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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Canon of the Bible by Samuel Davidson
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Canon of the Bible
+
+Author: Samuel Davidson
+
+Release Date: September 29, 2009 [Ebook #30132]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
+
+
+
+
+
+                         The Canon of the Bible:
+
+                 Its Formation, History, And Fluctuations
+
+                                    By
+
+                          Samuel Davidson, D.D.
+
+                           Of Halle, And LL.D.
+
+               From the Third Revised and Enlarged Edition.
+
+                                 New York
+
+                       Peter Eckler Publishing Co.
+
+                                   1877
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+Preface.
+Chapter I. Introductory.
+Chapter II. The Old Testament Canon From Its Beginning To Its Close.
+Chapter III. The Samaritan And Alexandrian Canons.
+Chapter IV. Number And Order Of The Separate Books.
+Chapter V. Use Of The Old Testament By The First Christian Writers, And By
+The Fathers Till The Time Of Origen.
+Chapter VI. The New Testament Canon In The First Three Centuries.
+Chapter VII. The Bible Canon From The Fourth Century To The Reformation.
+Chapter VIII. Order Of The New Testament Books.
+Chapter IX. Summary Of The Subject.
+Chapter X. The Canon In The Confession Of Different Churches.
+Chapter XI. The Canon From Semler To The Present Time, With Reflections On
+Its Readjustment.
+Footnotes
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The substance of the present work was written toward the close of the year
+1875 for the new edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_. Having been
+abridged and mutilated, contrary to the author’s wishes, before its
+publication there, he resolved to print it entire. With that view it has
+undergone repeated revision with enlargement in different parts, and been
+made as complete as the limits of an essay appeared to allow. As nothing
+of importance has been knowingly omitted, the writer hopes it will be
+found a comprehensive summary of all that concerns the formation and
+history of the Bible canon. The place occupied by it was vacant. No
+English book reflecting the processes of results of recent criticism,
+gives an account of the canon in both Testaments. Articles and essays upon
+the subject there are; but their standpoint is usually apologetic not
+scientific, traditional rather than impartial, unreasonably conservative
+without being critical. The topic is weighty, involving the consideration
+of great questions, such as the inspiration, authenticity, authority, and
+age of the Scriptures. The author has tried to handle it fairly, founding
+his statements on such evidence as seemed convincing, and condensing them
+into a moderate compass. If the reader wishes to know the evidence, he may
+find it in the writer’s _Introductions to the Old and New Testaments_,
+where the separate books of Scripture are discussed; and in the late
+treatises of other critics. While his expositions are capable of
+expansion, it is believed that they will not be easily shaken. He commends
+the work to the attention of all who have an interest in the progress of
+theology, and are seeking a foundation for their faith less precarious
+than books however venerable.
+
+It has not been the writer’s purpose to chronicle phases of opinion, or to
+refute what he believes to be error in the newest hypotheses about the
+age, authority, and composition of the books. His aim has been rather to
+set forth the most correct view of the questions involved in a history of
+the canon, whether it be more or less recent. Some may think that the
+latest or most current account of such questions is the best; but that is
+not his opinion. Hence, the fashionable belief that much of the
+Pentateuch, the Book of Leviticus wholly, with large parts of Exodus and
+Numbers, in a word, that all the laws relating to divine worship, with
+most of the chronological tables or statistics, belong to Ezra, who is
+metamorphosed in fact into the first Elohist, is unnoticed. Hence, also,
+the earliest gospel is not declared to be Mark’s. Neither has the author
+ventured to place the fourth gospel at the end of the first century, as
+Ewald and Weitzsäcker do, after the manner of the old critics; or with
+Keim so early as 110-115 A.D.
+
+Many evince a restless anxiety to find something novel; and to depart from
+well-established conclusions for the sake of originality. This shows a
+morbid state of mind. Amid the feverish outlook for discoveries and the
+slight regard for what is safe, conservatism is a commendable thing. Some
+again desire to return, as far as they can, to orthodoxy, finding between
+that extreme and rationalism a middle way which offers a resting-place to
+faith. The numerous changes which criticism presents are not a symptom of
+soundness. The writer is far indeed from thinking that every question
+connected with the books of Scripture is finally settled; but the majority
+undoubtedly are, though several already fixed by great scholars continue
+to be opened up afresh. He does not profess to adopt the phase of
+criticism which is fashionable at the moment; it is enough to state what
+approves itself to his judgment, and to hold it fast amid the
+contrarieties of conjecture or the cravings of curiosity. Present
+excrescences or aberrations of belief will have their day and disappear.
+Large portions of the Pentateuch will cease to be consigned to a
+post-exile time, and the gospels of Matthew and Luke will again be counted
+the chief sources of Mark’s. It will also be acknowledged that the first
+as it now exists, is of much later origin than the fall of Jerusalem. Nor
+will there be so great anxiety to show that Justin Martyr was acquainted
+with the fourth gospel, and owed his Logos-doctrine chiefly to it. The
+difference of ten or twenty years in the date of a gospel will not be
+considered of essential importance in estimating its character.
+
+The present edition has been revised throughout and several parts
+re-written. The author hopes that it will be found still more worthy of
+the favor with which the first was received.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY.
+
+
+As introductory to the following dissertation, I shall explain and define
+certain terms that frequently occur in it, especially _canon_,
+_apocryphal_, _ecclesiastical_, and the like. A right apprehension of
+these will make the observations advanced respecting the canon and its
+formation plainer. The words have not been taken in the same sense by all,
+a fact that obscures their sense. They have been employed more or less
+vaguely by different writers. Varying ideas have been attached to them.
+
+The Greek original of _canon_(1) means primarily a straight rod or pole;
+and metaphorically, what serves to keep a thing upright or straight, a
+_rule_. In the New Testament it occurs in Gal. vi. 16 and 2 Cor. x. 13,
+15, 16, signifying in the former, a measure; in the latter, what is
+measured, a _district_. But we have now to do with its ecclesiastical use.
+There are three opinions as to the origin of its application to the
+writings used by the church. According to Toland, Whiston, Semler, Baur,
+and others, the word had originally the sense of _list_ or _catalogue_ of
+books publicly read in Christian assemblies. Others, as Steiner, suppose
+that since the Alexandrian grammarians applied it to collections of Old
+Greek authors as _models_ of excellence or _classics_, it meant
+_classical_ (canonical) _writings_. According to a third opinion, the term
+included from the first the idea of a regulating principle. This is the
+more probable, because the same idea lies in the New Testament use of the
+noun, and pervades its applications in the language of the early Fathers
+down to the time of Constantine, as Credner has shown.(2) The “canon of
+the church” in the Clementine homilies;(3) the “ecclesiastical canon,”(4)
+and “the canon of the truth,” in Clement and Irenæus;(5) the “canon” of
+the faith in Polycrates,(6) the _regula fidei_ of Tertullian,(7) and the
+_libri regulares_ of Origen,(8) imply a _normative principle_. But we
+cannot assent to Credner’s view of the Greek word for _canon_ being an
+abbreviation of “Scriptures of canon,”(9) equivalent to _Scripturæ legis_
+in Diocletian’s Act(10)—a view too artificial, and unsanctioned by usage.
+
+It is true that the word _canon_ was employed by Greek writers in the
+sense of a mere _list_; but when it was transferred to the Scripture
+books, it included the idea of a regulative and normal power—a list of
+books forming a rule or law, because the newly-formed Catholic Church
+required a standard of appeal in opposition to the Gnostics with their
+arbitrary use of sacred writings. There is a lack of evidence on behalf of
+its use before the books of the New Testament had been paralleled with
+those of the Old in authority and inspiration.
+
+The earliest example of its application to a catalogue of the Old or New
+Testament books occurs in the Latin translation of Origen’s homily on
+Joshua, where the original seems to have been “canon.”(11) The word itself
+is certainly in Amphilochius,(12) as well as in Jerome,(13) and
+Rufinus.(14) As the Latin translation of Origen has _canonicus_ and
+_canonizatus_, we infer that he used “canonical,”(15) opposed as it is to
+_apocryphus_ or _secretus_. The first occurrence of “canonical” is in the
+fifty-ninth canon of the Council of Laodicea, where it is contrasted with
+two other Greek words.(16) “_Canonized_ books,”(17) is first used in
+Athanasius’s 39th festal epistle. The kind of rule which the earliest
+fathers attributed to the Scriptures can only be conjectured; it is
+certain that they believed the Old Testament books to be a _divine_ and
+_infallible guide_. But the New Testament was not so considered till
+towards the close of the second century when the conception of a Catholic
+Church was realized. The latter collection was not called _Scripture_, or
+put on a par with the Old Testament as _sacred_ and _inspired_, till the
+time of Theophilus of Antioch (about 180 A.D.) Hence, Irenæus applies the
+epithets _divine_ and _perfect_ to the Scriptures; and Clement of
+Alexandria calls them _inspired_.
+
+When distinctions were made among the Biblical writings other words(18)
+were employed, synonymous with “canonized.”(19) The canon was thus a
+catalogue of writings forming a rule of truth, sacred, divine, revealed by
+God for the instruction of men. The rule was perfect for its purpose.
+
+The word apocryphal(20) is used in various senses, which it is difficult
+to trace chronologically. Apocryphal books are,—
+
+1st, Such as contain _secret_ or _mysterious_ things, books of the higher
+wisdom. It is thus applied to the Apocalypse by Gregory of Nyssa.(21) Akin
+to this is the second meaning.
+
+2nd, Such as were _kept secret_ or withdrawn from public use. In this
+sense the word corresponds to the Hebrew _ganuz_.(22) So Origen speaking
+of the story of Susanna. The opposite of this is _read in public_,(23) a
+word employed by Eusebius.(24)
+
+3rd, It was used of the secret books of the heretics by Clement(25) and
+Origen,(26) with the accessory idea of _spurious_,
+_pseudepigraphical_,(27) in opposition to the canonical writings of the
+Catholic Church. The book of Enoch and similar productions were so
+characterized.(28)
+
+4th, Jerome applied it to the books in the Septuagint which are absent
+from the Hebrew canon, _i.e._, to the books which were _read_ in the
+church, the _ecclesiastical_ ones(29) occupying a rank next to the
+canonical. In doing so he had respect to the corresponding Hebrew epithet.
+This was a misuse of the word _apocryphal_, which had a prejudicial effect
+on the character of the books in after-times.(30) The word, which he did
+not employ in an injurious sense, was adopted from him by Protestants
+after the Reformation, who gave it perhaps a sharper distinction than he
+intended, so as to imply a contrast somewhat disparaging to writings which
+were publicly read in many churches and put beside the canonical ones by
+distinguished fathers. The Lutherans have adhered to Jerome’s meaning
+longer than the Reformed; but the decree of the Council of Trent had some
+effect on both. The contrast between the canonical and apocryphal writings
+was carried to its utmost length by the Westminster divines, who asserted
+that the former are inspired, the latter not.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II. THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON FROM ITS BEGINNING TO ITS CLOSE.
+
+
+The first important part of the Old Testament put together as a whole was
+the Pentateuch, or rather, the five books of Moses and Joshua. This was
+preceded by smaller documents, which one or more redactors embodied in it.
+The earliest things committed to writing were probably _the ten words_
+proceeding from Moses himself, afterwards enlarged into the ten
+commandments which exist at present in two recensions (Exod. xx., Deut.
+v.) It is true that we have the oldest form of the decalogue from the
+Jehovist not the Elohist; but that is no valid objection against the
+antiquity of the nucleus, out of which it arose. It is also probable that
+several legal and ceremonial enactments belong, if not to Moses himself,
+at least to his time; as also the Elohistic list of stations in Numbers
+xxxiii. To the same time belongs the song of Miriam in Exodus xv.,
+probably consisting of a few lines at first, and subsequently enlarged;
+with a triumphal ode over the fall of Heshbon (Numbers xxi. 27-30). The
+little poetical piece in Numbers xxi. 17, 18, afterwards misunderstood and
+so taken literally, is post-Mosaic.
+
+During the unsettled times of Joshua and the Judges there could have been
+comparatively little writing. The song of Deborah appeared, full of poetic
+force and fire. The period of the early kings was characterized not only
+by a remarkable development of the Hebrew people and their consolidation
+into a national state, but by fresh literary activity. Laws were written
+out for the guidance of priests and people; and the political organization
+of the rapidly growing nation was promoted by poetical productions in
+which spiritual life expressed its aspirations. Schools of prophets were
+instituted by Samuel, whose literary efforts tended to purify the worship.
+David was an accomplished poet, whose psalms are composed in lofty
+strains; and Solomon may have written a few odes. The building of the
+temple, and the arrangements connected with its worship, contributed
+materially to a written legislation.
+
+During this early and flourishing period appeared the book of the Wars of
+Jehovah,(31) a heroic anthology, celebrating warlike deeds; and the book
+of Jashar,(32) also poetical. Jehoshaphat is mentioned as court-annalist
+to David and Solomon.(33) Above all, the Elohists now appeared, the first
+of whom, in the reign of Saul, was author of annals, beginning at the
+earliest time which were distinguished by genealogical and chronological
+details as well as systematic minuteness, by archaic simplicity, and by
+legal prescriptions more theoretical than practical. The long genealogical
+registers with an artificial chronology and a statement of the years of
+men’s lives, the dry narratives, the precise accounts of the gradual
+enlargement of divine laws, the copious description of the tabernacle and
+the institution of divine worship, are wearisome, though pervaded by a
+theoretic interest which looks at everything from a legal point of view. A
+second or junior Elohist was less methodical and more fragmentary,
+supplying additional information, furnishing new theocratic details, and
+setting forth the relation of Israel to heathen nations and to God. In
+contrast with his predecessor, he has great beauty of description, which
+is exemplified in the account of Isaac’s sacrifice and the history of
+Joseph; in picturesque and graphic narratives interspersed with few
+reflections. His parallels to the later writer commonly called the
+Jehovist, are numerous. The third author, who lived in the time of Uzziah,
+though more mythological than the Elohists, was less formal. His
+stand-point is prophetic. The third document incorporated with the
+Elohistic ones formed an important part of the whole, exhibiting a
+vividness which the first lacked; with descriptions of persons and things
+from another stand-point. The Jehovist belonged to the northern kingdom;
+the Elohists were of Judah.
+
+The state of the nation after Rehoboam was unfavorable to literature. When
+the people were threatened and attacked by other nations, divided among
+themselves in worship and all higher interests, rent by conflicting
+parties, the theocratic principle which was the true bond of union could
+not assert itself with effect. The people were corrupt; their religious
+life debased. The example of the kings was usually prejudicial to
+political healthiness. Contact with foreigners as well as with the older
+inhabitants of the land, hindered progress. In these circumstances the
+prophets were the true reformers, the advocates of political liberty,
+expositors of the principles that give life and stability to a nation. In
+Judah, Joel wrote prophetic discourses; in Israel, Amos and Hosea. Now,
+too, a redactor put together the Elohistic and Jehovistic documents,
+making various changes in them, adding throughout sentences or words that
+seemed desirable, and suppressing what was unsuited to his taste. Several
+psalm-writers enriched the national literature after David. Learned men at
+the court of Hezekiah recast and enlarged (Proverbs xxv.-xxix.) the
+national proverbs, which bore Solomon’s name because the nucleus of an
+older collection belonged to that monarch. These literary courtiers were
+not prophets, but rather scribes. The book of Job was written, with the
+exception of Elihu’s later discourses, which were not inserted in it till
+after the return from Babylon; and Deuteronomy, with Joshua, was added to
+the preceding collection in the reign of Manasseh. The gifted author of
+Deuteronomy, who was evidently imbued with the prophetic spirit, completed
+the Pentateuch, _i.e._, the five books of Moses and Joshua, revising the
+Elohist-Jehovistic work, and making various additions and alterations. He
+did the same thing to the historical books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings;
+which received from him their present form. Immediately before and during
+the exile there were numerous authors and compilers. New psalms appeared,
+more or less national in spirit. Ezekiel, Jeremiah and others prophesied;
+especially an unknown seer who described the present condition of the
+people, predicting their coming glories and renovated worship in strains
+of far-reaching import.(34) This great prophet expected the regeneration
+of the nation from the pious portion of it, the prophets in particular,
+not from a kingly Messiah as Isaiah did; for the hopes resting on rulers
+out of David’s house had been disappointed. His aspirations turned to
+spiritual means. He was not merely an enthusiastic seer with comprehensive
+glance, but also a practical philosopher who set forth the doctrine of the
+innocent suffering for the guilty; differing therein from Ezekiel’s theory
+of individual reward and punishment in the present world—a theory out of
+harmony with the circumstances of actual life. The very misfortunes of the
+nation, and the signs of their return, excited within the nobler spirits
+hopes of a brighter future, in which the flourishing reign of David should
+be surpassed by the universal worship of Jehovah. In consequence of their
+outward condition, the prophets of the exile were usually writers, like
+Ezekiel, not public speakers; and their announcement of glad tidings could
+only be transmitted privately from person to person. This explains in part
+the oblivion into which their names fell; so that the author or redactor
+of Jeremiah l., li.; the author of chapters xiii.-xiv. 23, xxi. 1-10,
+xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv., xxxv., inserted in Isaiah; and, above all, the
+Babylonian Isaiah, whom Hitzig improbably identifies with the high-priest
+Joshua, are unknown. After the return from Babylon the literary spirit
+manifested itself in the prophets of the restoration—Haggai, Zechariah,
+and Malachi—who wrote to recall their countrymen to a sense of religious
+duties; though their ideas were borrowed in part from older prophets of
+more original genius. The book of Esther appeared, to make the observance
+of the purim feast, which was of Persian origin, more general in
+Palestine. The large historical work comprising the books of Ezra,
+Nehemiah, and Chronicles, was compiled partly out of materials written by
+Ezra and Nehemiah, partly out of older historical records which formed a
+portion of the national literature. Several temple-psalms were also
+composed; a part of the present book of Proverbs; Ecclesiastes, whose tone
+and language betray its late origin; and Jonah, whose diction puts its
+date after the Babylonian captivity. The Maccabean age called forth the
+book of Daniel and various psalms. In addition to new productions there
+was an inclination to collect former documents. To Zechariah’s authentic
+prophecies were added the earlier ones contained in chapters ix.-xiv.; and
+the Psalms were gradually brought together, being made up into divisions
+at different times; the first and second divisions proceeding from one
+redactor, the third from another, the fourth and fifth from a still later.
+Various writings besides their own were grouped around the names of
+earlier prophets, as was the case with Isaiah and Jeremiah.
+
+The literature is more indebted for its best constituents to the prophetic
+than to the priestly order, because the prophets were preachers of
+repentance and righteousness whose great aim was to make Israel a
+Jehovah-worshipping nation to the exclusion of other gods. Their
+utterances were essentially ethical and religious; their pictures of the
+future subjective and ideal. There was silently elaborated in their
+schools a spiritual monotheism, over against the crude polytheism of the
+people generally—a theocratic ideal inadequately apprehended by gross and
+sensuous Israel—Jehovism simple and sublime amid a sacerdotal worship
+which left the heart impure while cleansing the hands. Instead of taking
+their stand upon the law, with its rules of worship, its ceremonial
+precepts and penalties against transgressors, the prophets set themselves
+above it, speaking slightingly of the forms and customs which the people
+took for the whole of religion. To the view of such as were prepared to
+receive a faith that looked for its realization to the future, they helped
+to create a millennium, in which the worship of Jehovah alone should
+become the basis of a universal religion for humanity. In addition to the
+prophetic literature proper, they wrote historical works also. How
+superior this literature is to the priestly, appears from a comparison of
+the Kings and Chronicles. The subjective underlies the one; the objective
+distinguishes the other. Faith in Jehovah, clothed, it may be in sensible
+or historical forms, characterizes the one; reference of an outward order
+to a divine source, the other. The sanctity of a people under the
+government of a righteous God, is the object of the one; the sanctity of
+institutions, that of the other. Even when the prophets wrote history,
+_the facts_ are subordinate to _the belief_. Subjective purposes colored
+their representation of real events.
+
+To them we are indebted for the Messianic idea, the hope of a better time
+in which their high ideal of the theocracy should be realized. With such
+belief in the future, with pious aspirations enlivening their patriotism,
+did they comfort and encourage their countrymen. The hope, general or
+indefinite at first, was afterwards attached to the house of David, out of
+which a restorer of the theocracy was expected, a king pre-eminent in
+righteousness, and marvelously gifted. It was not merely a political but a
+religious hope, implying the thorough purification of the nation, the
+extinction of idolatry, the general spread and triumph of true religion.
+The pious wishes of the prophets, often repeated, became a sort of
+doctrine, and contributed to sustain the failing spirit of the people. The
+indefinite idea of a golden age was commoner than that of a personal
+prince who should reign in equity and peace. Neither was part of the
+national faith, like the law, or the doctrine of sacrifice; and but a few
+of the prophets portrayed a king, in their description of the period of
+ideal prosperity.
+
+The man who first gave public sanction to a portion of the national
+literature was Ezra, who laid the foundation of a canon. He was the leader
+in restoring the theocracy after the exile, “a ready scribe in the law of
+Moses, who had prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord and to teach
+in Israel statutes and judgments.” As we are told that he brought the book
+of the law of Moses before the congregation and read it publicly, the idea
+naturally arises that he was the final redactor of the Pentateuch,
+separating it from the historical work consisting of Joshua and the
+subsequent writings, of which it formed the commencement. Such was the
+first canon given to the Jewish Church after its reconstruction—ready for
+temple service as well as synagogue use. Henceforward the Mosaic book
+became an authoritative guide in spiritual, ecclesiastical, and civil
+matters, as we infer from various passages in Ezra and Nehemiah and from
+the chronicler’s own statements in the book bearing his name. The doings
+of Ezra with regard to the Scriptures are deduced not only from what we
+read of him in the Biblical book that bears his name, but also from the
+legend in the fourth book of Ezdras,(35) where it is related that he
+dictated by inspiration to five ready writers ninety-four books; the first
+twenty-four of which he was ordered to publish openly that the worthy and
+unworthy might read, but reserved the last seventy for the wise. Though
+the twenty-four books of the Old Testament cannot be attributed to him,
+the fact that he copied and wrote portions need not be questioned. He
+edited _the law_, making the first canon or collection of books, and
+giving it an authority which it had not before. Talmudic accounts
+associate with him the men of the great synagogue. It is true that they
+are legendary, but there is a foundation of fact beneath the fanciful
+superstructure. As to Ezra’s treatment of the Pentateuch, or his specific
+mode of redaction, we are left for the most part to conjecture. Yet it is
+safe to affirm that he added;—making new precepts and practices either in
+place of or beside older ones. Some things he removed as unsuited to the
+altered circumstances of the people; others he modified. He threw back
+later enactments into earlier times. It is difficult to discover all the
+parts that betray his hand. Some elaborate priestly details show his
+authorship most clearly. If his hand be not visible in Leviticus, chap.
+xvii.-xxvi.; a writer not far removed from his time is observable; Ezekiel
+or some other. It is clear that some of the portion (xxv. 19-22; xxvi.
+3-45) is much later than the Elohists, and belongs to the exile or
+post-exile period. But great difficulty attaches to the separation of the
+sources here used; even after Kayser’s acute handling of them. It is also
+perceptible from Ezekiel xx. 25, 26, that the clause in Exodus xiii. 15,
+“but all the first-born of my children I redeem,” was added after the
+exile, since the prophet shows his unacquaintance with it. The statute
+that all which openeth the womb should be burnt in sacrifice to Jehovah,
+appeared inhuman not only to Ezekiel, but to Ezra or his associates in
+re-editing the law; and therefore the clause about the redemption of every
+first-born male was subjoined. Ezra, a second Moses in the eyes of the
+later Jews, did not scruple to refer to Moses what was of recent origin,
+and to deal freely with the national literature. Such was the first
+canon—that of Ezra the priest and scribe.
+
+The origin of the great synagogue is noticed in Ezra x. 16, and described
+more particularly in Nehemiah viii.-x., the members being apparently
+enumerated in x. 1-27; at least the Megila Jer. (i. 5) and Midrash Ruth (§
+3) speak of an assembly of eighty-five elders, who are probably found in
+the last passage. One name, however, is wanting, for only eighty-four are
+given; and as Ezra is not mentioned among them, the conjecture of Krochmal
+that it has dropped out of x. 9, may be allowed. Another tradition gives
+the number as one hundred and twenty, which may be got by adding the
+“chief of the fathers” enumerated in Ezra viii. 1-14 to the hundred and
+two heads of families in Ezra ii. 2-58. Whether the number was the same at
+the commencement as afterwards is uncertain. Late Jewish writers, however,
+such as Abarbanel, Abraham ben David, Ben Maimun, &c., speak as if it
+consisted of the larger number at the beginning; and have no scruple in
+pronouncing Ezra president, rather than Nehemiah.(36)
+
+The oldest extra-biblical mention of the synagogue, is in the Mishnic
+treatise _Pirke Aboth_, where it is said, “Moses received the laws from
+Mount Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders
+to the prophets, and the prophets delivered it to the men of the great
+synagogue. These last spake these words: ‘Be slow in judgment; appoint
+many disciples; make a hedge for the law.’ ”(37) In the Talmudic _Baba
+Bathra_, their biblical doings are described: “Moses wrote his book, the
+section about Balaam and job. Joshua wrote his book and eight verses of
+the law. Samuel wrote his book and judges and Ruth. David wrote the book
+of Psalms _by_ (?)(38) ten elders, by Adam the first man, by Melchizedek,
+by Abraham, by Moses, by Heman, by Jeduthun, by Asaph, and the three sons
+of Korah. Jeremiah wrote his book, the books of Kings and Lamentations.
+Hezekiah and his friends wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, Canticles, and Coheleth;
+the men of the great synagogue, Ezekiel, the twelve prophets, Daniel and
+Esther. Ezra wrote his own book and the genealogies of Chronicles down to
+himself.”(39) This passage has its obscurities. What is meant by the verb
+_write_!(40) Does it mean _composition_ and then something else; the
+former in the first part of the passage, and _editing_ in the second?
+Rashi explains it of _composition_ throughout, which introduces absurdity.
+The most obvious interpretation is that which understands the verb of
+_writing_ in one place, and _editing_ in the second. But it is improbable
+that the author should have used the same word in different senses, in one
+and the same passage. Bloch(41) understands it of _copying_ or _writing
+out_, a sense that suits the procedure of the men of the great synagogue
+in regard to Ezekiel, the twelve prophets, &c., but is inapplicable to
+Moses, Joshua, Samuel, David, Jeremiah, &c. It is probable enough that the
+synagogue scribes put into their present form and made the first
+authorized copies of the works specified. The Boraitha, however, is not
+clear, and may only express the opinion of a private individual in a
+confused way. Simon the Just is said to have belonged to the remnants of
+the synagogue. As Ezra is called “a ready scribe,” and his labors in
+connection with the law were important, he may have organized a body of
+literary men who should work in harmony, attending, among other things, to
+the collection and preservation of the national literature; or they may
+have been an association of patriotic men who voluntarily rallied round
+the heads of the new state, to support them in their fundamental reforms.
+The company of scribes mentioned in 1 Maccabees does not probably relate
+to it.(42) A succession of priests and scribes, excited at first by the
+reforming zeal of one whom later Jews looked upon as a second Moses,
+labored in one department of literary work till the corporation ceased to
+exist soon after, if not in the time of Simon, _i.e._, from about 445 B.C.
+till about 200; for we identify the Simon celebrated in Sirach l. 1-26
+with Simon II., son of the high-priest Onias II., B.C. 221-202; not with
+Simon I., son and successor of the high-priest Onias I., B.C. 310-291.
+Josephus’s opinion, indeed, is contrary; but leading Jewish scholars, such
+as Zunz, Herzfeld, Krochmal, Derenbourg, Jost, and Bloch differ from him.
+
+To the great synagogue must be referred the compilation of the second
+canon, containing Joshua, Judges with Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah with Lamentations, Ezekiel and the twelve minor prophets. It was
+not completed prior to 300 B.C., because the book of Jonah was not written
+before. This work may be called a historical parable composed for a
+didactic purpose, giving a milder, larger view of Jehovah’s favor than the
+orthodox one, that excluded the Gentiles. Ruth, containing an idyllic
+story with an unfinished genealogy attached, meant to glorify the house of
+David, and presenting a kindred spirit towards a people uniformly hated,
+was appended to Judges; but was subsequently transferred to the third
+canon. It was written immediately after the return from the Babylonian
+captivity; for the Chaldaising language points to this date,
+notwithstanding the supposed archaisms discovered in it by some. In like
+manner, the Lamentations, originally added to Jeremiah, were afterwards
+put into the later or third canon. Joshua, which had been separated from
+the five books of Moses with which it was closely joined at first, formed,
+with the other historical portion (Judges, Samuel, Kings), the proper
+continuation of Ezra’s canon. The prophets included the three greater and
+twelve minor. With Isaiah’s authentic oracles were incorporated the last
+twenty-seven chapters, belonging for the most part to an anonymous prophet
+of the exile, besides several late pieces inserted in the first
+thirty-nine chapters. Men of prophetic gifts wrote in the name of
+distinguished prophets, and put their productions with those of the
+latter, or adapted and wrote them over after their own fashion. The
+fiftieth and fifty-first chapters of Jeremiah show such over-writing. To
+Zechariah’s authentic oracles were attached chapters ix.-xiv., themselves
+made up of two parts (ix.-xi., xii.-xiv.) belonging to different times and
+authors prior to the destruction of the Jewish state by the Babylonians.
+
+The character of the synagogue’s proceedings in regard to the books of
+Scripture can only be deduced from the conduct of Ezra himself, as well as
+the prevailing views and wants of the times. The scribes who began with
+Ezra, seeing how he acted, would naturally follow his example, not
+hesitating to revise the text _in substance_ as well as form.(43) They did
+not refrain from changing what had been written, or from inserting fresh
+matter. Some of their novelties can be discerned even in the Pentateuch.
+Their chief work, however, related to the _form_ of the text. They put
+into a proper form and state the text of the writings they studied,
+perceiving less need for revising the _matter_. What they did was in good
+faith, with honest intention.
+
+The prophetic canon ended with Malachi’s oracles. And it was made sometime
+after he prophesied, because the general consciousness that the function
+ceased with him required a considerable period for its growth. The fact
+that it included Jonah and Ruth brings the completion after 300 B.C., as
+already stated. There are no definite allusions to it till the second
+century B.C. Daniel speaks of a passage in Jeremiah being in “the books”
+or “writings;”(44) and the prologue of Jesus Sirach presupposes its
+formation. Such was the second canon, which had been made up gradually
+(444-290 B.C.)
+
+Another view of the collection in question has been taken by various
+scholars. According to a passage in the second book of Maccabees, the
+second canon originated with Nehemiah, who “gathered together the acts of
+the kings and the prophets and (psalms) of David, and the epistles of the
+kings concerning the holy gifts.”(45) These words are obscure. They occur
+in a letter purporting to be sent by the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem to the
+Jews in Egypt, which contains apocryphal things; a letter which assigns to
+Nehemiah the merit of various arrangements rather belonging to Ezra. It is
+difficult to understand the meaning of “the epistles of the kings
+concerning the offerings.” If they were the documents of heathen or
+Persian kings favorable to the rebuilding of Jerusalem and its temple,
+would they not have been rejected from a collection of sacred books
+belonging to the chosen people? They might perhaps have been adopted had
+they been interwoven with the holy books themselves, like portions of Ezra
+and Nehemiah; but they could not have formed a distinct part of the
+national literature, because they were foreign and heathen. Again, “the
+psalms of David” cannot have existed in the time of Nehemiah, if the
+phrase includes the whole collection. It may perhaps refer to the first
+three divisions of the book, as Herzfeld thinks; but these contain many
+odes which are not David’s; while earlier ones belong to the last two
+divisions of the Psalm-book. In like manner, “the prophets” could not all
+have belonged to this canon; neither Malachi, who was later, nor Jonah.
+The account will not bear strict examination, and must be pronounced
+apocryphal. Nehemiah was a statesman, not a priest or scribe; a
+politician, not a literary man. It is true that he may have had
+assistants, or committed the work to competent hands; but this is
+conjectural. The account of his supposed canon hardly commends itself by
+inherent truthfulness or probability, though it is accepted by Ewald and
+Bleek.
+
+When the great synagogue ceased, there was an interval during which it is
+not clear whether the sacred books were neglected, except by private
+individuals; or whether they were studied, copied, and collected by a body
+of scribes. Perhaps the scribes and elders of the Hasmonæan time were
+active at intervals in this department. The institution of a senate by
+Judas Maccabaeus is supposed to be favored by 2 Maccabees (chapter i.
+10-ii. 18); but the passage furnishes poor evidence of the thing. Judas is
+there made to write to Egypt in the year of the Seleucidae 188, though he
+died thirty-six years before, _i.e._, 152. Other places have been added as
+corroborative, viz., 2 Maccab. iv. 44, xi. 27; 1 Maccab. vii. 33. Some go
+so far as to state that Jose ben Joeser was appointed its first president
+at that time. The Midrash in Bereshith Rabba (§ 65) makes him one of the
+sixty Hassidim who were treacherously murdered by Alcimus; but this is
+neither in the first book of the Maccabees (chapter vii.) nor in
+Josephus,(46) and must be pronounced conjectural. It is impossible to fix
+the exact date of Jose ben Joeser in the Hasmonean period. Pirke Aboth
+leaves it indefinite. Jonathan, Judas Maccabaeus’s successor, when writing
+to the Lacedaemonians, speaks of the _gerusia_ or senate as well as _the
+people_ of the Jews; whence we learn that the body existed as early as the
+time of Judas.(47) Again, Demetrius writes to Simon, as also to _the
+elders_ and _nation_ of the Jews.(48) After Jonathan and Simon, it may
+have been suspended for a while, in consequence of the persecution and
+anarchy prevailing in Judea; till the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem
+succeeded it, under Hyrcanus I. Though the traces of a senate in the
+Maccabaean epoch are slight, the Talmud countenances its existence.(49) We
+believe that it was earlier than Judas Maccabaeus. Of its constitution
+nothing is known; but it was probably aristocratic. The Hasmonean prince
+would naturally exert a commanding influence over it. The great synagogue
+had been a kind of democratic council, consisting of scribes, doctors or
+teachers, and priests.(50) Like their predecessors of the great synagogue,
+the Hasmonæan elders revised the text freely, putting into it explanatory
+or corrective additions, which were not always improvements. The way in
+which they used the book of Esther, employing it as a medium of Halachite
+prescription, shows a treatment involving little idea of sacredness
+attaching to the Hagiographa.
+
+We are aware that the existence of this body is liable to doubt, and that
+the expressions belonging to it in Jewish books, whether elders or
+_gerusia_, have been applied to the great synagogue or to the Sanhedrim at
+Jerusalem, or even to the elders of any little town or hamlet; but it is
+difficult to explain all on that hypothesis, without attributing confusion
+to the places where they occur. If the body in question be not allowed, an
+interval of about sixty years elapsed between the great synagogue and the
+Sanhedrim, during which the hagiographical writings were comparatively
+neglected, though literary activity did not cease. No authoritative
+association, at least, dealt with them. This is improbable. It is true
+that we read of no distinguished teachers in the interval, except
+Antigonus of Socho, disciple of Simon the Just; but the silence can hardly
+weigh against a reasonable presumption. One thing is clear, viz., that
+Antigonus did not reach down to the time of the first pair that presided
+over the Sanhedrim.
