valewe, +but conteyned within the price of ij^s. x^d. [QR]. called +florene regales, as apperethe in this record, of Easter terme, +of Pellis exitus before sayed, where yt is thus entred one the +sixte of Julye: Guiscardo de Angles. Domino de pleyne martyne, +In denariis sibi liberatis per manus Walteri Hewett militis in +pretio 4000 florenoru{m} regaliu{m} pretii petii --ij^s. x^d. +[QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} 7 computantur pro tribus +nobilibus, eidem Guiscardo debitis. Whereby yo{u} see the +meanest of these florens did exceed the valewe of ij^s. frenche, +(although you sholde equall that with ii^s. Englishe,) as yt did +also in other countryes. for in the lowe countryes at those +dayes yt was much aboute the valewe of iij^s. iiij^d. beinge +halfe a pistolet Italiane or Spanyshe. for so sayethe Heuterius +Delphicus, (in the Historye of Burgundye, in the lyfe of +Philippe le hardye,) lyving at that tyme, and sonne to the +frenche kinge taken prisoner by the Inglishe. Heuterius’ woordes +be these. Illustris viri aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} mors adeò +comite{m} com{m}ovit, vt relicta obsidione exercitus ad +co{m}meatus ducendos in proxima loca distribuerit. Decem +millibus florenorum (moneta Belgica est semipistoletu{m} +Italicu{m} pendens) pro Anglicani, aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} +cadaverum redemptione solutis, &c. + +[Sidenote: Of the oken garland of Emelye.] Fo: 7. pa: 2. For +unseriall yo{u} will vs to reade cerriall, for cerrus[8] is a +kynde of tree lyke one oke, bearinge maste; and therefore by +yo{ur} correct{i}one yt sholde be a garland of grene oke +cerriall: But for the same reasone (because cerrus ys a kynde of +oke as ys also the Ilex) I judge yt sholde not be redde cerriall +but unseriall, that ys, (yf you will nedes have this worde +cerriall,) a garlande of greene oke not cerriall, as who sholde +saye, she had a Garlande of Grene oke, but not of the oke +Cerriall. and therefore a garlande of oke unseriall, signifyinge +a garlande that was freshe and Grene, and not of dedd wannyshe +Coolor as the oke Cerriall in some parte ys. for the Cerrus, +being the tree w{hi}che we comonly call the holme oke, +(as Cooper also expoundeth the ilex to be that which wee call +holme,) produceth two kyndes; whereof the one hathe greater, and +the other lesser acornes, whose leaves beinge somewhat grene one +the one syde, and of one ouer russett and darkyshe Coolor on the +other syde, were not mete for this garland of Emelye, whiche +sholde be freshe and Grene one everye parte, as were her younge +and grene yeres, lyke to the goddesse to whome she sacryfyced, +and therefore a garlande of Grene oke unseriall, not beinge of +oke cerriall, for yf yt had byn oke serriall, yt wolde haue +shewed duskyshe and as yt were of dedishe leaves, and not freshe +and orient as chaucer wolde haue her garlande. And this for +yo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall, in some parte: for I wolde +suppose that this worde unseriall dothe not vnaptly signifye +perfectione of coolor, so that She having a Garlande of Grene +oke unseriall, doth signyfye the oke to be grene and unseriall, +that is, (as some do expounde this worde unseriall,) unsered, +unsinged, unwithered, of freshe coolor, lyke unto the oke +Quercus whiche hath no sered nor withered cooloor in his leafes. +And yt was of necessytye that Emely (sacryfysinge to Diana) must +haue a garlande of the Grene oke Quercus, because that they +whiche sacryfyced vnto Diana, otherwise called Hecate, (which +name is attribute to Diana, as natalis Comes affirmethe with +statius in his Acheleidos in his first Booke sayinge, + + Sic vbi virgineis Hecate lassata pharetris, + +being Diana adorned with her bowe and arrowes, called also +Triuia because Luna, Diana, and Heccate, were all one, whereof +Virgil speaketh, + + Tergemina{m}q{ue} Hecaten, tria virginis ora Dianæ,) + +were adorned w{i}th a crowne of the grene oke Quercus, because +that Heccate was wont to be crowned therewith, as hath Pierius +Valerianus in his 51 booke of Hieroglyphes, sayinge, Heccate +quoquè Quercu coronari solita est. for although Quercus be +consecrate to Jupiter, because he gave his oracles in the same +in Sylva Dodonea, and therefore called Jupiter Dodoneus; yet +Antiqutye adorned and crowned Diana Heccate with the same crowne +also. Wherefore I conclude, since she (Emelye) had a garlande of +Grene oke, (as Chaucer of purpose addeth that woorde Greene to +explane unseriall, whiche signyfyethe unsered, unparched, +unwithered in every parte, not lyke to the oke Serriall, whose +leafe one the one syde is duskyshe as though yt were somewhat +withered,) that the same word unseriall must stand unamended, +as well (as I sayed before) by youre owne correct{i}one and the +nature of the worde; as for that Diana, called Heccate, was +crowned with the oke Quercus and not with the oke cerrus. But yf +yo{u} obiecte to mee that, in this place, yt must be a garlande +of oke cerriall accordinge to the woordes of Chaucer in one +other place, because that he in the flower and the leafe (newely +printed by yo{u}) hath these woordes; + + I sie come first all in theire clokes white + a companye that were for delight. + Chapletts freshe of oke serriall + Newly spronge and Trompetts they were all; + +I denye that therefore in the Knightes Tale yt must be oke +serriall. for yt may well bee, that such meane persons as +trompettes might be crowned with so base one oke as the serriall +ys, whiche I call base in respecte of the oke Quercus (dedicate +to the godd Jupiter) wherewithe Heccate was crowned, and whereof +Garlands were gyven to the Romans for their nooble desarts in +the warres, as apperethe in the Quernall crowne gyven to those +whiche had saved a cytyzen. Wherefore Chaucer dothe rightly (and +of purpose with great iudgm{en}t in my conceyte) make a +difference in the chaplettes of the Trompettes and the garlands +of Emelye, in that the trompetts chapletts were of oke seriall +newly spronge; and not come to perfect{i}one, whiche yet yf they +had byn p{er}fecte wolde not haue byn soo oryente and Greene one +bothe sydes as ys the oke Quercus, wherewithe he wolde haue this +Emelye crowned, as was her goddesse Heccate Diana (to whom she +dyd sacryfyce) accustomed to bee. for so in tymes past (as I +sayed before) the sacryfycer sholde be adorned with garlandes of +suche thinges, as were consecrate to the goddes to whome they +sacryfyced. for whiche cause also I ame not moved, thoughe +Caxtone in his seconde editione do call yt one oke serriall. for +I knowe (not withstandinge his fayre prologe of printing that by +a true copye) there be manye imperfections in that Booke. + + [Footnote 8: _The Quercus cerris, the mossy cupped oak?