+
+The contents of the third canon, _i.e._, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles,
+Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, the formation of
+which we assign to the Hasmonæan gerusia, were multifarious, differing
+widely from one another in age, character, and value—poetical, prophetic,
+didactic, historical. Such as seemed worthy of preservation, though they
+had not been included in the second canon, were gathered together during
+the space of an hundred and fifty years. The oldest part consisted of
+psalms supposed to belong to David. The first psalm, which contains within
+itself traces of late authorship, was prefixed as an introduction to the
+whole collection now put into the third canon. Next to the Psalms were
+Proverbs, Job, Canticles, which, though non-prophetic and probably
+excluded on that account from the second canon, must have existed before
+the exile. Enriched with the latest additions, they survived the national
+disasters, and claimed a place next to the Psalms. They were but a portion
+of the literature current in and after the 5th century B.C., as may be
+inferred from the epilogue to Ecclesiastes, and the Wisdom of Sirach. The
+historical work compiled by the chronicle-writer was separated, Ezra being
+put first as the most important part, and referring also to the church of
+the 6th and 5th centuries whose history had not been written. The
+Chronicles themselves were placed last, being considered of less value
+than the first part, as they contained the summary of a period already
+described, though with numerous adaptations to post-exile times. The
+youngest portion consisted of the book of Daniel, not written till the
+Maccabean period (between 170 and 160 B.C.);(51) and probably of several
+Psalms (44, 60, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83, 89, 110, 118) which were inserted
+in different places of the collection to make the whole number 150. These
+late odes savor of the Maccabean time; and are fitly illustrated by the
+history given in the first book of Maccabees. The list continued open;
+dominated by no stringent principle of selection, and with a character
+somewhat indefinite. It was called _c’tubim_, _i.e._, writings(52) a
+general epithet suited to the contents.
+
+Several books put into the third canon,—as Job, Proverbs, the greater
+number of the Psalms, &c.,—existed when the second was made. But the
+latter collection was pre-eminently _prophetic_; and it was that idea of
+the origin and contents of the books in it which regulated its extent.
+Bloch’s supposition that the parts of the third collection then existing
+were not looked upon as holy, but merely as productions embodying human
+wisdom, and were therefore excluded, is improbable. We do not think that
+an alteration of opinion about them in the course of a century or more, by
+which they became divine and holy instead of human, is a satisfactory
+explanation. The Psalms of David and the book of Job must have been as
+highly esteemed in the period of the great synagogue’s existence as they
+were at a later time. Other considerations besides the divinity and
+holiness of books contributed to their introduction into a canon.
+Ecclesiastes was taken into the third collection because it was attributed
+to Solomon. The Song of Songs was understood allegorically,—a fact which,
+in addition to its supposed Solomonic authorship, determined its adoption.
+And even after their canonical reception, whether by the great synagogue
+or another body, the character of books was canvassed. It was so with
+Ecclesiastes, in spite of the _supposed_ sanction it got from the great
+synagogue contained in the epilogue, added, as some think, by that body to
+attest the sacredness of the book.(53)
+
+While the third canon was being made, the soferim, as the successors of
+the prophets, were active as before; and though interpretation was their
+chief duty, they must have revised and corrected the sacred books to some
+extent. We need not hesitate to allow that they sometimes arranged parts,
+and even added matter of their own. In the time of the canon’s entire
+preparation, they and the priests, with writers and scholars generally,
+redacted the national literature, excluding or sanctioning such portions
+of it as they thought fit.
+
+At this time appeared the present five-fold partition of the Psalms,
+preceded as it had been by other divisions, the last of which was very
+similar to the one that became final. Several inscriptions and historical
+notices were prefixed. The inscriptions, however, belong to very different
+times, their historical parts being usually older than the musical; and
+date from the first collection to the period of the Hasmonean college,
+when the final redaction of the entire Psalter took place. Those in the
+first three books existed at the time when the latter were made up; those
+in the last two were prefixed partly at the time when the collections
+themselves were made, and partly in the Maccabean age. How often they are
+out of harmony with the poems themselves, needs no remark. They are both
+traditional and conjectural.
+
+The earliest attestation of the third canon is that of the prologue to
+Jesus Sirach (130 B.C.), where not only _the law and the prophets_ are
+specified, but “the other books of the fathers,” or “the rest of the
+books.”(54) No information is given as to its extent, or the particular
+books included. They may have been for the most part the same as the
+present ones. The passage does not show that the third list was closed.
+The better writings of the fathers, such as tended to learning and wisdom,
+are not excluded by the definite article. In like manner, neither Philo
+nor the New Testament gives exact information as to the contents of the
+division in question. Indeed, several books, Canticles, Esther,
+Ecclesiastes, are unnoticed in the latter. The argument drawn from Matthew
+xxiii. 35, that the Chronicles were then the last book of the canon, is
+inconclusive; as the Zechariah there named was probably different from the
+Zechariah in 2 Chronicles xxiv. None of these witnesses proves that the
+third canon was finally closed.
+
+A more definite testimony respecting the canon is given by Josephus
+towards the end of the first century A.D. “For we have not an innumerable
+multitude of books among us, ... but only twenty-two books, which contain
+the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine.
+And of them five belong to Moses.... But as to the time from the death of
+Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, the prophets who were
+after Moses wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The
+remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts for the conduct of
+human life. It is true our history has been written since Artaxerxes very
+particularly, but has not been esteemed of the like authority with the
+former by our forefathers, because there has not been an exact succession
+of prophets since that time: and how firmly we have given credit to these
+books of our own nation is evident by what we do; for during so many ages
+as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add anything
+to them, to take anything from them, or to make any change in them; but it
+has become natural to all Jews immediately and from their very birth, to
+esteem these books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them,
+and if occasion be, willingly to die for them.”(55) This list agrees with
+our present canon, showing that the Palestinian Jews were tolerably
+unanimous as to the extent of the collection. The thirteen prophets
+include Job; the four lyric and moral books are Psalms, Proverbs,
+Ecclesiastes and Canticles.
+
+It is not likely that the Hasmonæan senate had a long existence. It was
+replaced by the Sanhedrim, a more definite and state institution, intended
+as a counter-balance to the influence of the Hasmonæan princes. The
+notices of the latter reach no further back than Hyrcanus I., _i.e._,
+about 135 B.C.(56) Josephus speaks of it under Hyrcanus II.(57) It cannot
+be referred to an earlier period than Hyrcanus I. Frankel(58) indeed,
+finds a notice of it in 2 Chronicles xix. 8, 11; but the account there is
+indistinct, and refers to the great synagogue. The compiler having no
+certain information about what was long past, transfers the origin of the
+court he speaks of to Jehoshaphat, in order to glorify the house of David.
+It is impossible to date the Sanhedrim, with Frankel, in the Grecian era,
+in which case it must have been dissolved during the Maccabean
+insurrection, and afterwards reconstructed; it was not constituted till
+about 130 B.C. Whether it was modeled after the great synagogue or the
+Hasmonæan senate, is uncertain. The idea of it may have been suggested by
+the latter rather than the former, for its basis was aristocratic. The
+Hasmonæan _gerusia_ must have been less formal and definite than the
+Sanhedrim; though the latter arose before the family ceased to be in
+power, and differed materially from its predecessor. It continued from 130
+B.C. till A.D. 180, surviving the terrible disasters of the nation.(59)
+
+The closing of the third canon cannot be assigned, with Bloch, to the
+great synagogue. If the college ceased with or before Simon, _i.e._, about
+200-192, and the work of Daniel did not appear till about 170 B.C., twenty
+years at least intervened between the extinction of the great synagogue
+and Daniel’s book. This holds good, whether we assume, with Krochmal, the
+synagogue’s _redaction_ of the work,—more correctly the putting together
+of the independent parts of which _it is said_ to be composed; or equally
+so, if the taking of it into the canon as a book already completed, be
+attributed to the same body. But we are unable to see that Krochmal’s
+reasoning about the synagogue putting Daniel’s work together and one of
+the members writing the book of Esther is probable.
+
+In like manner, Maccabean psalms are adverse to the hypothesis that the
+great synagogue completed the third canon. In consequence of these late
+productions, it is impossible to assert that the men of the synagogue were
+the redactors of the Psalter as it is. It is true that the collection was
+made before the Chronicles and many other books of the hagiographical
+canon; but the _complete_ Psalter did not appear till the Maccabean
+period. The canon, however, was not considered to be finally closed in the
+first century before and the next after Christ. There were doubts about
+some portions. The book of Ezekiel gave offence, because some of its
+statements seemed to contradict the law. Doubts about others were of a
+more serious nature; about Ecclesiastes, the Canticles, Esther, and the
+Proverbs. The first was impugned because it had contradictory passages and
+a heretical tendency; the second, because of its worldly and sensual tone;
+Esther for its want of religiousness; and Proverbs on account of
+inconsistencies. This scepticism went far to procure the exclusion of the
+suspected works from the canon, and their relegation to the class of the
+_genuzim_.(60) But it did not prevail. Hananiah, son of Hezekiah, son of
+Garon, about 32 B.C., is said to have reconciled the contradictions and
+quieted the doubts.(61) But these traces of resistance to the fixity of
+the canon were not the last. They reappeared about A.D. 65, as we learn
+from the Talmud,(62) when the controversy turned mainly upon the
+canonicity of Ecclesiastes, which the school of Shammai, who had the
+majority, opposed; so that the book was probably excluded.(63) The
+question emerged again at a later synod at Jabneh or Jamnia, when R.
+Eleasar ben Asaria was chosen patriarch, and Gamaliel the second, deposed.
+Here it was decided, not unanimously however, but by a majority of
+Hillelites, that Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs “pollute the hands,”
+_i.e._, belong properly to the Hagiographa.(64) This was about 90 A.D.(65)
+Thus the question of the canonicity of certain books was discussed at two
+synods.
+
+Passages in the Talmud have been adduced to show that the Shammaite
+objections to the canonicity of Ecclesiastes “were overruled by the
+positive declaration from the 72 elders, _being a testimony anterior to
+the Christian era_ that Coheleth is canonical; but they do not support the
+opinion.”(66)
+
+“The sages” referred to in the treatise Sabbat and elsewhere is a vague
+expression, resting apparently on no historic tradition—a mere opinion of
+comparatively late date. If it refer to the Jerusalem synod A.D. 65, the
+Hillelites were simply outnumbered there by the Shammaites. The matter was
+debated hastily, and determined for the time by a majority. But the synod
+at Jamnia consisted of 72 persons; and a passage in the treatise Yadayim
+refers to it.(67) The testimony of the 72 elders to whom R. Simeon ben
+Asai here alludes, so far from belonging to an anti-christian era, belongs
+to a date about 90 A.D. And the fact that the synod at Jamnia took up
+again a question already debated at Jerusalem A.D. 65, proves that no
+final settlement of the canon had taken place before. The canon was
+virtually settled at Jamnia, where was confirmed what R. Akiba said of the
+Canticles in his usual extravagant way: “No day in the whole history of
+the world is of so much worth as the one in which the Song of Songs was
+given to Israel; for all the Scriptures are holy; but the Song of Songs is
+most holy.”(68) As the Hagiographa were not read in public, with the
+exception of Esther, opinions of the Jewish rabbins might still differ
+about Canticles and Ecclesiastes, even after the synod of Jamnia.
+
+In opposition to these remarks, it is strenuously argued by Bloch that
+neither the passage in the Mishnic treatise Yadayim, nor any other, refers
+to the _canonical character_ of the books to which Jewish elders raised
+several objections. But his arguments are more vehement than valid.
+Anxious to assign the final settlement of the entire canon to an
+authoritative body like the great synagogue, he affirms that all parties
+were united in opinion about the time of Christ,—Assiim, Perushim, and
+Zeddukim; Shammaites and Hillelites. But it requires more than his
+ingenuity to explain away the meaning of Yadayim 3, 5, Adoyot v. 3, Sabbat
+1. To what did such diversity of opinion relate, if not to the canonical
+character of the books? A specific answer to the question is not given by
+the learned writer,(69) who is too eager in his endeavor to attribute the
+settlement of the third canon to the great synagogue, and to smooth away
+all diversities of opinion about several books, after that time, as if
+none could afterwards question the authoritative settlement by that body.
+He will not even allow a wider canon to the Alexandrian Jews than that of
+their Palestinian brethren, though he cannot but admit that the former
+read and highly esteemed various apocryphal books because of their
+_theocratic_ character. Surely the practical use of writings is an
+evidence of their canonicity as strong as theoretical opinions.
+
+The doubts about several books to which we have alluded, some of which
+Hananiah is said to have resolved in his old age, imply a diligent study
+of the national literature, if not a revision of the text; and the
+Tannaite college at Jabneh must have cared for the same things, as it had
+to deal with similar objections. After the last canon was made more than a
+century anterior to the Christian era, the text was not considered
+inviolate by the learned Jews; it received subsequent modifications and
+interpolations. The process of redaction had not ceased before the time of
+Christ. This was owing, among other causes, to the state of parties among
+the Jews, as well as the intrusion of Greek literature and culture, whose
+influence the Palestinian Jews themselves were not able altogether to
+withstand. When Jeremiah accused the Scribes of falsifying the law by
+their lying pen (viii. 8), it may be inferred that the same process took
+place afterwards; that offensive things were removed, and alterations made
+continuously down to the close of the canon, and even after. The
+corrections consisted of additions and changes of letters, being indicated
+in part by the most ancient versions and the traditions of the Jews
+themselves who often knew what stood in the text at first, and why it was
+altered. They are also indicated by the nature of the passage itself
+viewed in the light of the state of religion at the time. Here, sober
+judgment must guard against unnecessary conjectures. Some changes are
+apparent, as the plural _oaks_ in Genesis xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1,
+Deuteronomy xi. 30, for the singular _oak_; and the plural _gods_ in
+Exodus xxxii. 4, for the singular _god_. So 2 Sam. Vii. 23, (comp. 1
+Chron. xvii. 21, and LXX);(70) and Deuteronomy xxxii. 8,(71) have been
+altered. Popper and Geiger have probably assumed too much correction on
+the part of the Scribes and others; though they have drawn attention to
+the subject in the spirit of original criticism.
+
+Jewish literature began to degenerate after the captivity, and it
+continued to do so. It leaned upon the past more and more, having an
+external and formal character with little of the living soul. The
+independence of their religious literature disappeared with the national
+independence of the Jews; and the genius of the people was too exclusive
+to receive much expansion from the spirit of nations with whom they came
+in contact. In such circumstances, amid the general consciousness of
+present misfortune which the hope of a brighter future could not dispel,
+and regretful retrospects of the past tinged with ideal splendor, the
+exact time of drawing a line between books that might be included in the
+third division of the canon must have been arbitrary. In the absence of a
+normal principle to determine selection, the productions were arbitrarily
+separated. Not that they were badly adjusted. On the contrary, the canon
+as a whole was settled wisely. Yet the critical spirit of learned Jews in
+the future could not be extinguished by anticipation. The canon was not
+really settled for all time by a synodical gathering at Jamnia; for Sirach
+was added to the Hagiographa by some rabbins about the beginning of the
+4th century;(72) while Baruch circulated long in Hebrew, and was publicly
+read on the day of atonement in the third century, according to the
+Apostolic constitutions.(73) These two books were in high repute for a
+considerable time, possessing a kind of canonical credit even among the
+learned Jews of Palestine. Rab, Jochanan, Elasar, Rabba bar Mare,
+occasionally refer to Sirach in the way in which the _c’tubim_ were
+quoted: the writer of Daniel used Baruch; and the translator of Jeremiah
+put it into Greek.
+
+If it be asked on what principle books were admitted into the canon, a
+single answer does not suffice. One and the same criterion did not
+determine the process at all times. The leading principle with which the
+first canon-makers set out was to collect all the documents of Hebrew
+antiquity. This seems to have guided Ezra, if not the great synagogue
+after him. The nation, early imbued with the theocratic spirit and
+believing itself the chosen of God, was favorably inclined towards
+documents in which that standpoint was assumed. The legal and ethical were
+specially valued. The prophetic claimed a divine origin; the lyric or
+poetic touched and elevated the ideal faculty on which religion acts. But
+the leading principle which actuated Ezra and the great synagogue was
+gradually modified, amid the growing compass of the national literature
+and the consciousness that prophecy ceased with Malachi. When the latest
+part of the canon had to be selected from a literature almost
+contemporaneous, regard was had to such productions as resembled the old
+in spirit. Orthodoxy of contents was the dominant criterion. But this was
+a difficult thing, for various works really anonymous, though wearing the
+garb of old names and histories, were in existence, so that the boundary
+of the third part became uncertain and fluctuating.
+
+The principle that actuated Ezra in making the first canon was a religious
+and patriotic one. From his treatment of the oldest law books we infer
+that he did not look upon them as inviolable. Venerable they were, and so
+far sacred; but neither perfect nor complete for all time. In his view
+they were not unconditionally authoritative. Doubtless they had a high
+value as the productions of inspired lawgivers and men of a prophetic
+spirit; but the redaction to which he submitted them shows no
+superstitious reverence. With him _canonical_ and _holy_ were not
+identical. Nor does the idea of an _immediate, divine_ authority appear to
+have dominated the mind of the great synagogue in the selection of books.
+Like Ezra, these scholars reverenced the productions of the prophets,
+poets, and historians to whom their countrymen were indebted in the past
+for religious or political progress; but they did not look upon them as
+the offspring of unerring wisdom. How could they, while witnessing
+repetitions and minor contradictions in the books collected?
+
+The same remarks apply to the third canon. _Direct divinity_ of origin was
+not the criterion which determined the reception of a book into it; but
+the character and authorship of the book. Did it breathe the old spirit,
+or proceed from one venerated for his wisdom? Was it like the old orthodox
+productions; or did it bear the name of one renowned for his piety and
+knowledge of divine things? The stamp of antiquity was necessary in a
+certain sense; but the theocratic spirit was the leading consideration.
+Ecclesiastes was admitted because it bore the name of Solomon; and
+Daniel’s apocalyptic writings, because veiled under the name of an old
+prophet. New psalms were taken in because of their association with much
+older ones in the temple service. Yet the first book of Maccabees was
+excluded, though written in Hebrew. It is still more remarkable that
+Sirach was put among the external productions; but this was owing not so
+much to its recent origin, for it is older than the book of Daniel, as to
+its being an apparent echo of the Proverbs, and therefore unnecessary. Yet
+it was long after assigned to the Hagiographa, and quoted as such by
+several rabbis. Baruch was also left out, though it is as old as Daniel,
+if not older; and professes to have been written by Jeremiah’s friend, in
+Babylon.
+
+That redactors dealt freely with the text of the second and third canons
+especially, without a superstitious belief in its sacredness, is apparent
+from the double recension which existed when the Egyptian Jews translated
+the books into Greek. If the one that formed the basis of the Alexandrian
+version be less correct than the Palestinian in the majority of instances,
+it is still superior in many. The differences between them, often
+remarkable, prove that those who had most to do with the books did not
+guard them as they would have done had they thought them infallibly
+inspired. Palestinians and Alexandrians subjected the text to redaction;
+or had suffered it to fall into a state inconsistent with the assumption
+of its supernatural origin. At a much later period, the Masoretes reduced
+to one type all existing copies of their Scriptures, introducing an
+uniformity imperatively demanded in their opinion by multiplied
+discrepancies.
+
+Whatever divine character the reflecting attributed to the canonical
+books, it must have amounted to the same thing as that assigned to human
+attributes and physical phenomena—a divinity resulting from the
+over-leaping of second causes, in the absence of inductive philosophy.
+Here the imperfection conditioned by the nature of the created cannot be
+hid. Yet the books may be truly said to have contained the word of God.
+
+Of the three divisions, _the Law_ or Pentateuch was most highly venerated
+by the Jews. It was the first translated into Greek; and in Philo’s view
+was inspired in a way peculiar to itself. _The Prophets_, or second
+division, occupied a somewhat lower place in their estimation, but were
+read in the public services as the law had been before. The _c’tubim_, or
+third division, was not looked upon as equal to the Prophets in
+importance: only the five Megiloth were publicly read. The three parts of
+the collection present the three gradations of sanctity which the books
+assumed successively in Israelite estimation. A certain reverence was
+attached to all as soon as they were made canonical; but the reverence was
+not of equal height, and the supposed authority was proportionally
+varied.(74) The consciousness of prophetism being extinct soon after the
+return from Babylon, was a genuine instinct. With the extinction of the
+Jewish state the religious spirit almost evaporated. The idealism which
+the old prophets proclaimed in contrast with the symbolic religion of the
+state gave place to the forms and an attachment to the _written_ law.
+Religion came to be a thing of the understanding, the subject of learned
+treatment; and its essence was reduced to dogmas or precepts. Thus it
+ceased to be a spiritual element in which the heart had free scope for its
+highest aspirations. In addition to all, a foreign metaphysical theology,
+the Persian doctrine of spirits, was introduced, which seemed to enlarge
+the sphere of speculation, but really retarded the free exercise of the
+mind. As the external side of religion had been previously directed to the
+performance of good works, this externality was now determined by a
+written law. Even the prophetism that appeared after the restoration was
+little more than an echo of the past, falling in with an outward and
+written legalism. The literature of the people deteriorated in quality,
+and prophecy became _apocalypse_. In such circumstances the advent of a
+new man was needed to restore the free life of religion in higher power.
+Christ appeared in the fullness of time to do this effectually by
+proclaiming the divine Fatherhood, and founding a worship _in spirit and
+in truth_. Rising above the symbolic wrappings of the Mosaic religion, and
+relying upon the native power of the spirit itself, he showed how man may
+mount up to the throne of God, adoring the Supreme without the
+intervention of temple, sacrifice, or ceremony.
+
+When the three divisions were united, the ecclesiastical respect which had
+gathered round the law and the prophets from ancient times began to be
+transferred to the _c’tubim_. A belief in their sanctity increased apace
+in the 1st century before the Christian era, so that _sacredness_ and
+_canonicity_ were almost identical. The doubts of individuals, it is true,
+were still expressed respecting certain books of the _c’tubim_, but they
+had no perceptible effect upon the current opinion. The sanctity attaching
+to the last division as well as the others did not permit the total
+displacement of any part.
+
+The passage in Josephus already quoted shows the state of the canon about
+A.D. 100. According to it, he considered it to have been closed at the
+time of Artaxerxes Longimanus, whom he identifies with the Ahasuerus of
+Esther, 464-424 B.C. The books were divine, so that none dared to add to,
+subtract from, or alter them. To him the canon was something belonging to
+the venerable past, and inviolable. In other words, all the books were
+peculiarly sacred. Although we call scarcely think this to be his private
+opinion merely, it is probably expressed in exaggerated terms, and hardly
+tallies with his use of the third Esdras in preference to the canonical
+texts.(75) His authority, however, is small. Bloch’s estimate of it is too
+high. It is utterly improbable that Josephus’s opinion was universally
+held by the Jews in his day. His division of the books is peculiar: five
+Mosaic, thirteen historical, four containing religious songs and rules of
+life. It appears, indeed, that as he had the same twenty-two books we now
+have, Ruth was still attached to Judges, and Lamentations to Jeremiah; but
+his credit is not on a par with that of a Jew who adhered to his
+countrymen in the time of their calamity. He wrote for the Romans. One who
+believed that Esther was the youngest book in the canon, who looked upon
+Ecclesiastes as Solomon’s, and Daniel as an exile production, cannot be a
+competent judge. In his time the historical sense of the book of Daniel
+was misapprehended; for after the Grecian dynasty had fallen without the
+fulfillment of the Messianic prophecy connected with it, the Roman empire
+was put into its place. Hence various allusions in _The History of the
+Jewish Wars_.(76) The passage in the _Antiquities_,(77) about Alexander
+the Great and the priests in the Temple at Jerusalem is apocryphal. In any
+case, Josephus does not furnish a genuine list of the canonical books any
+more than Philo. The Pharisaic view of his time is undoubtedly given, that
+the canon was then complete and sacred. The decision proceeded from that
+part of the nation who ruled both over school and people, and regained
+supremacy after the destruction of the temple; _i.e._, from the
+Pharisee-sect to which Josephus belonged. It was a conclusion of orthodox
+Judaism. With true critical instinct, Spinoza says that the canon was the
+work of the Pharisees. The third collection was undoubtedly made under
+their influence.
+
+The origin of the _threefold_ division of the canon is not, as Oehler
+supposes,(78) a reflection of the different stages of religious
+development through which the nation passed, as if the foundation were the
+Law, the ulterior tendency in its objective aspect the Prophets, and its
+subjective aspect the Hagiographa. The books of Chronicles and others
+refute this arbitrary conception. The triplicity lies in the manner in
+which the books were collected. Men who belonged to different periods and
+possessed different degrees of culture, worked successively in the
+formation of the canon; which arose out of the circumstances of the times,
+and the subjective ideas of those who made it.
+
+The places of the separate books within the first division or _Torah_,
+were determined by the succession of the historical events narrated. The
+second division naturally begins with Moses’s successor, Joshua. Judges,
+Samuel, and Kings follow according to the regular chronology. To the
+former prophets, as Joshua—Kings were called, the latter were attached,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; succeeded by the twelve minor prophets,
+arranged for the most part according to their times, though the length of
+individual prophecies and similarity of contents also influenced their
+position.
+
+The arrangement of books in the third division depended on their age,
+character, and authors. The Psalms were put first, because David was
+supposed to be the author of many, and on account of their intrinsic value
+in promoting the religious life of the people. After the Psalms came the
+three poetical works attributed to Solomon, with the book of Job among
+them,—Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.
+
+The book of Esther followed, since it was intended to further the
+observance of the Purim feast; with the late book of Daniel. The position
+of Daniel among the _c’tubim_ arises solely from the fact of its posterior
+origin to the prophetic writings, not excepting the book of Jonah itself;
+and the attempt to account for its place in the third division on the
+ground of its predominant subjectivity is based on the unfounded
+assumption that the objective state of religion is represented in the
+second division and the subjective in the third. Had the book existed
+before 400 B.C., it would doubtless have stood in the second division. But
+the contents themselves demonstrate its date; contemporary history being
+wrapped in a prophetic form. Having some affinity to Esther as regards
+heathenism and Greek life, the book was put next to the latter. To Ezra
+and Nehemiah, which were adopted before the other part of the Chronicle
+book and separated from it, were added the so-called Chronicles. Such was
+the original succession of the third division or _c’tubim_; but it did not
+remain unaltered. For the use of the synagogue, the five Megiloth were put
+together; so that Ruth, which was originally appended to Judges, and the
+Lamentations affixed at first to Jeremiah’s prophecies, were taken out of
+the second and put into the third canon. This caused a separation of
+Canticles and Ecclesiastes. The new arrangement was made for liturgical
+purposes.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III. THE SAMARITAN AND ALEXANDRIAN CANONS.
+
+
+The Samaritan canon consists of the Pentateuch alone. This restricted
+collection is owing to the fact, that when the Samaritans separated from
+the Jews and began their worship on Gerizim, no more than the Mosaic
+writings had been invested by Ezra with canonical dignity. The hostile
+feeling between the rivals hindered the reception of books subsequently
+canonized. The idea of their having the oldest and most sacred part in its
+entirety satisfied their spiritual wants. Some have thought that the
+Sadducees, who already existed as a party before the Maccabean period,
+agreed with the Samaritans in rejecting all but the Pentateuch; yet this
+is doubtful. It is true that the Samaritans themselves say so;(79) and
+that some of the church fathers, Origen, Jerome, and others agree; but
+little reliance can be put on the statement. The latter, perhaps,
+confounded the Samaritans and Sadducces. It is also noteworthy that Christ
+in refuting the Sadducees appeals to the Pentateuch alone; yet the
+conclusion, that he did so because of their admitting no more than that
+portion does not follow.
+
+The Alexandrian canon differed from the Palestinian. The Greek translation
+commonly called the Septuagint contains some later productions which the
+Palestinian Jews did not adopt, not only from their aversion to Greek
+literature generally, but also from the recent origin of the books,
+perhaps also their want of prophetic sanction. The closing line of the
+third part in the Alexandrian canon was more or less fluctuating—capable
+of admitting recent writings appearing under the garb of old names and
+histories, of embracing religious subjects; while the Palestinian
+collection was pretty well determined, and all but finally settled. The
+judgment of the Alexandrians was freer than that of their brethren in the
+mother country. They had even separated in a measure from the latter, by
+erecting a temple at Leontopolis; and their enlargement of the canon was
+another step of divergence. Nor had they the criterion of language for the
+separation of canonical and uncanonical; both classes were before them in
+the same tongue. The enlarged canon was not formally sanctioned; it had
+not the approval of the Sanhedrim; yet it was to the Alexandrians what the
+Palestinian one was to the Palestinians. If Jews who were not well
+acquainted with Hebrew, used the apocryphal and canonical books alike, it
+was a matter of feeling and custom; and if those who knew the old language
+better, adhered to the canonical more closely, it was a matter of
+tradition and language. The former set little value on the prevalent
+consciousness of the race that the spirit of prophecy was extinct; their
+view of the Spirit’s operation was larger. The latter clung to the past
+with all the more tenacity that the old life of the nation had
+degenerated.
+
+The Alexandrian Jews opened their minds to Greek culture and philosophy,
+appropriating new ideas, and explaining their Scriptures in accordance
+with wider conceptions of the divine presence; though such adaptation
+turned aside the original sense. Consciously or unconsciously they were
+preparing Judaism in some degree to be the religion of humanity. But the
+Rabbins shut out those enlarging influences, confining their religion
+within the narrow traditions of one people. The process by which they
+conserved the old belief helped to quench its spirit, so that it became an
+antique skeleton, powerless beside the new civilization which had followed
+the wake of Alexander’s conquests. Rabbinical Judaism proved its
+incapacity for regenerating the world; having no affinity for the
+philosophy of second causes, or for the exercise of reason beneath the
+love of a Father who sees with equal eye as God of all. Its isolation
+nourished a sectarian tendency. Tradition, having no creative power like
+revelation, had taken the place of it; and it could not ward off the
+senility of Judaism; for its creations are but feeble echoes of prophetic
+utterances, weak imitations of poetic inspiration or of fresh wisdom. They
+are of the understanding rather than the reason. The tradition which
+Geiger describes as the life-giving soul of Judaism—the daughter of
+revelation, enjoying the same rights with her mother—a spiritual power
+that continues ever to work—an emanation from the divine Spirit—is not,
+indeed, the thing which has stiffened Judaism into Rabbinism; but neither
+is it tradition proper; it is reason working upon revelation, and moulding
+it into a new system. _Such tradition_ serves but to show the inability of
+genuine Judaism to assimilate philosophic thought. _Rationalizing_ should
+not be styled the operation of tradition.
+
+The truth of these remarks is evident from a comparison of two books,
+exemplifying Alexandrian and Palestinian Judaism respectively. The Wisdom
+of Solomon shows the enlarging effect of Greek philosophy. Overpassing
+Jewish particularism, it often approaches Christianity in doctrine and
+spirit, so that some(80) have even assumed a Christian origin for it. The
+Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach has not the doctrine of immortality. Death
+is there an eternal sleep, and retribution takes place in this life. The
+Jewish theocracy is the centre of history; Israel the elect people; and
+all wisdom is embodied in the law. The writer is shut up within the old
+national ideas, and leans upon the writings in which they are expressed.
+Thus the Hagiographical canon of Judea, conservative as it is, and purer
+in a sense, presents a narrower type than the best specimens of the
+Alexandrian one. The genial breath of Aryan culture had not expanded its
+Semitism.
+
+The identity of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons must be abandoned,
+notwithstanding the contrary arguments of Eichhorn and Movers. It is said,
+indeed, that Philo neither mentions nor quotes the Greek additions; but
+neither does he quote several canonical books. According to Eichhorn, no
+fewer than eight of the latter are unnoticed by him.(81) Besides, he had
+peculiar views of inspiration, and quoted loosely from memory. Believing
+as he did in the inspiration of the Greek version as a whole, it is
+difficult to think that he made a distinction between the different parts
+of it. In one passage he refers to the sacred books of the Therapeutae, a
+fanatical sect of Jews in Egypt, as “_laws_, oracles _of prophets, hymns_
+and _other books_ by which knowledge and piety are increased and
+perfected,”(82) but this presents little information as to the canon of
+the Egyptian Jews generally; for it is precarious argumentation to say
+with Herbst that they prove a twofold canon. Even if the Alexandrian and
+Palestinian canons be identical, we cannot be sure that _the other books_
+which the Therapeutae read as holy besides the law, _the prophets and
+hymns_, differed from the hagiographa, and so constituted another canon
+than the general Egyptian one. It is quite possible that the _hymns_ mean
+the Psalms; and _the other books_, the rest of the hagiographa. The
+argument for the identity of the two canons deduced from 4 Esdras xiv. 44,
+&c., as if the twenty-four open books were distinguished from the other
+writings dictated to Ezra, is of no force, because verisimilitude required
+that an Egyptian Jew himself must make Ezra conform to the old Palestinian
+canon. It is also alleged that the grandson of Jesus Sirach, who
+translated his grandfather’s work during his abode in Egypt, knew no
+difference between the Hebrew and Greek canon, though he speaks of the
+Greek version; but he speaks as a Palestinian, without having occasion to
+allude to the difference between the canonical books of the Palestinian
+and Egyptian Jews. The latter may have reckoned the apocryphal writings in
+the third division; and therefore the translator of Jesus Sirach could
+recognize them in the ordinary classification. The mention of _three_
+classes is not opposed to their presence in the third. The general use of
+an enlarged canon in Egypt cannot be denied, though it was somewhat loose,
+not regarded as a completed collection, and without express rabbinical
+sanction. If they did not _formally_ recognize a canon of their own, as De
+Wette says of them, they had and used one larger than the Palestinian,
+without troubling themselves about a _formal_ sanction for it by a body of
+Rabbis at Jerusalem or elsewhere. Their canon was not identical with that
+of the Palestinians, and all the argumentation founded upon Philo’s
+non-quotation of the apocryphal books, fails to prove the contrary. The
+very way in which apocryphal are inserted among canonical books in the
+Alexandrian canon, shows the equal rank assigned to both. Esdras first and
+second succeed the Chronicles; Tobit and Judith are between Nehemiah and
+Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon and Sirach follow Canticles; Baruch succeeds
+Jeremiah; Daniel is followed by Susanna and other productions of the same
+class; and the whole closes with the three books of Maccabees. Such is the
+order in the Vatican MS.
+
+The threefold division of the canon, indicating three stages in its
+formation, has continued. Josephus, indeed, gives another, based on the
+nature of the separate books, not on MSS. We learn nothing from him of its
+history, which is somewhat remarkable, considering that he did not live
+two centuries after the last work had been added. The account of the
+canon’s final arrangement was evidently unknown to him.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV. NUMBER AND ORDER OF THE SEPARATE BOOKS.