_] + +[Sidenote: Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction.] Fo: 9. +pa: 1. For euerye) yo{u} will us to reade eyther. But the sence +ys good, as well that they dyd ryde one euerye syde of hym, as +of eyther syde of him. for they boothe colde not ryde of euerye +syde of hym, no moore then they both colde ryde of eyther syde +of him; and therefore they two ryding one euerye side of hym, +canne haue noone other construct{i}one then that the one did +ryde of the one syde and the other one the other side, aud +therefore an ouer nice correct{i}one, thoughe some coppies do +warrant yt: + +[Sidenote: The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or he +would not have known Emelye.] Fo: 10. pa: 1. for save only the +intellecte,) yo{u} wolde haue us to reade “and also the +intellecte.” But yf yo{u} well consider the woordes of Chaucer, +(as I have donne in all the written copyes whiche I haue yet +seene,) his meaninge ys not that the intellecte was wholye +goonne, as yt wolde bee yf yo{u} sholde reade, “and also the +intellecte” for “save only the intellecte.” for Chaucers +meanynge ys, that all his streng[t]he and vitall Sprites aboute +his outewarde partes were gonne, save onlye the intellecte or +vnderstandinge, w{hi}che remayned sounde and good, as apperethe +after by the followinge woordes, for when deathe approched, and +that all outwarde senses fayled, he (Arcite) yet cast eye vppon +Emelye, remembringe her, thoughe the cheifest vitall sprite of +his harte and his streng[th]e were gonne from hym. but he colde +not haue cast his eye vppon Emelye, yf his intellecte had fayled +hym. Yet yf you liste to reade, “and also the intellecte,” for +saue only the intellecte, yt may after a sorte somewhat be borne +withall, notwithstandinge that a pointe at streng[t]he is +looste; and a parenthesis includynge (Save only the intellecte, +without moore,) will make the sence good in this sort as I have +here pointed yt: + + And yet moore ouer from his armes two + the vital streng[t]he is lost; and all agoo + (save only the intellecte without moore) + that dwelleth in his hart sicke and sore + gan faylen: When the hart felt death &c. + +[Sidenote: Straught, a better word than haughte.] Fo: 10. pa: 2. +For armes straughte you wolde reade yt haughte, when straughte +is moore significa{n}t (and moore answerable to Chaucers woordes +whiche followethe) than haughte ys. for he speakethe of the +Bredthe and spredinge of the boughes or armes or branches of the +tree, whiche this woorde straughte doth signyfye, and is moore +aptlye sett downe for stretched, then this woorde haughte, +whiche signyfyethe catchinge holde, or holdinge faste, or (yf +you will streyne yt againste his nature) stretching on heigh, +whiche agreethe not well with Chaucers meanynge. for these be +his words: + + And twenty fadome of breedth, armes straughte; + That is to sayen, the Bowes were so broode, &c. + +[Sidenote: Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction.] +Fo: 11. pa: 1. For all forgotten in his vassalage, yow wolde haue +vs reade, “for all forgotten is then his visage;” a thinge mere +impertinente. for the forgettinge of his visage and personage is +not materiall, nor regarded of anye to haue his face forgotten, +but yt is muche materiall (and so ys Chaucers meanynge) that his +vassalage, and the good service donne in his youthe, shold be +forgotten when he waxethe olde. And therefore yt must bee “his +vassalage forgotten;” as presently after Chaucer sayeth, better +for a manne to dye when he is yonge, and his honor in price, +than when he is olde, and the service of his youthe forgotten; +w{hic}he I coulde dilate and prove by manye examples; but I +cannott stande longe vppon euerye pointe, as well for that I +wolde not be tedious vnto yo{u}, as for that leysure serveth me +not thereunto. + +[Sidenote: Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction.] Fo: 13. +pa: 1. For lothe yo{u} bidde vs reade leefe, which annotacione +neded not to haue byn there sett downe, because the verye woorde +in the texte is lefe. + +[Sidenote: It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that he +coughed at the window.] Fo: 14. pa: 1. for knocked yo{u} reade +coughed, but, the circumstance considered, (althoughe they may +both stande,) yt is moore probable that he[9] knocked at her[10] +windowe, than that he coughed. for although those woordes “with +a semely sownde” may haue relatione to the voyce, yet they may +as well and with as much consonancye haue reference to a semely +and gentle kynde of knockinge at the windowe as to the voyce, +and so his meanynge was by that sounde to wake her, whiche wolde +rather be by the noyse of a knocke than of a coughe. for so he +determyned before to knocke, as apperethe in these verses, when +he sayed, + + So mote I thryve, I shall at cockes crow + Full priuily knocke at his windowe: + +And so apperethe by the tale afterwarde that he knocked, as he +did before, although he coughed also at the latter tyme, for he +knocked twyce. + + [Footnote 9: [_Absolon._]] + + [Footnote 10: [_The Carpenter’s wife’s._]] + +[Sidenote: Surrye or Russye, indifferent which.] Fo: 23. pa: 2. +For Surrye you read Russye. true yt is, that some written copies +haue Russye, and some Surrye. And therefore indifferent after +the written copies, and some auncient printed copies before my +fathers editione. But yf I shall interpone my opynione, I wolde +more willingly (for this tyme) receve Surrey, because yt is most +lykelye that the tartarians whiche dwelt at Sara (a place yet +well knowen, and bordering vppon the lake Mare Casp{iu}m,) are +nerer to Sorria or the countryes adioynynge called Syria, than +to Russya. For as Hato the Armeniane, in his Tartariane +Historye, sayeth, The cyttye of Sara was auncyently the famous +cyttye of the countrye of Cumania; and the Tartarians obteyned +the kingdome of Syria in the yere 1240, w{hi}che must be in the +tyme of the fyrst Tartariane emperor called Caius canne, +[Sidenote: Cambuscan is Caius canne.] beinge (as I suppose) he +whome Chaucer namethe Cambiuscan, for so ys the written copies, +such affynytye is there betwene those two names. And, as I +gather, yt was after that tyme that the Tartarians had warres in +Russia. But I leave yt indifferent at this tyme, as meanynge +further to consider of yt. + +[Sidenote: “That may not saye naye,” better than “there may no +wighte say naye.”] Fo: 31. pa: 2. for these woordes, “that may +not saye naye,” yo{u} reade “there may no wighte say naye.” +bothe whiche are good, and boothe founde in written coppyes; and +yet the firste will better stande, in my conceyte, because [_the +king of Faerie_] there speakinge to his wyfe, he urgethe her +that she cannott denye yt; when he sayeth, my wyfe that cannott +say naye, as who sholde saye yo{u} cannot denye yt because you +knowe yt; and experience teacheth yt, so that these woordes, +“that cannott say naye,” must be taken as spoken of his wyfes +knowledge, and so as good or rather better than “there may no +wighte saye naye,” consideringe that these wordes “that cannott +saye naye,” dothe signyfye, “whoe cannott saye naye,” in such +sorte that this relatyve (that) meanynge (whoe) must haue +reference to his antecedente, i. e. this worde wyfe. + +[Sidenote: Theophraste, not Paraphraste.] Fo: 35. pa: 2. For “He +cleped yt valerye and theophraste,” you saye some wolde haue vs +reade “Valery and his Paraphraste.” But as yo{u} haue left yt at +libertee to the reader to iudge, so I thinke yt must nedes be +Theophraste; as the author [of] Policraticon in his eighte +Booke, ca. 11. [Sidenote: The wife of Bath’s Prologue taken from +the author of Policraticon.] (from whome Chaucer borrowethe +almost worde for worde a great parte of the Wyfe of Bathes +Prologe,) doth vouche yt, for the author of that booke, Johannes +Sarisburiensis, lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the seconde, +sayethe, Fertur authore Hieronimo Aureolus Theophrasti liber, de +nuptiis, in quo quæritur an vir sapiens ducat vxorem, etc. And +the frenche molinet, moralizinge the Romant of the roose in +frenche, and turnynge it oute of verse into proese, writeth, +Ha si i’eusse creu Theophraste, &c. Oh, yf I had beleved +Theophraste, I had never maried womanne, for he doth not holde +hym wise that marieth anye womanne, be she fayre, foule, poore, +or riche; as he sayeth in his Booke Aureolle; whiche verye +wordes chaucer doth recyte. + +[Sidenote: Country, not Couentry.] Fo: 38. pa: 2. for this worde +Countrye you will vs to reade Couentrye. But in my writtene +copies yt is, “in my Countrye,” whiche I holde the truer and for +the sence as good yf not better. + +[Sidenote: Maketh, not waketh.] Fo: 41. pa: 1. This woorde +makethe is corrected by you, who for the same do place wakethe; +w{hi}che cannott well stande, for Chaucers woordes being, “this +maketh the fende,” dothe signyfye (by a true conuers{i}one after +the dialecte of our tonge, w{hi}che with beawtye vsethe suche +transmutac{i}one as I coulde gyve yo{u} manye pretye instances,) +that the sence thereof ys, “the fende makethe this,” for whiche +Chaucer vseth these wordes by Transposit{i}one, (accordinge to +the rhethoricall figure Hiperbatone) “This makethe the fende:” +Whiche this? Anger: for that comethe, ys made, or occasioned, +by the deuell. But yf yt sholde be wakethe, then must the sence +bee, that this (whiche is the anger he speakethe of before) +wakethe the fende; whiche oure offences cannot do, because he +cannott be waked, in that he neyther slumbrethe nor slepethe, +but alwayes watcheth and howrely seekethe occas{i}one to +destroye us, lyke a roringe lyone. But yf you will nedes saye +“this wakethe the fende,” that is, by conuersione after this +manner, “the fende waketh this,” whiche signyfyeth the fende +waketh or styrreth this in manne, yt may, after a harde and +over-streyned sorte, beare some sence, whiche yet hath not that +energye, sprite or lyfe, w{hi}che haue Chaucers woordes, “this +maketh the fende.” Whiche woordes are in my written copies, and +in all written and auncient printed copies whiche I have yet +seene. + +[Sidenote: Hugh of Lincoln.] Fo: 96. pa: 2. vppon these woordes, +“O hughe of Lincolne sleyne also, &c.” You saye, that in the 29. +H. 3. eightene Jewes were broughte fro{m} Lincolne, and hanged +for crucyfyinge a childe of eight yeres olde. Whiche facte was +[in] the 39. H. 3. so that yo{u} mighte verye well haue sayed, +that the same childe of eighte yeres olde was the same hughe of +Lincolne; of whiche name there were twoe, viz. thys younger +Seinte Hughe, and Seinte Hughe bishoppe of Lincolne, whiche dyed +in the yere 1200, long before this litle seinte hughe. And to +prove [that] this childe of eighte yeres olde and that yonge +hughe of Lincolne were but one; I will sett downe two +auctoryties out of Mathewe Paris and Walsinghame, whereof the +fyrste wryteth, that in the yere of Christe 1255, beinge the 39. +of Henrye the 3, a childe called Hughe was sleyne by the Jewes +at Lyncolne, whose lamentable historye he delyvereth at large; +and further, in the yere 1256, being 40. Hen. 3, he sayeth, +Dimissi sunt quieti 24 Judei à Turri London, qui ibidem infames +tenebantur compediti pro crucifixione sancti Hugonis Lincolniæ: +All whiche Thomas Walsingham, in Hypodigma Neustriæ, confirmeth; +sayinge, A^o. 1255. Puer quidam Christianus, nomine HUGO, à +Judeis captus, in opprobriu{m} Christiani nominis crudelitèr est +crucifixus. + +[Sidenote: “Where the sunne is in his ascensione,” a good +reading.] Fo: 86. pa: 8. (Where the sunne is in his +ascensione, &c.) You will us to reade for the same, + + Ware the soone in his ascensione + Ne fynde you not replete of humors hotte, + For yf yt doe, &c. + +But, savinge correct{i}one, the former sence is good: for these +woordes: Where the sonne is in his ascensione, must haue +relat{i}one to the woordes of the verse before, + + Ye be righte colericke of complex{i}one, + +and then is the sence, that she [_the fair Pertelote_] willed +hym to purge, for that he was righte (that is, extremelye and in +the highest degree) collericke of complex{i}one, where (whiche +signyfyeth when) the sonne is in his ascent{i}one. Wherefore he +must take heede, that he did not fynde hym repleate (at that +tyme of the sonnes being in his ascent{i}one) of hoote humors, +for yf he did, he sholde surelye haue one ague. And this will +stand with the woordes Where the sonne is in his ascentione, +taking where for when, as yt is often vsed. But yf yo{u} mislyke +that gloosse, and will begyn one new sence, as yt is in some +written copyes, and saye, Ware the sonne in his ascentione ne +fynde you not repleate, &c. yet yt cannott bee that the other +wordes, (for yf yt doo,) canne answer the same, because this +pronoune relative (yt) cannot haue relat{i}one to this worde +(you) which wente before in this lyne, Ne fynde yo{u} not +repleate of humors hotte. So that yf you nowe will nedes reade +ware for where, yet the other parte of the followinge verse must +nedes be, “for yf you doe,” and not “for yf yt dooe;” vnleste +you will saye that this woorde (yt) must haue relat{i}one to +these woordes, (the sonne in his ascentione,) whiche yt cannott +have, those woordes goinge two lynes before, and the pronowne +(you) interposed betwene the same and that his correlative (yt.) +Wherefore these woordes, (for yf yt doe,) must nedes stande as +they did before, though you will correcte “Where the sonne &c.” +and saye “Ware the sonne &c.” W{hi}che yf you will nedes haue, +you must correcte the rest in this sorte: + + Ware the sonne in his ascentione + that yt fynde you not repleat of humors hotte, + for yf yt do, &c. + +But this correct{i}one (savinge, as I sayed, correct{i}one) +semeth not so good as the former texte. + +[Sidenote: Kenelm slain by Queen Drida.] Fol: 86. pa: 2. Vppon +these woordes, (Lo, in the lyfe of Kenelme we reade,) you saye +that Kenelme was sleyne by his sister Quenda, whiche sholde be +Quendrida; as Williame of Malmsberye and Ingulphus have. Whiche +Quendrida dothe signyfye Quene Drida; as the author of the +Antiquyties of Seint Albons and of the Abbottes thereof +(supposed to be Mathewe Paris) dothe expounde yt. for that +auctor, speakinge of the wyfe of Offa the greate kinge of +Mercia, (a wicked and proude womanne because she was of the +stocke of Charles the greate,) dothe saye, that she was called +Drida, and being the kings wyfe was termed Quendrida, id est, +Regina Drida. + +[Sidenote: Master Speight mistaketh his almanack.] Fo: 87. p: 1. +Vppon these woordes of “Taurus was fortye degrees and one,” you +saye that this place ys misprinted, as well in not namynge of +the sygne, as of the misreckonynge of the degrees, that the two +and twentye of Marche the sunne is in Aries, and that but eleven +degrees or thereaboutes, and hathe in all but thirtye degrees. +In whiche, in semynge to correcte the former printe (whiche in +truthe deseruethe amendement, but not in that order,) you seme +to mee to erre, as farre as heauen and yerthe, in mistakinge +Chaucers meanynge and his woordes, as well for the daye of the +monthe, as for the signe. for where yo{u} suppose that Chaucere +meanethe the two and twentithe daye of Marche, you mistake yt. +for although yt should be the 22 of the monthe, as the printed +booke hathe; yet canne yt not be the 22 daye of Marche, but must +of necessytye be the two and twentythe of Aprille: and so the +signe Taurus trulye named. But first I must saye, the number of +the dayes are misprinted, for where yt is twentye dayes and two, +yt must be (and so are my written copies) thirtye dayes and two, +whiche must be the seconde of Maye, as yo{u} shall well see by +the woordes of Chaucer, for whether yowe recken thirtye two +dayes, withe the truthe, as hathe the written copye, or xxii +dayes, withe the printe: yet must yo{u} begynne to recken them +from after the last of Marche. for so dothe Chaucer, sayinge +Marche was compleate, in these woordes: + + When the month in whiche the worlde began, + That hight Marche, when God first made man, + Was complete, and passed were also + Since Marche byganne, &c. + +Wherebye yo{u} see, that yo{u} must begynne to recken the nomber +of dayes from the tyme of marche complete; and then woulde the +signe fall out to be in Taurus. Yf yo{u} holde yo{u} to the +printe (for the 22 daye after Marche, which is the 22 daye of +Aprill in which the sonne is aboute xi degrees in Taurus;) or to +the written copye of thirtye two dayes, (w{hi}che is the seconde +of maye at what tyme the sonne ys also aboute some xxi degrees +in Taurus;) the signe is not misreckoned or misnamed, as yo{u} +suppose. nether canne these woordes, since Marche beganne, helpe +you to recken them from the begynnynge of Marche, (as you seme +to doo;) because they muste answere and be agreable to the +former wordes of Chaucer, w{hi}che sayethe M{ar}che was +complete, and, for that we shoulde not dobte thereof, he addethe +also farther, And passed were also since Marche beganne; where +the worde beganne ys mysprinted for be gonne, that is, since +marche be gonne, this word begonne being put for is gonne, or +gonne bye, or departed. so that the genuyniell sence hereof is, +When march was complete, and also were passed, since march is +gonne, or gonne by, or departed. for, in many olde inglishe +woordes, this syllable (be) is sett before to make yt moore +signyficante and of force, as for moone we saye bemone, for +sprincled, besprincled; for dewed, bedewed, &c. as in this case +for gonne ys sett downe begonne. But although there be no +misnaminge of the [Sidenote: The degrees of the signe are +misreckoned, not the signe itself.] signe; yet yt is true the +degrees of the signes are misreckoned, the error whereof grewe, +because the degree of the signe, is made equall with the degree +of the sonne ascended above the Horizon, beinge at that tyme xli +degrees in heighte from the Horizon. But to remedye all this, +and to correcte yt accordinge as Chaucer sett yt downe in myne +and other written copies; and that yt may stande w{i}th all +mathematicall proport{i}one, whiche Chaucer knewe and observed +there, the print must be corrected after those written copies +(whiche I yet holde for sounde till I maye disprove them) having +these woordes: + + when that the month in whiche the worlde beganne, + that hight Marche, when god first made manne, + was complete, and passed were also + since marche begonne thirty dayes and two: + befell that Chanteclere in all his pride, + his seven wives walkinge him beside, + cast vp his eyen to the bright sonne, + that in the signe of Taurus had yronne + Twentye degrees and one and somewhat moore; + And knewe by kynde and by noone other loore + That yt was pryme, and crewe with blisful steven: + The sunne, quoth he, is clomben vp on heaven + Fortye degrees and one, and moore, ywis, &c. + +And that this shoulde be mente xxxij dayes after Marche, and the +seconde of Maye, there be manye reasons, besides those that +Chaucer nameth; which are, that the sonne was not farre from the +middle of his ascent{i}one, and in the signe Taurus. ffurther, +since I am now in Chantecler’s discourse, I must speake of one +woorde in the same, deservinge correct{i}one, w{hi}che I see you +overslipped; and because I thinke yo{u} knewe not what to make +of yt, (as in dede by the printinge few menne canne +vnderstande yt,) I will sett downe the correct{i}one of the +same; [Sidenote: Mereturicke is a corruption of Merecenrycke, +or the kingdom of Mercia.] being the worde Mereturicke, farr +corrupted for Mercenricke, in saxon Meþecenþÿke which is the +kingdome of Mercia, for so was Kenelme the sonne, and Kenulphus +the father, both kinges of Mercia; the one reignynge 36 yeres, +and the other murdred by his sister Quendrida, as ys before +noted. And that yt is the kingdome of Mercia, the etymon of the +woorde doth teache; for þÿk in the saxon tonge signyfyethe a +kingdome; meþcen signyfyethe markes or boundes or marches of +Countryes. So that Mercenricke is regnu{m} Merciæ, or the +kingdome of Mercia, or of the boundes so called, because almost +all the other kingdoms of the saxons bounded vppon the same, and +that lykewise vppon them, since that kingdome did lye in the +middle of England, and conteyned most of the shires thereof. + +[Sidenote: Pilloures of silver borne before Cardinalls.] Fo: 90. +pa: 2. for pilloure you will vs to reade Pellure, signifyinge +furres. but althoughe the Clergye ware furres, and some of them +had their outwarde ornamentes thereof when they came to their +service, as the Chanons had their Grey amises; yet in this +place, to shewe the proude and stately ensignes of the Clergye, +he there nameth the popes crowne, and the Cardinalls pilloures, +yf I be not deceved. for euery cardinall had, for parte of his +honorable ensignes borne before hym, certein silver pillers; as +had Cardinall Wolsey, in the tyme of kinge Henrye the eighte, +and Cardinall Poole, in my memory. So that pilloure in that +place is better than pellure, because pilloures were a note of +more pride and maiestye (againste whiche the Plowmanne dothe +enveye in those woordes,) than in the weringe of furres. + +[Sidenote: Liketh best the old reading of “change of many manner +of meates.”] Fo: 90. pa: 2. for these wordes, with change of +many manner of meates, yo{u} wolde have vs reade, They eate of +many manner of meates. Touchinge whiche, althoughe the sence +stande well, yet sure Chaucer followeth this matter in many +staues together with this preposit{i}one (cu{m}, with,) and this +coniunctione (et, and;)--as, “With pride misledd the poore, and +with money filled manye a male, &c.” so he contynuethe yt still +with that prepositione, “with change of many meates;” w{hi}che +is as good as the other, for euery one knoweth Chaucers meanynge +to be that they eate of many meates, when they haue change of +many meates; for why sholde they haue change of meates, but for +varyetye to please the palates taste in eatynge. [Sidenote: And +also the old reading of “myters” more than one or two for the +sake of the meter.] In the next staffe, (for myters moe then one +or two) you teache vs to reade, “myters they weare mo then one +or two;” whiche, me thinkethe, nedeth not. For the wearinge of +their myters is included in these woordes, And myters more then +one or two. W{hi}che wordes are curteyled for the verse his +cause, that the same mighte kepe an equall proport{i}one and +decorum in the verse, whiche would be lengthened one foote or +sillable moore than the other verses, yf your readinge shoulde +stande. But yf yo{u} saye, that in this and other thinges I am +overstreyghte laced and to obstinatlye bente to defende the +former printed editione, in that I woulde rather allowe one +imperfecte sence, and suche as must be vnderstoode, when yt ys +not fully expressed, than a playne style, I will answere withe a +grounde of the lawe, quod frustra fit per plura quod fieri +potest per pauciora, and quod subintelligitur non deest. +Wherefore yt is nedelesse to make that playner by addit{i}one of +woordes, when yt maye be as well conceyved in any reasonable +mens vnderstandinge without such addit{i}one. But on these and +suche petit matters, I will not nowe longe insiste, (being +things of no greate momente,) vntill I haue further examyned +more written copyes to trye, whether wee shall reade the olde +texte or your newe correctione. + +[Sidenote: The lordes sonne of Windsore is in the French Romant +of the rose, but is there spelled Guindesores.] Fo: 122. pa: 2. +The lordes sonne of Windsore.) Vppon these woordes you saye, +this maye seme strange bothe in respecte that yt is not in the +frenche, as also for that there was no lorde Windsore at those +dayes. But yt semeth to me moore strange that these woordes +shoulde seme strange to yo{u}, not to bee in the frenche, where +yo{u} shall fynde them. For thus hathe the frenche written +Romante, as maye appere in the old frenche vsed at the tyme when +the Romante was composed, in this sorte: + + Pris a Franchise lez alez + Ne sai coment est apelles, + Biaus est et genz, se il fust ores + Fuiz au seign{eur} de Guindesores: + +Whiche is thus englished: Next to Franchise went a young +bacheler, I knowe not howe he was called, he was fayre and +gentle, as yf he had byn sonne to the lorde of Windsore. Where +in olde frenche this word fuiz (vsed here as in manye places of +that Booke) is placed for that whiche we wryte and pronounce at +this daye for filz or fitz, in Englishe sonne. and that it is +here so mente, you shall see in the Romante of the Roose turned +into proese, moralized, by the french Molinet, and printed at +Paris in the yere 1521, who hathe the same verses in these +woordes in proese. A Franchise s’estoit prins vn ieune Bacheler +de qui ne scay le nome, fors bell, en son temps filz du +seigneure de Guindesore. Whiche yo{u} mighte have well seene, +had you but remembered their orthographie, and that the latyne, +Italiane, frenche, and spanyshe have no doble w, as the Dutche, +the Englishe, and such as haue affynytye with the Dutche, since +they vse for doble w (a letter comone to vs) these two letters +Gu, as in Gulielmus, which we wryte Willielmus; in guerra, which +we call and writte warre, in Gualterus, which we write Walter; +in guardeine, which we pronounce and write wardeyne; and suche +lyke; accordinge to whiche in the frenche yt is Guindesore for +Windesore. [Sidenote: Master Thynne knoweth not clearly why the +Baron should be called of Windsor.] for your other coniectures, +whye that Chaucer sholde inserte the loordes sonne of Windesore, +they are of [{no}?] great momente, neque adhuc constat that +Chaucer translated the Romante, whene Windsore Castle was in +buildinge. for then I suppose that Chaucer was but yonge; +whereof I will not stande at this tyme, no moore than I will +that there was no lord Windsore in those dayes; althoughe I +suppose that sir William Windsore, being then a worthye knighte +and of great auctorytye in Englande and in the partes beyond the +seas under the kinge of Englande, mighte be lord Windsore, of +whom the Frenche tooke notice, being in those partes, and by +them called seigneure de Windesore, as euery gouerno{r} was +called seigneure emongst them. But whether he were a Baron or no +in Englande, I cannott yet saye, because I haue not my booke of +Somons of Barons to parliamente in my handes at this instante. + +[Sidenote: The ordeal was not tryall by fier only, but also +by water, nor for chastity only, but for many other matters.] +Fo: 171. pa: 2. by ordall, &c. Vppone whiche yo{u} write thus. +“Ordalia is a tryall of chastytye, throughe the fyre, as did +Emma, mother of the Confessor, or ells over hoote burnynge +culters of yrone barefotte, as did Cunegunde, &c.” But in +this describinge definit{i}one, you have commytted manye +imp{er}fect{i}ons. first, that ordell was a tryall by fyre, +w{hi}che is but a species of the ordell; for ordaliu{m} was a +tryall by fyre and water: secondlye, that yt was a tryall of +Chastitye whiche was but parcell thereof; for the ordale was a +tryall for manye other matters. [Sidenote: The fyery ordeal was +by going on hote shares and cultors, not going through the fyre. +The mother of Edward confessor passed over nine burnynge +shares.] Thirdlye, yo{u} saye yt was by goinge throughe the +fyre. when the fyery ordale was onlye by goinge one hoote shares +or cultores, or by holdinge a hoote pece of yrone in the hande, +and not going through the fyre. fourthlye, that Emma, mother to +Edwarde the confessor, receued this tryall by goinge through the +fyre: But she passed not through the fyre as you bringe her for +one example of your ordale but passed barefotte vppone nyne +burnynge shares, fowr for her selfe, and fyve for Alwyne +Bishoppe of Winchester, with whome she was suspected with +incontynencye, whiche historye you maye see at large in +Ranulphus Higden, in his policronicone li: 6. ca: 23, and in +other auctors; of whiche ordale I colde make a longe and no +commone discourse; of the manner of consecrating the fyre and +water, how yt was vsed emongst the saxons before, and the +normans since, the Conqueste, and of many other thinges +belonging vnto yt. but I will passe them ouer, and only deliuer +to you a thinge knowen to fewe, [Sidenote: The ordeal taken away +by the court of Rome, and after by Henry III.] how this ordale +was contynued in Englande in the tyme of kinge Johne, as +appereth in Claus. 17. Johīs, m. 25, vntill yt was taken awaye +by the courte of Rome; and after that, in Englande, by the +auctorytye of kinge Henrye the thirde, whereof you shall fynde +this recorde in the towre Patente. 3. H. 3. mem. 5, where yt +speakethe of iudgmente and tryall by fyer and water to be +forbydden by the Churche of Roome, and that yt sholde not be +vsed here in Englande; as apperethe in the woordes of that +record: Illis vero qui mediis criminibus vectati sunt, et quibus +competeret iudiciu{m} ignis vel aquæ si non esset prohibitum, et +de quibus si regnum nostru{m} abiurarent, nulla fieret postea, +maleficiendi suspitio, regnu{m} nostru{m} abiurent &c. + +[Sidenote: The stork bewrayeth not adultery but wreaketh the +adultery of his owne mate.] Fo: 246. pa: 1. speaking of the +storke, you saye that Chaucers woordes “wreaker of adulterye” +shoulde rather bee “bewrayer of Adulterye;” w{hi}che in truth +accordinge to one propryetye of his nature may be as you saye, +but according to another propryetye of his nature, yt sholde be +“the wreaker of Adulterye,” as Chaucer hathe; for he ys a +greater wreaker of the adulterye of his owne kynde and female +than the bewrayer of the adulterye of one other kynde, and of +his hostesse one the toppe of whose howse he harborethe. for +Aristotle sayeth Bartholomeus de proprietatibus reru{m} li: 12. +cap. 8. with many other auctors, that yf the storke by any +meanes perceve that his female hath brooked spousehedde, he will +no more dwell with her, but stryketh and so cruelly beateth her, +that he will not surcease vntill he hathe killed her yf he maye, +to wreake and revenge that adulterye. + +These and suche lyke in my conceyte are worthye to be touched in +your Annotac{i}ons, besides other matters whiche you haue not +handled; whereof (because tyme requirethe after all this tedious +treatyce to drawe to one ende) I will not now treate; but onlye +speake a little moore of fyve especiall thinges, woorthye the +animadvers{i}one, of which the fyrste ys, [Sidenote: The +plowman’s tale is wrong placed.] that yo{u} make the Plowmans +tale to go next before the persons tale, suffering the persons +corrupted prologue to passe with this begynnynge, “By that the +plowmanne had his tale ended,” when all written copies, (whiche +I coulde yet see,) and my fathers editione, haue yt, “By that +the mancyple had his tale ended.” And because my father colde +not see by any Prologues of thee other tales, (whiche for the +most parte shewe the dependancye of one Tale vppone one other,) +where to place the plowmans tale, he putt yt after the persons +tale, whiche, by Chaucers owne woordes, was the laste tale; as +apperethe by the persons prologue, where the hooste sayethe, +that “euery manne had tolde his Tale before.” So that the +plowmans tale must be sett in some other place before the +manciple and persons tale, and not as yt ys in the last +edit{i}one. + +[Sidenote: Chaucer’s proper works should be distinguished from +those adulterat and not his.] One other thinge ys, that yt would +be good that Chaucers proper woorkes were distinguyshed from the +adulterat and suche as were not his, as the Testamente of +Cressyde, the Letter of Cupide, and the ballade begynnynge +“I have a ladye where so she bee,” &c. whiche Chaucer never +composed, as may sufficientlye be proved by the things +themselves. + +[Sidenote: There were three editions of Chaucer before William +Thynne dedicated his to Henry VIII.] The thirde matter ys, that +in youre epistle dedicatorye to Sir Roberte Cecille, yo{u} saye, +“This Booke whene yt was first published in printe was dedicate +to kinge Henrye the eighte.” But that is not soo. for the firste +dedicatione to that kinge was by my father, when diverse of +Chaucers woorkes had byn thrise printed before; whereof two +editions were by Will{ia}m Caxtone, the firste printer of +Englande, who first printed Chaucers Tales in one columne in a +ragged letter, and after in one colume in a better order; and +the thirde edit{i}one was printed, as farre as I remember, by +Winkin de Worde or Richarde Pynson, the seconde and thirde +printers of Englande, as I take them.