+
+
+The number of the books was variously estimated. Josephus gives
+twenty-two, which was the usual number among Christian writers in the
+second, third, and fourth centuries, having been derived perhaps from the
+letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Origen, Jerome, and others have it. It
+continued longest among the teachers of the Greek Church, and is even in
+Nicephorus’s stichometry.(83) The enumeration in question has Ruth with
+Judges, and Lamentations with Jeremiah. In Epiphanius(84) the number
+twenty-seven is found, made by taking the alphabet enlarged with the five
+final letters, and dividing Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles into two books
+each. This is probably an ingenious combination belonging to the father
+himself. The Talmud has twenty-four,(85) a number which did not originate
+in the Greek alphabet, else the Palestinian Jews would not have adopted
+it. The synagogue did not fix it officially. After the Pentateuch and the
+former prophets, which are in the usual order, it gives Jeremiah as the
+first of the later, succeeded by Ezekiel and Isaiah with the twelve minor
+prophets. The Talmud knows no other reason for such an order than that it
+was made according to the contents of the prophetic books, not according
+to the times of the writers. This solution is unsatisfactory. It is more
+probable that chronology had to do with the arrangement.(86) After the
+anonymous collection or second part of Isaiah had been joined to the first
+or authentic prophecies, the lateness of these oracles brought Isaiah into
+the third place among the greater prophets. The Talmudic order of the
+Hagiographa is Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
+Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra, Chronicles. Here Ruth precedes the
+Psalter, coming as near the former prophets as possible; for it properly
+belongs to them, the contents associating it with the Judges’ time. The
+Talmudic order is that usually adopted in German MSS. What is the true
+estimate of it? Is it a proper Talmudic regulation? Perhaps not, else the
+Hebrew MSS. of the French and Spanish Jews would not so readily have
+departed from it. Bloch supposes that Baba Bathra, which gives the
+arrangement of the books, is one of the apocryphal Boraithas that
+proceeded from an individual teacher and had no binding authority.(87)
+
+The Masoretic arrangement differs from the Talmudic in putting Isaiah
+before Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The Hagiographa are, Psalms, Proverbs, Job,
+Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (with
+Nehemiah), Chronicles.(88) This is usually adopted in Spanish MSS. But
+MSS. often differ arbitrarily, because transcribers did not consider
+themselves bound to any one arrangement.(89) According to some, a very old
+testimony to the commencing and concluding books of the third division is
+given by the New Testament (Luke xxiv. 44; Matthew xxiii. 35), agreeably
+to which the Psalms were first and the Chronicles last; but this is
+inconclusive.
+
+The Alexandrian translators, as we have seen already, placed the books
+differently from the Palestinian Jews. In their version Daniel comes after
+Ezekiel, so that it is put beside the greater prophets. Was this done by
+Jews or Christians? Perhaps by the latter, who put it between the greater
+and lesser prophets, or in other words, out of the third into the second
+division, because of dogmatic grounds, and so effaced a trace of the
+correct chronology. Little importance, however, can be attached to the
+order of the books in the Septuagint; because the work was done at
+different times by different persons. But whatever may have been the
+arrangement of the parts when the whole was complete, we know that it was
+disturbed by Protestants separating the apocryphal writings and putting
+them all together.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V. USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT BY THE FIRST CHRISTIAN WRITERS, AND BY
+THE FATHERS TILL THE TIME OF ORIGEN.
+
+
+The writings of the New Testament show the authors’ acquaintance with the
+apocryphal books. They have expressions and ideas derived from them. Stier
+collected one hundred and two passages which bear some resemblance to
+others in the Apocrypha;(90) but they needed sifting, and were cut down to
+a much smaller number by Bleek. They are James i. 19, from Sirach v. 11
+and iv. 29; 1 Peter i. 6, 7, from Wisdom iii. 3-7; Hebrews xi. 34, 35,
+from 2 Maccabees vi. 18-vii. 42; Hebrews i. 3, from Wisdom vii. 26, &c.;
+Romans i. 20-32, from Wisdom xiii.-xv.; Romans ix. 21, from Wisdom xv. 7;
+Eph. vi. 13-17, from Wisdom v. 18-20; 1 Cor. ii. 10, &c., from Judith
+viii. 14. Others are less probable.(91) When Bishop Cosin says, that “in
+all the New Testament we find not any one passage of the apocryphal books
+to have been alleged either by Christ or His apostles for the confirmation
+of their doctrine,”(92) the argument, though based on fact, is scarcely
+conclusive; else Esther, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, and other works might be
+equally discredited. Yet it is probable that the New Testament writers,
+though quoting the Septuagint much more than the original, were
+disinclined to the additional parts of the Alexandrian canon. They were
+Palestinian themselves, or had in view Judaisers of a narrow creed.
+Prudential motives, no less than a predisposition in favor of the old
+national canon, may have hindered them from expressly citing any
+apocryphal production. The apostle Paul and probably the other writers of
+the New Testament, believed in the literal inspiration of the Biblical
+books, for he uses an argument in the Galatian epistle which turns upon
+the singular or plural of a noun.(93) And as the inspiration of the
+Septuagint translation was commonly held by the Christians of the early
+centuries, it may be that the apostles and evangelists made no distinction
+between its parts. Jude quotes Enoch, an apocryphal work not in the
+Alexandrian canon; so that he at least had no rigid notions about the
+difference of canonical and uncanonical writings. Still we know that the
+compass of the Old Testament canon was somewhat unsettled to the
+Christians of the first century, as it was to the Hellenist Jews
+themselves. It is true that the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms were
+universally recognized as authoritative; but the extent of the third
+division was indefinite, so that the non-citation of the three books
+respecting which there was a difference of opinion among the Jews may not
+have been accidental. Inasmuch, however, as the Greek-speaking Jews
+received more books than their Palestinian brethren, the apostles and
+their immediate successors were not wholly disinclined to the use of the
+apocryphal productions. The undefined boundary of the canon facilitated
+also the recognition of all primitive records of the new Revelation.
+
+The early fathers, who wrote in Greek, used the Greek Bible, as almost all
+of them were ignorant of Hebrew. Thus restricted; they naturally
+considered its parts alike, citing apocryphal and canonical in the same
+way. Accordingly, Irenæus(94) quotes Baruch under the name of “Jeremiah
+the prophet;”(95) and the additions to Daniel as “Daniel the prophet.”(96)
+Clement of Alexandria(97) uses the apocryphal books like the canonical
+ones, for explanation and proof indiscriminately. He is fond of referring
+to Baruch, which he cites upwards of twenty-four times in the second book
+of his _Pædagogus_, and in a manner to show that he esteemed it as highly
+as many other parts of the Old Testament. A passage from Baruch is
+introduced by the phrase,(98) “the divine Scripture says;” and another
+from Tobit by(99) “Scripture has briefly signified this, saying.” Assuming
+that Wisdom was written by Solomon, he uses it as canonical and inspired,
+designating it _divine_.(100) Judith he cites with other books of the Old
+Testament(101); and the Song of the three children in the furnace is used
+as Scripture.(102) Ecclesiasticus also is so treated.(103) Dionysius of
+Alexandria(104) cites Ecclesiasticus (xvi. 26), introducing the passage
+with “hear divine oracles.”(105) The same book is elsewhere cited,
+chapters xliii. 29, 30(106) and i. 8. 9.(107) So is Wisdom, vii. 15(108)
+and 25.(109) Baruch (iii. 12-15) is also quoted.(110) The fathers who
+wrote in Latin used some of the old Latin versions of which Augustine
+speaks; one of them, and that the oldest probably dating soon after the
+middle of the second century, being known to us as the _Itala_. As this
+was made from the Septuagint, it had the usual apocryphal books. Jerome’s
+critical revision or new version did not supplant the old Latin till some
+time after his death. Tertullian(111) quotes the Wisdom of Solomon
+expressly as Solomon’s;(112) and introduces Sirach by “as it is
+written.”(113) He cites Baruch as Jeremiah.(114) He also believes in the
+authenticity of the book of Enoch, and defends it as _Scripture_ at some
+length.(115) Cyprian often cites the Greek additions to the Palestinian
+canon. He introduces Tobit with the words “as it is written,”(116) or
+“divine Scripture teaches, saying;”(117) and Wisdom with, “the Holy Spirit
+shows by Solomon.”(118) Ecclesiasticus is introduced with, “it is
+written;”(119) and Baruch with, “the Holy Spirit teaches by
+Jeremiah.”(120) 1 and 2 Maccabees are used as Scripture;(121) as are the
+additions to Daniel.(122) The African fathers follow the Alexandrian canon
+without scruple. Hippolytus of Rome (about A.D. 220), who wrote in Greek,
+quotes Baruch as Scripture;(123) and interprets the additions to Daniel,
+such as Susanna, as Scripture likewise.(124)
+
+Melito of Sardis(125) made it his special business to inquire among the
+Palestinian Jews about the number and names of their canonical books; and
+the result was the following list:—the five books of Moses, Joshua,
+Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings, two of Chronicles, the Psalms of David,
+the Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, Job, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah, the twelve in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra.(126) Here Ezra
+includes Nehemiah; and Esther is absent, because the Jews whom he
+consulted did not consider it canonical.
+
+Origen’s(127) list does not differ much from the Palestinian one. After
+the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings first and second, Samuel,
+Chronicles, come Ezra first and second, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Isaiah, Jeremiah with Lamentations and the epistle, Daniel,
+Ezekiel, Job, Esther. Besides these there are the Maccabees, which are
+inscribed _Sarbeth Sarbane el_.(128) The twelve prophets are omitted in
+the Greek; but the mistake is rectified in Rufinus’s Latin version, where
+they follow Canticles, as in Hilary and Cyril of Jerusalem. It is
+remarkable that Baruch is given, and why? Because Origen took it from the
+MSS. of the Septuagint he had before him, in which the epistle is
+attributed to Jeremiah. But the catalogue had no influence upon his
+practice. He followed the prevailing view of the extended canon. Sirach is
+introduced by “for this also _is written_”;(129) the book of Wisdom is
+cited as a _divine word_;(130) the writer is called a _prophet_;(131)
+_Christ_ is represented as speaking in it _through Solomon_;(132) and
+Wisdom vii. 17 is adduced as _the word of Christ himself_.(133) Tobit is
+cited as _Scripture_.(134) His view of the additions to the books of
+Daniel and Esther, as well as his opinion about Tobit, are sufficiently
+expressed in the epistle to Africanus, so that scattered quotations from
+these parts of Scripture can be properly estimated. Of the history of
+Susanna he ventures to say that the Jews withdrew it on purpose from the
+people.(135) He seems to argue in favor of books used and read in the
+churches, though they may be put out of the canon by the Jews. As divine
+Providence had preserved the sacred Scriptures, no alteration should be
+made in the ecclesiastical tradition respecting books sanctioned by the
+churches though they be external to the Hebrew canon.
+
+Most of the writings of Methodius, Bishop of Tyre(136) are lost, so that
+we know little of his opinions respecting the books of Scripture. But it
+is certain that he employed the Apocrypha like the other writings of the
+Old Testament. Thus Sirach (xviii. 30 and xix. 2) is quoted in the same
+way as the Proverbs.(137) Wisdom (iv. 1-3) is cited,(138) and Baruch (iii.
+14).(139)
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI. THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES.
+
+
+The first Christians relied on the Old Testament as their chief religious
+book. To them it was of divine origin and authority. The New Testament
+writings came into gradual use, by the side of the older Jewish documents,
+according to the times in which they appeared and the names of their
+reputed authors. The Epistles of Paul were the earliest written; after
+which came the Apocalypse, the Epistle to the Hebrews, and other
+documents, all in the first century. After the first gospel had undergone
+a process of translation, re-writing, and interpolation, from the Aramaic
+basis, _the discourses_,(140) of which Papias of Hierapolis speaks, until
+the traces of another original than the Greek were all but effaced; it
+appeared in its present form early in the second century. Soon after, that
+of Luke was composed, whose prevailing Pauline tendency was not allowed to
+suppress various features of a Jewish Essene type. The second gospel,
+which bears evidences of its derivation from the other synoptists, was
+followed by the fourth. The last document was the so-called second Epistle
+of Peter. It is manifest that tradition assumed various forms after the
+death of Jesus; that legend and myth speedily surrounded His sacred
+person; that the unknown writers were influenced by the peculiar
+circumstances in which they stood with respect to Jewish and Gentile
+Christianity; and that their uncritical age dealt considerably in the
+marvelous. That the life of the great Founder should be overlaid with
+extraneous materials, is special matter for regret. However conscientious
+and truth-loving they may have been, the reporters were unequal to their
+work. It is also remarkable that so many of them should be unknown;
+productions being attached to names of repute to give them greater
+currency.
+
+When Marcion came from Pontus to Rome (144 A.D.,) he brought with him a
+Scripture-collection consisting of ten Pauline epistles. With true
+critical instinct he did not include those addressed to Timothy and Titus,
+as also the epistle to the Hebrews. The gospel of Marcion was Luke’s in an
+altered state. From this and other facts we conclude that external parties
+were the first who carried out the idea of collecting Christian writings,
+and of putting them either beside or over against the sacred books of the
+Old Testament, in support of their systems. As to Basilides (125 A.D.),
+his supposed quotations from the New Testament in Hippolytus are too
+precarious to be trusted.(141) Testimonies to the “acknowledged” books of
+the New Testament as Scripture have been transferred from his followers to
+himself; so that his early witness to the canon breaks down. It is
+inferred from statements in Origen and Jerome that he had a gospel of his
+own somewhat like St. Luke’s, but extra-canonical. His son Isidore and
+succeeding disciples used Matthew’s gospel. Jerome says that Marcion and
+Basilides denied the Pauline authorship of the epistle to the Hebrews and
+the pastoral ones.(142) It is also doubtful whether Valentinus’s (140-166
+A.D.) alleged citations from the New Testament can be relied upon. The
+passages of this kind ascribed to him by the fathers belong in a great
+measure to his disciples. The fragment of a letter preserved by Clement of
+Alexandria in the second book of the Stromata, has been thought to contain
+references to the gospels of Matthew and Luke; but the fact is doubtful.
+Nor has Henrici proved that Valentinus used John’s gospel.(143) But his
+followers, including Ptolemy (180 A.D.) and Heracleon (185-200 A.D.),
+quote the Gospels and other portions of the New Testament.(144) From
+Hippolytus’s account of the Ophites, Peratæ, and Sethians, we infer that
+the Christian writings were much employed by them. They rarely cite an
+apocryphal work. More than one hundred and sixty citations from the New
+Testament have been gathered out of their writings.(145) We may admit that
+these Ophites and Peratæ were of early origin, the former being the oldest
+known of the Gnostic parties; but there is no proof that the acquaintance
+with the New Testament which Hippolytus attributes to them belongs to the
+first rather than the second half of the second century. The early
+existence of the sect does not show an early citation of the Christian
+books by it, especially of John’s gospel; unless its primary were its last
+stage. Later and earlier Ophites are not distinguished in the
+_Philosophumena_. Hence there is a presumption that the author had the
+former in view, which is favored by no mention of them occurring in the
+“Adversus omnes Hæreses” usually appended to Tertullian’s _Præscriptiones
+Hæreticorum_, and by Irenæus’s derivation of their heresy from that of
+Valentinus. The latter father does not even speak of the Peratæ. Clement
+of Alexandria is the first who alludes to them. The early heretics were
+desirous of confirming their peculiar opinions by the writings current
+among Catholic Christians, so that the formation of a canon by them began
+soon after the commencement of the second century, and continued till the
+end of it; contemporaneously with the development of a Catholic Church and
+its necessary adjunct a Catholic canon.
+
+No New Testament canon, except a partial and unauthoritative one, existed
+till the latter half of the second century, that is, till the idea of a
+Catholic church began to be entertained. The living power of Christianity
+in its early stages had no need of books for its nurture. But in the
+development of a church organization the internal rule of consciousness
+was changed into an external one of faith. The Ebionites or Jewish
+Christians had their favorite Gospels and Acts. The gospel of Matthew was
+highly prized by them, existing as it did in various recensions, of which
+the gospel according to the Hebrews was one. Other documents, such as the
+Revelation of John; and the preaching of Peter, a Jewish-Christian history
+subsequently re-written and employed in the Clementine Recognitions and
+Homilies, were also in esteem. Even so late as 175-180 A.D., Hegesippus, a
+Jewish Christian, does not seem to have had a canon consisting of the four
+gospels and Paul’s Epistles, but appeals to “the law and the prophets and
+_the Lord_,” so that his leading principle was, the identity of Jesus’s
+words with the Old Testament; agreeably to the tenets of the party he
+belonged to. The source whence he drew the words of Jesus was probably the
+Gospel according to the Hebrews, a document which we know he used, on the
+authority of Eusebius. He does not refer to Paul except by implication in
+a passage given in Photius from Stephen Gobar,(146) where he says that
+such as used the words “Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard,” &c., falsified
+the Divine Scriptures and the Lord’s words, “Blessed are your eyes for
+they see,” &c. As Paul quoted the condemned language, he is blamed.(147)
+Though he knew Paul’s epistles, he does not look upon them as
+_authoritative_. He betrays no acquaintance with the fourth gospel; for
+the question, “What is the door to Jesus?” does not presuppose the
+knowledge of John x. 2, 7, 9. Nösgen has failed to prove Hegesippus’s
+Jewish descent; and Holtzmann’s mediating view of him is incorrect.(148)
+
+The Clementine Homilies (161-180 A.D.) used the four canonical gospels
+even the fourth (which is somewhat singular in a writer who denies the
+deity of Christ), and assigned it to the apostle John. The gospel
+according to the Egyptians was also employed. Paul’s epistles were
+rejected of course, as well as the Acts; since the apostle of the Gentiles
+was pointed at in Simon Magus, whom Peter refutes. It is, therefore,
+obvious that a collection of the New Testament writings could make little
+progress among the Ebionites of the second century. Their reverence for
+the law and the prophets hindered another canon. Among the Gentile
+Christians the formation of a canon took place more rapidly, though Judaic
+influences retarded it even there. After Paul’s epistles were interchanged
+between churches, a few of them would soon be put together. A collection
+of this kind is implied in 2 Peter iii. 16. The pastoral epistles, which
+show their dependence on the authentic Pauline ones, with those of Peter,
+presuppose a similar collection; which along with the Synoptists, existed
+before the fourth gospel. The Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews
+were obnoxious to the Pauline churches, as Paul’s letters were to the
+Jewish-Christian ones. Hence the former were outside the Pauline
+collections.
+
+The apostolic fathers quote from the Old Testament, which was sacred and
+inspired to them. They have scarcely any express citations from the New
+Testament. _Allusions_ occur, especially to the epistles.
+
+The first Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (about 120 A.D.), implies
+acquaintance with several of the epistles, with those to the Corinthians,
+Romans, Hebrews, and perhaps others. Two passages have also been adduced
+as derived from the gospels of Matthew and Luke, viz., in chapters xiii. 2
+and xlvi. 8; but probably some other source supplied them, such as oral
+tradition. It has also been argued that the quotation in the fifteenth
+chapter, “The Scripture says somewhere, This people honoreth me with their
+lips, but their heart is far from me,” comes from Mark vii. 6 in which it
+varies from the Hebrew of Isaiah xxix. 13, as well as the Septuagint
+version. Clement therefore, so it is said, quotes the Old Testament
+through the medium of the gospels (Matthew xv. 8, Mark vii. 6). But the
+argument is inconclusive because the words agree closely enough with the
+Septuagint to render the supposition very probable that they are a
+memorized citation from it. As they stand, they coincide exactly neither
+with Mark nor the Septuagint.(149) Thus we dissent from the opinion of
+Gebhardt and Harnack. Wherever “Scripture” is cited, or the expression “it
+is written” occurs, the Old Testament is meant.
+
+Hermas (about 140 A.D.) seems to have used the epistle to the Ephesians
+and perhaps that to the Hebrews, as well as the epistle of James; but
+there is great uncertainty about the matter, for there is no _express_ or
+certain quotation from any part of the New Testament. The writer often
+alludes to words of Jesus, found in Matthew’s gospel, so that he may have
+been acquainted with it. Keim(150) and others have discovered references
+to the fourth gospel; but they are invalid. There is no allusion to the
+Acts in vis. iv. 2, 4. The only _Scripture_ cited is the apocryphal book
+_Eldat and Modat_, now lost.(151) The writer seems to have known several
+Jewish Apocalypses.(152)
+
+Barnabas (about 119 A.D.) has but one quotation from the New Testament,
+if, indeed, it be such. Apparently, Matthew xx. 16 or xxii. 14 is
+introduced by “as it is written,” showing that the gospel was considered
+_Scripture_.(153) This is the earliest trace of canonical authority being
+transferred from the Old Testament to Christian writings. But the citation
+is not certain. The original may be 4 Esdras, viii. 3; and even if the
+writer took the words from Matthew’s gospel, it is possible that he used
+“it is written” with reference to their prototype in the Old Testament. Of
+such interchanges, examples occur in writers of the second century; and it
+is the more probable that this is one, from the fact that 4 Esdras is
+elsewhere considered a prophet and referred to in the same way as
+Ezekiel.(154) Barnabas’s citation of a gospel as canonical is wholly
+improbable, since even Justin, thirty years after, never quotes the New
+Testament writings as _Scripture_. The thing would be anomalous and
+opposed to the history of the first half of the second century. When these
+post-apostolic productions appeared, the New Testament writings did not
+stand on the same level with the Old, and were not yet esteemed _sacred_
+and _inspired_ like the Jewish Scriptures. The Holy Spirit was thought to
+dwell in all Christians, without being confined to a few writers; and his
+influence was the common heritage of believers. There are evidences of
+Barnabas’s acquaintance with the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians;
+nor is it improbable that he knew the canonical gospel of Matthew, though
+one passage _appears_ to contradict Matthew xxviii. 10, &c., without
+necessarily implying ignorance of what lies in it, viz., that the
+ascension of Jesus took place on the day of his resurrection.(155)
+Strangely enough, Keim thinks that the writer had John’s gospel before
+him; but this opinion is refuted by the end of Barnabas’s fifth
+chapter.(156) Holtzmann has ably disposed of the considerations adduced by
+Keim.(157) Barnabas quotes the book of Enoch as _Scripture_;(158) and an
+apocryphal prophecy is introduced with, “another prophet says.”(159)
+
+As far as we can judge from Eusebius’s account of Papias(160) (about 150
+A.D.), that writer knew nothing of a New Testament canon. He speaks of
+Matthew and Mark; but it is most probable that he had documents which
+either formed the basis of our present Matthew and Mark, or were taken
+into them and written over.(161) According to Andreas of Cæsarea he was
+acquainted with the Apocalypse of John; while Eusebius testifies to his
+knowledge of 1 Peter and 1 John. But he had no conception of canonical
+authority attaching to any part of the New Testament. His language implies
+the opposite, in that he prefers unwritten tradition to the gospel he
+speaks of. He neither felt the want nor knew the existence of _inspired_
+gospels.
+
+We need not notice the three short Syriac epistles attributed to Ignatius,
+as we do not believe them to be his, but of later origin. Traces of later
+ideas about the canonicity of the New Testament appear in the shorter
+Greek recension of the Ignatian epistles (about 175 A.D.) There _the
+Gospel_ and _the Apostles_ are recognized as the constituents of the
+book.(162) The writer also used the Gospel according to the Hebrews, for
+there is a quotation from it in the epistle to the Smyrnians.(163) The
+second part of the collection seems to have wanted the epistle to the
+Ephesians.(164) The two leading parties, long antagonistic, had now become
+united; the apostles Peter and Paul being mentioned together.(165) In the
+Testaments of the twelve patriarchs (about 170 A.D.), Paul’s life is said
+to be described in “holy books,” _i.e._, his own epistles and the
+Acts.(166)
+
+Justin Martyr (150 A.D.) knew the first and third of the synoptic gospels.
+His use of Mark’s does not appear. His knowledge of the fourth is denied
+by many, and zealously defended by others. Thoma finds proofs that Justin
+knew it well, and used it freely as a text-book of gnosis, without
+recognizing it as the historical work of an apostle; an hypothesis
+encumbered with difficulties.(167) Whatever be said about Justin’s
+acquaintance with this gospel; its existence before 140 A.D. is incapable
+either of decisive or probable proof; and this father’s Logos-doctrine is
+less developed than the Johannine, because it is encumbered with the
+notion of miraculous birth by a virgin. The Johannine authorship has
+receded before the tide of modern criticism; and though this tide is
+arbitrary at times, it is here irresistible. Apologists should abstain
+from strong assertions on a point so difficult, as that each “gospel is
+distinctly recognized by him;” for the noted passage in the dialogue with
+Trypho does not support them.(168) It is pretty certain that he employed
+an extra-canonical gospel, the so-called gospel of the Hebrews. This
+Petrine document may be referred to in a passage which is unfortunately
+capable of a double interpretation.(169) He had also the older Acts of
+Pilate. Paul’s epistles are never mentioned, though he doubtless knew
+them. Having little sympathy with Paulinism he attached his belief much
+more to the primitive apostles. The Apocalypse, 1 Peter, and 1 John he
+esteemed highly; the epistle to the Hebrews and the Acts he treated in the
+same way as the Pauline writings. Justin’s canon, as far as divine
+authority and inspiration are concerned, was the Old Testament. He was
+merely on the threshold of a divine canon made up of primitive Christian
+writings, and attributed no exclusive sanctity to those he used because
+they were not to him the only source of doctrine. Even of the Apocalypse
+he says, “A man among us named John, &c., wrote it.”(170) In his time none
+of the gospels had been canonized, not even the synoptists, if, indeed, he
+knew them all. Oral tradition was the chief fountain of Christian
+knowledge, as it had been for a century. In his opinion this tradition was
+embodied in writing; but the documents in which he looked for all that
+related to Christ were not the gospels alone. He used others freely, not
+looking upon any as _inspired_, for that idea could arise only when a
+selection was made among the current documents. He regarded them all as
+having been written down from memory, and judged them by criteria of
+evidence conformable to the Old Testament Scriptures. Though lessons out
+of Gospels (some of our present ones and others), as also out of the
+prophets, were read in assemblies on the first day of the week,(171) the
+act of converting the Christian writings into _Scripture_ was posterior;
+for the mere reading of a gospel in churches on Sunday does not prove that
+it was considered divinely authoritative; and the use of the epistles,
+which formed the second and less valued part of the collection, must still
+have been limited.
+
+Justin’s disciple, Tatian (160-180 A.D.), wrote a _Diatessaron_ or harmony
+of the gospels, which began, according to Ephrem Syrus, with John i. 1;
+but our knowledge of it is uncertain. The author omitted the genealogies
+of Jesus and everything belonging to His Davidic descent. He seems also to
+have put into it particulars derived from extra-canonical sources such as
+the Gospel according to the Hebrews. Doubtless he was acquainted with
+Paul’s writings, as statements made in them are quoted; but he dealt
+freely with them according to Eusebius, and even rejected several
+epistles, probably first and second Timothy.(172)
+
+In Polycarp’s epistle (about 160 A.D.), which is liable to strong
+suspicions of having been written after the death of the bishop,(173)
+there are reminiscences of the synoptic gospels; and most of Paul’s
+epistles as well as I Peter were used by the writer. But the idea of
+canonical authority, or a peculiar inspiration belonging to these
+writings, is absent.
+
+The author of the second Clementine epistle (about 150-160) had not a New
+Testament canon made up of the four gospels and epistles. His _Scripture_
+was the Old Testament, to which is applied the epithet “the Books” or “the
+Bible;” and the words of Christ. “The Apostles” immediately subjoined to
+“the Books,” does not mean the New Testament, or a special collection of
+the apostolic epistles, as has been supposed.(174) The preacher employed a
+gospel or gospels as _Scripture_; perhaps those of Matthew and Luke, not
+the whole documents, but the parts containing the words of Christ.(175) He
+also used the Gospel of the Egyptians as an authoritative document, and
+quoted his sources freely. With the Johannine writings he seems to have
+been unacquainted.(176)
+
+Athenagoras of Athens wrote an apology addressed to Marcus Aurelius (176
+A.D.). In it he uses written and unwritten tradition, testing all by the
+Old Testament which was his only authoritative canon. He makes no
+reference to the Christian documents, but adduces words of Jesus with the
+verb “he says.” It is not clear whether he quoted from the Synoptics;
+perhaps the passages which are parallel to Matthew v. 44, 45, 46,(177) and
+Mark x. 6,(178) were taken from these; but the matter is somewhat
+uncertain. His treatise on the resurrection appeals to a passage in one of
+Paul’s epistles.(179)
+
+Dionysius of Corinth ( 170 A.D.) complains of the falsification of his
+writings, but consoles himself with the fact that the same is done to the
+“Scriptures of the Lord,” _i.e._, the gospels containing the Lord’s words;
+or rather the two parts of the early collection, “the gospel” and “the
+apostle” together; which agrees best with the age and tenor of his
+letters.(180) If such be the meaning, the collection is put on a par with
+the Old Testament, and regarded as inspired.
+
+In the second epistle of Peter (about A.D. 170) Paul’s epistles are
+regarded as Scripture (iii. 16.) This seems to be the earliest example of
+the canonizing of any New Testament portion. Here a brotherly recognition
+of the Gentile apostle and his productions takes the place of former
+opposition. A false interpretation of his epistles is even supposed to
+have induced a departure from primitive apostolic Christianity.
+
+The letter of the churches at Vienne and Lyons (177 A.D.) has quotations
+from the epistles to the Romans, Philippians, 1 Timothy, 1 Peter, Acts,
+the gospels of Luke and John, the Apocalypse. The last is expressly called
+_Scripture_.(181) This shows a fusion of the two original tendencies, the
+Petrine and Pauline; and the formation of a Catholic church with a common
+canon of authority. Accordingly, the two apostles, Peter and Paul, are
+mentioned together.
+
+Theophilus of Antioch (180 A.D.) was familiar with the gospels and most of
+Paul’s epistles, as also the Apocalypse. Passages are cited from Paul as
+“the divine word.”(182) He ascribes the fourth gospel to John, calling him
+an inspired man, like the Old Testament prophets.(183) We also learn from
+Jerome that he commented on the gospels put together by way of
+harmony.(184)
+
+The author of the epistle to Diognetus (about 200 A.D.) shows his
+acquaintance with the gospels and Paul’s epistles; but he never cites the
+New Testament by way of proof. Words are introduced into his discourse, in
+passing and from memory.(185)
+
+The conception of a Catholic _canon_ was realized about the same time as
+that of a Catholic _church_. One hundred and seventy years from the coming
+of Christ elapsed before the collection assumed a form that carried with
+it the idea of _holy_ and _inspired_.(186) The way in which it was done
+was by raising the apostolic writings higher and higher till they were of
+equal authority with the Old Testament, so that the church might have a
+rule of appeal. But by lifting the Christian productions up to the level
+of the old Jewish ones, injury was done to that living consciousness which
+feels the opposition between spirit and letter; the latter writings
+tacitly assuming or keeping the character of a perfect rule even as to
+form. The Old Testament was not brought down to the New; the New was
+raised to the Old. It is clear that the earliest church fathers did not
+use the books of the New Testament as sacred documents clothed with divine
+authority, but followed for the most part, at least till the middle of the
+second century, apostolic tradition orally transmitted. They were not
+solicitous about a canon circumscribed within certain limits.
+
+In the second half, then, of the second century there was a canon of the
+New Testament consisting of two parts called _the gospel_(187) and _the
+apostle_.(188) The first was complete, containing the four gospels alone;
+the second, which was incomplete, contained the Acts of the Apostles and
+epistles, _i.e._, thirteen letters of Paul, one of Peter, one of John, and
+the Revelation. How and where this canon originated is uncertain. Its
+birthplace may have been Asia Minor, like Marcion’s; but it may have grown
+about the same time in Asia Minor, Alexandria, and Western Africa. At all
+events, Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian agree in
+recognizing its existence.
+
+Irenæus had a canon which he adopted as apostolic. In his view it was of
+binding force and authoritative. This contained the four gospels, the
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, the first epistle of John, and the
+Revelation. He had also a sort of appendix or deutero-canon, which he
+highly esteemed without putting it on a par with the received collection,
+consisting of John’s second epistle, the first of Peter, and the Shepherd
+of Hermas. The last he calls _Scripture_.(189) The epistle to the Hebrews,
+that of Jude, James’s, second Peter, and third John he ignored.
+
+Clement’s collection was more extended than Irenæus’. His appendix or
+deutero-canon included the epistle to the Hebrews, 2 John, Jude, the
+Apocalypse of Peter, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Epistles of Clement and
+Barnabas. He recognized no obligatory canon, distinct and of paramount
+authority. But he separated the New Testament writings by their
+traditionally apostolic character and the degree of importance attached to
+them. He did not attach the modern idea of _canonical_ in opposition to
+_non-canonical_, either to the four gospels or any other part of the New
+Testament. Barnabas is cited as an apostle.(190) So is the Roman
+Clement.(191) The Shepherd of Hermas is spoken of as _divine_.(192) Thus
+the line of the Homologoumena is not marked off even to the same extent as
+in Irenæus.
+
+Tertullian’s canon consisted of the gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of
+Paul, the Apocalypse, and 1 John. As an appendix he had the epistle to the
+Hebrews, that of Jude, the Shepherd of Hermas, 2 John probably, and 1
+Peter. This deutero-canon was not regarded as authoritative. No trace
+occurs in his works of James’ epistle, 2 Peter, and 3 John. He used the
+Shepherd, calling it _Scripture_,(193) without implying, however, that he
+put it on a par with the usually acknowledged canonical writings; but
+after he became a Montanist, he repudiated it as the apocryphal Shepherd
+of adulterers, “put among the apocryphal and false, by every council of
+the churches.”(194) It was _not_, however, reckoned among the spurious and
+false writings, either at Rome or Carthage, in the time of Tertullian. It
+was merely placed outside the universally received works by the western
+churches of that day.
+
+These three fathers did not fix the canon absolutely. Its limits were
+still unsettled. But they sanctioned most of the books now accepted as
+divine, putting some extra-canonical productions almost on the same level
+with the rest, if not in theory, at least in practice.