[11] [Sidenote: The first +editions being very corrupt, William Thynne augmented and +corrected them.] Whiche three edit[i]ons beinge verye unperfecte +and corrupte occasioned my father (for the love he oughte to +Chaucers learnynge) to seeke the augmente and correct{i}one of +Chaucers Woorkes, w{hi}che he happily fynyshed; the same being, +since that tyme, by often printinge much corrupted. of this +matter I sholde have spooken first of all, because yt is the +first imperfect{i}one of your paynfull and comendable labors: +Yet because the proverb ys better late than never, I hold yt +better to speake of yt here then not at all. + + [Footnote 11: _Caxton_, 1475-1481-2. _Wynkyn de Word_, + 1495-1498.] + +[Sidenote: Master Speight hath omytted many auctors vouched by +Chaucer.] The fourthe thinge ys, that, in the catalogue of the +auctors, you haue omytted many auctors vouched by chaucer; and +therefore did rightlye intitle yt, moost, and not all, of the +auctors cited by Geffrye Chaucer. + +[Sidenote: It should be Harlottes, and not Haroldes.] The fyfte +matter ys in the Romante of the Roose, fo. 144, that the worde +Haroldes in this verse, + + My kinge of Haroltes shalte thou bee, + +must, by a mathesis or transpositione of the letters, be +Harlotes, and not Haroltes, and the verse thus, + + My kinge of Harlottes shalt thou bee + +And so ys yt in the edit{i}one of Chaucer’s Works, printed in +anno Domini 1542, accordinge to the frenche moralizatione of +Molinet, fo. 149. where he is called “Roye des Ribauldez,” +[Sidenote: The king of Ribalds or Harlottes, an officer of great +accompt in times past.] w{hi}che is, the kinge of Ribaldes or +Harlottes or evill or wicked persons; one officer of great +acco{m}pte in tymes paste, and yet vsed in the courte of France +but by one other name, in some parte beinge the office of the +marshall of Englande. All whiche, because yo{u} shall not thinke +I dreame, (though yt may seme strange to the ignorant to have so +greate one officer intituled of suche base p{er}sons as to be +called kinge or gouernor of Ribauldes,) [Sidenote: Johannes +Tyllius maketh mention of a Rex Ribaldorum.] yo{u} shall here +Joh{ann}es Tyllius (in his seconde booke de rebus Gallicis vnder +the title de Prefecto pretorio Regis) confirme in these woordes: +In domesticis regu{m} constitutionibus, quos proximo capite +nominavimus, fit mentio Regis Ribaldorum, officii domestici, +quem semper oportet stare extra Portam pretorii, &c. and a litle +after the explanynge of their office, he addeth; “sic autem +appellantur, quia iam tum homines perditi Ribaldi, et Ribaldæ +mulieres puellæq{ue} perditæ vocantur. Regis nomen superiori aut +Iudici tribuitur, Quemadmodu{m} magnus Cubicularius dicitur Rex +Mercatorum,” &c. Where he maketh the “Regem Ribaldoru{m}” an +honorable officer for manye causes, [Sidenote: Also Vincentius +Luparius maketh him an honourable officer.] as Vincentius +Luparius in his fyrste booke of the Magistrates of france doth +also, vnder the title of “Rex Ribaldoru{m} et prouostus +Hospitii;” makinge the Iudex pretorianus and this rex ribaldorum +or provostus hospitii to seme all one, addinge further (after +manye other honorable partes belonginge to this office) that +“meretricibus aulicis hospitia assignare solebat.” In whiche +pointe, bothe for orderinge and correctinge the harlottes and +evill persons followinge the Courte of Englande, (whiche is the +duty of the marshall,) the frenche and wee agree. [Sidenote: The +Rex Ribaldorum was like unto our Marshall. The Marshalls duties +and his powers over Harlotts and lost men.] Wherefor, touching +that parte, yo{u} shall heare somewhat of the Marshalls office +sett downe and founde in the Customes, whiche Thomas of +Brothertonne (sonne to kinge Edwarde the fyrste) challenged to +his office of Marshalcye; where, emongst other thinges, are +these woordes: eoru{m} (w{hi}che was of the marshalls deputyes +executinge that he shoulde ells do hym selfe) interest virgatam +à meretricibus prohibere, et deliberare, et habet, ex +consuetudine mariscallus ex quâlibet meretrice com[m]uni infra +metas hospitii inventa iiij^d. primo die. Quæ, si iteru{m} +inventa in Balliuâ suâ inveniatur, capiatur; et coram +seneschallo inhibea{n}tur ei hospitia Regis et Reginæ et +liberoru{m} suorum, ne iteru{m} ingrediatur, &c. And so +afterwarde shewethe what shall be done to those women, yf they +be founde agayne in the Kinges courte, in suche sorte, that, as +by Tillius, this Rex Ribaldorum his auctorytye was over homines +perditos, mulieres puellasq{ue} perditas. And that yt was, by +Lupanus, to assigne to Ribaldes lodginge out of the courte, (for +so modestye willeth vs to vnderstande, because they shoulde not +offende and infecte the courte with their sighte and manners,) +so ys yt our Marshalls office, to banyshe those harlottes the +courte, and bestowe them in some other place, where they might +be lesse annoyance. [Sidenote: Master Thynne being a herold +liketh not that false semblance should be thought one.] +Wherefore I conclude w{i}th the frenche, and the former +edit{i}one of Chaucer in the yere of Christe 1542, that False +Semblance was of righte to be made kinge of Harlottes, and not +of Haroldes, who wolde mightely be offended to haue them holden +of the conditions of false semblance. Nowe here be nugæ in the +Romante of the Roose, I cannott (as the proverb ys) take my hand +from the table, (fyndinge go manye oversightes in the two last +editiones,) but must speake of one thing more, deserving +correctione, in these woordes of the Romante, fo. 116 of the +last impress{i}one: + + Amide saw I hate stonde, + That for wrathe and yre & onde + Semed to be a minoresse; + +[Sidenote: Hate was a Moueresse or stirrer of debate, not a +minoresse.] Where this woorde Minoresse shoulde be Moueresse, +signyfyinge a mover or styrrer to debate, for these be the +frenche verses in the oldest written copye that euer was (to be +founde in Englande, yf my coniecture fayle me not,) by the age +of the frenche wordes, which are these: + + Enz euz le milieu vi hayne, + qui de courouz et datayn + Sembla bien estre moueresse, + et courouse et teucerresse. + +Beinge thus englyshed, as of righte they oughte, accordinge to +the frenche: + + Amyde sawe I hate stonde, + That of wrathe and yre & onde + Semed well to be mooveresse, + An angry wighte and chyderesse. + +[Sidenote: Molinet calleth Hate a Ducteress, or leader.] Whiche +woord mooveresse the learned molinet, in his moralizat{i}one of +that Romant, dothe turne into Ducteresse, a leader or leadresse, +so that they agree yt shoulde not be a minoresse, but a +mooveresse or leadresse of and to anger and yre; anye of whose +woordes will as well and rather better fytt the sence and verse +of Chaucer, and better answere the Frenche originall and +meanynge, than the incerted woorde Minoresse. + +Thus hooping that yo{u} will accepte in good and frendlye parte, +these my whatsoever conceytes vttered vnto you, (to the ende +Chawcers Woorkes by much conference and many iudgmentes mighte +at leng[t]he obteyne their true p{er}fect{i}one and glory, as I +truste they shall, yf yt please godde to lend me tyme and +leysure to reprinte, correcte, and comente the same after the +manner of the Italians who have largely comented Petrarche;) +I sett end to these matters; comyttinge yo{u} to god, and me to +your curtesye. + + Clerkenwell Greene, + the xvi of december 1599. + Your lovinge frende, + FRANCIS THYNNE. + + + + +INDEX. + + Abandone, p. 33. + Absalom, whether he coughed or knocked, p. 42. + Aketon, a sleeveless jacket of plate for the war, p. 24. + Arcite, his intellect, p. 40. + Authentic, a thing of authority, p. 33. + + Bath, Wife of, her Prologue, p. 44. + Begyns, superstitious women, p. 29. + Besant, a coin of Bizantium, p. 25. + Burgersh, Bartholomew de, sent into Henault for Philippa, p. 12. + Burgo, Serlo de, built Knaresborough Castle, p. 18. + + Cambuscan, or Caius, Cause, p. 43. + Campaneus, reading of, p. 34. + Chaucer, MSS., collection made by William Thynne, p. 5. + Chaucer, MSS., dispersed by his son, p. 8. + Chaucer’s parentage, p. 9. + Chaucer and the Franciscan friar, p. 16. + Chaucer’s marriage, p. 17. + Chaucer’s coat-of-arms, p. 10. + Chaucer’s children, p. 17. + Chaucer, his education, p. 13. + Chaucer, his skyll in Geometrye, p. 11. + Chaucer, his ancestors, whether merchants of the staple or no, + pp. 12, 13. + Chaucer, the stemme of, p. 17. + Chaucer, his children and their advancement, p. 17. + Chaucer, Thomas, married to Maude, daughter of Sir John Burgersh, + p. 18. + Chaucer, his dream, not the book of the Duchess, pp. 22, 23. + Chaucer, early editions of, p. 56. + Chausier, one who hoseth or booteth a man, p. 9. + Citrination, a term of Alchemy, p. 30. + Colin Clout, written in William Thynne’s house at Erith, p. 7. + + Drida, Queen, slayeth Kenelm, p. 47. + + Fermentacione, a term of Alchemy, p. 25. + Florius, concerning, p. 35. + Forage, winter provision, p. 30. + + Garland, oken of Emelye, p. 37. + Gaunt, John of, his children born pre-nupt, p. 17. + Gaunt, John of, his incontinency, p. 23. + Gaunt, John of, his marriage, p. 23. + Gower, query whether of the + Gowers of Stittenham, p. 14. + Gower, his greeting to Chaucer, p. 13. + + Harlottes, King of, p. 57. + Heroner, a hawk for a heron, p. 31. + Hyppe, the berye of the eglantine, p. 31. + + John of France, his ransome, p. 36. + + Knaresborough Castle, built by Serlo de Burgo, p. 18. + Kenelm, slain by Queen Drida, p. 47. + + Leefe, for lothe, p. 42. + Lincoln, Hugh of, p. 44. + + Mortone, John, Earl of, the manner of his creation, p. 16. + Merecenrycke, p. 50. + + Navarre, Joan of, married to Henry IV., p. 18. + Neville, Richard, Earl of Salisbury, his wife, p. 21. + Nowell, meaning of, p. 32. + + Orfrayes, a sort of cloth of gold, p. 26. + Ordeal, the manner of, p. 54. + Oundye meaneth wavy, p. 28. + + Philippa, of Henault, her marriage, p. 11. + Pilgrime’s Tale, setting forth the evil lives of churchmen, p. 6. + Plowman’s Tale, not made by Sir T. Wyat, p. 7. + Porpherye, a peculiar marble, p. 32. + Printing, notes on the history of, p. 21. + Pillars, silver, borne before Churchmen, p. 51. + Poole, William de la, Merchant of Hull, lendeth money to the King, + p. 18. + Poole, Richard de la, a chief governor of Hull and Pincerna Regis, + p. 18. + Poole, Michael de la, Chancellor, p. 19. + + Resager, or Ratsbane, p. 28. + Ribalds, king of, p. 57. + Roses, chaplet of, for knighthood, not for poesy, p. 15. + Rose, Romant of, notes on, p. 21. + + Sendale, a sylke stuffe, p. 32. + Staple, Merchants of the, had no arms till 10 or 11 Ed. III., p. 13. + Sterling money, p. 35. + Straught, a better word than haughte, p. 41. + Stork, the, wreaketh adultery, p. 55. + Surrye or Russye, p. 43. + + Temple, lawyers not in the, till the latter part of Ed. III., p. 16. + Theophraste, not Paraphraste, p. 44. + Trepegett, an engine to cast stones, p. 33. + Thynne, Sir John, reports that the parliament was minded to forbid + Chaucer’s tales, p. 7. + Thynne, William, in favour with Henry VIII., p. 6. + Thynne, William, his collection of Chaucer’s MSS., p. 5. + Thynne, William, protecteth John Skelton, p. 7. + + Vernacle, of the, p. 34. + Veseye, Eustace de, p. 18. + Visage for vassalage, p. 42. + + Walsingham, offended at temporall men being preferred to office, + p. 20. + Windsore, Lords son of, p. 52. + Wiuer or Wivern, a serpent like unto a dragon, p. 33. + Wolsey, his enmity to William Thynne, p. 7. + Wolsey, his great power with the King, p. 7. + Wyat, old Sir Thomas, did not make the Plowmans Tale, p. 7. + + + JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTERS. + + * * * * * + * * * * + * * * * * + +_Errors and Inconsistencies_ + +Non-Roman Scripts + + In the 1865 text, thorn þ is used for Saxon “r” ꞃ: + in saxon Meþecenþÿke which is the kingdome of Mercia, for so was + Kenelme the sonne, and Kenulphus the father, both kinges of Mercia; + the one reignynge 36 yeres, and the other murdred by his sister + Quendrida, as ys before noted. And that yt is the kingdome of + Mercia, the etymon of the woorde doth teache; for þÿk in the saxon + tonge signyfyethe a kingdome; meþcen signyfyethe markes. + + The 1876 text uses the Saxon letterforms: + Meꞃecenꞃÿke, ꞃÿk, meꞃcen. + +_At the time of preparation (June 2009), Saxon letters had been assigned +Unicode values, but font support was extremely limited. Your text reader +will probably not be able to display the character._ + + Similarly for Greek Χρ (Chi, rho): + placinge ther xþemas (_Christmasse_) a p{ar}te of this tyme of + Nowell .... ante xþi (_Christi_) natalitia viginti aut triginta + dies quodam desiderio. + The 1876 text gives only the expanded (Roman script) form of words + in Chr-. + + Hebrew: + for thus he writethe: נאל noel + [_both editions misprint באל with bet ב for nun נ_] + +Introduction + + a careful copier with a clean pen, indefatiguable [_unchanged_] + a ribald wit might create terrible havock [_unchanged_] + Footnote 2 [_reference missing, supplied from 1876 edition_] + Martin Chuzzelwit the elder [_unchanged_] + demanding why Falstalf [_unchanged_] + +List of Thynne’s Works + + 18 ... since the reign of the conqueror. [_extraneous close quote_] + + +Errors corrected from 1876 edition: + + _This list includes missing letters that were silently supplied in + 1865: that is, the text is right but the MS reading was wrong. It + does not include misplaced italics such as “tri{u}m” for “triu{m}”._ + + the Romans in the heigh[t]e of their glorye [heighe] + selfe will or fonnd conceyte [found] + Chaucers woorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce [sitheus] + that lerned and eloquent kn[i]ghte [knighte] + as I have herde S^r Johne Thynne reporte [St. Johne] + as the chanons yomane [chanous] + [_all occurrences of “chanons” in this passage are printed + “chanous” in 1865_] + the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. patent. [Rolulor] + [_1876 edition also adds “me{m}b.” after “patent.”