+
+The canon of Muratori is a fragmentary list which was made towards the end
+of the second century (170 A.D.). Its birthplace is uncertain, though
+there are traces of Roman origin. Its translation from the Greek is
+assumed, but that is uncertain. It begins with the four gospels in the
+usual order, and proceeds to the Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, the
+epistles of John, that of Jude, and the Apocalypse. The epistle to the
+Hebrews, 1 and 2 Peter, 1 John and James are not named. The Apocalypse of
+Peter is also mentioned, but as not universally received. Of the Shepherd
+of Hermas, it is stated that it may be read in the Church. The epistle “to
+the Laodiceans” may either be that to the Ephesians, which had such
+superscription in Marcion’s canon, or less probably the supposititious
+epistle mentioned in the codex Boernerianus,(195) after that to Philemon,
+and often referred to in the middle ages.(196) That “to the Alexandrians”
+is probably the epistle to the Hebrews; though this has been denied
+without sufficient reason. According to the usual punctuation, both are
+said to have been forged in Paul’s name, an opinion which may have been
+entertained among Roman Christians about 170 A.D. The Epistle to the
+Hebrews was rejected in the west, and may have been thought a
+supposititious work in the interests of Paulinism, with some reason
+because of its internal character,(197) which is at least semi-Pauline,
+though its Judaistic basis is apparent. The story about the origin of the
+fourth gospel with its apostolic and episcopal attestation, evinces a
+desire to establish the authenticity of a work which had not obtained
+universal acceptance at the time.(198) It is difficult to make out the
+meaning in various places; and there is considerable diversity of opinion
+among expositors of the document.(199) In accord with these facts we find
+Serapion bishop of the church at Rhossus, in Cilicia,(200) allowing the
+public use of the gospel of Peter;(201) which shows that there was no
+exclusive gospel-canon at the end of the second century, at least in
+Syria. The present canon had not then pervaded the churches in general.
+
+What is the result of an examination of the Christian literature belonging
+to the second century? Is it that a canon was then fixed, separating some
+books from others by a line so clear, that those on one side of it were
+alone reckoned inspired, authoritative, of apostolic origin or sanction;
+while those on the other were considered uninspired, unauthoritative,
+without claim to apostolicity, unauthentic? Was the separation between
+them made on any clear principle or demarcation? It cannot be said so. The
+century witnessed no such fact, but merely the incipient efforts to bring
+it about. The discriminating process was begun, not completed. It was
+partly forced upon the prominent advocates of a policy which sought to
+consolidate the Jewish and Gentile-Christian parties, after the decline of
+their mutual antagonism, into a united church. They were glad to transfer
+the current belief in the infallible inspiration of the Old Testament, to
+selected Christian writings, as an effective means of defence against
+those whom they considered outside a new organization—the Catholic Church.
+
+The stichometrical list of the Old and New Testament Scriptures in the
+Latin of the Clermont MS. (D), was that _read_ in the African Church in
+the third century. It is peculiar. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges,
+Ruth, and the historical books, follow Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Wisdom, Sirach, the twelve minor prophets, the four greater;
+three books of the Maccabees, Judith, Esdras, Esther, Job, and Tobit. In
+the New Testament, the four gospels, Matthew, John, Mark, Luke, are
+succeeded by ten epistles of Paul, two of Peter, the epistle of James,
+three of John, and that of Jude. The epistle to the Hebrews (characterized
+as that of Barnabas), the Revelation of John, Acts of the Apostles, the
+Shepherd of Hermas, the Acts of Paul, the Revelation of Peter, follow. The
+last three constitute a sort of appendix; and the number of their verses
+is given. It is possible that the carelessness of a transcriber may have
+caused some of the singularities observable in this list; such as the
+omission of the epistles to the Philippians and Thessalonians; but the end
+shows a freer idea of books fit for reading than what was usual even at
+that early time in the African Church.(202)
+
+In Syria a version of the New Testament for the use of the church was made
+early in the third century. This work, commonly called the Peshito, wants
+2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and the Apocalypse. It has, however, all the
+other books, including the epistle of James and that to the Hebrews. The
+last two were received as apostolic.
+
+Towards the middle of the third century, Origen’s(203) testimony
+respecting the Canon is of great value. He seems to have distinguished
+three classes of books—authentic ones, whose apostolic origin was
+generally admitted, those not authentic, and a middle-class not generally
+recognized or in regard to which his own opinion wavered. The first
+contained those already adopted at the beginning of the century both in
+the East and West, with the Apocalypse, and the epistle to the Hebrews _so
+far as it contains Pauline ideas_;(204) to the second belongs the Shepherd
+of Hermas, though he sometimes hesitated a little about it,(205) the
+epistle of Barnabas, the Acts of Paul, the gospel according to the
+Hebrews, the gospel of the Egyptians, and the preaching of Peter;(206) to
+the third, the epistle of James, that of Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John.(207)
+The separation of the various writings is not formally made, nor does
+Origen give a list of them. His classification is gathered from his works;
+and though its application admitted of considerable latitude, he is
+cautious enough, appealing to the tradition of the church, and throwing in
+qualifying expressions.(208)
+
+The Canon of Eusebius(209) is given at length in his _Ecclesiastical
+History_.(210) He divides the books into three classes, containing those
+writings _generally received_,(211) those _controverted_,(212) and the
+_heretical_.(213) The first has the four gospels, the Acts, thirteen
+epistles of Paul, 1 John, 1 Peter, the Apocalypse.(214) The second class
+is subdivided into two, the first corresponding to Origen’s _mixed_(215)
+or _intermediate_ writings, the second to his _spurious_(216) ones. The
+former subdivision contains the epistle of James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3
+John; the latter, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter,
+the epistle of Barnabas, the Doctrines of the Apostles, the Apocalypse of
+John, the gospel according to the Hebrews. The third class has the gospels
+of Peter, of Thomas, the traditions of Matthias, the Acts of Peter,
+Andrew, and John. The subdivisions of the second class are indefinite. The
+only distinction which Eusebius puts between them is that of
+ecclesiastical use. Though he classes as _spurious_ the Acts of Paul, the
+Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter, the epistle of Barnabas, the doctrines
+of the Apostles, the Apocalypse of John, the gospel according to the
+Hebrews, and does not apply the epithet to the epistle of James, the 2 of
+Peter, 2 and 3 John; he uses of James’s in one place the verb _to be
+counted spurious_.(217) In like manner he speaks of the Apocalypse of
+Peter and the epistle of Barnabas as _controverted_.(218) The _mixed_ or
+_spurious_ of Origen are vaguely separated by Eusebius; both come under
+the general head of the _controverted_; for after specifying them
+separately he sums up, “all these will belong to the class of the
+_controverted_,” the very class already described as containing “books
+well known and recognized by most,” implying also that they were read in
+the churches.(219)
+
+It is somewhat remarkable that Eusebius does not mention the Epistle of
+Clement to the Corinthians in this list. But he speaks of it in another
+place as a production whose authenticity was generally acknowledged,(220)
+and of its public use in most churches both formerly and in his own time.
+This wide-spread reading of it did not _necessarily_ imply canonicity; but
+the mode in which Eusebius characterizes it, and its extensive use in
+public, favor the idea that in many churches it was almost put on equality
+with the productions commonly regarded as authoritative. The canonical
+list was not fixed immovably in the time of Eusebius. Opinions about books
+varied, as they had done before.
+
+The testimony of Eusebius regarding the canon, important as it is, has
+less weight because of the historian’s credulity. One who believed in the
+authenticity of Abgar’s letters to Christ, and in the canon of the four
+gospels at the time of Trajan, cannot take rank as a judicious collector
+or sifter of facts.
+
+About 332 A.D. the Emperor Constantine entrusted Eusebius with the
+commission to make out a complete collection of the sacred Christian
+writings for the use of the Catholic Church. How this order was executed
+we are not told. But Credner is probably correct in saying that the code
+consisted of all that is now in the New Testament except the Revelation.
+The fifty copies which were made must have supplied Constantinople and the
+Greek Church for a considerable time with an authoritative canon.
+
+Eusebius’s catalogue agrees in substance with that of Origen’s. The
+historian followed ecclesiastical tradition. He inquired diligently into
+the prevailing opinions of the Christian churches and writers, with the
+views held by others before and contemporaneously with himself, but could
+not attain to a decided result. His hesitation stood in the way of a
+clear, firm, view of the question. The tradition respecting certain books
+was still wavering, and he was unable to fix it. Authority fettered his
+independent judgment. That he was inconsistent and confused does not need
+to be shown.
+
+The exact principles that guided the formation of a canon in the earliest
+centuries cannot be discovered. Strictly speaking there were none.
+Definite grounds for the reception or rejection of books were not
+apprehended. The choice was determined by various circumstances, of which
+apostolic origin was the chief, though this itself was insufficiently
+attested; for if it be asked whether all the New Testament writings
+proceeded from the authors whose names they bear, criticism cannot reply
+in the affirmative. The example and influence of churches to which the
+writings had been first addressed must have acted upon the reception of
+books. Above all, individual teachers here and there saw the necessity of
+meeting heretics with their own weapons, in their own way, with _apostolic
+records_ instead of oral tradition. The circumstances in which the
+orthodox were placed led to this step, effecting a bond of union whose
+need must have been felt while each church was isolated under its own
+bishop and the collective body could not take measures in common. Writings
+of more recent origin would be received with greater facility than such as
+had been in circulation for many years, especially if they professed to
+come from a prominent apostle. A code of apostolic writings, divine and
+perfect like the Old Testament, had to be presented as soon as possible
+against Gnostic and Manichæan heretics whose doctrines were injurious to
+objective Christianity; while the multiplication of apocryphal works
+threatened to overwhelm genuine tradition with a heap of superstition. The
+Petrine and Pauline Christians, now amalgamated to a great extent, agreed
+in hastening the canon-process.
+
+The infancy of the canon was cradled in an uncritical age, and rocked with
+traditional ease. Conscientious care was not directed from the first to
+the well-authenticated testimony of eye-witnesses. Of the three fathers
+who contributed most to its early growth, Irenæus was credulous and
+blundering; Tertullian passionate and one-sided; and Clement of
+Alexandria, imbued with the treasures of Greek wisdom, was mainly occupied
+with ecclesiastical ethics. Irenæus argues that the gospels should be four
+in number, neither more nor less, because there are four universal winds
+and four quarters of the world. The Word or Architect of all things gave
+the gospel in a fourfold shape. According to this father, the apostles
+were fully informed concerning all things, and had a perfect knowledge,
+after their Lord’s ascension. Matthew wrote his gospel while Peter and
+Paul were preaching in Rome and founding the church.(221) Such assertions
+show both ignorance and exaggeration.
+
+Tertullian affirms that the _tradition of the apostolic churches_
+guarantees the four gospels,(222) and refers his readers to the churches
+of Corinth, Philippi, Ephesus, &c., for the _authentic epistles_ of
+Paul.(223) What is this but the rhetoric of an enthusiast? In like manner
+he states that bishops were appointed by the apostles, and that they
+existed from that time downward, the succession originating so early.(224)
+
+Clement contradicts himself in making Peter authorize Mark’s gospel to be
+read in the churches; while in another place he says that the apostle
+neither “forbad nor encouraged it.”(225)
+
+The three fathers of whom we are speaking, had neither the ability nor the
+inclination to examine the genesis of documents surrounded with an
+apostolic halo. No analysis of their authenticity and genuineness was
+seriously attempted either by them or by the men of their time. In its
+absence, custom, accident, taste, practical needs directed the tendency of
+tradition. All the rhetoric employed to throw the value of their testimony
+as far back as possible, even up to or at least very near the apostle John
+is of the vaguest sort. Appeals to the continuity of tradition and of
+church doctrine, to the exceptional veneration of these fathers for the
+gospels, to their opinions being formed earlier than the composition of
+the works in which they are expressed, possess no force. The ends which
+the fathers in question had in view, their polemic motives, their
+uncritical, inconsistent assertions, their want of sure data, detract from
+their testimony. Their decisions were much more the result of pious
+feeling biased by the theological speculations of the times, than the
+conclusions of a sound judgment. The very arguments they use to establish
+certain conclusions show weakness of perception. What are the
+manifestations of spiritual feeling, compared with the results of logical
+reasoning? Are they more trustworthy than the latter? Certainly not, at
+least in relation to questions of evidence. It is true that their
+testimony has a value; but it is one proportionate to the degree of
+credibility attaching to witnesses circumstanced as they were, whose
+separation of canonical from uncanonical gospels, or rather their
+canonizing of certain writings apart from others, and their claiming of
+inspiration for the authors of the former, must be judged by the
+reasonableness of the thing itself, in connection with men of their type.
+The second century abounded in pseudonymous literature; and the early
+fathers, as well as the churches, were occupied with other things than the
+sifting of evidence connected with writings considerably prior to their
+own time. The increase of such apocryphal productions, gospels, acts, and
+apocalypses among the heretical parties stimulated the orthodox bishops
+and churches to make an authentic collection; but it increased the
+difficulties of the task.
+
+Textual criticism has been employed to discredit the true dates of the
+present gospels; and the most exaggerated descriptions have been given of
+the frequent transcription of the text and its great corruption in the
+second century. The process of corruption in the course of frequent
+transcription has been transferred even to the first century. It is true
+that the gospels at the end of that century exhibited a text which bears
+marks of transcription, interpolation, and addition; but they were not the
+complete works as we have them now, being then but in progress, except the
+fourth. The assumption that “advanced corruption” existed in the present
+text of the synoptists as early as the first century is gratuitous; unless
+the process by which they were gradually built up is so called. No attempt
+to get a long history behind the canonical gospels at the close of the
+first century out of “advanced corruption” can be successful. It is
+attested by no Christian writer of the century; and those in the first
+half of the second, both heretical and orthodox, did themselves treat the
+text in a manner far short of its implied infallibility. The various
+readings with which they had to do, do not carry up _the canonical
+gospels_ far into the first century. The transcription, enlargement, and
+interpolation of the materials which make up the body of them, must not be
+identified with the corruption of their _completed texts_, in order that
+the latter may be relegated to an early period; for the synoptists did not
+come forth full-blown, each from the hand of a single person. The old
+Latin version or versions used by Tertullian and the interpreter of
+Irenæus, have been pressed into the same service, but in vain.
+
+In like manner the Curetonian Syriac version of the gospels has been put
+as early as possible into the second century, though it can hardly have
+been prior to the very close of it, or rather to the beginning of the
+third. Here the strong assertions of apologetic writers have been freely
+scattered abroad. But the evidence in favor of the authors traditionally
+assigned to the gospels and some of the epistles, is still uncertain. A
+wide gap intervenes between eye-witnesses of the apostles or apostolic men
+that wrote the sacred books, and the earliest fathers who assert such
+authorship. The traditional bridge between them is a precarious one. As
+the chasm cannot be filled by adequate external evidence, we are thrown
+back on the internal character of the works themselves. One thing appears
+from the early corruption of the sacred records spoken of by Irenæus,
+Origen, and others, that they were not regarded with the veneration
+necessarily attaching to infallible documents. Their being freely handled
+excludes the idea of rigid canonization. The men who first canonized them
+had no certain knowledge of their authors. To them, that knowledge had
+been obscured or lost; though a sagacious criticism might have arrived at
+the true state of the question even in their day.
+
+In the sub-apostolic age Ebionitism passed into Catholicism, Jewish into
+Pauline Christianity, the mythical and marvelous into the dogmatic, the
+traditional into the historic, the legendary into the literary. The
+conflict of parties within the sphere of Christianity gave rise to
+productions of various tendencies which reflected the circumstances out of
+which they arose. These were accepted or rejected by the churches
+according to the prevailing opinions of the persons composing the
+churches. Common usage led to the authorization of some; others were
+neglected. The state of the second century in its beliefs, credulity,
+idiosyncracies of prominent teachers, antagonistic opinions and mystic
+speculations, throws a light upon the New Testament writings and
+especially on the formation of the canon, which explains their genesis.
+Two things stand out most clearly, the comparatively late idea of a
+_canonical_ New Testament literature; and the absence of critical
+principles in determining it. The former was not entertained till the
+latter part of the second century. The conception of canonicity and
+inspiration attaching to New Testament books did not exist till the time
+of Irenæus.
+
+When it is asked, to whom do we owe the canon? the usual answer is, to the
+Church. This is true only in a sense. The unity attributed to Christians
+before Irenæus and Tertullian, consisted in their religious consciousness.
+It was subjective. The idea of _the church_ was that of inward
+fellowship—the fellowship of the spirit rather than an outward organism.
+The preservation of the early Christian writings was owing, in the first
+instance, to the congregations to whom they were sent, and the neighboring
+ones with whom such congregations had friendly connection. The care of
+them devolved on the most influential teachers,—on those who occupied
+leading positions in the chief cities, or were most interested in
+apostolic writings as a source of instruction. The Christian books were
+mostly in the hands of the bishops. In process of time the canon was the
+care of assemblies or councils. But it had been made before the first
+general council by a few leading fathers towards the end of the second
+century in different countries. The formation of a Catholic Church and of
+a canon was simultaneous. The circumstances in which the collection
+originated were unfavorable to the authenticity of its materials, for
+tradition had been busy over them and their authors. Instead of
+attributing the formation of the canon to the Church, it would be more
+correct to say that the important stage in it was due to three teachers,
+each working separately and in his own way, who were intent upon the
+creation of a Christian society which did not appear in the apostolic
+age,—a visible organization united in faith,—where the discordant opinions
+of apostolic and sub-apostolic times should be finally merged. The canon
+was not the work of the Christian Church so much as of the men who were
+striving to form that Church, and could not get beyond the mould received
+by primitive Christian literature. The first mention of a _Catholic
+Church_ occurs in _The Martyrdom of Polycarp_, an epistle that cannot be
+dated earlier than 160 A.D., and may perhaps be ten years later. But
+though the idea is there, its established use is due to Irenæus,
+Tertullian, and Cyprian. The expression has a different and narrow sense
+in the seven Ignatian epistles which we believe to be supposititious and
+later than Justin. Neither the three epistles published in Syriac by
+Cureton, nor the seven Greek ones enumerated by Eusebius are authentic;
+though Zahn has tried to prove the latter such, dating them A.D. 144. His
+arguments, however, are far from convincing; and the whole story of(226)
+Ignatius’s martyrdom at Rome rather than Antioch is still doubtful; for
+the circumstances under which he is said to have been dragged to Rome, and
+his writing letters to the churches by the way, are highly improbable. The
+testimony of Malalas that Ignatius suffered at Antioch in December, 115,
+in the presence of Trajan, may be quite as good as that of Chrysostom and
+the Syriac monthly calendar on which Zahn relies so confidently. The fact
+of the priority of the last two to Malalas is of little weight as
+evidence. The main point is _the locality_ in which Ignatius suffered;
+which Malalas, himself a native of Antioch and a historian, ought to have
+known better than Chrysostom, because he copied preceding historians.
+
+It is necessary to be precise on this subject because some speak of _the
+church_ as though it were contemporary with the apostles themselves, or at
+least with their immediate disciples; and proceed to argue that
+dissensions arose soon after “within the church” rendering an appeal to
+the written word necessary. When the authority of _traditional teaching_
+gave way to that of _a written rule_, a change came over the condition of
+_the church_. Such a view tends to mislead. There were dissensions among
+the earliest Christians. The apostles themselves were by no means
+unanimous. Important differences of belief divided the Jewish and Gentile
+Christians from the beginning. The types of Christian truth existing from
+the first gradually coalesced about the middle of the second century; when
+heretics, especially the Gnostics, appeared so formidable that a catholic
+church was developed. Along with this process, and as an important element
+in it, the writings of apostles and apostolic men were uncritically taken
+from tradition and elevated to the rank of divine documents. It was not
+the rise of new dissensions “within the church” which led to the first
+formation of a Christian canon; rather did the new idea of “a catholic
+church” require a standard of appeal in apostolic writings, which were now
+invested with an authority that did not belong to them from the beginning.
+
+Origen was the first who took a somewhat scientific view of the relative
+value belonging to the different parts of the biblical collection. His
+examination of the canon was critical. Before him the leading books had
+been regarded as divine and sacred, the source of doctrinal and historic
+truth. From this stand-point he did not depart. With him ecclesiastical
+tradition was a prevailing principle in the recognition of books belonging
+of right to the New Testament collection. He was also guided by the
+inspiration of the authors; a criterion arbitrary in its application, as
+his own statements show. In his time, however, the collection was being
+gradually enlarged; his third class. _i.e._, _the mixed_, approaching
+reception into the first. But amid all the fluctuations of opinion to
+which certain portions of the New Testament were subject, and the
+unscientific procedure both of fathers and churches in the matter, though
+councils had not met to discuss it, and vague tradition had strengthened
+with time, a certain spiritual consciousness manifested itself throughout
+the East and West in the matter of the canon. Tolerable unanimity ensued.
+The result was a remarkable one, and calls for our gratitude,
+notwithstanding its defects. Though the development was pervaded by no
+critical or definite principle, it ended in a canon which has maintained
+its validity for centuries.
+
+It is sometimes said that the history of the canon should be sought from
+definite catalogues, not from isolated quotations. The latter are supposed
+to be of slight value, the former to be the result of deliberate judgment.
+This remark is more specious than solid. In relation to the Old Testament,
+the catalogues given by the fathers, as by Melito and Origen, rest solely
+on the tradition of the Jews; apart from which they have no independent
+authority. As none except Jerome and Origen knew Hebrew, their lists of
+the Old Testament books are simply a reflection of what they learned from
+others. If they deviate in practice from their masters by quoting as
+Scripture other than the canonical books, they show their judgment
+over-riding an external theory. The very men who give a list of the Jewish
+books evince an inclination to the Christian and enlarged canon. So Origen
+says, in his _Epistle to Africanus_, that “the churches use Tobit.” In
+explaining the prophet Isaiah, Jerome employs Sirach vi. 6, in proof of
+his view, remarking that the apocryphal work is in the Christian
+catalogue.
+
+In like manner Epiphanius, in a passage against Aetius, after referring to
+the books of Scripture, adds, “as well as the books of Wisdom, _i.e._, the
+Wisdom of Solomon and of Jesus, son of Sirach; finally, all the other
+books of Scripture.” In another place he gives the canon of the Jews
+historically, and excludes the apocryphal Greek books; here he includes
+some of the latter. We also learn from Jerome that Judith was in the
+number of the books reckoned up by the Nicene Council. Thus the fathers
+who give catalogues of the Old Testament show the existence of a Jewish
+and a Christian canon in relation to the Old Testament; the latter wider
+than the former; their private opinion being more favorable to the one,
+though the other was historically transmitted. In relation to the New
+Testament, the synods which drew up lists of the sacred books show the
+view of some leading father like Augustine, along with what custom had
+sanctioned. In this department no member of the synod exercised his
+critical faculty; a number together would decide such questions summarily.
+Bishops proceed in the track of tradition or authority.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII. THE BIBLE CANON FROM THE FOURTH CENTURY TO THE REFORMATION.
+
+
+It will now be convenient to treat of the two Testaments together, _i.e._,
+_the canon of the Bible_. The canons of both have been considered
+separately to the end of the third century; they may be henceforward
+discussed together. We proceed, therefore, to the Bible-canon of the
+fourth century, first in the Greek Church and then in the Latin. The
+Council of Laodicea (A.D. 363), at which there was a predominant semiarian
+influence, forbad the reading of all _non-canonical_ books. The 59th canon
+enacts, that “private psalms must not be read in the Church, nor
+uncanonized books; but only the canonical ones of the New and Old
+Testament.” The 60th canon proceeds to give a list of such. All the books
+of the Old Testament are enumerated, but in a peculiar order, somewhat
+like the Septuagint one. With Jeremiah is specified _Baruch_, then the
+Lamentations and _Epistle_. The prophets are last; first the minor, next
+the major and Daniel. In the New Testament list are the usual seven
+Catholic epistles, and fourteen of Paul, including that to the Hebrews.
+The Apocalypse alone is wanting. Credner has proved that this 60th canon
+is not original, and of much later date.(227)
+
+The Apostolic Constitutions give a kind of canon like that in the 59th of
+Laodicea. After speaking of the books of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Kings,
+Chronicles, those belonging to the return from the captivity, those of
+Job, Solomon, the sixteen prophets, and the Psalms of David; our Acts, the
+epistles of Paul, and the four gospels are mentioned. It is remarkable
+that the Catholic epistles are not given. That they are indicated under
+Acts is altogether improbable. The Antiochian Church of that time doubted
+or denied the apostolicity of these letters, as is seen from Theodore,
+Cosmas, and others. Hence, their absence from these Constitutions, which
+are a collection belonging to different times; the oldest portion not
+earlier perhaps than the third century.(228)
+
+Cyril of Jerusalem, who took part in the Council of Laodicea,(229) gives a
+list “of the divine Scriptures.” The books of the Old Testament are
+twenty-two, and the arrangement is nearly that which is in the English
+Bible. With Jeremiah is associated “Baruch and the Epistle.” All the New
+Testament books are given except the Apocalypse. The list agrees very
+nearly with that of Eusebius, by taking the latter’s “controverted”
+writings into the class of the “generally received.”(230) The writer
+insists on the necessity of unity in the Church upon the subject, and
+forbids the reading of writings not _generally received_. None but these
+are allowed. Yet he refers to Baruch (iii. 36-38) as _the prophet;_(231)
+and in adducing the testimonies of the prophets for the existence of the
+Holy Spirit, the last he gives is Daniel xiii. 41, 45. Sirach iii. 21, 22
+is cited;(232) Wisdom is quoted as Solomon’s (xiii. 5);(233) the song of
+the three children is used (verse 55)(234) with verses 27, 29;(235) and
+Daniel (xiii. 22, 45) is quoted.(236)
+
+In Athanasius’s festal epistle (365 A.D.) the archbishop undertakes “to
+set forth in order, the books that are canonical and handed down and
+believed to be divine.” His list of the Old Testament nearly agrees with
+Cyril’s, except that Esther is omitted and Ruth counted separately, to
+make out the twenty-two books. He adds, “there are other books not
+canonical, designed by the fathers to be read by those just joining us and
+wishing to be instructed in the doctrine of piety;” _i.e._, the Wisdom of
+Solomon and the Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther and Judith and Tobit, and the
+Doctrine of the Apostles so called, and the Shepherd; “those being
+_canonical_, and these being _read_, let there be no mention of apocryphal
+writings,” &c. The New Testament list is the same as Cyril’s, with the
+addition of the Apocalypse.(237) He quotes several of the apocryphal books
+in the same way as he does the canonical. Thus he introduces Judith (viii.
+16) with “the Scripture said;”(238) and Baruch (iii. 12) is cited as if it
+were Scripture.(239) Wisdom (vi. 26) has the epithet Scripture applied to
+it.(240) Sirach (xv. 9) is introduced with “what is said by the Holy
+Spirit.”(241) Baruch (iv. 20, 22) and Daniel (xiii. 42) are referred to in
+the same way as Isaiah.(242) Tobit (ii. 7) has “it is written” prefixed to
+it.(243) Canonical and apocryphal are mentioned together; and similar
+language applied to them.
+
+Eusebius of Caesarea cites Wisdom as a _divine oracle_;(244) and after
+adducing several passages from Proverbs, subjoining to them others from
+the same book with the introductory formula “these are also said to be the
+same writers,” he concludes with “such is the scripture.”(245) Sirach is
+cited as Solomon’s along with various passages from Proverbs.(246) After
+quoting Baruch, he says, “there is no need to appeal to the divine voices,
+which clearly confirm our proposition.”(247) The additions to Daniel are
+also treated as Scripture.(248)
+
+Basil of Caesarea(249) had a canon agreeing with that of Athanasius. Along
+with the usual books reckoned as belonging to the canon, he used the
+apocryphal productions of the Old Testament. Thus the book of Wisdom (i.
+4)(250) is quoted by him. So are Sirach (xx. 2);(251) Baruch, (iii.
+36)(252) called Jeremiah’s; Judith (ix. 4);(253) and Daniel (xiii.
+50).(254)
+
+Gregory of Nazianzus(255) puts his list into a poetical form. In the Old
+Testament it agrees with Athanasius’s exactly, except that he mentions
+none but the canonical books. Like Athanasius, he omits Esther. In the New
+Testament he deviates from Athanasius, by leaving out the Apocalypse,
+which he puts among the spurious.(256) He does not ignore the apocryphal
+books of the Old Testament, but quotes Daniel xiii. 5.(257)
+
+Amphilochius of Iconium(258) gives a metrical catalogue of the Biblical
+books. The canon of the Old Testament is the usual one, except that he
+says of Esther at the end, “some judge that Esther should be added to the
+foregoing.” He notices none of the apocryphal books. His New Testament
+canon agrees with the present, only he excludes the Apocalypse as
+_spurious_; which is given as the judgment of the majority. He alludes to
+the doubts that existed as to the epistle to the Hebrews, but regards it
+as Pauline; and to the number of the catholic epistles (seven or
+three).(259) The concluding words show that no list was universally
+received at that time.
+
+Epiphanius(260) follows Athanasius in his canon. As to the number of the
+Old Testament books, he hesitates between twenty-two and twenty-seven; but
+the contents are the same. At the end of the twenty-seven books of the New
+Testament, Wisdom and Sirach are mentioned as “divine writings;” elsewhere
+they are characterized as “doubtful.”(261) His practice shows his
+sentiments clearly enough, when Sirach (vii. 1) is introduced with “the
+Scripture” testifies(262); vii. 9 is elsewhere quoted(263); Wisdom (i. 4)
+is cited as Solomon’s;(264) Baruch (iii. 36) is introduced with, “as the
+Scripture says,”(265) and Daniel (xiii. 42) is quoted with, “as it is
+written.”(266) He mentions the fact that the epistles of Clement of Rome
+were read in the churches.(267)
+
+Didymus of Alexandria(268) speaks against 2 Peter that it is not in the
+canons.(269)
+
+Chrysostom(270) does not speak of the canon; but in the New Testament he
+never quotes the last four catholic epistles or the Apocalypse. All the
+other parts he uses throughout his numerous works,(271) including the
+Apocrypha. Thus he introduces Wisdom (xvi. 28) with “Scripture says.”(272)
+He quotes Baruch (iii. 36, 38);(273) and Sirach (iv. 1.).(274)
+
+Didymus of Alexandria(275) cites Baruch (iii. 35) as Jeremiah,(276) and
+treats it like the Psalms.(277) Daniel (xiii. 45) is also quoted.(278) He
+says of Peter’s Second Epistle that it is not in the canon.
+
+Theodore of Mopsuestia(279) was much freer than his contemporaries in
+dealing with the books of Scripture. It seems that he rejected Job,
+Canticles, Chronicles, and the Psalm-inscriptions; in the New Testament
+the epistle of James, and others of the catholic ones. But Leontius’s
+account of his opinions cannot be adopted without suspicion.(280)
+
+The canon of Cyril of Alexandria(281) does not differ from Athanasius’s.
+Like other writers of the Greek Church in his day he uses along with the
+canonical the apocryphal books of the Old Testament. He quotes 1 (iii.)
+Esdras (iv. 36) with “inspired Scripture says.”(282) Wisdom (vii. 6) is
+introduced with, “according to that which is written.”(283) In another
+place it has the prefix “for it is written” (i. 7);(284) and is treated as
+Scripture (ii. 12).(285) Sirach (i. 1) is cited.(286) Baruch also (iii.
+35-37) is introduced with, “another of the holy prophets said.”(287)
+
+The catalogues of the Old Testament contained in the manuscripts B, C, and
+א need not be given, as they are merely codices of the Septuagint, and
+have or had the books canonical and apocryphal belonging to that version.
+The list of the New Testament books in B is like that of Athanasius.
+Imperfect at the end, the MS. must have had at first the Epistles to
+Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and the Apocalypse. C (cod. Ephraemi rescriptus)
+has fragments of the New Testaments, which show that it had originally all
+the present books in the same order as Athanasius’s. א or the Sinaitic
+manuscript has the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas, in
+addition to the New Testament.
+
+The progress made by the Greek Church of the fourth and former part of the
+fifth century, in its conception of the canon seems to be, that the idea
+of ecclesiastical settlement, or public, legal, definitive establishment
+was attached to the original one. A writing was considered canonical when
+a well-attested tradition put it among those composed by inspired men,
+apostles or others; and it had on that account a determining authority in
+matters of faith. Books which served as a rule of faith and were
+definitively set forth by the Church as divinely authoritative, were now
+termed _canonical_. The canon consisted of writings settled or determined
+by ecclesiastical law.(288) Such was the idea added to the original
+acceptation of canon. To canonical were opposed apocryphal writings,
+_i.e._, _heretical_ and _fabricated_ ones; while an intermediate class
+consisted of those read in the churches, which were useful, but not
+decisive in matters of belief. Another advance in the matter of the canon
+at this period was the general adoption of the Hebrew canon, with a
+relegation of the Greek additions in the Septuagint to the class _publicly
+read_.(289) Yet doubts about the reception of Esther into the number of
+the canonical books were still entertained, though it was one of the
+Jewish canon; doubtless on account of its want of harmony with Christian
+consciousness. And the catholic epistles which had been doubted before,
+Jude, James, Second Peter, were now generally received. But there was a
+division of opinion about the Apocalypse.
+
+We come to the period of the Latin, corresponding to that of the Greek
+Church which has just been noticed. Augustine(290) gave great attention to
+the subject, laboring to establish a complete canon, the necessity of
+which was generally felt. According to him the Scriptures which were
+received and acknowledged by all the churches of the day should be
+canonical. Of those not universally adopted, such as are received by the
+majority and the weightier of the churches should be preferred to those
+received by the fewer and less important churches. In his enumeration of
+the forty-four books of the Old Testament, he gives, after Chronicles,
+other histories “which are neither connected with the order” specified in
+the preceding context, “nor with one another,” _i.e._, Job, Tobit, Esther,
+Judith, the two books of the Maccabees, and Esdras. Wisdom and
+Ecclesiasticus, he thinks, should be numbered among the prophets, as
+deserving of authority and having a certain likeness to Solomon’s
+writings.(291) He says of the Maccabees that this “Scripture has been
+received by the Church not uselessly, if it be read or heard
+soberly.”(292) The famous passage in the treatise on Christian doctrine,
+where he enumerates the whole canon, is qualified by no other; for though
+he knew the distinction between the canonical books of the Palestinian
+Jews and the so-called apocryphal ones, as well as the fact of some New
+Testament writings not being received universally, he thought
+_church-reception_ a sufficient warrant for canonical authority. Hence, he
+considered the books of the Maccabees canonical, because so received by
+the Church; while he says of Wisdom and Sirach that they merited
+_authoritative_ reception and numbering among the _prophetic_
+Scriptures.(293) Of the former in particular he speaks strongly in one
+place, asserting that it is worthy to be venerated by all Christians as of
+divine authority.(294) But he afterwards retracted his opinion of the
+canonical authority of Sirach.(295) He raises, not lowers, the authority
+of the so-called apocryphal books which he mentions. He enumerates all the
+New Testament books, specifying the Pauline epistles as fourteen, and so
+reckoning that to the Hebrews as the apostle’s; but he speaks of it
+elsewhere as an epistle about which some were uncertain, professing that
+he was influenced to admit it as canonical by the authority of the
+Oriental churches.(296) In various places he speaks hesitatingly about its
+Pauline authorship.
+
+In 393, the African bishops held a council at Hippo where the canon was
+discussed. The list of the canonical Scripture given includes, besides the
+Palestinian one, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and the two books
+of Maccabees. The New Testament canon seems to have agreed exactly with
+our present one.(297) The Council of Carthage (397) repeated the statute
+of its predecessor, enumerating the same books of the Bible as
+canonical.(298) Augustine was the animating spirit of both councils, so
+that they may be taken as expressing his views on the subject.
+
+Jerome(299) gives a list of the twenty-two canonical books of the Old
+Testament, the same as that of the Palestinian Jews, remarking that some
+put Ruth and Lamentations among the Hagiographa, so making twenty-four
+books. All besides should be put among the Apocrypha. Wisdom, Sirach,
+Judith, Tobit, the Shepherd are not in the canon. The two books of
+Maccabees he regarded in the same light.(300) But though Jerome’s words
+imply the apocryphal position of these extra-canonical books, he allows of
+their being read in public for the edification of the people, not to
+confirm the authority of doctrines; _i.e._, they belong to “the
+ecclesiastical books” of Athanasius. His idea of “apocryphal” is wider and
+milder than that of some others in the Latin Church. It has been
+conjectured by Welte,(301) that the conclusions of the African councils in
+393 and 397 influenced Jerome’s views of the canon, so that his later
+writings allude to the apocryphal works in a more favorable manner than
+that of the _Prologus galeatus_ or the preface to Solomon’s books. One
+thing is clear, that he quotes different passages from the Apocrypha along
+with others from the Hebrew canon. In his letter to Eustochius, Sirach
+iii. 33 (Latin) comes between citations from Matthew and Luke; and is
+introduced by _which is written_, in a letter to Pammachius; and xxii. 6
+has _divine Scripture_ applied to it.(302) Ruth, Esther, and Judith are
+spoken of as _holy volumes_. The practice of Jerome differed from his
+theory; or rather he became less positive, and altered his views somewhat
+with the progress of time and knowledge. As to the New Testament, he gives
+a catalogue of all that now belongs to it, remarking of the epistle to the
+Hebrews and of the Apocalypse that he adopts both on the authority of
+ancient writers, not of present custom. His opinion about them was not
+decided.(303) In another work he gives the Epistle of Barnabas at the end
+of the canonical list. He also states the doubts of many respecting the
+Epistle to Philemon, and about 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John. According to
+him the first Epistle of Clement of Rome was publicly read in some
+churches.(304)
+
+Hilary of Poitiers(305) seems to have followed Origen’s catalogue. He
+gives twenty-two books, specifying “the epistle” of Jeremiah; and remarks
+that some added Tobit and Judith, making twenty-four, after the letters of
+the Greek alphabet. He cites Wisdom and Sirach as “prophets.”(306) In the
+New Testament he never quotes James, Jude, 2 and 3 John, nor 2 Peter. 2
+Maccabees (vii. 28) is introduced with “according to the prophet;”(307)
+Sirach (xxxi. 1) is introduced with “nor do they hear the Lord
+saying;”(308) Wisdom is cited as Solomon’s (viii. 2);(309) Judith (xvi. 3)
+is cited;(310) so is Baruch (iii. 36);(311) and Daniel xiii. 42.(312)
+
+Optatus of Mela(313) has the usual canonical books, but omits the epistle
+to the Hebrews. He uses the apocrypha without scruple, introducing Sirach
+(iii. 30) with “it is written;”(314) and Wisdom (i. 13) with “it is
+written in Solomon.”(315)
+
+Lucifer of Cagliari(316) uses the apocrypha equally with the canonical
+books. Thus 1 Maccabees (i. 43) is quoted as “holy Scripture.”(317) So is
+2 Maccab. (vi. 1).(318) Judith (ix. 2) is cited,(319) as are also Wisdom
+(xvii. 1, 2);(320) Tobit (iv. 6);(321) and Daniel (xiii. 20).(322)
+
+Ambrose of Milan(323) had the same canon as most of the Westerns in his
+time. With some others, he considered the Epistle to the Hebrews to have
+been written by St. Paul. In the Old Testament he used the apocryphal
+books pretty freely. Wisdom (vii. 22) is cited as authoritative
+Scripture.(324) Sirach (xi. 30) is also cited as Scripture.(325) Baruch
+(iv. 19) is quoted;(326) Daniel (xiii. 44, 45) is treated as Scripture and
+prophetic;(327) and Tobit is expounded like any other book of
+Scripture.(328)
+
+Rufinus(329) enumerates the books of the Old and New Testaments which “are
+believed to be inspired by the Holy Spirit itself, according to the
+tradition of our ancestors, and have been handed down by the Churches of
+Christ.” All the books of the Hebrew canon and of the New Testament are
+specified. After the list he says, “these are they which the fathers
+included in the canon, by which they wished to establish the assertion of
+our faith.” He adds that there are other books not _canonical_, but
+_ecclesiastical_—the Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Tobit, Judith, and the
+books of the Maccabees. Besides the usual New Testament works, he speaks
+of the Shepherd of Hermas, and the “Judgment of Peter” as read in the
+churches, but not as authoritative in matters of faith.(330)
+
+Philastrius(331) of Brescia gives some account of the Scriptures and their
+contents in his time. The canonical Scriptures, which alone should be read
+in the Catholic Church, are said to be the law and the prophets, the
+gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, and seven others, _i.e._, two of
+Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James. Of the Old Testament
+apocrypha he asserts that they ought to be read for the sake of morals by
+the perfect, but not by all. He speaks of _heretics_ who reject John’s
+gospel and the Apocalypse. Respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews which is
+omitted in his canon, he speaks at large, but not very decidedly,
+affirming that some attributed its authorship to Barnabas, or Clement of
+Rome, or Luke. “They wish to read the writings of the blessed apostle, and
+not rightly perceiving some things in the epistle, it is not therefore
+read by them in the church. Though read by some, it is not read to the
+people in the church; nothing but Paul’s thirteen epistles, and that to
+the Hebrews sometimes.”(332) The influence of the East upon the West
+appears in the statements of this father upon the subject. He had several
+canonical lists before him; one at least from an Oriental-Arian source,
+which explains some assertions, particularly his omission of the
+Apocalypse.
+
+Innocent I. of Rome wrote to Exsuperius (405 A.D.), bishop of Toulouse,
+giving a list of the canonical books. Besides the Hebrew canon, he has
+Wisdom and Sirach; Tobit, Judith, the two Maccabees. The New Testament
+list is identical with the present. He also refers to pseudepigraphical
+writings which ought not only to be rejected but condemned.(333)
+
+A canonical list appears in three different forms bearing the names of
+Damasus (366-384), Gelasius I. (492-496), and Hormisdas (514-523).
+According to the first, the books of the Old Testament are arranged in
+three orders. In the first are the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four
+Kings, two Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom,
+and Ecclesiasticus; in the second, all the prophets, including Baruch; in
+the third, Job, Tobit, Judith, Esther, Esdras, two Maccabees. The New
+Testament books are the four gospels, fourteen epistles of Paul, the
+Apocalypse, and Acts, with seven Catholic epistles.
+
+That which is called the Decree of Gelasius is almost identical with the
+preceding. It wants Baruch and Lamentations. It has also two Esdrases
+instead of one. In the New Testament the epistle to the Hebrews is absent.
+
+The Hormisdas-form has the Lamentations of Jeremiah: and in the New
+Testament the Epistle to the Hebrews.
+
+The MSS. of these lists present some diversity; and Credner supposes the
+Damasus-list a fiction. But Thiel has vindicated its authenticity. It is
+possible that some interpolations may exist in the last two; the first,
+which is the shortest, may well belong to the time of Damasus.(334)
+
+In 419 A.D. another council at Carthage, at which Augustine was present,
+repeated the former list of books with a single alteration, viz., fourteen
+epistles of Paul (instead of thirteen).(335)
+
+The preceding notices and catalogues show a general desire in the Western
+Church to settle the canon. The two most influential men of the period
+were Augustine and Jerome, who did not entirely agree. Both were unfitted
+for a critical examination of the topic. The former was a gifted spiritual
+man, lacking learning and independence. Tradition dominated all his ideas
+about the difficult or disputed books. He did not enter upon the question
+scientifically, on the basis of certain principles; but was content to
+take refuge in authority—the prevailing authority of leading churches. His
+judgment was weak, his sagacity moderate, and his want of many-sidedness
+hindered a critical result. Jerome, again, was learned but timid, lacking
+the courage to face the question fairly or fundamentally; and the
+independence necessary to its right investigation. Belonging as he did to
+both churches, he recommended the practice of the one to the other. He,
+too, was chiefly influenced by tradition; by Jewish teachers in respect to
+the Old Testament, and by general custom as to the New. The question was
+not susceptible of advancement under such manipulation; nor could it be
+settled on a legitimate basis. Compared with the eastern Church, the
+western accepted a wider canon of the Old Testament, taking some books
+into the class of the _canonical_ which the former put among those _to be
+read_. In regard to the New Testament, _all_ the Catholic epistles and
+even the Apocalypse were received. The African churches and councils
+generally adopted this larger canon, because the old Latin version or
+versions of the Bible current in Africa were daughters of the Septuagint.
+If the Latins apparently looked upon the Greek as the original itself, the
+apocryphal books would soon get rank with the canonical. Yet the more
+learned fathers, Jerome, Rufinus and others, favored the Hebrew canon in
+distinguishing between _canonical_ and _ecclesiastical_ books. The
+influence of the Eastern upon the Western Church is still visible, though
+it could not extinguish the prevailing desire to include the disputed
+books. The Greek view was to receive nothing which had not apparently a
+good attestation of divine origin and apostolic authority; the Latin was
+to exclude nothing hallowed by descent and proved by custom. The former
+Church looked more to the sources of doctrine; the latter to those of
+edification. The one desired to contract those sources, so as not to be
+too rich; the other to enlarge the springs of edification, not to be too
+poor. Neither had the proper resources for the work, nor a right
+perception of the way in which it should be set about; and therefore they
+were not fortunate in their conclusions, differing as they did in regard
+to points which affect the foundation of a satisfactory solution.
+
+Notwithstanding the numerous endeavors both in the East and West to settle
+the canon during the 4th and 5th centuries, it was not finally closed. The
+doubts of individuals were still expressed; and succeeding ages testified
+to the want of universal agreement respecting several books. The question,
+however, was _practically_ determined. No material change occurred again
+in the absolute rejection or admission of books. With some fluctuations,
+the canon remained very much as it was in the 4th and 5th centuries.
+Tradition shaped and established its character. General usage gave it a
+permanency which it was not easy to disturb. No definite principles guided
+the course of its formation, or fixed its present state. It was dominated
+first and last by circumstances and ideas which philosophy did not
+actuate. Its history is mainly objective. Uncritical at its commencement,
+it was equally so in the two centuries which have just been considered.
+
+The history of the canon in the Syrian church cannot be traced with much
+exactness. The Peshito version had only the Hebrew canonical books at
+first; most of the apocryphal were rendered from the Greek and added in
+the Nestorian recension. In the New Testament it wanted four of the
+catholic epistles and the Apocalypse. Ephrem (A.D. 378) uses all the books
+in our canon, the apocryphal as well as the canonical. The former are
+cited by him in the same way as the latter. Sirach ii. 1 is quoted with
+_as the Scripture says_;(336) and Wisdom iv. 7 with _it is written_.(337)
+Daniel xiii. 9, belonging to the Greek additions, is also cited with _as
+it is written_.(338) It should be observed that the quotations given are
+all from Ephrem’s Greek, not Syriac, works; and that suspicions have been
+raised about the former being tampered with. The Syrian version of the New
+Testament made by Polycarp at the request of Philoxenus of Mabug, had the
+four catholic epistles wanting in the Peshito. It had also the two
+epistles of Clement to the Corinthians, if we may judge by the Harclean
+recension, A.D. 616; for a MS. in the Cambridge University Library
+contains those epistles immediately after the Catholic ones, and before
+those of St. Paul; so that they are put on an equality with the canonical
+writings. The Apocalypse is wanting. Junilius, (though an African bishop
+about 550 A.D.), says that he got his knowledge from a Persian of the name
+of Paulus who received his education in the school of Nisibis. He may,
+therefore, be considered a witness of the opinions of the Syrian church at
+the beginning of the 6th century. Dividing the biblical books into those
+of _perfect_, those of _intermediate_, and those of _no authority_, he
+makes the first the canonical; the second, those added to them by many
+(plures); the third, all the rest. In the first list he puts
+Ecclesiasticus. Among the second he puts 1 and 2 Chronicles, Job, Ezra and
+Nehemiah, Judith, Esther, 1 and 2 Maccabees; and in the New Testament,
+James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John. He also says that the Apocalypse of
+John is much doubted by the Orientals. In the third list _i.e._, books of
+no authority added by some (quidam) to the canonical, are put Wisdom and
+Canticles.(339) The catalogue is confused, and erroneous at least in one
+respect, that Jerome is referred to, as sanctioning the division given of
+the Old Testament books; for neither he nor the Jews agree with it.
+
+The canon of the Abyssinian church seems to have had at first all the
+books in the Septuagint, canonical and apocryphal together, little
+distinction being made between them. Along with the contents of the Greek
+Bible there were Enoch, 4 Esdras, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Jubilees,
+Asseneth, &c. That of the New Testament agrees with the present Greek one.
+At a later period in the Arabic age a list was made and constituted the
+legal one for the use of the church, having been derived from the Jacobite
+canons of the apostles. This gives, in the Old Testament, the Pentateuch,
+Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Judith, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah,
+Esther, Tobit, two books of Maccabees, Job, Psalms, five books of Solomon,
+minor and greater prophets. The Wisdom of Sirach (for teaching children)
+and the book of Joseph ben Gorion, _i.e._, that of the Maccabees, are
+external. The New Testament has four gospels, Acts, seven apostolic
+epistles, fourteen of Paul, and the Revelation of John. Later catalogues
+vary much, and are often enlarged with the book of Enoch, 4 Esdras, the
+Apocalypse of Isaiah, &c. The canon of the Ethiopic church was
+fluctuating.(340)
+
+The canon of the Armenians had at first the Palestinian books of the Old
+Testament, twenty-two in number, and the usual New Testament ones, except
+the Apocalypse. It was made from the Syriac in the fifth century by Sahak
+and Mesrob. The deutero-canonical books and additions were appended, after
+the disciples of those two men who had been sent by them into different
+places, brought back authentic copies of the Greek Bible from the
+patriarch Maximian, by which the version already made was interpolated and
+corrected; as it was subsequently corrected by others despatched to
+Alexandria and Athens, who, however, did not return till their teachers
+were dead. The MSS. of this version were afterwards interpolated from the
+Vulgate; Oskan himself translating for his edition (which was the first
+printed one, A.D. 1666), Sirach, 4 Esdras and the Epistle of Jeremiah from
+the Latin. The book of Revelation does not seem to have been translated
+till the eighth century. Zohrab’s critical edition (1805) has Judith,
+Tobit, the three books of Maccabees, Wisdom, and the Epistle of Baruch
+among the canonical books; and in an appendix, the fourth book of Esdras,
+the prayer of Manasseh, the Epistle of the Corinthians to Paul and his
+answer, the Rest (end) of the apostle and evangelist John, the prayer of
+Euthalius. Like the edition of Oskan, this has all the deutero-canonical
+books, which were derived from the Septuagint, and incorporated by the
+first translators with their original version. Another edition published
+at St. Petersburgh (1817), for the use of the Jacobite Church, has the
+prayer of Manasses and 4 Esdras after the Apocalypse.
+
+The Georgian version consisted of the books and additions in the Greek
+translation from which it was made. The New Testament has the canonical
+books in the usual order. Jesus Sirach and two books of the Maccabees (2d
+and 3d) were not in the Georgian MS. used by Prince Arcil for the edition
+of 1743, but were rendered out of the Russian. The Moscow Bible printed
+under the direction and at the cost of Arcil, Bacchar and Wakuset, is the
+authorized edition of the Georgian Christians.
+
+The Bible canon of the Eastern church in the middle ages shows no real
+advance. Endeavors were made to remove the uncertainty arising from the
+existence of numerous lists; but former decisions and decrees of councils
+were repeated instead of a new, independent canon. Here belongs the
+catalogue in the Alexandrian MS., of the fifth century, which is peculiar.
+After the prophets come Esther, Tobit, Judith, Ezra and Nehemiah, 4
+Maccabees, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, the
+all-virtuous Wisdom, the Wisdom of Jesus of Sirach. In the New Testament,
+the Apocalypse is followed by two epistles of Clement. The list was
+probably made in Egypt. That of Anastasius Sinaita,(341) patriarch of
+Antioch, is similar to Nicephorus’s Stichometry, which we shall mention
+afterwards. Baruch is among the canonical books; Esther among the
+antilegomena. The Apocalypse is unnoticed. The 85th of the Apostolic
+canons gives a list of the Old and New Testament books, in which the usual
+canonical ones of the former are supplemented by Judith and 3 Maccabees;
+those of the latter by the two epistles of Clement, with the Apostolic
+constitutions. This catalogue cannot be put earlier than the fifth or
+sixth century, and is subject to the suspicion of having been
+interpolated. We have also Nicephorus’s _Stichometry_ (806-815;)(342) of
+which we may remark that Baruch is among the canonical books of the Old
+Testament; while the Revelation is put with the Apocalypse of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas and the Gospel according to the Hebrews, among the
+antilegomena of the New Testament. It is also surprising that the
+Apocalypse of Peter and the Gospel according to the Hebrews are not among
+the Apocrypha, where Clement’s epistles with the productions of Ignatius,
+Polycarp, and Hermas appear. The list is probably older than that of the
+Antioch patriarch Anastasius Sinaita. Cosmas Indicopleustes (535) never
+mentions the seven Catholic epistles of the New Testament or the
+Apocalypse. The Trullan council (A.D. 692) adopts the eighty-five
+Apostolic canons, rejecting, however, the Apostolic Constitutions.
+Photius, patriarch of Constantinople,(343) follows the eighty-fifth
+Apostolical canon of the Trullan Council.(344) But in his Bibliotheca(345)
+he speaks differently regarding the epistles of Clement, and does not
+treat them as canonical. Though the first was thought worthy to be read in
+public, the second was rejected as spurious; and his own opinion was not
+altogether favorable to them. John of Damascus;(346) the second Nicene
+council (787); the Synopsis divinæ Scripturæ Vet. et Novi Test. (about
+1000); Zonaras (about 1120); Alexius Aristenus (about 1160); and
+Nicephorus Callistus (1330), call for no remark.
+
+In the Western church of the Middle Ages, diversity of opinion respecting
+certain books continued. Though the views of Augustine were generally
+followed, the stricter ones of Jerome found many adherents. The canon was
+fluctuating, and the practice of the churches in regard to it somewhat
+lax. Here belong Cassiodorus (about 550); the list in the Codex Amiatinus
+(about 550); Isidore of Seville(347) who, after enumerating three classes
+of Old Testament books gives a fourth not in the Hebrew canon. Here he
+specifies Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, 1 and 2 Maccabees, saying
+that the church of Christ puts them among the divine books, honors and
+highly esteems them.(348) There are also the fourth council of Toledo
+(632); Gregory the Great(349) Notker Labeo;(350) Ivo (about 1092);
+Bede;(351) Alcuin;(352) Rabanus Maurus;(353) Hugo de St Victor;(354) Peter
+of Clugny;(355) John of Salisbury;(356) Thomas Aquinas;(357) Hugo de St
+Cher;(358) Wycliffe;(359) Nicolaus of Lyra,(360) &c., &c. Several of
+these, as Hugo de St Victor, John of Salisbury, Hugo de St Cher, and
+Nicolaus of Lyra, followed Jerome in separating the canonical and
+apocryphal books of the Old Testament.(361)
+
+The Reformers generally returned to the Hebrew canon, dividing off the
+additional books of the Septuagint or those attached to the Vulgate. These
+they called _apocryphal_, after Jerome’s example. Though considered of no
+authority in matters of doctrine, they were pronounced useful and
+edifying. The principal reason that weighed with the Reformers was, that
+Christ and the apostles testified to none of the Septuagint additions.
+
+Besides the canonical books of the Old Testament, Luther translated
+Judith, Wisdom, Tobit, Sirach, Baruch, 1 and 2 Maccabees, the Greek
+additions to Esther and Daniel, with the Prayer of Manasseh. His judgment
+respecting several of these is expressed in the prefaces to them. With
+regard to 1 Maccabees, he thinks it almost equal to the other books of
+Holy Scripture, and not unworthy to be reckoned among them. Of Wisdom, he
+says, he was long in doubt whether it should be numbered among the
+canonical books; and of Sirach that it is a right good book proceeding
+from a wise man. But he speaks unfavorably of several other apocryphal
+productions, as of Baruch and 2 Maccabees. It is evident, however, that he
+considered all he translated of _some_ use to the Christian Church. He
+thought that the book of Esther should not belong to the canon.
+
+Luther’s judgment respecting some of the New Testament books was freer
+than most Protestants now are disposed to approve. He thought the epistle
+to the Hebrews was neither Paul’s nor an apostle’s, but proceeded from an
+excellent and learned man who may have been the disciple of apostles. He
+did not put it on an equality with the epistles written by apostles
+themselves. The Apocalypse he considered neither apostolic nor prophetic,
+but put it almost on the same level with the 4th book of Esdras, which he
+spoke elsewhere of tossing into the Elbe. This judgment was afterwards
+modified, not retracted. James’s epistle he pronounced unapostolic, “a
+right strawy epistle.” In like manner, he did not believe that Jude’s
+epistle proceeded from an apostle. Considering it to have been taken from
+2 Peter, and not well extracted either, he put it lower than the supposed
+original. The Reformer, as also his successors, made a distinction between
+the books of the New Testament similar to that of the Old; the _generally
+received_ (homologoumena) and _controverted_ books (antilegomena); but the
+Calvinists afterwards obliterated it, as the Roman Catholics at the
+Council of Trent did with the old Testament.(362) The epistle to the
+Hebrews, those of Jude and James, with the Apocalypse, belong to the
+latter class. The distinction in question proceeded from genuine critical
+tact on the part of the early Lutheran Church which had canonical and
+deutero-canonical writings even in the New Testament collection. Nor did
+the Reformers consider it a dangerous thing to bring the fact before the
+people. To make it palpable, Luther attached continuous numbers to the
+first twenty-three books of his version, bringing the four antilegomena
+after these, without numbers; and this mode of marking the difference
+continued till the middle of the 17th century.(363) Luther was right in
+assigning a greater or less value to the separate writings of the New
+Testament, and in leaving every one to do the same. He relied on their
+internal value more than tradition; taking the _word of God_ in a deeper
+and wider sense than its coincidence with the Bible.
+
+Bodenstein of Carlstad examined the question of canonicity more thoroughly
+than any of his contemporaries, and followed out the principle of private
+judgment in regard to it. He divides the biblical books into three
+classes—1. Books of the highest dignity, viz., the Pentateuch and the
+Gospels; 2. Books of the second dignity, _i.e._, the works termed
+prophetic by the Jews, and the fifteen epistles universally received; 3.
+Books of the third and lowest authority, _i.e._, the Jewish Hagiographa
+and the seven Antilegomena epistles of the New Testament. Among the
+Apocrypha he makes two classes—such as are out of the canon to the Hebrews
+yet hagiographical (Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, the two
+Maccabees), and those that are clearly apocryphal and to be rejected
+(third and fourth Esdras, Baruch, Prayer of Manasseh, a good part of the
+third chapter of Daniel, and the last two chapters of Daniel.)(364)
+
+Zwingli asserts that the Apocalypse is not a biblical book.(365)
+
+Oecolampadius says—“We do not despise Judith, Tobit, Ecclesiasticus,
+Baruch, the last two Esdras, the three Maccabees, the last two chapters of
+Daniel, but we do not attribute to them divine authority with those
+others.”(366) As to the books of the New Testament he would not compare
+the Apocalypse, James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John with the rest.(367)
+
+Calvin did not think that Paul was the author of the epistle to the
+Hebrews, or that 2 Peter was written by the apostle himself; but both in
+his opinion are canonical.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII. ORDER OF THE NEW TESTAMENT BOOKS.
+
+
+I. The arrangement of the various parts comprising the New Testament was
+fluctuating in the second century; less so in the third. In the fourth
+century the order which the books had commonly assumed in Greek MSS. and
+writers was; the Gospels, the Acts, the Catholic Epistles, the Pauline,
+and the Apocalypse. This sequence appears in the Vatican, Sinaitic,
+Alexandrian and Ephrem (C) MSS.; Cyril of Jerusalem, in the 60th Canon of
+the Laodicean Council, Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, &c.
+
+II. Another order prevailed in the Latin Church, viz., the Gospels, the
+Acts, the Epistles of Paul, the Catholic Epistles, and the Apocalypse.
+This appears in Melito, Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augustine,
+Jerome, the Vulgate, the Councils of Carthage, held in A.D. 397 and 419;
+and is now the usual arrangement.
+
+Within the limits of the two general arrangements just mentioned, there
+were many variations. Thus we find in relation to _the gospels_.
+
+III. (_a_) Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; in the MSS. of the old Italic marked
+_a_, _b_, _d_, _e_, _ff_, and in the cod. argenteus of Ulfila’s Gothic
+version.
+
+(_b_) Matthew, John, Mark, Luke; in the council of Ephesus A.D. 431, Cyril
+of Alexandria, Theodoret, the stichometry of the Clermont MS. Such was the
+usual order in the Greek Church of the fifth century.
+
+(_c_) Mark is put first, followed by Matthew; in the fragment of a Bobbian
+MS. of the Itala at Turin marked _k_.
+
+(_d_) Matthew, Mark, John, Luke; in the Curetonian Syriac gospels. They
+are mentioned in the same order in Origen’s I. Homily on Luke.
+
+The reason of the order in, (_a_) and (_b_) lies in apostleship. The works
+of apostles precede those of evangelists. The established sequence, which
+is already sanctioned by Irenæus and Origen, has respect to the supposed
+dates of the gospels. Clement of Alexandria says that ancient tradition
+supposed those gospels having the genealogies to have been written before
+the others.
+
+IV. As to the _Acts of the Apostles_, not only is this work put
+immediately after the gospels, which is the order in the Muratorian canon,
+but we find it in other positions.
+
+(_a_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Acts; in the Sinaitic MS., the
+Peshito,(368) Jerome,(369) and Epiphanius.
+
+(_b_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Catholic Epistles, Acts; in Augustine,
+the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent I., Eugenius IV., and the
+Spanish Church generally.
+
+(_c_) Gospels, Pauline, Catholic Epistles, Apocalypse, Acts; in the
+stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+
+V. As to _the Epistles of Paul_, besides the place they now occupy in our
+Bibles, they sometimes follow the gospels immediately.
+
+(_a_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles; the Sinaitic MS., Jerome, Epiphanius,
+Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent I., Eugenius
+IV., the stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+
+(_b_) The usual order of the Greek Church is, Gospels, Acts, Catholic
+Epistles, Pauline, &c., as in Cyril of Jerusalem, the Laodicean Council
+(60), Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, the MSS. A. B., but not א. The
+critical Greek Testaments of Lachmann and Tischendorf adopt this order.
+
+(_c_) They are placed last of all in a homily attributed to Origen, but
+this does not necessarily show that father’s opinion.(370)
+
+(_d_) They stand first of all in a Gallican _Sacramentarium_ cited by
+Hody.(371)
+
+VI. With respect to the order of the individual epistles, the current one
+has been thought as old as Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria. But the
+proof of this is precarious. It appears in the fourth century, and may
+have been prior to that. It is in Epiphanius, who supposes that the
+arrangement was the apostle’s own. Not only was it the prevalent one in
+the Greek Church, but also in the Latin as we see from the codex
+Amiatinus, and the Vulgate MSS. generally. It rests upon the extent of the
+epistles and the relative importance of the localities in which the
+believers addressed resided.
+
+(_a_) Marcion had but ten Pauline epistles in the following order:
+Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, the
+Laodiceans, (Ephesians), Colossians, Philemon, Philippians.
+
+(_b_) 1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Galatians,
+1 and 2 Thessalonians, Romans, Philemon, Titus, 1 and 2 Timothy, to the
+Laodiceans, the Alexandrians (the Epistle to the Hebrews); in the
+Muratorian canon.
+
+(_c_) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians,
+Thessalonians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews; in
+Augustine, and several MSS. of the Vulgate in England.(372)
+
+(_d_) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Thessalonians, Ephesians,
+Philippians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews; in the
+so-called decree of Gelasius in the name of Hormisdas, in Labbe’s text.
+But here different MSS. vary in regard to the position of the Thessalonian
+epistles.
+
+VII. The Laodicean letter was inserted either before the pastoral
+epistles, as in several MSS. of the Vulgate in England; or before the
+Thessalonian epistles preceding them; or at the end of the Epistle to the
+Hebrews, as in a MS. of the Latin Bible at Lembeth. Its insertion in
+copies of the Vulgate was owing to the authority of Gregory the Great, who
+looked upon it as authentic.
+
+VIII. The position of the Epistle to the Hebrews usually was either before
+the pastoral epistles, _i.e._, immediately after those to the
+Thessalonians; or after the pastoral ones and Philemon. The former method
+was generally adopted in the Greek Church from the fourth century. The
+latter prevailed in the Latin Church from Augustine onward.
+
+(_a_) Pauline epistles to churches (the last being the second to the
+Thessalonians), Hebrews, Timothy, Titus, Philemon; in the MSS. א, A. B. C.
+H., Athanasius, Epiphanius; Euthalius,(373) Theodoret. Jerome mentions it
+after the epistles of Paul to the seven churches as an eighth excluded by
+the majority, and proceeds to specify the pastoral ones. But Amphilochius
+and Ebedjesu the Syrian have the western order, viz., the following—
+
+(_b_) Pauline Epistles, Hebrews (following immediately that to Philemon);
+in Augustine and the Vulgate version generally. It is so in the canons of
+the councils at Hippo and Carthage (A.D. 393 and 397), and in the MSS. D.
+and G., in Isidore of Spain, and the council of Trent.
+
+IX. With respect to the order of the _Catholic Epistles_, which were not
+_all_ adopted into the canon till the end of the fourth century; Eusebius
+putting all except 1 John and 1 Peter among the _antilegomena_; while
+Jerome, and the council of Carthage (A.D. 397) admit them unreservedly;
+the usual order, viz., James, 1 and 2 Peter, John, Jude, prevailed in the
+Eastern Church. It is in the Peshito or old Syriac version, Eusebius,
+Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, the 60th of the Laodicean canons,
+Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Amphilochius, the stichometry of
+Nicephorus, the MSS. א. A. B. C., and most Greek MS. But the 76th of the
+Apostolic canons has Peter, John, James and Jude. The canon, however, is
+comparatively late.
+
+(_a_) Peter, John, Jude, James; in Philastrius of Brescia. If we may rely
+on Cassiodorus’s account of Augustine, the African father followed the
+same arrangement.
+
+(_b_) Peter, James, Jude, John; in Rufinus.
+
+(_c_) Peter, John, James, Jude; in the councils of Carthage, A.D. 397,
+419, Cassiodorus, and a Gallican Sacramentarium. The Vulgate and council
+of Trent follow this arrangement.
+
+(_d_) John, Peter, Jude, James; in the list given by Innocent I., and the
+third council of Toledo.
+
+The Eastern church naturally set the Epistle of James, who was Bishop of
+Jerusalem, at the head of the others; while the Western put Peter, the
+Bishop of Rome, in the same place.
+
+X. The Revelation varied little in position.
+
+(_a_) In the decree of Galasius, according to its three recensions, the
+Revelation follows Paul’s epistles, preceding those of John and the other
+Catholic ones.
+
+(_b_) In D or the Clermont MS. it follows the _Catholic_ epistles, and
+precedes the Acts; which last is thrown to the end of all the books, as if
+it were an appendix to the writings of the apostles.(374)
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX. SUMMARY OF THE SUBJECT.
+
+
+(_a_) In relation to the Old Testament, the prevailing tendency in the
+Greek Church was to follow the Palestinian canon. Different lists appeared
+from time to time in which the endeavor there to exclude apocryphal,
+_i.e._, spurious works, was apparent. In addition to the _canonical_, a
+class of _ecclesiastical_ books was judged fit for reading in the
+Church,—a class intermediate between the canonical and apocryphal. The
+distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical writings appears in
+Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius, Epiphanius, &c. The Latin Church showed a
+disposition to elevate the ecclesiastical books of the Greek Church to the
+rank of the canonical, making the line between the two indistinct; as we
+see from the acts of the councils at Hippo and Carthage, in the end of the
+fourth and beginning of the fifth century, where Augustine’s, influence
+was predominant. But notwithstanding this deviation from the stricter
+method of the Greeks, learned men like Jerome adhered to the Palestinian
+canon, and even styled the ecclesiastical books _apocryphal_, transferring
+the epithet from one class to another. Hilary and Rufinus also followed
+the Greek usage.
+
+During the sixth and following centuries, it cannot be said that the canon
+of the Greek Church was definitely closed, notwithstanding the decrees of
+councils and references to older authorities. Opinions still varied about
+certain books, such as Esther; though the Palestinian list was commonly
+followed. During the same period, the enlarged canon of the Alexandrian
+Jews, which went far to abolish the distinction between the canonical and
+deutero-canonical books, prevailed in the West, at least in practice;
+though some followed the shorter one, sanctioned as it had been by Jerome.
+As both lists existed, no complete or final settlement of the question was
+reached in the Latin Church. Neither in the East nor in the West was the
+canon of the Old Testament really closed; for though the stricter
+principle of separation prevailed in theory, it was not carried out in
+practice consistently or universally. The two men most influential about
+the canon were Jerome and Augustine; the one representing its Palestinian,
+the other its Alexandrian type. After them no legal or commanding voice
+fixed either, to the absolute exclusion of its rival.
+
+(_b_) The charge of Constantine to Eusebius to make out a list of writings
+for the use of the Church and its performance may be considered as that
+which first put the subject on a broad and permanent basis. Its
+consequences were important. If it cannot be called the completion or
+close of the New Testament canon, it determined it largely. Eusebius made
+a Greek Bible containing the usual books, except the Revelation. Though
+the historian of the church was not well fitted for the task, being
+deficient in critical ability and trammeled by tradition, he doubtless
+used his best judgment. Hence, about the year 337, the Constantinian
+Church received a Bible which had an influential origin. No binding
+authority indeed attached to the list of the Christian books it presented;
+but it had weight in the Greek Church. It did not prevent different
+opinions, nor deter individuals from dissent. Thus Athanasius, who
+disliked Eusebius and his party, issued a list of the sacred writings
+which included the Revelation. The canon of the Laodicean Council (A.D.
+363) agreed with the Constantine one.
+
+That variations still existed in the Eastern Church is shown by the lists
+which vied with one another in precedence. The apostolic canons adopted
+the seven general epistles, while the apostolic constitutions excluded
+them. The Alexandrian MS. added to the ordinary books of the New
+Testament, Clement’s two epistles; and Cosmas Indicopleustes omitted the
+general epistles as well as the Apocalypse. At length the Council of
+Constantinople, usually called the _Trullan_ (A.D. 692), laid down
+positions that fixed the canon for the Greek Church. The endeavor in it
+was to attain to a conclusion which should unite East and West. This
+council did not enumerate the separate books, but referred to older
+authorities, to the eighty-five canons of the apostles, the decrees of the
+synods of Laodicea, Ephesus, Carthage, and others; to Athanasius, Gregory
+of Nazianzus, Amphliochius of Iconium, Cyril of Alexandria, Gennadius, &c.