_] + datu{m} per manu{m} Walteri Merton [Walleri] + consorti ipsius Regis &c.” [_close quote missing_] + “Rogero couentry &c [_open quote missing_] + so had the[y] fewer Rooses placed [they] + euerye manne to his owne iudgemente [iudgemte] + Gersone soughte no further meanynge [meanyuge] + tantiq{ue} quanti placuit vendiderunt.” [_close quote missing_] + (otherwise called “Flores Historiarum” or “Florilegus”) + [_printed with open parenthesis, close bracket_] + almoste to the heigh[t]e of perfect{i}one [heighte] + solitaq{ue} est hec vox cantari a plebe [cantaria] + shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, [gouernmente] + (“Manye a florence.”) [’ for ”] + in another place callethe scutes or frenche crownes [calle the] + yo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall [exposit{i}one] + tria virginis ora Dianæ,) [_close parenthesis missing_] + that all his streng[t]he and vitall Sprites [strengthe] + a pointe at streng[t]he is looste [strengthe] + agreethe not well with Chaucers meanynge [Chancers] + Whiche facte was [in] the 39. H. 3. [_“in” not bracketed_] + with change of many manner of meates, [_superfluous close bracket_] + Regis nomen superiori aut Iudici tribuitur, + [_superfluous close quote_] + Rex Ribaldoru{m} et prouostus Hospitii + [_“pro-/vuostus” at line break_] + si iteru{m} inventa in Balliuâ suâ [Ballinâ] + many iudgmentes mighte at leng[t]he obteyne [lengthe] + +Shared anomalies: + + Thus (withe hartye prayer comendinge + [both versions have extra open bracket/parenthesis] + I will passe over all those matters scito pede + [both versions have “scito”: error for “cito”?] + The lordes sonne of Windsore.) + [both versions missing open bracket/parenthesis] + by a mathesis or transpositione [shared error for “metathesis”] + +Textual differences, with 1876 reading shown in brackets: + + p{ar}soune and plowmane [p{ar}sonne] + Under the tytle of chaucers countaye,[4] [countrye, no footnote] + H. Regis patris nostri [Henrici Regis] + apud West {minsteriu}m [Westm{onasterium}] 316 + In whiche are two unperfect{i}ons. [imperfect{i}ons] + thus sett downe to the forthe daye of februarye + [... in the ferthe daye ...] + with the daye when and where they presented her + [_“with de daye” with footnote “MS. plainly de”_] + apud Eboru{m} in comitatiua [Ebor{ac}u{m}] + the laude fulfilled is ouer all [lande] 346 + For in truth yo{u}r armes of this S^r Johne Gower [{th}e armes] + an ensigne of his poetrye [one] + for he was an olde manne [one] + Ric. de la Poole [Ric{hard}] + continentem iij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d [I^d (capital Eye for One)] + factum ad Scaccariu{m} computator [computator{is}] + iiij^c marc. [marc{as}] + (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull,) [a marchante] + Walsingham (who wroote longe after) [w{hic}he wroote] + by reasone of others mens dealinge + [_“othere mens dealing{es}” with footnote “MS. others”_] + and, as some have yt + [and, [printinge,] as some have yt] + In the title of the augmente [argumente] + w{hic}h Chaucer w{i}th muche of that matter omytted + [w{i}th Chawcer,] + [_footnote “? _for_ which Chaucer englisht”_] + In the expositione of the olde wordes + [_Footnote: “+of+ of” with first “of” boldface_] + to oure nowe vnderstandinges [vnderstandinge] + beinge an indiffynyte speache [one] + an olde coyne of france [one] + I will produce twoo auctorauctors [twoo Auctors] + written in Gothyshe rymynge verse [verses] + That dame abstinence streyned + [_“weyned” with footnote (MS) “streyned”_] + And ganne her gratche as a Bygin. + [_footnote (MS) “graithe”_] + A large cover-cherfe of Thredde [cover-cheife] + whiche is true, for a gowshawke + [_“goshawke”, with footnote “MS. gowshake”_] + with her byll or talons [talentes] + an engine not muche vnlyke to the catapulte [one engine] + a Ramme to batter wales [wal[l]es] + Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens [a florens] + the same Walsingha{m} in another place [in other place] + within the price of ij^s. x^d. [QR] + --ij^s. x^d. [QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} + [_in both passages, 1865 has the “QR” symbol while + 1876 expands to “q{uad}r{anta}”_] + as were her younge and grene yeres [was] + yo{u} wolde haue us to reade [haue us reade] + save onlye the intellecte or vnderstandinge [his intellecte] + And twenty fadome of breedth, armes straughte [breed th’armes] + he[9] knocked at her[10] windowe + [_1876 text ADDS “to make her the better to heare” after this + phrase (skipped line in original MS?)_] + are nerer to Sorria [is nerer] + reference to his antecedente, i. e. this worde wyfe + [_word “i. e.” omitted_] + eightene Jewes were broughte fro{m} Lincolne + [_1876 text ADDS [to London] in brackets after “broughte”_] + For yf yt doe, &c. [For yf yt doe, . . .] + [_the fair Pertelote_] + [parenthesised in 1865 text, moved to footnote in 1876] + So that yf you nowe will [yf yowe will] + that hight Marche ... the bright sonne [hight[e] ... bright[e]] + and in the signe Taurus [signe of Taurus] + than in the weringe of furres [than ys] + “with change of many meates;” [with many change of meates] + kepe an equall proport{i}one and decorum [one equall] + But on these and suche petit matters [in these] + they are of [{no}?] great momente + [1865 has “no” italicized and in parentheses; + 1876 omits question mark] + as apperethe in the woordes [by these woordes] + Aristotle sayeth Bartholomeus [sayethe &] + I will not now treate; [entreate] + Whiche three edit[i]ons beinge verye unperfecte [imperfecte] + An angry wighte and chyderesse [One angry] + + +The HTML version of this e-text includes a detailed record of +differences between the 1865 and 1876 editions. Neither edition +includes a facsimile of the original MS, so readers will have to +decide for themselves which differences reflect editorial decisions +and which ones are errors in one edition or the other. + +Basic variations: + + Typographic: + Variations in punctuation and capitalization + Decorative features of final letters, especially -ll printed + with connecting line + Font changes such as boldface instead of small capitals + Prices are printed inline as ijs. and similar + + Consistent: + Initial v used throughout (medial u/v is variable) + “you” always printed with superscript “u” + (replacing both “you” and yo{u}) + “S^r” (superscript “r”) printed as “S{i}r” (italic “i”) + “emongst(e)” always spelled with medial “e” as “emongest(e)” + + Common: + initial J or j printed as I (always capitalized) + “than” spelled “then” + “could(e), would(e), should(e)” spelled “cold(e), wold(e), shold(e)” + in plurals or possessives of words ending in two consonants + (other than -ll-), where 1865 has simple “-s”, 1876 has -{es} + “which” written “whiche”, sometimes “wh{ic}he” + “your” transcribed “yo{u}r” + final “-eth” spelled “-ethe” + + Occasional: + “y” for “i” + _The two occurrences of “it” in 1865 may be errors; 1876 has + “yt”, agreeing with all other occurrences of the word._ + “i” for “e”, “aw” for “au” (“Chawcer”) + several occurrences of “an” are read as “one” + ampersand (&) for word “and” + final “-e”, especially in “much(e), such(e)”; + sometimes in “doth(e), hath(e)” and other words + single “o” changed to “oo”: “moore”, “woordes” + some Latin citations have final -e for -æ + words ending -o{r} transcribed as -o{u}r + word divisions such as “as well”, “my selfe” + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Animaduersions uppon the annotacions +and corrections of some imperfection, by Francis Thynne + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANIMADUERSIONS--CHAUCER'S WORKES *** + +***** This file should be named 29261-0.txt or 29261-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/9/2/6/29261/ + +Produced by Louise Hope, Taavi Kalju and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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