+After the fourth century there was a general desire to fall back on
+apostolic times, to appeal to the Church, to ascertain the opinion of
+synods or assemblies; in a word, to rely on authority.
+
+Less discrepancy and activity were manifested about the canon in the
+Western Church. Here the chief doubts were directed to the epistle to the
+Hebrews and the seven general ones. The former was early excluded, and
+continued to be so even in the time of Jerome. The latter were adopted
+much sooner. The impulse given by Constantine to determine the books of
+Scripture re-acted on the West, where the Church considered it its own
+privilege. Augustine’s influence contributed much to the settlement of the
+question. The synods of Hippo (A.D. 393) and of Carthage (A.D. 397)
+received the epistle to the Hebrews and the seven general ones, thus
+fixing the New Testament canon as it now is. In 419 the African bishops,
+in the presence of a Papal delegate, repeated their former decision. After
+the West Goths joined the Catholic Church in the sixth century, the Romish
+and Spanish Churches gave prominence to the fact of accepting both the
+Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews. The canon of the West was now
+virtually closed; the fourth Council of Toledo (A.D. 632) at which Isidore
+was present, agreeing with the Augustinian list, ratified as that list had
+been by Innocent the First. The reception of the epistle to the Hebrews
+was facilitated by the objections of the Arians and Semiarians; while
+opposition to the Priscillianists in Spain strengthened adherence to the
+traditional canon. Augustine and the Trullan Council fixed the number of
+the New Testament books as they are now.
+
+With regard to the Bible canon in general, we see that councils had weight
+when they enumerated the sacred books; that prominent teachers delivered
+their opinion on the subject with effect, and that tradition contributed
+to one result; but no general council closed the canon once for all, till
+that of Trent promulgated its decrees. This body, however, could only
+settle the subject for Romanists, since, while the right of private
+judgment is exercised, no corporation can declare some books inspired and
+others not, some authoritative in matters of faith, others not, without
+presumption. Though the present Bible canon rests upon the judgment of
+good and learned men of different times, it can never be finally or
+infallibly settled, because the critical powers of readers differ, and all
+do not accept church authority with unhesitating assent.
+
+It is the way of men to defer unduly to the opinions expressed by synods
+and councils, especially if they be propounded dogmatically; to acquiesce
+in their decisions with facility rather than institute independent
+inquiry. This is exemplified in the history of the canon, where the
+fallibility of such bodies in determining canonicity is conspicuous. It is
+so in the general reception of the book of Esther, while the old poem, the
+Song of Songs, was called in question at the synod of Jamnia; in the
+omission of the Revelation from the canonical list by many belonging to
+the Greek Church, while the epistles to Timothy and Titus were received as
+St. Paul’s from the beginning almost universally.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X. THE CANON IN THE CONFESSION OF DIFFERENT CHURCHES.
+
+
+The second Helvetic Confession (A.D. 1566) speaks of the apocryphal books
+of the Old Testament as those which the ancients wished to be read in the
+churches, but not as authoritative in matters of faith.(375)
+
+The Gallic Confession (A.D. 1559) makes a distinction between canonical
+and other books, the former being the rule and norm of faith, not only by
+the consent of the Church, but much more by the testimony and intrinsic
+persuasion of the Spirit, by whose suggestions we are taught to
+distinguish them from other ecclesiastical books, which, though useful,
+are not of the kind that any article of faith can be constituted by
+them.(376)
+
+The Belgic Confession (A.D. 1561) makes a distinction between the sacred
+and apocryphal books. The latter may be read by the Church, but no
+doctrine can be derived from them. In the list of New Testament books
+given there are _fourteen_ epistles of Paul.(377)
+
+The canon of the Waldenses must have coincided at first with that of the
+Roman Church; for the Dublin MS. containing the New Testament has attached
+to it the Book of Wisdom and the first twenty-three chapters of Sirach;
+while the Zurich codex of the New Testament has marginal references to the
+Apocrypha; to Judith, Tobit, 4 Esdras, Wisdom, Sirach, and Susanna. The
+_Nobla Leyczon_ containing a brief narration of the contents of the Old
+and New Testaments confirms this opinion. It opposes, however, the old law
+to the new, making them antagonistic. The historical document containing
+the articles of “The Union of the Valleys,” A.D. 1571, separates indeed
+the canonical and apocryphal books, purporting to be founded on a
+Confession of Faith as old as A.D. 1120; but the latter is mythical, as
+appears from a comparison of it with the epistle which the legates of the
+Waldensians gave to Œcolampadius. The articles of that “Union” are copied
+from Morel’s account of his transactions with Œcolampadius and Bucer in
+1530. The literature of this people was altered by Hussite influences and
+the Reformation; so that though differing little from the Romanists at
+first except in ecclesiastical discipline, they diverged widely afterwards
+by adopting the Protestant canon and doctrines.(378) Hence, the Confession
+issued in 1655 enumerates as Holy Scripture nothing but the Jewish
+Palestinian canon, and the usual books of the New Testament.(379)
+
+The canon of the Anglican Church (1562), given in the sixth article of
+religion, defines holy Scripture to be “those canonical books of the Old
+and New Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church.”
+After giving the names and number of the canonical books, the article
+prefaces the apocryphal ones with, “And the other books (as Hierome saith)
+the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but
+yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine? Such are these
+following,” &c., &c. At the end it is stated that “all the books of the
+New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive and account
+them canonical.” The article is ambiguous. If the canonical books
+enumerated are those meant in the phrase “of whose authority was never any
+doubt in the Church,” the statement is incorrect. If a distinction is
+implied between the canonical books and such canonical ones as have never
+been doubted in the Church, the meaning is obscure. In either case the
+language is not explicit.
+
+The Scottish or Westminster Confession of Faith gives a list of all the
+books of the Old and New Testaments as the Word of God written; adding
+that those called the apocrypha are not of divine inspiration, and no part
+of the canon,—of no authority in the Church, nor to be approved or made
+use of otherwise than human writings.
+
+The Roman Catholic canon was finally determined at the Council of Trent
+(1546), which adopted all the books in the Vulgate as sacred and
+canonical, without distinction. Third and fourth Esdras, third Maccabees,
+and the prayer of Manasseh were not included; though the first and last
+appeared in the original Clementine edition of 1592, but apart from the
+canonical books. They are not in the Sixtine edition of 1590.(380) A
+council at Florence in 1441 had set the example which was followed at
+Trent. But this stringent decree did not prevent individual Catholics from
+making a distinction between the books, in assuming a first and second
+canon or proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books; as did Sixtis
+Senensis, B. Lamy, Anton a matre Dei, Jahn, and others; though it is
+hardly consistent with orthodox Catholicism or the view of those who
+passed the decree. When the writings are said to be of different
+authority—some more, others less—the intent of the council is violated.
+The Vatican council (1870) confirmed the Tridentine decree respecting the
+canon.
+
+The Greek Church, after several ineffectual attempts to uphold the old
+distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical books by Metrophanes
+Critopulus patriarch of Alexandria in 1625, and Cyril Lucaris patriarch of
+Constantinople (1638 A.D.),(381) came to the same decision with the
+Romish, and canonized all the apocrypha. This was done at a Jerusalem
+synod under Dositheus in 1672.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI. THE CANON FROM SEMLER TO THE PRESENT TIME, WITH REFLECTIONS ON
+ITS READJUSTMENT.
+
+
+Semler(382) was the most conspicuous scholar after the Reformation who
+undertook to correct the prevailing ideas respecting the canon. Acquainted
+with the works of Toland and Morgan, he adopted some of their views, and
+prosecuted his inquiries on their lines chiefly in relation to the New
+Testament. He had no definite principles to guide him, but judged books
+chiefly by their christian value and use to the Church. Though his views
+are sometimes one-sided and his essays ill-digested, he placed the subject
+in new lights, and rendered a service to truth which bore abundant fruit
+in after years.(383) He dealt tradition severe blows, and freed theology
+from the yoke of the letter. He was followed by his disciple Corrodi, by
+G. L. Oeder, J. D. Michaelis, Herder, Lessing, and Eichhorn,—most of whom
+recommended their views by a freshness of style which Semler did not
+command. The more recent works of Gesenius, De Wette, Zunz, Ewald, Hitzig,
+Geiger and Herzfeld have contributed to form a juster opinion of the true
+position which the books of the Bible occupy.
+
+In the New Testament, the writings of F. C. Baur have opened up a new
+method of investigating the canon, which promises important and lasting
+results. Proceeding in the track of Semler, he prosecuted his researches
+into primitive Christianity with great acuteness and singular power of
+combination. Though his separation of Petrine and Pauline christianity is
+not new, he has applied it in ways which neither Toland nor Morgan was
+competent to manage. These writers perceived the difference between the
+leading principle of the twelve and that of Paul, they had some far-seeing
+glimpses of the origin and differences of the New Testament writings,(384)
+but they propounded them in an unsystematic way along with untenable
+conjectures. It was reserved for the Tübingen professor to elaborate the
+hypothesis of an Ebionite or primitive christianity in contra-distinction
+from a Pauline, applying it to the origin and constitution of christian
+literature; in a word, to use a _tendenz-kritik_ for opening up the genius
+of the sacred writings as well as the stages of early christianity out of
+which they arose. The head of the Tübingen school, it is true, has carried
+out the antagonism between the Petrine and Pauline christians too
+rigorously, and invaded the authenticity of the sacred writings to excess;
+for it is hazardous to make a theory extremely stringent to the
+comparative neglect of modifying circumstances, which, though increasing
+the difficulty of criticism, contribute to the security of its processes.
+Yet he has properly emphasized internal evidence; and many of his
+conclusions about the books will stand. He has thrown much light on the
+original relations of parties immediately after the origin of
+Christianity, and disturbed an organic unity of the New Testament which
+had been merely _assumed_ by traditionalists. The best Introductions to
+the New Testament must accept them to some extent. The chief
+characteristic of the school is the application of historic criticism to
+the genesis of the New Testament writings, irrespective of tradition—a
+striving to discover the circumstances or tendencies out of which the
+books originated. Baur’s _tendenz_-principle judiciously applied cannot
+but produce good results.
+
+We have seen that sound critical considerations did not regulate the
+formation of the three collections which made up the entire canon of the
+Old Testament. Had it been so, the Pentateuch would not have been
+attributed to Moses. Neither would a number of latter prophecies have been
+accepted as Isaiah’s and incorporated with the prophet’s authentic
+productions. All the Proverbs, the book of Ecclesiastes, and the Song of
+Songs would not have been assigned to Solomon; Jonah would have been
+separated from the prophets, and Daniel must have had a later position in
+the Hagiographa. We cannot, therefore, credit the collectors or editors of
+the books with great critical sagacity. But they did their best in the
+circumstances, preserving invaluable records of the Hebrew people. In like
+manner, it has appeared, that the ecclesiastics to whom we owe the New
+Testament collection were not sharp-sighted in the literature with which
+they had to do. It is true that well-founded doubts were entertained by
+the early Christians about several portions, such as the second Epistle of
+Peter, the Epistle to the Hebrews, &c., but the Revelation was needlessly
+discredited. They accepted without hesitation the pastoral epistles as
+Pauline, but doubted some of the Catholic Epistles, which bear the impress
+of authenticity more strongly, such as James. It is therefore incorrect to
+say that 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, James, Jude, Epistle to the Hebrews, and
+the Apocalypse “have been received into the canon on evidence less
+complete” than that belonging to the others. The very general admission of
+the fourth gospel as the apostle John’s, is a curious example of facile
+traditionalism. Biblical criticism, however, scarcely existed in the first
+three centuries. It is for us to set the subject in another light, because
+our means of judging are superior. If the resources of the early fathers
+were inadequate to the proper sifting of a copious literature, they should
+be mildly judged.
+
+The question of the canon is not settled. It is probably the work of
+successive inquirers to set it on a right basis, and adjust the various
+parts in a manner consistent with historic criticism, sound reason, and
+religion. The absolute and relative worth of books; the degrees in which
+they regulate ethics and conduct; their varying values at the times of
+their first appearance and our own; their places in the general history of
+human progress—all these must be determined before the documents of
+Judaism and Christianity be classified aright. Their present arrangement
+is external. Based on no interior principle, it furnishes little help
+toward a thorough investigation of the whole. Those who look upon the
+question as historical and literary take a one-sided view. It has a
+theological character also. It needs the application, not only of historic
+criticism, but the immediate consciousness belonging to every Christian.
+The two Testaments should be separated, and their respective positions
+assigned to each—the Old having been preparatory to the New. Should it be
+said bluntly, as it is in the 7th Article of the Anglican Church, that the
+Old is not contrary to the New Testament? Luther at least expressed his
+opinion of the difference between them pretty clearly;(385) though the
+theologians of Germany after him evinced a desire to minimise the
+difference.(386) Should the general opinion of the Protestant Church that
+the authority of the Old Testament is not subordinate to that of the New,
+be rigidly upheld? According to one aspect of the former it may be so,
+viz., its prophetic and theological aspect, that in which it is brought
+into close union with the latter; the essence of the one being
+foreshadowed or implied in the other, as Justin Martyr supposed. And this
+view has never lost supporters, who by the help of double senses, types,
+and symbols, with assumed prediction of the definite and distant future,
+transform the old dispensation into an outline picture of the new; taking
+into it a body of divinity which is alien from its nature. According to
+another aspect, viz., the moral and historical, the equality can scarcely
+be allowed. Schleiermacher is right in saying that the Old Testament seems
+to be nothing but a superfluous authority for doctrine; an opinion
+coinciding with that of the early Socinians, who held that it has a
+historical, not a dogmatic, value. Only such of our pious emotions as are
+of a general nature are accurately reflected in the Old Testament; and all
+that is most decidedly Jewish is of least value to christians. The alleged
+coincidence of the Old Testament with the New must be modified by the
+doctrine of development. It has been fostered by types and prophecies
+supposed to refer to christian times; by the assumed _dictation_ of all
+Scripture by the Holy Spirit; by fancied references of the one
+dispensation to the other; by the confounding of a Jewish Messiah sketched
+in various prophets, with Jesus Christ, as if the latter had not changed,
+exalted and purified the Messianic idea to suit his sublime purposes of
+human regeneration. The times and circumstances in which the Old Testament
+Scriptures appeared, the manners, usages, civilization, intellectual and
+moral stage of the Semitic race combine to give them a lower position than
+that of the New Testament books which arose out of a more developed
+perception of the relations between God and men. Spiritual apprehension
+had got beyond Jewish particularism, especially in the case of the apostle
+Paul, who gave the new religion a distinct vitality by severing it from
+its Jewish predecessor.
+
+The agreement of the New Testament books with themselves must be modified
+by the same doctrine of development. Jewish and Pauline christianity
+appear in different works, necessarily imparting a difference of views and
+expression; or they are blended in various degrees, as in the epistles to
+the Hebrews and the first of Peter. Hence, absolute harmony cannot be
+looked for. If the standpoints of the writers were so diverse, how can
+their productions coincide? The alleged coincidence can only be
+intersected with varieties proportioned to the measures in which the
+authors possessed the Spirit of God. These varieties affect the matter as
+well as the manner of the writings. It is therefore unphilosophical to
+treat the Bible as a whole which was dictated by the Spirit and directed
+to one end. Its uniformity is chequered with variety; its harmony with
+disagreement. It is a bundle of books; a selection from a wider
+literature, reflecting many diversities of religious apprehension. After
+the two Testaments have been rightly estimated according to their
+respective merits, the contents of each should be duly
+apportioned—internal evidence being the test of their relative importance,
+irrespective of _a priori_ assumptions. Their traditional origin and
+authority must be subordinated to the inherent value they bear, or the
+conformity of the ideas to the will of God. The gradual formation of both
+canons suggests an analysis of the classes into which they came to be put;
+for the same canonical dignity was not attributed by the Jews to the books
+contained in the three divisions; and the controverted writings of the New
+Testament found gradual recognition very slowly. Luther made important
+distinctions between the canonical books;(387) and Carlstadt put the
+Antilegomena of the New Testament on a par with the Hagiographa of the
+Old.
+
+In the Old Testament the three classes or canons have been generally
+estimated by the Jews according to their respective antiquity; though the
+sacrificial worship enjoined in the Pentateuch never formed an essential
+part of the Jewish religion; the best prophets having set small value upon
+it. The pure monotheistic doctrine of these last writers, chiefly
+contained in the second canon, lifts that class up to the highest rank;
+yet the Decalogue in the Pentateuch is sufficient to stamp the first canon
+with great worth. It must be confessed, however, that the Mosaic law was
+meagre, in the domain of pure ethics; and that it promoted among the
+people a slavish spirit of positivism by laying more stress on acts than
+dispositions, and insisting on small regulations. For this reason, the
+prophets combated its narrow externality. The three canons were regarded
+with a degree of veneration corresponding to the order in which they
+stand. To apportion their respective values to the individual parts of
+them is a difficult task.
+
+As to the New Testament writings, we think that some of them might
+conveniently occupy the position of _deutero-canonical_, equivalent to
+those of the Old Testament having that title. We allude to 2 and 3 John,
+Jude, James, 2 Peter, the Revelation. It is true that a few of these were
+prior in time to some of the universally-received gospels or epistles; but
+time is not an important factor in a good classification. Among the
+Pauline epistles themselves, classification might be adopted; for the
+pastoral letters are undoubtedly post-Pauline, and inferior to the
+authentic ones. In classifying the New Testament writings, three things
+might be considered—the reception they met with from the first, their
+authenticity, above all, their internal excellence. The subject is not
+easy, because critics are not universally agreed about the proper rank and
+authenticity of a few documents. The Epistle to the Colossians, for
+example, creates perplexity; that to the Ephesians is less embarrassing,
+its post-Pauline origin being tolerably clear.
+
+What is wanted is a rational historic criticism to moderate the
+theological hypothesis with which the older Protestants set out, the
+supernatural inspiration of the books, their internal inseparability, and
+their direct reference to the work of salvation. It must be allowed that
+many points are independent of dogmatics; and that the right decision in
+things historical may be reached apart from any ecclesiastical standpoint.
+
+Again, should the distinction between the apocryphal and canonical books
+of the Old Testament be emphasized as it is by many? Should a sharp line
+be put between the two, as though the one class, with the period it
+belonged to, were characterized by the errors and anachronisms of its
+history; the other by simplicity and accuracy; the one, by books written
+under fictitious names; the other, by the power to distinguish truth from
+falsehood or by honesty of purpose? Should the one be a sign of the want
+of truthfulness and discernment; the other, of religious simplicity? Can
+this aggregation of the Apocrypha over against the Hagiographa, serve the
+purpose of a just estimate? Hardly so; for some of the latter, such as
+Esther and Ecclesiastes, cannot be put above Wisdom, 1st Maccabees,
+Judith, Baruch, or Ecclesiasticus. The doctrine of immortality, clearly
+expressed in the Book of Wisdom, is not in Ecclesiastes; neither is God
+once named in the Book of Esther as author of the marvelous deliverances
+which the chosen people are said to have experienced. The history narrated
+in 1st Maccabees is more credible than that in Esther. It is therefore
+misleading to mark off all the apocryphal works as _human_ and all the
+canonical ones as _divine_. The divine and the human elements in man are
+too intimately blended to admit of such separation. The best which he
+produces partakes of both. The human element still permeates them as long
+as God speaks through man; and He neither dictates nor speaks otherwise.
+In the attributes claimed for the canonical books no rigid line can be
+drawn. It may be that the inspiration of their authors differed in degree;
+that the writer of Ecclesiastes, for example, was more philosophical than
+Jesus, son of Sirach; but different degrees of inspiration belong to the
+canonical writers themselves. Undue exaltation of the Hebrew canon does
+injustice to the wider Alexandrian one. Yet some still speak of “the pure
+Hebrew canon,” identifying it with that of the Church of England. We admit
+that history had become legendary, that it was written in an oratorical
+style by the Alexandrian Jews, and was used for didactic purposes as in
+Tobit and Judith. Gnomic poetry had survived in the book of Sirach;
+prophecy, in Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah, though here the language
+is already prosaic. Imitation is too observable in the matter and manner
+of the Apocrypha. They have parallels, however, among the Hagiographa,
+which originated in an age when the genuine breath of prophetic
+inspiration had ceased; when history and prophecy had degenerated; so that
+the transition from Esther and Malachi to Judith and Baruch, as also from
+Proverbs to Wisdom, is not great.
+
+The _Talmudic_ canon is generally adopted at the present day. It was not,
+however, universally received even by the Jews; for Esther was omitted out
+of it by those from whom Melito got his catalogue in Palestine; while
+Sirach was annexed to it as late as the beginning of the 4th century.
+Baruch was also added in several Jewish circles, doubtless on account of
+its supposed authorship. Thus “the pure Hebrew canon” was not one and the
+same among all Jews; and therefore the phrase is misleading. Neither is it
+correct to say that it is the only canon distinctly recognized during the
+first four centuries, unless the usage of the early fathers be set over
+against their _assumed_ contrary judgment; nor can all who followed the
+Alexandrian canon be pronounced uncritical, including Origen himself. A
+stereotyped canon of the Old Testament, either among Jews or Christians of
+the first four centuries, which excluded all the apocryphal books and
+included all the canonical ones, cannot be shown. And in regard to “the
+critical judgment” of Jews and Christians in that period it is arbitrary
+to suppose that such as adopted the present canonical books alone were
+more discerning than others. They were more traditional and conservative;
+their discriminating faculty not corresponding to the degree of their
+reliance on the past.
+
+The aim of the inquirer should be to find from competent witnesses—from
+contemporaneous or succeeding writers of trustworthy character—the authors
+and ages of the biblical books. When evidence of this kind is not
+available as often happens, the only resource is the internal. The
+external evidence in favor of the canon is all but exhausted, and nothing
+of importance can be added to it now. Its strength has been brought out;
+its weakness has not been equally exhibited. The problem resolves itself
+into an examination of internal characteristics, which may be strong
+enough to modify or counterbalance the external. The latter have had an
+artificial preponderance in the past; henceforward they must be regulated
+by the internal. The main conclusion should be drawn from the contents of
+the books themselves. And the example of Jews and Christians, to whom we
+owe the Bible canon, shows that _classification_ is necessary. This is
+admitted both by Roman Catholic writers and orthodox Protestants. A
+gloss-writer on what is usually called the “decree of Gratian,” _i.e._,
+the Bolognese canonist of the 12th century, remarks about the canonical
+books, “all may be received but may not be held in the same estimation.”
+John Gerhard speaks of a _second order_, containing the books of the New
+Testament, about whose authors there were some doubts in the Church;(388)
+and Quenstedt similarly specifies _proto-canonical_ and
+_deutero-canonical_ New Testament books, or those of the first and second
+order.(389) What are degrees or kinds of inspiration assumed by many, but
+a tacit acknowledgment of the fact that books vary in intrinsic value as
+they are more or less impregnated with divine truth or differ in the
+proportion of the eternal and temporal elements which commingle in every
+revealed religion? Doubtless the authors from whom the separate books
+proceeded, if discoverable, should be regarded; the inspiration of an
+Isaiah is higher than that of a Malachi, and an apostle is more
+authoritative than an evangelist; but the authors are often unknown.
+Besides, the process of redaction through which many of the writings
+passed, hinders an exact knowledge of authorship. In these circumstances
+the books themselves must determine the position they should occupy in the
+estimation of those who are looking at records of the past to help their
+spiritual life. And if it be asked, What principle should lie at the basis
+of a thorough classification? the answer is, the _normative element_
+contained in the sacred books. This is the characteristic which should
+regulate classification. The time when a book appeared, its author, the
+surrounding circumstances that influenced him, are of less consequence
+than its bearing upon the spiritual education of mankind. The extent of
+its adequacy to promote this end determines the rank. Such books as embody
+the indestructible essence of religion with the fewest accidents of time,
+place and nature—which present conditions not easily disengaged from the
+imperishable life of the soul, deserve the first rank. Whatever Scriptures
+express ideas consonant with the nature of God as a holy, loving, just and
+good Being—as a benevolent Father not willing the destruction of any of
+his children; the Scriptures presenting ideas of Him consistent with pure
+reason and man’s highest instincts, besides such as set forth our sense of
+dependence on the infinite; the books, in short, that contain a revelation
+from God with least admixture of the human conditions under which it is
+transmitted—these belong to the highest class. If they lead the reader
+away from opinion to practice, from dogma to life, from non-doing to
+obedience to the law of moral duty, from the notion that everything in
+salvation has been done for him to the keeping of the commandments, from
+particularist conceptions about the divine mercy to the widest belief of
+its overshadowing presence—such books of Scripture are in that same
+proportion to be ranked among the best. In regard to the Old Testament,
+conformity to Christ’s teaching will determine rank; or, which is
+tantamount, conformity to that pure reason which is God’s natural
+revelation in man; a criterion which assigns various ranks to such
+Scriptures as appeared among a Semite race at a certain stage of its
+development. In the New Testament, the words and precepts of Jesus have a
+character of their own, though it is very difficult to select them from
+the gospels. The supposition that the apostles’ productions possess a
+higher authority than those of their disciples, is natural. But the
+immediate followers of Christ did not all stand on one platform. Differing
+from one another even in important principles, it is possible, if not
+certain, that some of their disciples’ composition may be of higher value.
+The spirit of God may have wrought within the apostles generally with
+greater power and clearness than in other teachers; but its operation is
+conditioned not merely by outward factors but by individual idiosyncrasy;
+so that one who had not seen the Lord and was therefore not an apostle
+proper, may have apprehended his mind better than an immediate disciple.
+Paul stood above the primitive apostles in the extent to which he fathomed
+the pregnant sayings of Jesus and developed their latent germs. Thus the
+normative element—that which determines the varying degrees of authority
+belonging to the New Testament—does not lie in apostolic authorship but
+internal worth; in the clearness and power with which the divine Spirit
+enabled men to grasp the truth. By distinguishing the _temporal_ and the
+_eternal_ in christianity, the writings necessarily rise or sink in
+proportion to these elements. The _eternal_ is the essence and gem of
+revealed truth. Perfectibility belongs only to the _temporal_; it cannot
+be predicated of the _eternal_.
+
+The multitudinous collection of books contained in the Bible is not
+pervaded by unity of purpose or plan, so as to make a good classification
+easy. Least of all is it dominated by such substantial unity as has been
+connected with one man; for the conception of a Messiah was never the
+national belief of Judaism, but a notion projected by prophets into the
+future to comfort the people in times of disaster; the forecasting of
+aspirations doomed to disappointment. From the collection presenting
+various degrees of intellectual and moral development, it is difficult to
+see a sufficient reason for some being canonized to the exclusion of
+better works which were relegated to the class of the _apocryphal_.
+
+Mr. Jones’s(390) statement that the primitive Christians are proper judges
+to determine what book is canonical, requires great modification, being
+too vague to be serviceable; for “primitive Christians” is a phrase that
+needs to be defined. How far do they extend? How much of the first and
+second centuries do they cover? Were not the primitive Christians divided
+in their beliefs? Did the Jewish and the Pauline ones unite in accepting
+the same writings? Not for a considerable time, until the means of
+ascertaining the real authors of the books and the ability to do so were
+lacking.
+
+As to the Old Testament, the Palestinian Jews determined the canonical
+books by gradually contracting the list and stopping it at a time when
+their calamities throwing them back on the past for springs of hope, had
+stiffened them within a narrow traditionalism; but their brethren in
+Egypt, touched by Alexandrian culture and Greek philosophy, received later
+productions into their canon, some of which at least are of equal value
+with Palestinian ones. In any case, the degree of authority attaching to
+the Biblical books grew from less to greater, till it culminated in a
+divine character, a sacredness rising even to infallibility. Doubtless the
+Jews of Palestine distinguished the canonical from the apocryphal or
+deutero-canonical books on grounds satisfactory to themselves; but their
+judgment was not infallible. A senate of Rabbis under the old dispensation
+might err, as easily as a synod of priests under the new. Though they may
+have been _generally_ correct, it must not be assumed that they were
+_always_ so. Their discernment may be commended without being magnified.
+The general feeling of leaning upon the past was a sound one, for the best
+times of Judaism had departed, and with them the most original effusions;
+yet the wave of Platonism that passed over Alexandria could not but
+quicken even the conservative mind of the Jew. Greek thought blended with
+echoes of the past, though in dulled form. Still a line had to be drawn in
+the national literature; and it was well drawn on the whole. The feeling
+existed that the collection must be closed with works of a certain period
+and a certain character; and it was closed accordingly, without preventing
+individuals from putting their private opinions over against authority,
+and dissenting.
+
+At the present day a new arrangement is necessary; but where is the
+ecclesiastical body bold enough to undertake it? And if it were attempted
+or carried out by non-ecclesiastical parties, would the churches approve
+or adopt the proceeding? We venture to say, that if some books be
+separated from the collection and others put in their place—if the
+classification of some be altered, and their authority raised or
+lowered—good will be done; the Bible will have a fairer degree of normal
+power in doctrine and morals, and continue to promote spiritual life.
+Faith in Christ precedes faith in books. Unless criticism be needlessly
+negative it cannot remove this time-honored legacy from the position it is
+entitled to, else the spiritual consciousness of humanity will rebel.
+While the subject is treated reverently, and the love of truth overrides
+dogmatic prejudices, the canon will come forth in a different form from
+that which it has had for centuries—a form on which faith may rest without
+misgiving.
+
+The canon was a work of divine providence, because history, in a religious
+view, necessarily implies the fact. It was a work of inspiration, because
+the agency of the Holy Spirit has always been with the people of God as a
+principle influencing their life. It was not, however, the result of a
+_special_ or _peculiar_ act of divine inspiration at any one time, but of
+a gradual illuminating process, shaped by influences more or less active
+in the divine economy.
+
+The canonical authority of Scripture does not depend on any church or
+council. The early church may be cited as a _witness_ for it; that is all.
+Canonical authority lies in Scripture itself, and is inherent in the books
+so far as they contain a declaration of the divine will. Hence, there is
+truth in the statement of old theologians that the authority of Scripture
+is from God alone. It was the early church indeed that made the canon,
+selecting the books which appeared to have been written by apostles or
+apostolic men, and carrying over to them authority from alleged
+authenticity more than internal value. But the latter is the real index of
+authority; and God is the fountain from whom spiritual endowments
+proceed.(391) The _canonicity_ of the books is a distinct question from
+that of their _authenticity_. The latter is a thing of historic criticism;
+the former of doctrinal belief. Their ecclesiastical authority rests on
+outward attestation; their normal, on faith and feeling.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+    1 κανών.
+
+_    2 Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, pp 3-68.
+
+    3 Clement. Hom. _ap. Coteler_, vol. i. p. 608.
+
+_    4 Stromata_, vi. 15, p. 803, ed. Potter.
+
+_    5 Adv. Hæres._, i. 95.
+
+_    6 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., v. 24.
+
+_    7 De præscript. Hæreticorum_, chs. 12, 13.
+
+_    8 Comment._ in _Mat._ iii. p. 916; ed. Delarue.
+
+    9 γραφαὶ κανόνος.
+
+_   10 Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum historiam petinentia_, ed. Dupin,
+      p. 168.
+
+   11 κανών.
+
+   12 At the end of the _Iambi ad Seleucum_, on the books of the New
+      Testament, he adds, οὐτος ἀψευδέστατος κανὼν ἄν εἴη τῶν θεοπνεύστων
+      γραφῶν.
+
+_   13 Prologus galeatus_ in ii. Reg.
+
+_   14 Expos. in Symb. Apost._, 37, p. 374, ed. Migne.
+
+   15 κανονικός.
+
+   16 ἰδιωτικός and ἀκανόνιστος.
+
+   17 Κανονιζόμενα.
+
+   18 Such as ἐνδιάθηκα, ὡρισμένα.
+
+   19 κανονιζόμενα or κεκανονισμένα.
+
+   20 ἀπόκρυφος.
+
+_   21 Orat. de Ordin._, vol. ii. p. 44.
+
+   22 גנז. The Jews applied the word _genuzim_ to books withdrawn from
+      public use, whose contents were thought to be out of harmony with
+      the doctrinal or moral views of Judaism when the canon was closed.
+      See Fürst’s _Der Kanon des alten Testaments_, p. 127, note; and
+      Geiger’s _Urschrift_, p. 201.
+
+   23 δεδημοσιευμένα.
+
+   24 H. E. Il. 23, III. 3-16.
+
+_   25 Stromata_, lib. iii. p. 1134, ed. Migne.
+
+_   26 Prolog. ad Cant., opp._, vol. iii. p. 36.
+
+   27 νόθος, ψευδεπίγραφος.
+
+   28 See Suicer’s _Thesaurus_, _s.v._
+
+   29 Βιβλία ἀναγινωσκόμενα, libri ecclesiastici.
+
+   30 In his epistle to Laeta he uses the epithet in its customary sense,
+      of books unauthentic, not proceeding from the authors whose names
+      they bear. _Opp._ vol. i. p. 877, ed. Migne.
+
+   31 Num. xxi. 14.
+
+   32 Joshua x. 12, 13; 2 Sam. i. 18.
+
+   33 2 Sam. viii. 16; 1 Kings iv. 3.
+
+   34 Isaiah, xl.-lxvi.
+
+   35 Chap. xiv. 23-50, &c. See Hilgenfeld’s _Messias Judærorum_, p. 107.
+
+   36 See Buxtorf’s _Tiberias_, chap. x., p. 88, &c.; and Herzfeld’s
+      _Geschichte des Volkes Israel_, vol. i. p. 380, &c. Zwölfter
+      Excursus.
+
+   37 Chapter i.
+
+   38 על ידי. Does this mean _for, instead of_, as Bloch understands it?
+      Waehner inserts, to fill up the sense, “some of which, however, were
+      composed by;” but this is far-fetched. See _Antiquitates Ebræorum_,
+      p. 13.
+
+   39 Fol. 15, 1.
+
+   40 פחכ.
+
+_   41 Studien zur Geschichte der Sammlung der althebräischen Literatur_,
+      p. 127, &c.
+
+   42 vii. 12, συναγωγὴ γραμματέων, not ἡ συναγωγή.
+
+   43 That the Scribes always adhered to the prohibition to write no
+      religious laws and ordinances cannot be held, even in the face of
+      the Talmudic saying, כוחכ הילכוה כשורף חורה (writers of Halacoth are
+      like a burner of the law). This may apply to the late scribes or
+      bookmen, not to the earlier. The greater part of Geiger’s
+      _Urschrift_ is based on the opposite idea. As the reverence for
+      former scholars increased, the Talmudic saying might be accepted.
+      See _Temura_, 14 b.
+
+   44 Chapter ix. 2.
+
+   45 Chapter ii. 13.
+
+   46 Antiq. xii. 10, 1.
+
+   47 Josephus’s Antiq., xiii. 5, 8; 1 Maccab., xii. 35.
+
+   48 1 Maccab., xiii. 36.
+
+   49 Sota, 24 a.
+
+   50 מבינים, Nehemiah viii. 3.
+
+   51 Talmudic tradition, which attributes the redaction of the book to
+      the men of the great synagogue who are said to have acted under the
+      influence of the divine spirit, separates the three apocryphal
+      pieces from the rest; but this arose from the desire of
+      discountenancing the idea that the work consists of romance and
+      legend. Such later tradition took curious ways of justifying the
+      canonicity of Daniel and the redaction of it by the great synagogue,
+      _ex gr._, the assumption that the second part arose out of a series
+      of unconnected _Megiloth_ which were not reduced to chronological
+      order. Still the Midrash maintains that Daniel, or the person
+      writing in his name, was no prophet, like Haggai, Zechariah, and
+      Malachi, but a man of visions, an _apocalyptist_. It was a general
+      belief, that _visions_ had come into the place of _prophecy_ when
+      the book appeared. The Greek translation could not have been long
+      after the original, because it is used in the First Book of
+      Maccabees. The interval between the Hebrew and the Greek was
+      inconsiderable. The translator not only departed from, but added to,
+      the original, inserting such important pieces as the Prayer of
+      Azarias, the Song of the Three Children, the history of Susanna, and
+      that of Bel and the Dragon. Whether any of these had been written
+      before is uncertain. Most of the traditions they embody were
+      probably reduced to writing by the translator, and presented in his
+      peculiar style. The assertion, that Josephus was unacquainted with
+      these additions is hazardous, since the way in which he speaks of
+      Daniel’s fame (Antiq. x. 11, 7), and especially of _the books_ he
+      wrote (τὰ βιβλία), supposes some relation to them. Elsewhere he
+      speaks of _one book_ (x. 10, 4; xi. 8, 5), where he may have thought
+      of the canonical part.
+
+   52 פתוביס, translated by the Greek ἁγιόγραφα, hagiographa.
+
+   53 It has been thought that the phrase פעלי אמפות in the ninth verse
+      alludes to the great council or synagogue. This conjecture is
+      plausible on various grounds. The reasons for attributing the
+      epilogue to a later time than the writer of the book appear to be
+      stronger than those assigning it to the original author. The 13th
+      and 14th verses in particular, are unlike Coheleth.
+
+   54 τὰ ἀλλα πάτρια βιβλία; τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν βιβλίων. The younger Sirach does
+      not use γραφαὶ, which would have been a proper translation of
+      _c’tubim_. Does not this ἀλλα imply the non-application of the
+      specific title _c’tubim_ to the hagiographa at that time, and
+      therefore the idea that the third canon was still open?
+
+_   55 Contra Apion_, i. 8.
+
+   56 In Maaser Sheni, Sota 24. 1, the duumvirate or suggoth, consisting
+      of the president, Nasi, and vice-president, Ab-beth-din, are
+      referred to Hyrcanus’s creation. Zunz affirms that it originated in
+      the time of Simon, son of Mattathias, 142 B.C.
+
+   57 Antiq., xiv., 9.
+
+_   58 Der gerichtliche Beweis_, p. 68.
+
+   59 The Sanhedrim _properly so called_ ceased under R. Judah I.,
+      Ha-Nasi, when the council of seventy members which sat at Sepphoris
+      before his patriarchate, transferred its privileges to him, on his
+      removal to that place. The court was then merged in the patriarch.
+
+   60 ננוזים literally concealed, withdrawn from public use.
+
+   61 See Fürst’s _Der Kanon des alten Testaments, u.s.w._ pp. 147, 148.
+
+_   62 Tract. Sabbat._ ch. i.
+
+   63 Because of its profane spirit and Epicurean ideas; see Adoyot v. 3.
+
+   64 Yadayim v. 3.
+
+   65 See Graetz’s _Kohelet_, pp. 162, 163.
+
+   66 The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth apocryphal, because its
+      statements are contradictory. And why have they not declared it
+      apocryphal? Because it begins with words of the law, and ends with
+      words of the law, for it opens with the words “What advantage has
+      man in all his labor wherewith he labors under the sun?” &c.,
+      &c.—Sabbat. 30 b.
+
+      So also in the Midrash: “The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth
+      apocryphal,” &c., &c.—Vayyikra rabba 161 b.
+
+   67 R. Simeon ben Asai said, “I have received it from the mouth of the
+      72 elders in the day that R. Eleasar ben Asaria was appointed elder,
+      that the Song of Songs and Coheleth pollute the hands.”—Yadayim v.
+      3.
+
+   68 This language was based on a figurative interpretation of the Song.
+      One who said, “Whoever reads such writings as Sirach and the later
+      books loses all part in everlasting life,” can have no weight. He
+      outheroded the Palestinian tradition respecting the Jewish
+      productions of later origin, which merely affirms that they “do not
+      pollute the hands.”—(_Toss. Yadayim_, c. 2)
+
+_   69 Studien zur Geschichte, u. s. w._, p. 150, &c.
+
+   70 Geiger’s _Urschrift_, p. 288.
+
+   71 See De Goeje in the _Theologisch Tijdschriff Jaargang II._ (1868) p.
+      179, &c.
+
+   72 Zunz’s _Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge_, pp. 101, 102.
+
+   73 V. 20, p. 124, ed. Ueltzen.
+
+   74 Dillmann, in the _Jahrbücher für deutsche Theologie, dritter Band_,
+      p. 422.
+
+   75 In his _Antiq._, x. 4, 5, and xi. 1-5.
+
+   76 iv. 6, sec. 3, and vi. 2, sec. 1.
+
+   77 xi. 8, sec. 5.
+
+   78 Article “Kanon” in Herzog’s _Encyklopædie_, vol. vii., p. 253; and
+      the same author’s _Prolegomena zur Theologie des alt. Test._, pp.
+      91, 92.
+
+   79 See Abulfatach’s _Annal. Samar._, p. 102, 9, &c.
+
+   80 Kirschbaum, Weisse, and Noack.
+
+_   81 Einleitung in das alte Testament_, vol. i. p. 133.
+
+_   82 De vita contemplativa_, Opp. Tom. ii., P. 475, ed. Mangey.
+
+   83 See Credner’s _Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, p. 124.
+
+_   84 De mens. et pond._, chapters 22, 23, vol. ii. p. 180, ed. Petav.
+
+_   85 Baba Bathra_, fol. 14, 2.
+
+   86 See _Fürst, Der Kanon u. s. w. p._ 14, &c.
+
+_   87 Studien zur Geschichte der alttestamentliche Literatur, u. s. w._,
+      p. 18, etc.
+
+   88 Hody _De Bibliorum textibus originalibus_, p. 644.
+
+   89 Hody gives lists of the order in which the books stand in some early
+      printed editions and in a few MSS., p. 645.
+
+_   90 Die Apokryphen, u. s. w._, p. 14, &c.
+
+_   91 Studien und Kritiken_ for 1853, p. 267, &c.
+
+_   92 A Scholastical History of the Canon_, p. 22.
+
+   93 See Rothe, _Zur Dogmatik, Studien u. Kritiken_ for 1860, p. 67, &c.
+      The apostle’s argument rests on the occurrence of the singular
+      (_seed_, σπέρμα) in Genesis xvii. 8 (LXX.), not the plural (_seeds_,
+      σπέρματα); though the plural of the corresponding Hebrew word could
+      not have been used, because it has a different signification.
+      Grammatical inaccuracy is made the basis of a certain theological
+      interpretation. Those who wish to see a specimen of labored
+      ingenuity unsuccessfully applied to the justification of St. Paul’s
+      argument in this passage, may consult Tholuck’s _Das alte Testament
+      in neuem Testament_, p. 63, etc. Vierte Auflage. (Epist. to the
+      Galatians iii. 16.)
+
+   94 Died 202 A.D.
+
+_   95 Advers. Hares._, v. 35, referring to Baruch iv. 36, and v. p. 335,
+      ed. Massuet.
+
+_   96 Ibid._, iv., 26, referring to Daniel xiii. 20 in the Septuagint.
+
+   97 Died 220A.D.
+
+_   98 Pædagog._ vi. 3.
+
+_   99 Stromata_, ii. 23.
+
+_  100 Stromata_, iv. 16.
+
+_  101 Ibid._, ii. 7.
+
+_  102 Ex Script. prophet. eclogae_, c. 1.
+
+_  103 Stromateis_, ii. 15.
+
+  104 Died 264 A.D.
+
+_  105 De Natura; Routh’s Reliquiae Sacrae_, vol. iv. p. 356.
+
+_  106 Fragment. Nicet._, in _Reliq. Sacrae_, vol. ii. p. 404.
+
+_  107 Ibid._, p. 407.
+
+_  108 Ibid._, p. 406.
+
+_  109 Epistola ad. Dionys. Roman_, in _Reliq. Sacr._, vol. iii. p. 195.
+
+_  110 Reliq. Sacr._, vol. ii. p. 408.
+
+  111 Died 220 A.D.
+
+_  112 Advers. Valentinianos._ ch. 2.
+
+_  113 De Exhortatione Castitatis_, ch. 2.
+
+_  114 Contra Gnosticos_, ch. 8.
+
+_  115 De Habitu Muliebri_, ch. 3.
+
+_  116 Epist._ 55, p. 110, ed. Fell.
+
+_  117 De Orat. Domin._ p. 153.
+
+_  118 De Exhortat. Martyrii_, ch. 12, p. 182.
+
+_  119 De Mortal_, p. 161.
+
+_  120 De Orat. Domin._, p. 141.
+
+_  121 Testim._ iii. 4, p. 62.
+
+_  122 De Lapsis_, p. 133, &c.
+
+_  123 Adv. Noel._ v.
+
+  124 See Migne’s edition, p. 689, &c.
+
+  125 Died after 171.
+
+_  126 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 26.
+
+  127 Died 254, A.D.
+
+_  128 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 25.
+
+_  129 Comment. in Joann._ tom. xxxii. ch. 14, ed. Huet. p, 409.
+
+_  130 Contra Cels._ iii. 72; vol. i. p. 494, ed. Delarue.
+
+_  131 In Exodus_, Hom. vi. i; Levit. Hom. v. 2.
+
+_  132 In Levit._, Hom. xii. 4.
+
+_  133 In Lukam_, Hom. 21.
+
+_  134 De Oratione_, ii. p. 215.
+
+_  135 Opp. ed_ Delarue, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  136 Died 311.
+
+_  137 Convivium decem virginum_, in Combefis’s Auctarium bibliothecae
+      Graecorum patrum, p. 69.
+
+_  138 Ibid._, p. 69.
+
+_  139 Ibid._, p. 109.
+
+  140 τὰ λόγια. _Ap._ Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.
+
+  141 Davidson’s _Introduction to the Study of the N. Testam._ vol. x. p.
+      388.
+
+_  142 Explanatio in Epist. ad Titum_, vol. iv. p. 407, ed. Benedict.
+
+_  143 Die Valentinianische Gnosis und die heilige Schrift_, p. 75.
+
+  144 A good deal of manipulation has been needlessly employed for the
+      purpose of placing these heretics as early as possible; but nothing
+      definite can be extracted from Irenæus’s notices of them.
+      Hippolytus’s use of the present tense, in speaking of them, renders
+      it probable that they were nearly his contemporaries.
+
+  145 See the Indexes to Duncker and Schneidewin’s edition.
+
+_  146 Bibliotheca_, cod. 232.
+
+  147 It is an unfounded assumption that Paul cited the passage by “mere
+      accident;” on the contrary, he gives it as canonical, with “as it is
+      written” (1 Corinth. ii. 9). It may be that the Gnostics are
+      referred to as using the objectionable passage; but it is special
+      pleading _to limit_ it to them, when Paul has expressly used the
+      same, deriving it either from Isaiah lxiv. 4, or some unknown
+      document; just as it is special pleading to identify ὁ κύριος
+      standing beside νόμος καὶ προφῆται, with _the New Testament_. The
+      word excludes Paul’s Epistles from the canon; nor is there any
+      evidence to the contrary, as has been alleged, in the two Syriac
+      epistles attributed to Clement, which Wetstein published. Comp.
+      _Eusebius’s H. E._ iv. 22, _Photius’s Bibliotheca_, 232. Apologists
+      have labored to prove Hegesippus an orthodox Catholic Christian,
+      like Irenæus; but in vain. He was a Jewish Christian of moderate
+      type, holding intercourse with Pauline Christians at the time when
+      the Catholic Church was being formed.
+
+  148 See _Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschrift_ for 1875-1878.
+
+  149 There is ἄπεστιν instead of the Septuagint’s and Mark’s (Tischend.)
+      ἀπέχει.
+
+_  150 Geschichte Jesu von Nazara_, vol. 1, p. 144.
+
+  151 See Vision ii, 3, 4, with the prolegomena of De Gebhardt: and
+      Harnack, p. lxxiii.
+
+  152 See Holtzmann in Hilgenfeld’s _Zeitschrift_ for 1875, p. 40, &c.
+
+  153 Epist. ch. iv.
+
+  154 Chapter xii. pp. 30, 31, ed. 2, Hilgenfeld.
+
+  155 See Chapter xv. end, with Hilgenfeld’s note, _Barnabae epistula ed._
+      _altera_, pp. 118, 119.
+
+_  156 Epis._ p. 13 ed. Hilgenfeld.
+
+_  157 Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1871, P. 336, etc.
+
+  158 Chapters xvi. and iv. In the former the reference is to Enoch
+      lxxxix. 56, 66, 67, but the latter is not in the present book of
+      Enoch, though Hilgenfeld thinks he has discovered it in lxxxix.
+      61-64 and xc. 17. (_Dillmann’s Das Buch Henoch_, pp. 61, 63). Was
+      another apocryphal Jewish book current in the time of Barnabas,
+      under the name of Enoch; or did he confound one document with
+      another, misled by the Greek translation of an apocalyptic work
+      which had fallen into discredit? See Hilgenfeld’s _Barnabae
+      Epistula_, ed. 2 pp. 77, 78.
+
+  159 Chapter xi.
+
+_  160 Hist. Eccles._ iii. 39.
+
+  161 A small body of literature originating in the fragment of Papias
+      preserved by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. iii, 39, 1-4) has appeared;
+      though it is difficult to obtain satisfactory conclusions. Not only
+      have Weiffenbach and Leimbach written treatises on the subject, but
+      other scholars have entered into it more or less fully,—Zahn,
+      Steitz, Riggenbach, Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Keim, Martens, Loman,
+      Holtzmann, Hausrath, Tietz, and Lightfoot. The fragment is not of
+      great weight in settling the authenticity of the four gospels.
+      Indirectly indeed it throws some light on the connection of two
+      evangelists with written memoirs of the life of Jesus; but it rather
+      suggests than solves various matters of importance. It is tolerably
+      clear that the gospels, if such they may be called, of which he
+      speaks as written by Matthew and Mark, were not identical with the
+      works now existing under the names of these evangelists; and that no
+      safe conclusion can be drawn from Papias’s silence about John’s and
+      Luke’s as not then in existence. Neither the present gospels nor any
+      other had been converted into _Scripture_; since he regarded oral
+      traditions as more credible than written memoirs. Those who hold
+      that the presbyter John was none other than the apostle, Eusebius
+      having misunderstood the fragment and made a different John from the
+      apostle, as well as the critics who deduce from the fragment the
+      fact that John suffered martyrdom in Palestine, have not established
+      these conclusions. Papias refers to the material he got for
+      explaining the λογία, rather than the source whence they were drawn.
+      But whether he learnt directly from the elders, or indirectly as the
+      preposition (παρὰ) would seem to indicate, and whether the sentence
+      beginning with “What Andrew,” &c., (τί Ἀνδρέας κ. τ. λ.) stands in
+      apposition to the “words of the elders,” (τούς τῶν πρεσβυτέρων
+      λόγους) or not, are things uncertain.
+
+_  162 Epist. ad Philadelph._, ch. 5 See Hefele’s note on the passage. The
+      other well-known passage in chapter viii. is too uncertain in
+      reading and meaning to be adduced here.
+
+  163 Chapter iii.
+
+  164 To the Ephesians, chapter xii.
+
+_  165 Epist. ad Romanos_, iv.
+
+_  166 Testam. Benj._ 11, p. 201, ed. Sinker.
+
+_  167 Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1875, p. 490, _et
+      seq._
+
+  168 Ἐν τόις ἀπομνημονέυμασαι, ἄ φημι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν
+      ἐκείνοις παρακολουθησάντων συντετάχθαι. Sec. 103. Here “the
+      apostles” are not necessarily Matthew and John. Apocryphal gospels
+      then current bore the name of apostles or their attendants,—of
+      Peter, James, Nicodemus, Matthias, &c.
+
+  169 Καὶ τὸ εἰπεῖν μετωνομακέναι αὐτὸν Πέτρον καὶ γεγράφθαι ἐν τοῖς
+      ἀπομνημονεύμασαι αὐτοῦ γεγενημένον καὶ τοῦτο, μετὰ τοῦ καὶ, κ. τ. λ.
+      Dial. cum Tryph., 106. Here the pronoun αὐτοῦ probably refers to
+      Peter. And the expression “his memoirs” can hardly mean Mark’s
+      gospel, since Jerome is the first that calls it such.
+
+_  170 Dialogus_, part ii., p. 315, ed. Thirlby. Comp. on Justin,
+      Tjeenk-Willink’s _Justinus Martyr in zijne Verhouding tot Paulus_.
+
+_  171 Apolog._ i. 97, ed. Thirlby.
+
+_  172 Hieronymi Prooem._ in _Epist. ad Titum._
+
+  173 Comp. chap. xii., where γραφαί is applied to the apostolic epistles;
+      a title they did not receive so early as the age of Polycarp. Zahn
+      himself admits this.
+
+  174 Chapter xiv. 2.
+
+  175 Chapter ii. 4.
+
+  176 See _Clementis Romani ad Corinthios quae discuntur epistulae, ed. de
+      Gebhardt et Harnack_, 2., sec. 10, Prolegomena.
+
+_  177 Legat. pro Christ._ II, 12.
+
+_  178 Ibid._ 33.
+
+  179 Chapter xviii.
+
+_  180 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., iv. 23.
+
+_  181 Ap_. Euseb. H. E., v. 1, p. 144, ed. Bright.
+
+  182 θεῖος λόγος. _Ad Autolycum_, iii. 14, p. 1141, ed Migne.
+
+_  183 Ibid._, ii. 22.
+
+  184 Epist. 151, ad Algasiam.
+
+  185 See Overbeck’s _Studien zur Geschichte der alten Kirche, Abhandlung_
+      I., in which the date of the letter is brought down till after
+      Constantine. Surely this is too late.
+
+  186 Davidson’s _Introduction to the Study of the New Testament_, vol.
+      ii. p. 508, &c.
+
+  187 τὸ εὐαγγέλιον.
+
+  188 ὁ ἀπόστολος.
+
+_  189 Adves. Hæres._, iv. 20, 2.
+
+_  190 Stromateis_, ii. 6, p. 965, ed. Migne.
+
+_  191 Ibid._, iv. 17, p. 1312.
+
+_  192 Ibid._, i. 29, p. 928.
+
+_  193 De Oratione_, cap. 12.
+
+_  194 De Pudicitia_, cap. 10-20.
+
+  195 G. of St. Paul’s epistles, a MS. of the ninth century according to
+      Tischendorf.
+
+  196 See Anger’s _Ueber den Laodicener Brief_, 1843.
+
+_  197 Fertur etiam ad Laudecences alia ad Alexandrinos Pauli nomine
+      fincte ad hesem Marcionis el alia plura quæ in Catholicam ecclesiam
+      recepi non potest._ Perhaps a comma should be put after _nomine_,
+      and _fincte_ joined to what follows, to the _alia plura_ said to be
+      forged in the interest of Marcion.
+
+_  198 Quarti evangeliorum Johannis ex discipulis cohortantibus
+      condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit conjejunate mihi odie triduo
+      el quid cuique fuerit revelatum alterutrum nobis ennarremus eadem
+      nocte revelatum Andreæ ex apostolis ut recogniscentibus cunctis
+      Johannis suo nomine cuncta discriberet._
+
+  199 It is printed and largely commented on by Credner in his _Geschichte
+      des neutestamentlichen Kanon_ edited by Volkmar, p. 141, &c., and by
+      Westcott _On the Canon_, Appendix C, p. 466, 2d edition. Many others
+      have explained it; especially Hilgenfeld.
+
+  200 About A.D. 190.
+
+_  201 Euseb._ H. E. vi. 12.
+
+  202 Tischendorf edited the Pauline epistles from this MS. Lipsiæ, 1852.
+
+  203 Died 254 A.D.
+
+  204 τὰ ἐν τῇ διαθήκη βιβλία, ἐνδιάθηκα, ὁμολογούμενα.
+
+  205 In one place, however, he calls it _very useful and divinely
+      inspired_. _Comment. in ep. ad Roman._, xvi. 14.
+
+  206 νόθα.
+
+  207 Ap. Euseb, _Hist. Eccles._, vi. 25; iii. 25, ἀντιλεγόμενα.
+
+  208 See Euseb. _H. E._ vi. 25. _Comment. in Malth._, iii. p. 463;
+      _Ibid._, p. 814; _Comment. in ep. ad Roman._, iv. p. 683; _in
+      Matth._, iii. p. 644; _Homil._ viii. _in Numb._, ii. p. 294; _Contra
+      Cels._, i. 63, p. 378; _De Principiis præf._, i. p. 49. _Opp._, ed.
+      Delarue.
+
+  209 Died 340 A.D.
+
+_  210 Hist. Eccles._, iii. 25; also 31, 39; vi. 13, 14.
+
+  211 ὁμολογούμενα, ἐνδιάθηκα, ἀναμφίλεκτα, ἀναντίρρητα.
+
+  212 ἀντιλεγόμενα, γνώριμα δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς, ἐν πλείσταις ἐκκλησίαις
+      δεδημοσιευμένα, νόθα.
+
+  213 ἄτοπα πάντη καὶ δυσσεβῆ; παντελῶς νόθα (iii. 31).
+
+  214 This last with the qualification εἴγε φανείη. In another place he
+      states that it was rejected by some, and therefore it is also along
+      with the ἀντιλεγόμενα or νόθα.
+
+  215 μικτά.
+
+  216 νόθα.
+
+  217 νοθεύομαι. _Hist. Eccles._, ii. 23. Christophorson, Schmid, and Hug
+      think that Eusebius gave the opinion of others in this word: but it
+      is more likely that he gave his own, as Valesius thinks. See the
+      note in Schmid’s _Historia antiqua et vindicatio Canonis, &c._, p.
+      358.
+
+_  218 Ibid._, vi. 14.
+
+  219 See Weber’s _Beiträge zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons_,
+      p. 142, &c.
+
+  220 ὁμολογουμένη. _Hist. Eccles._, iii. 16.
+
+_  221 Adversus Hæres_, iii., II, 8.
+
+_  222 Adv. Marc._ iv. 5.
+
+_  223 De præscript. hæret._ c. 36.
+
+_  224 De præscript. hæret._ c. 32.
+
+_  225 Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles._ ii. 15 and vi. 14.
+
+_  226 Ignatius von Antiochien_, 1873; and Prolegomena to the _Patrum
+      Apostolicorum opera_, by de Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, Fasciculus,
+      ii.
+
+_  227 Geschichte des neutest. Kanon_, p. 217, &c.
+
+  228 See _Constit. Apostol._, p. 67, ed Ueltzen.
+
+  229 Died 386 A.D.
+
+_  230 Catech._, iv. 22, pp. 66, 67, ed. Milles.
+
+_  231 Ibid._, xi. p. 142.
+
+_  232 Ibid._, vi. p. 80.
+
+_  233 Ibid._, ix. pp. 115, 122.
+
+_  234 Ibid._, ix. p. 115.
+
+_  235 Ibid._, ii. p. 31.
+
+_  236 Ibid._, xvi. p. 239.
+
+  237 Athanasii _Opp._ ed. Benedict. i. 2, pp. 962, 963.
+
+_  238 Orat. contra Arianos_, ii. 35, vol. i. 503, ed. Benedict.
+
+_  239 Ibid._, ii. 42, i. p. 510.
+
+_  240 Ibid._, ii. 79, i. p. 546.
+
+_  241 Epist. ad episcop. Ægypt._, &c., i. 1, p. 272.
+
+_  242 Contra Arian._, i. 12, i. p. 416.
+
+_  243 Apolog. contra Arianos_, ii. vol. i. p. 133.
+
+_  244 Praepar Evan._, i. 9.
+
+_  245 Ibid._, xi. 14.
+
+_  246 Ibid._, xii. 18.
+
+_  247 Ibid._, vi. 11.
+
+_  248 Demon. Evang._, vi. 19.
+
+  249 Died 379 A.D.
+
+_  250 Homil. in princip. proverb. Opp._ ed. Garnier altera, vol. ii. p.
+      140.
+
+_  251 Constitutiones Monast._, c. iii. 2. _Ibid._, p. 779.
+
+_  252 Adv. Eunom_, vol. i. p. 417.
+
+_  253 De Spiritu Sancto_, c. viii. vol. iii. p. 23.
+
+_  254 In Princip. Proverb_, vol. ii. p. 152.
+
+  255 Died 389 A.D.
+
+_  256 Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.
+
+  257 Gregorii Nazianzeni, _Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.
+
+  258 Died 395 A.D.
+
+  259 Iambi ad Seleucum; in Greg. Naz. _Opp._ ii. p. 194.
+
+  260 Died 403 A.D.
+
+  261 ἀμφιλέκτα. _Adv. Hæres_, i. p. 19. See _Hæres_, iii. tom. i. p. 941.
+      De ponder. et mensur. 23.
+
+_  262 Advers. Hæres_, lib. i., tom. 2 ed. Petav. Paris, 1662, p. 72.
+
+_  263 Ibid._, lib. ii. tom. ii. p. 781.
+
+_  264 Ibid._, lib. ii. tom. i. p. 580.
+
+_  265 Ibid._, lib, ii. tom. i. p. 481.
+
+_  266 Ibid._, lib. i. tom. ii. p. 157.
+
+_  267 Hæres_, xxx. 15.
+
+  268 Died 392 A.D.
+
+  269 Enarrat. in ep. S. Petri secundam, p. 1774 ed Migne.
+
+  270 Died  407 A.D.
+
+  271 See Montfaucon in his edition of Chrysostom’s Works, vol. vi. pp.
+      364, 365, ed. Paris, 1835.
+
+  272 Expos. in Psalm cix. 7. See also xi. 1 in Genes, where Wisdom xiv. 3
+      is cited.
+
+  273 Expos. in Psalm xlix. 3.
+
+  274 De Lazaro, ii. 4.
+
+  275 Died 392 A.D.
+
+_  276 De Trinitate_, iii. 2. p. 792 ed. Migne.
+
+  277 Fragmenta in Epist. 2 ad Corinthios, when Baruch, iii. 3, is quoted
+      like Psalm 101, p. 1697.
+
+  278 De Spirit. sanct. i. p. 1033.
+
+  279 Died 428 A.D.
+
+  280 See Leontius Byzantinus contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos, lib. iii.
+      in _Gallandi Bibliotheca_, xii. p. 690. Comp. Fritzsche _De Theodori
+      Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis_, Halæ, 1836.
+
+  281 Died 444 A.D.
+
+  282 Contra Julian, i. p. 541, ed. Migne.
+
+_  283 Ibid._, p. 815.
+
+_  284 Ibid._, p. 921.
+
+  285 In Isaim, ed. Migne, p. 93.
+
+  286 P. 859, vol. i.
+
+  287 P. 910, vol. i., ed. Migne.
+
+  288 βιβλία κανονιζόμενα, κανονικά, κεκανονισμένα, ὡρισμένα.
+
+  289 βιβλία ἀναγινωσκόμενα.
+
+  290 Died 430 A.D.
+
+  291 The forty-four books are, 5 of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 4 Kings,
+      2 Chronicles, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, 2 Maccabees, Ezra,
+      Nehemiah, Psalms, 3 of Solomon, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 12 Prophets,
+      4 greater do. _De Doctrina Christiana_ ii. 8.
+
+_  292 Contra Gaudent._ i. 38. _Opp._ Paris, 1837, vol. ix. p. 1006.
+
+_  293 De Doctr. Christ._ ii. 8. _Civitat. Dei._ xviii. 20, 1.
+
+_  294 De Praesdest. Sanct._ i. 11.
+
+_  295 Retractt._ i. 10.
+
+_  296 De Peccat. merit._ i. 50; _Opp._ vol. x. p. 137, ed. Migne.
+
+_  297 Mansi_, tom. iii. p. 924.
+
+_  298 Ibid._, p. 891.
+
+  299 Died 420 A.D.
+
+_  300 Prologus galeatus in Libros Regum. Epist. ad Paulinum._
+
+  301 In Herbst’s _Einleit._, _erster Theil_, p. 37.
+
+_  302 Opp._ ed. Benedict., Vol. IV., pp. 679, 684, 750.
+
+  303 Ep. ad Dardan. _Opp._ vol. i. P. 1103, ed. Migne.
+
+  304 See _Onomastica Sacra_; Comment. in Ep. ad Philem; De Viris illustr.
+
+  305 Died 368 A.D.
+
+  306 Prolog. in Psalm., _Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. i. p. 241.
+
+_  307 De Trinitate_ iv. 16.
+
+_  308 Ex. Op. Hist. Fragmentum_, iii. vol. ii. p. 672 ed. Migne.
+
+  309 In cxxvii. Psalm.
+
+  310 In Psalm cxxvi. 6.
+
+  311 In Psalm lxviii. 19, and _De Trinitate_, iv. 42.
+
+_  312 Ibid._, iv. 8.
+
+  313 Died about 370 A.D.
+
+_  314 De Schismate Donatist_, iii. 3.
+
+_  315 Ibid._, ii. 25.
+
+  316 Died about 370 A.D.
+
+_  317 De non parcendo_, &c., ed. Coleti, p. 190.
+
+_  318 Ibid._, p. 236.
+
+_  319 Ibid._, p. 187.
+
+_  320 Pro Athanasio_, lib. i. p. 98.
+
+_  321 Ibid._, p. 105.
+
+_  322 Ibid._, lib. ii. pp. 127, 128.
+
+  323 Died 397 A.D.
+
+_  324 De Spiritu Sancto_ iii. 18.
+
+_  325 De bono mortis_ viii.
+
+  326 In Psalm cxviii., Sermo. 118, 2.
+
+_  327 De Spirit. Sancto._ iii., vi. 39.
+
+_  328 Liber de Tobia_.
+
+  329 Died 410 A.D.
+
+_  330 Expos. in Symbol. Apostol._, pp. 373, 374, ed. Migne.
+
+  331 Died about 387 A.D.
+
+  332 De Hæres. chs. 60 and 61, in Galland, vii. pp. 424, 425.
+
+  333 Apud Mansi, iii. pp. 1040, 1041.
+
+  334 Credner’s _Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, p. 151, &c., and Thiel’s
+      _Epistolæ Romanorum Pontificum genuinae_, tom. i.
+
+  335 Mansi iv. p. 430.
+
+_  336 Opp. Græc._, tom. ii. P. 327, ed. Rom. 1746.
+
+_  337 Ibid._, tom. i. p. 101.
+
+  338 Tom. iii. p. 60.
+
+  339 Galland, xii. p. 79, &c.
+
+  340 See Dillmann in Ewald’s _Jahrbücher_, v. p. 144, &c.
+
+  341 Died 599 A.D.
+
+  342 See Credner’s _Zur Gesch. des Kanons_, p. 97, &c.
+
+  343 Died 891 A.D.
+
+_  344 Nomocanon, Titulus III._, cap. 2, vol. iv. pp. 1050, 1051 ed.
+      Migne.
+
+  345 See Codd. 113, 126.
+
+  346 Died 754 A.D.
+
+  347 Died 636 A.D.
+
+_  348 Etymolog._ vi. 1.
+
+  349 Died  604 A.D.
+
+  350 Died 912 A.D.
+
+  351 Died 735 A.D.
+
+  352 Died 804 A.D.
+
+  353 Died 856 A.D.
+
+  354 Died 1141 A.D.
+
+  355 Died 1156 A.D.
+
+  356 Died 1182 A.D.
+
+  357 1270 A.D.
+
+  358 Died 1263 A.D.
+
+  359 Died 1384 A.D.
+
+  360 Died 1340 A.D.
+
+  361 See Hody, p. 648, &c.
+
+  362 Chemnitz calls seven books of the New Testament _apocryphos_,
+      because of their uncertain authorship (see _Examen Concilii
+      Tridentini_, p. 45, &c.)
+
+  363 See Tholuck’s _Kommentar zum Briefe an die Hebräer, zweite Auflage_,
+      pp. 55, 86.
+
+  364 Carlstadt’s treatise is reprinted in Credner’s _Zur Geschichte des
+      Kanons_.
+
+  365 Werke, edited by Schuler and Schulthess, vol. ii. p. 169.
+
+_  366 Ep. ad. Valdenses_, 1530, _apud. Sculteti annal. evang. renovat
+      decas secunda_, pp. 313, 314.
+
+_  367 Ibid._
+
+  368 Hug says that his copy of Widmanstad’s edition had the Acts
+      immediately following the Gospels.
+
+  369 Epist. ad Paulinum.
+
+  370 Hom. vii. in Josua.
+
+  371 De Bibliorum textibus originalibus, &c., p. 654.
+
+_  372 Ibid._, p. 664.
+
+  373 See Zacagni’s _Collectanea monumentorum veterum Praefat_, p. lxxi.,
+      &c.
+
+  374 See Volkmar’s _Anhang_ to _Crednet’s Geschichte des N. T. Kanon_, p.
+      341, &c.; and Hody _De Bibliorum textibus originalibus_, p. 644, &c.
+
+_  375 Niemeyer’s Collectio Confessionum_, p. 468.
+
+_  376 Ibid._, p. 330.
+
+_  377 Ibid._, pp. 361, 362.
+
+  378 See Herzog’s _Die Romanischen Waldenser_, p. 55, &c.; and his
+      programm _De origine et pristino statu Waldensium_, &c., pp. 17, 40,
+      41.
+
+  379 Leger’s _Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises_, vol. i., p. 112, &c.
+
+  380 The reason given for their being added as a separate appendix is
+      that they are cited by some fathers and found in some Latin Bibles.
+
+  381 Kimmel’s _Monumenta fidei eccles. orient_, part i. p. 467.
+
+  382 Died 791 A.D.
+
+_  383 Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des Canons_, 4 parts, Halle,
+      1771-1775.
+
+  384 See Toland’s _Nazarenus_, p. 25, &c., second edition; and Morgan’s
+      _Moral Philosopher_, vol. i. p. 56, &c.
+
+  385 For example, “Moses is dead; his rule went out when Christ came—he
+      is of no further service here.... We are willing to regard him as a
+      teacher, but we will not regard him as our lawgiver, _unless he
+      agree with the New Testament and the law of nature_.” _Sämmtliche
+      Schriften_, ed. Walch. dritter Theil., pp. 7, 8.
+
+  386 Such as Calovius, Chemnitz, John Gerhard, W. Lyser, Quenstedt,
+      Brochmand, Hollaz, &c. Melancthon also makes no important
+      distinction between the two Testaments in his _Loci theologici_.
+      Calvin’s theology was derived from the Old Testament more than the
+      New.
+
+  387 His full sayings are collected in Bretschneider’s _Luther an unsere
+      Zeit_, pp. 186-224; and in Krause’s _Opuscula theologica_, pp.
+      205-241.
+
+_  388 Loci Theologici_ Tom. i. pp. 186, 187, ed. Cotta, 1762.
+
+_  389 Theologia Didactico-polemica_, p. 340.
+
+  390 See Jones’s new and full method of settling the canonical authority
+      of the New Testament, Vol. I., Part i., chap. 5. page 52, ed. 1726.
+
+  391 Ecclesia sua autoritate nullum librum facit canonicum, quippe
+      canonica scripturae autoritas est a solo Deo, &c. Gerhard’s _Loci
+      Theologici_, tom. i. p. 4, ed. Cotta. Autoritas scripturæ quoad nos
+      nihil allud est, quam manifestatio et cognitio unicæ illius divinæ
+      et summæ autoritatis, quæ scriptum est interna et insita. Ecclesia
+      igitur non confert scripturæ novam aliquam autoritatem quoad nos,
+      sed testificatione sua ad agnitionem illius; veritatis nos deducit.
+      Concedimus, ecclesiam esse scripturæ sacræ _testem, custodem,
+      vindicem, praeconem, et interpretem_; sed negarnus, ex eo effici,
+      quod autoritas scripturæ sive simpliciter sive quoad nos ab ecclesia
+      pendeat et quidem unice, pendeat.—_Ibid._, tomus secundus, p. 39,
+      ed. Cotta.
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
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+***FINIS***
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Canon of the Bible by Samuel Davidson
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Canon of the Bible
+
+Author: Samuel Davidson
+
+Release Date: September 29, 2009 [Ebook #30132]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO 8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
+
+
+
+
+
+                         The Canon of the Bible:
+
+                 Its Formation, History, And Fluctuations
+
+                                    By
+
+                          Samuel Davidson, D.D.
+
+                           Of Halle, And LL.D.
+
+               From the Third Revised and Enlarged Edition.
+
+                                 New York
+
+                       Peter Eckler Publishing Co.
+
+                                   1877
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+Preface.
+Chapter I. Introductory.
+Chapter II. The Old Testament Canon From Its Beginning To Its Close.
+Chapter III. The Samaritan And Alexandrian Canons.
+Chapter IV. Number And Order Of The Separate Books.
+Chapter V. Use Of The Old Testament By The First Christian Writers, And By
+The Fathers Till The Time Of Origen.
+Chapter VI. The New Testament Canon In The First Three Centuries.
+Chapter VII. The Bible Canon From The Fourth Century To The Reformation.
+Chapter VIII. Order Of The New Testament Books.
+Chapter IX. Summary Of The Subject.
+Chapter X. The Canon In The Confession Of Different Churches.
+Chapter XI. The Canon From Semler To The Present Time, With Reflections On
+Its Readjustment.
+Footnotes
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The substance of the present work was written toward the close of the year
+1875 for the new edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_. Having been
+abridged and mutilated, contrary to the author's wishes, before its
+publication there, he resolved to print it entire. With that view it has
+undergone repeated revision with enlargement in different parts, and been
+made as complete as the limits of an essay appeared to allow. As nothing
+of importance has been knowingly omitted, the writer hopes it will be
+found a comprehensive summary of all that concerns the formation and
+history of the Bible canon. The place occupied by it was vacant. No
+English book reflecting the processes of results of recent criticism,
+gives an account of the canon in both Testaments. Articles and essays upon
+the subject there are; but their standpoint is usually apologetic not
+scientific, traditional rather than impartial, unreasonably conservative
+without being critical. The topic is weighty, involving the consideration
+of great questions, such as the inspiration, authenticity, authority, and
+age of the Scriptures. The author has tried to handle it fairly, founding
+his statements on such evidence as seemed convincing, and condensing them
+into a moderate compass. If the reader wishes to know the evidence, he may
+find it in the writer's _Introductions to the Old and New Testaments_,
+where the separate books of Scripture are discussed; and in the late
+treatises of other critics. While his expositions are capable of
+expansion, it is believed that they will not be easily shaken. He commends
+the work to the attention of all who have an interest in the progress of
+theology, and are seeking a foundation for their faith less precarious
+than books however venerable.
+
+It has not been the writer's purpose to chronicle phases of opinion, or to
+refute what he believes to be error in the newest hypotheses about the
+age, authority, and composition of the books. His aim has been rather to
+set forth the most correct view of the questions involved in a history of
+the canon, whether it be more or less recent. Some may think that the
+latest or most current account of such questions is the best; but that is
+not his opinion. Hence, the fashionable belief that much of the
+Pentateuch, the Book of Leviticus wholly, with large parts of Exodus and
+Numbers, in a word, that all the laws relating to divine worship, with
+most of the chronological tables or statistics, belong to Ezra, who is
+metamorphosed in fact into the first Elohist, is unnoticed. Hence, also,
+the earliest gospel is not declared to be Mark's. Neither has the author
+ventured to place the fourth gospel at the end of the first century, as
+Ewald and Weitzs�cker do, after the manner of the old critics; or with
+Keim so early as 110-115 A.D.
+
+Many evince a restless anxiety to find something novel; and to depart from
+well-established conclusions for the sake of originality. This shows a
+morbid state of mind. Amid the feverish outlook for discoveries and the
+slight regard for what is safe, conservatism is a commendable thing. Some
+again desire to return, as far as they can, to orthodoxy, finding between
+that extreme and rationalism a middle way which offers a resting-place to
+faith. The numerous changes which criticism presents are not a symptom of
+soundness. The writer is far indeed from thinking that every question
+connected with the books of Scripture is finally settled; but the majority
+undoubtedly are, though several already fixed by great scholars continue
+to be opened up afresh. He does not profess to adopt the phase of
+criticism which is fashionable at the moment; it is enough to state what
+approves itself to his judgment, and to hold it fast amid the
+contrarieties of conjecture or the cravings of curiosity. Present
+excrescences or aberrations of belief will have their day and disappear.
+Large portions of the Pentateuch will cease to be consigned to a
+post-exile time, and the gospels of Matthew and Luke will again be counted
+the chief sources of Mark's. It will also be acknowledged that the first
+as it now exists, is of much later origin than the fall of Jerusalem. Nor
+will there be so great anxiety to show that Justin Martyr was acquainted
+with the fourth gospel, and owed his Logos-doctrine chiefly to it. The
+difference of ten or twenty years in the date of a gospel will not be
+considered of essential importance in estimating its character.
+
+The present edition has been revised throughout and several parts
+re-written. The author hopes that it will be found still more worthy of
+the favor with which the first was received.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY.
+
+
+As introductory to the following dissertation, I shall explain and define
+certain terms that frequently occur in it, especially _canon_,
+_apocryphal_, _ecclesiastical_, and the like. A right apprehension of
+these will make the observations advanced respecting the canon and its
+formation plainer. The words have not been taken in the same sense by all,
+a fact that obscures their sense. They have been employed more or less
+vaguely by different writers. Varying ideas have been attached to them.
+
+The Greek original of _canon_(1) means primarily a straight rod or pole;
+and metaphorically, what serves to keep a thing upright or straight, a
+_rule_. In the New Testament it occurs in Gal. vi. 16 and 2 Cor. x. 13,
+15, 16, signifying in the former, a measure; in the latter, what is
+measured, a _district_. But we have now to do with its ecclesiastical use.
+There are three opinions as to the origin of its application to the
+writings used by the church. According to Toland, Whiston, Semler, Baur,
+and others, the word had originally the sense of _list_ or _catalogue_ of
+books publicly read in Christian assemblies. Others, as Steiner, suppose
+that since the Alexandrian grammarians applied it to collections of Old
+Greek authors as _models_ of excellence or _classics_, it meant
+_classical_ (canonical) _writings_. According to a third opinion, the term
+included from the first the idea of a regulating principle. This is the
+more probable, because the same idea lies in the New Testament use of the
+noun, and pervades its applications in the language of the early Fathers
+down to the time of Constantine, as Credner has shown.(2) The "canon of
+the church" in the Clementine homilies;(3) the "ecclesiastical canon,"(4)
+and "the canon of the truth," in Clement and Iren�us;(5) the "canon" of
+the faith in Polycrates,(6) the _regula fidei_ of Tertullian,(7) and the
+_libri regulares_ of Origen,(8) imply a _normative principle_. But we
+cannot assent to Credner's view of the Greek word for _canon_ being an
+abbreviation of "Scriptures of canon,"(9) equivalent to _Scriptur� legis_
+in Diocletian's Act(10)--a view too artificial, and unsanctioned by usage.
+
+It is true that the word _canon_ was employed by Greek writers in the
+sense of a mere _list_; but when it was transferred to the Scripture
+books, it included the idea of a regulative and normal power--a list of
+books forming a rule or law, because the newly-formed Catholic Church
+required a standard of appeal in opposition to the Gnostics with their
+arbitrary use of sacred writings. There is a lack of evidence on behalf of
+its use before the books of the New Testament had been paralleled with
+those of the Old in authority and inspiration.
+
+The earliest example of its application to a catalogue of the Old or New
+Testament books occurs in the Latin translation of Origen's homily on
+Joshua, where the original seems to have been "canon."(11) The word itself
+is certainly in Amphilochius,(12) as well as in Jerome,(13) and
+Rufinus.(14) As the Latin translation of Origen has _canonicus_ and
+_canonizatus_, we infer that he used "canonical,"(15) opposed as it is to
+_apocryphus_ or _secretus_. The first occurrence of "canonical" is in the
+fifty-ninth canon of the Council of Laodicea, where it is contrasted with
+two other Greek words.(16) "_Canonized_ books,"(17) is first used in
+Athanasius's 39th festal epistle. The kind of rule which the earliest
+fathers attributed to the Scriptures can only be conjectured; it is
+certain that they believed the Old Testament books to be a _divine_ and
+_infallible guide_. But the New Testament was not so considered till
+towards the close of the second century when the conception of a Catholic
+Church was realized. The latter collection was not called _Scripture_, or
+put on a par with the Old Testament as _sacred_ and _inspired_, till the
+time of Theophilus of Antioch (about 180 A.D.) Hence, Iren�us applies the
+epithets _divine_ and _perfect_ to the Scriptures; and Clement of
+Alexandria calls them _inspired_.
+
+When distinctions were made among the Biblical writings other words(18)
+were employed, synonymous with "canonized."(19) The canon was thus a
+catalogue of writings forming a rule of truth, sacred, divine, revealed by
+God for the instruction of men. The rule was perfect for its purpose.
+
+The word apocryphal(20) is used in various senses, which it is difficult
+to trace chronologically. Apocryphal books are,--
+
+1st, Such as contain _secret_ or _mysterious_ things, books of the higher
+wisdom. It is thus applied to the Apocalypse by Gregory of Nyssa.(21) Akin
+to this is the second meaning.
+
+2nd, Such as were _kept secret_ or withdrawn from public use. In this
+sense the word corresponds to the Hebrew _ganuz_.(22) So Origen speaking
+of the story of Susanna. The opposite of this is _read in public_,(23) a
+word employed by Eusebius.(24)
+
+3rd, It was used of the secret books of the heretics by Clement(25) and
+Origen,(26) with the accessory idea of _spurious_,
+_pseudepigraphical_,(27) in opposition to the canonical writings of the
+Catholic Church. The book of Enoch and similar productions were so
+characterized.(28)
+
+4th, Jerome applied it to the books in the Septuagint which are absent
+from the Hebrew canon, _i.e._, to the books which were _read_ in the
+church, the _ecclesiastical_ ones(29) occupying a rank next to the
+canonical. In doing so he had respect to the corresponding Hebrew epithet.
+This was a misuse of the word _apocryphal_, which had a prejudicial effect
+on the character of the books in after-times.(30) The word, which he did
+not employ in an injurious sense, was adopted from him by Protestants
+after the Reformation, who gave it perhaps a sharper distinction than he
+intended, so as to imply a contrast somewhat disparaging to writings which
+were publicly read in many churches and put beside the canonical ones by
+distinguished fathers. The Lutherans have adhered to Jerome's meaning
+longer than the Reformed; but the decree of the Council of Trent had some
+effect on both. The contrast between the canonical and apocryphal writings
+was carried to its utmost length by the Westminster divines, who asserted
+that the former are inspired, the latter not.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II. THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON FROM ITS BEGINNING TO ITS CLOSE.
+
+
+The first important part of the Old Testament put together as a whole was
+the Pentateuch, or rather, the five books of Moses and Joshua. This was
+preceded by smaller documents, which one or more redactors embodied in it.
+The earliest things committed to writing were probably _the ten words_
+proceeding from Moses himself, afterwards enlarged into the ten
+commandments which exist at present in two recensions (Exod. xx., Deut.
+v.) It is true that we have the oldest form of the decalogue from the
+Jehovist not the Elohist; but that is no valid objection against the
+antiquity of the nucleus, out of which it arose. It is also probable that
+several legal and ceremonial enactments belong, if not to Moses himself,
+at least to his time; as also the Elohistic list of stations in Numbers
+xxxiii. To the same time belongs the song of Miriam in Exodus xv.,
+probably consisting of a few lines at first, and subsequently enlarged;
+with a triumphal ode over the fall of Heshbon (Numbers xxi. 27-30). The
+little poetical piece in Numbers xxi. 17, 18, afterwards misunderstood and
+so taken literally, is post-Mosaic.
+
+During the unsettled times of Joshua and the Judges there could have been
+comparatively little writing. The song of Deborah appeared, full of poetic
+force and fire. The period of the early kings was characterized not only
+by a remarkable development of the Hebrew people and their consolidation
+into a national state, but by fresh literary activity. Laws were written
+out for the guidance of priests and people; and the political organization
+of the rapidly growing nation was promoted by poetical productions in
+which spiritual life expressed its aspirations. Schools of prophets were
+instituted by Samuel, whose literary efforts tended to purify the worship.
+David was an accomplished poet, whose psalms are composed in lofty
+strains; and Solomon may have written a few odes. The building of the
+temple, and the arrangements connected with its worship, contributed
+materially to a written legislation.
+
+During this early and flourishing period appeared the book of the Wars of
+Jehovah,(31) a heroic anthology, celebrating warlike deeds; and the book
+of Jashar,(32) also poetical. Jehoshaphat is mentioned as court-annalist
+to David and Solomon.(33) Above all, the Elohists now appeared, the first
+of whom, in the reign of Saul, was author of annals, beginning at the
+earliest time which were distinguished by genealogical and chronological
+details as well as systematic minuteness, by archaic simplicity, and by
+legal prescriptions more theoretical than practical. The long genealogical
+registers with an artificial chronology and a statement of the years of
+men's lives, the dry narratives, the precise accounts of the gradual
+enlargement of divine laws, the copious description of the tabernacle and
+the institution of divine worship, are wearisome, though pervaded by a
+theoretic interest which looks at everything from a legal point of view. A
+second or junior Elohist was less methodical and more fragmentary,
+supplying additional information, furnishing new theocratic details, and
+setting forth the relation of Israel to heathen nations and to God. In
+contrast with his predecessor, he has great beauty of description, which
+is exemplified in the account of Isaac's sacrifice and the history of
+Joseph; in picturesque and graphic narratives interspersed with few
+reflections. His parallels to the later writer commonly called the
+Jehovist, are numerous. The third author, who lived in the time of Uzziah,
+though more mythological than the Elohists, was less formal. His
+stand-point is prophetic. The third document incorporated with the
+Elohistic ones formed an important part of the whole, exhibiting a
+vividness which the first lacked; with descriptions of persons and things
+from another stand-point. The Jehovist belonged to the northern kingdom;
+the Elohists were of Judah.
+
+The state of the nation after Rehoboam was unfavorable to literature. When
+the people were threatened and attacked by other nations, divided among
+themselves in worship and all higher interests, rent by conflicting
+parties, the theocratic principle which was the true bond of union could
+not assert itself with effect. The people were corrupt; their religious
+life debased. The example of the kings was usually prejudicial to
+political healthiness. Contact with foreigners as well as with the older
+inhabitants of the land, hindered progress. In these circumstances the
+prophets were the true reformers, the advocates of political liberty,
+expositors of the principles that give life and stability to a nation. In
+Judah, Joel wrote prophetic discourses; in Israel, Amos and Hosea. Now,
+too, a redactor put together the Elohistic and Jehovistic documents,
+making various changes in them, adding throughout sentences or words that
+seemed desirable, and suppressing what was unsuited to his taste. Several
+psalm-writers enriched the national literature after David. Learned men at
+the court of Hezekiah recast and enlarged (Proverbs xxv.-xxix.) the
+national proverbs, which bore Solomon's name because the nucleus of an
+older collection belonged to that monarch. These literary courtiers were
+not prophets, but rather scribes. The book of Job was written, with the
+exception of Elihu's later discourses, which were not inserted in it till
+after the return from Babylon; and Deuteronomy, with Joshua, was added to
+the preceding collection in the reign of Manasseh. The gifted author of
+Deuteronomy, who was evidently imbued with the prophetic spirit, completed
+the Pentateuch, _i.e._, the five books of Moses and Joshua, revising the
+Elohist-Jehovistic work, and making various additions and alterations. He
+did the same thing to the historical books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings;
+which received from him their present form. Immediately before and during
+the exile there were numerous authors and compilers. New psalms appeared,
+more or less national in spirit. Ezekiel, Jeremiah and others prophesied;
+especially an unknown seer who described the present condition of the
+people, predicting their coming glories and renovated worship in strains
+of far-reaching import.(34) This great prophet expected the regeneration
+of the nation from the pious portion of it, the prophets in particular,
+not from a kingly Messiah as Isaiah did; for the hopes resting on rulers
+out of David's house had been disappointed. His aspirations turned to
+spiritual means. He was not merely an enthusiastic seer with comprehensive
+glance, but also a practical philosopher who set forth the doctrine of the
+innocent suffering for the guilty; differing therein from Ezekiel's theory
+of individual reward and punishment in the present world--a theory out of
+harmony with the circumstances of actual life. The very misfortunes of the
+nation, and the signs of their return, excited within the nobler spirits
+hopes of a brighter future, in which the flourishing reign of David should
+be surpassed by the universal worship of Jehovah. In consequence of their
+outward condition, the prophets of the exile were usually writers, like
+Ezekiel, not public speakers; and their announcement of glad tidings could
+only be transmitted privately from person to person. This explains in part
+the oblivion into which their names fell; so that the author or redactor
+of Jeremiah l., li.; the author of chapters xiii.-xiv. 23, xxi. 1-10,
+xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv., xxxv., inserted in Isaiah; and, above all, the
+Babylonian Isaiah, whom Hitzig improbably identifies with the high-priest
+Joshua, are unknown. After the return from Babylon the literary spirit
+manifested itself in the prophets of the restoration--Haggai, Zechariah,
+and Malachi--who wrote to recall their countrymen to a sense of religious
+duties; though their ideas were borrowed in part from older prophets of
+more original genius. The book of Esther appeared, to make the observance
+of the purim feast, which was of Persian origin, more general in
+Palestine. The large historical work comprising the books of Ezra,
+Nehemiah, and Chronicles, was compiled partly out of materials written by
+Ezra and Nehemiah, partly out of older historical records which formed a
+portion of the national literature. Several temple-psalms were also
+composed; a part of the present book of Proverbs; Ecclesiastes, whose tone
+and language betray its late origin; and Jonah, whose diction puts its
+date after the Babylonian captivity. The Maccabean age called forth the
+book of Daniel and various psalms. In addition to new productions there
+was an inclination to collect former documents. To Zechariah's authentic
+prophecies were added the earlier ones contained in chapters ix.-xiv.; and
+the Psalms were gradually brought together, being made up into divisions
+at different times; the first and second divisions proceeding from one
+redactor, the third from another, the fourth and fifth from a still later.
+Various writings besides their own were grouped around the names of
+earlier prophets, as was the case with Isaiah and Jeremiah.
+
+The literature is more indebted for its best constituents to the prophetic
+than to the priestly order, because the prophets were preachers of
+repentance and righteousness whose great aim was to make Israel a
+Jehovah-worshipping nation to the exclusion of other gods. Their
+utterances were essentially ethical and religious; their pictures of the
+future subjective and ideal. There was silently elaborated in their
+schools a spiritual monotheism, over against the crude polytheism of the
+people generally--a theocratic ideal inadequately apprehended by gross and
+sensuous Israel--Jehovism simple and sublime amid a sacerdotal worship
+which left the heart impure while cleansing the hands. Instead of taking
+their stand upon the law, with its rules of worship, its ceremonial
+precepts and penalties against transgressors, the prophets set themselves
+above it, speaking slightingly of the forms and customs which the people
+took for the whole of religion. To the view of such as were prepared to
+receive a faith that looked for its realization to the future, they helped
+to create a millennium, in which the worship of Jehovah alone should
+become the basis of a universal religion for humanity. In addition to the
+prophetic literature proper, they wrote historical works also. How
+superior this literature is to the priestly, appears from a comparison of
+the Kings and Chronicles. The subjective underlies the one; the objective
+distinguishes the other. Faith in Jehovah, clothed, it may be in sensible
+or historical forms, characterizes the one; reference of an outward order
+to a divine source, the other. The sanctity of a people under the
+government of a righteous God, is the object of the one; the sanctity of
+institutions, that of the other. Even when the prophets wrote history,
+_the facts_ are subordinate to _the belief_. Subjective purposes colored
+their representation of real events.
+
+To them we are indebted for the Messianic idea, the hope of a better time
+in which their high ideal of the theocracy should be realized. With such
+belief in the future, with pious aspirations enlivening their patriotism,
+did they comfort and encourage their countrymen. The hope, general or
+indefinite at first, was afterwards attached to the house of David, out of
+which a restorer of the theocracy was expected, a king pre-eminent in
+righteousness, and marvelously gifted. It was not merely a political but a
+religious hope, implying the thorough purification of the nation, the
+extinction of idolatry, the general spread and triumph of true religion.
+The pious wishes of the prophets, often repeated, became a sort of
+doctrine, and contributed to sustain the failing spirit of the people. The
+indefinite idea of a golden age was commoner than that of a personal
+prince who should reign in equity and peace. Neither was part of the
+national faith, like the law, or the doctrine of sacrifice; and but a few
+of the prophets portrayed a king, in their description of the period of
+ideal prosperity.
+
+The man who first gave public sanction to a portion of the national
+literature was Ezra, who laid the foundation of a canon. He was the leader
+in restoring the theocracy after the exile, "a ready scribe in the law of
+Moses, who had prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord and to teach
+in Israel statutes and judgments." As we are told that he brought the book
+of the law of Moses before the congregation and read it publicly, the idea
+naturally arises that he was the final redactor of the Pentateuch,
+separating it from the historical work consisting of Joshua and the
+subsequent writings, of which it formed the commencement. Such was the
+first canon given to the Jewish Church after its reconstruction--ready for
+temple service as well as synagogue use. Henceforward the Mosaic book
+became an authoritative guide in spiritual, ecclesiastical, and civil
+matters, as we infer from various passages in Ezra and Nehemiah and from
+the chronicler's own statements in the book bearing his name. The doings
+of Ezra with regard to the Scriptures are deduced not only from what we
+read of him in the Biblical book that bears his name, but also from the
+legend in the fourth book of Ezdras,(35) where it is related that he
+dictated by inspiration to five ready writers ninety-four books; the first
+twenty-four of which he was ordered to publish openly that the worthy and
+unworthy might read, but reserved the last seventy for the wise. Though
+the twenty-four books of the Old Testament cannot be attributed to him,
+the fact that he copied and wrote portions need not be questioned. He
+edited _the law_, making the first canon or collection of books, and
+giving it an authority which it had not before. Talmudic accounts
+associate with him the men of the great synagogue. It is true that they
+are legendary, but there is a foundation of fact beneath the fanciful
+superstructure. As to Ezra's treatment of the Pentateuch, or his specific
+mode of redaction, we are left for the most part to conjecture. Yet it is
+safe to affirm that he added;--making new precepts and practices either in
+place of or beside older ones. Some things he removed as unsuited to the
+altered circumstances of the people; others he modified. He threw back
+later enactments into earlier times. It is difficult to discover all the
+parts that betray his hand. Some elaborate priestly details show his
+authorship most clearly. If his hand be not visible in Leviticus, chap.
+xvii.-xxvi.; a writer not far removed from his time is observable; Ezekiel
+or some other. It is clear that some of the portion (xxv. 19-22; xxvi.
+3-45) is much later than the Elohists, and belongs to the exile or
+post-exile period. But great difficulty attaches to the separation of the
+sources here used; even after Kayser's acute handling of them. It is also
+perceptible from Ezekiel xx. 25, 26, that the clause in Exodus xiii. 15,
+"but all the first-born of my children I redeem," was added after the
+exile, since the prophet shows his unacquaintance with it. The statute
+that all which openeth the womb should be burnt in sacrifice to Jehovah,
+appeared inhuman not only to Ezekiel, but to Ezra or his associates in
+re-editing the law; and therefore the clause about the redemption of every
+first-born male was subjoined. Ezra, a second Moses in the eyes of the
+later Jews, did not scruple to refer to Moses what was of recent origin,
+and to deal freely with the national literature. Such was the first
+canon--that of Ezra the priest and scribe.
+
+The origin of the great synagogue is noticed in Ezra x. 16, and described
+more particularly in Nehemiah viii.-x., the members being apparently
+enumerated in x. 1-27; at least the Megila Jer. (i. 5) and Midrash Ruth (�
+3) speak of an assembly of eighty-five elders, who are probably found in
+the last passage. One name, however, is wanting, for only eighty-four are
+given; and as Ezra is not mentioned among them, the conjecture of Krochmal
+that it has dropped out of x. 9, may be allowed. Another tradition gives
+the number as one hundred and twenty, which may be got by adding the
+"chief of the fathers" enumerated in Ezra viii. 1-14 to the hundred and
+two heads of families in Ezra ii. 2-58. Whether the number was the same at
+the commencement as afterwards is uncertain. Late Jewish writers, however,
+such as Abarbanel, Abraham ben David, Ben Maimun, &c., speak as if it
+consisted of the larger number at the beginning; and have no scruple in
+pronouncing Ezra president, rather than Nehemiah.(36)
+
+The oldest extra-biblical mention of the synagogue, is in the Mishnic
+treatise _Pirke Aboth_, where it is said, "Moses received the laws from
+Mount Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders
+to the prophets, and the prophets delivered it to the men of the great
+synagogue. These last spake these words: 'Be slow in judgment; appoint
+many disciples; make a hedge for the law.' "(37) In the Talmudic _Baba
+Bathra_, their biblical doings are described: "Moses wrote his book, the
+section about Balaam and job. Joshua wrote his book and eight verses of
+the law. Samuel wrote his book and judges and Ruth. David wrote the book
+of Psalms _by_ (?)(38) ten elders, by Adam the first man, by Melchizedek,
+by Abraham, by Moses, by Heman, by Jeduthun, by Asaph, and the three sons
+of Korah. Jeremiah wrote his book, the books of Kings and Lamentations.
+Hezekiah and his friends wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, Canticles, and Coheleth;
+the men of the great synagogue, Ezekiel, the twelve prophets, Daniel and
+Esther. Ezra wrote his own book and the genealogies of Chronicles down to
+himself."(39) This passage has its obscurities. What is meant by the verb
+_write_!(40) Does it mean _composition_ and then something else; the
+former in the first part of the passage, and _editing_ in the second?
+Rashi explains it of _composition_ throughout, which introduces absurdity.
+The most obvious interpretation is that which understands the verb of
+_writing_ in one place, and _editing_ in the second. But it is improbable
+that the author should have used the same word in different senses, in one
+and the same passage. Bloch(41) understands it of _copying_ or _writing
+out_, a sense that suits the procedure of the men of the great synagogue
+in regard to Ezekiel, the twelve prophets, &c., but is inapplicable to
+Moses, Joshua, Samuel, David, Jeremiah, &c. It is probable enough that the
+synagogue scribes put into their present form and made the first
+authorized copies of the works specified. The Boraitha, however, is not
+clear, and may only express the opinion of a private individual in a
+confused way. Simon the Just is said to have belonged to the remnants of
+the synagogue. As Ezra is called "a ready scribe," and his labors in
+connection with the law were important, he may have organized a body of
+literary men who should work in harmony, attending, among other things, to
+the collection and preservation of the national literature; or they may
+have been an association of patriotic men who voluntarily rallied round
+the heads of the new state, to support them in their fundamental reforms.
+The company of scribes mentioned in 1 Maccabees does not probably relate
+to it.(42) A succession of priests and scribes, excited at first by the
+reforming zeal of one whom later Jews looked upon as a second Moses,
+labored in one department of literary work till the corporation ceased to
+exist soon after, if not in the time of Simon, _i.e._, from about 445 B.C.
+till about 200; for we identify the Simon celebrated in Sirach l. 1-26
+with Simon II., son of the high-priest Onias II., B.C. 221-202; not with
+Simon I., son and successor of the high-priest Onias I., B.C. 310-291.
+Josephus's opinion, indeed, is contrary; but leading Jewish scholars, such
+as Zunz, Herzfeld, Krochmal, Derenbourg, Jost, and Bloch differ from him.
+
+To the great synagogue must be referred the compilation of the second
+canon, containing Joshua, Judges with Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah with Lamentations, Ezekiel and the twelve minor prophets. It was
+not completed prior to 300 B.C., because the book of Jonah was not written
+before. This work may be called a historical parable composed for a
+didactic purpose, giving a milder, larger view of Jehovah's favor than the
+orthodox one, that excluded the Gentiles. Ruth, containing an idyllic
+story with an unfinished genealogy attached, meant to glorify the house of
+David, and presenting a kindred spirit towards a people uniformly hated,
+was appended to Judges; but was subsequently transferred to the third
+canon. It was written immediately after the return from the Babylonian
+captivity; for the Chaldaising language points to this date,
+notwithstanding the supposed archaisms discovered in it by some. In like
+manner, the Lamentations, originally added to Jeremiah, were afterwards
+put into the later or third canon. Joshua, which had been separated from
+the five books of Moses with which it was closely joined at first, formed,
+with the other historical portion (Judges, Samuel, Kings), the proper
+continuation of Ezra's canon. The prophets included the three greater and
+twelve minor. With Isaiah's authentic oracles were incorporated the last
+twenty-seven chapters, belonging for the most part to an anonymous prophet
+of the exile, besides several late pieces inserted in the first
+thirty-nine chapters. Men of prophetic gifts wrote in the name of
+distinguished prophets, and put their productions with those of the
+latter, or adapted and wrote them over after their own fashion. The
+fiftieth and fifty-first chapters of Jeremiah show such over-writing. To
+Zechariah's authentic oracles were attached chapters ix.-xiv., themselves
+made up of two parts (ix.-xi., xii.-xiv.) belonging to different times and
+authors prior to the destruction of the Jewish state by the Babylonians.
+
+The character of the synagogue's proceedings in regard to the books of
+Scripture can only be deduced from the conduct of Ezra himself, as well as
+the prevailing views and wants of the times. The scribes who began with
+Ezra, seeing how he acted, would naturally follow his example, not
+hesitating to revise the text _in substance_ as well as form.(43) They did
+not refrain from changing what had been written, or from inserting fresh
+matter. Some of their novelties can be discerned even in the Pentateuch.
+Their chief work, however, related to the _form_ of the text. They put
+into a proper form and state the text of the writings they studied,
+perceiving less need for revising the _matter_. What they did was in good
+faith, with honest intention.
+
+The prophetic canon ended with Malachi's oracles. And it was made sometime
+after he prophesied, because the general consciousness that the function
+ceased with him required a considerable period for its growth. The fact
+that it included Jonah and Ruth brings the completion after 300 B.C., as
+already stated. There are no definite allusions to it till the second
+century B.C. Daniel speaks of a passage in Jeremiah being in "the books"
+or "writings;"(44) and the prologue of Jesus Sirach presupposes its
+formation. Such was the second canon, which had been made up gradually
+(444-290 B.C.)
+
+Another view of the collection in question has been taken by various
+scholars. According to a passage in the second book of Maccabees, the
+second canon originated with Nehemiah, who "gathered together the acts of
+the kings and the prophets and (psalms) of David, and the epistles of the
+kings concerning the holy gifts."(45) These words are obscure. They occur
+in a letter purporting to be sent by the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem to the
+Jews in Egypt, which contains apocryphal things; a letter which assigns to
+Nehemiah the merit of various arrangements rather belonging to Ezra. It is
+difficult to understand the meaning of "the epistles of the kings
+concerning the offerings." If they were the documents of heathen or
+Persian kings favorable to the rebuilding of Jerusalem and its temple,
+would they not have been rejected from a collection of sacred books
+belonging to the chosen people? They might perhaps have been adopted had
+they been interwoven with the holy books themselves, like portions of Ezra
+and Nehemiah; but they could not have formed a distinct part of the
+national literature, because they were foreign and heathen. Again, "the
+psalms of David" cannot have existed in the time of Nehemiah, if the
+phrase includes the whole collection. It may perhaps refer to the first
+three divisions of the book, as Herzfeld thinks; but these contain many
+odes which are not David's; while earlier ones belong to the last two
+divisions of the Psalm-book. In like manner, "the prophets" could not all
+have belonged to this canon; neither Malachi, who was later, nor Jonah.
+The account will not bear strict examination, and must be pronounced
+apocryphal. Nehemiah was a statesman, not a priest or scribe; a
+politician, not a literary man. It is true that he may have had
+assistants, or committed the work to competent hands; but this is
+conjectural. The account of his supposed canon hardly commends itself by
+inherent truthfulness or probability, though it is accepted by Ewald and
+Bleek.
+
+When the great synagogue ceased, there was an interval during which it is
+not clear whether the sacred books were neglected, except by private
+individuals; or whether they were studied, copied, and collected by a body
+of scribes. Perhaps the scribes and elders of the Hasmon�an time were
+active at intervals in this department. The institution of a senate by
+Judas Maccabaeus is supposed to be favored by 2 Maccabees (chapter i.
+10-ii. 18); but the passage furnishes poor evidence of the thing. Judas is
+there made to write to Egypt in the year of the Seleucidae 188, though he
+died thirty-six years before, _i.e._, 152. Other places have been added as
+corroborative, viz., 2 Maccab. iv. 44, xi. 27; 1 Maccab. vii. 33. Some go
+so far as to state that Jose ben Joeser was appointed its first president
+at that time. The Midrash in Bereshith Rabba (� 65) makes him one of the
+sixty Hassidim who were treacherously murdered by Alcimus; but this is
+neither in the first book of the Maccabees (chapter vii.) nor in
+Josephus,(46) and must be pronounced conjectural. It is impossible to fix
+the exact date of Jose ben Joeser in the Hasmonean period. Pirke Aboth
+leaves it indefinite. Jonathan, Judas Maccabaeus's successor, when writing
+to the Lacedaemonians, speaks of the _gerusia_ or senate as well as _the
+people_ of the Jews; whence we learn that the body existed as early as the
+time of Judas.(47) Again, Demetrius writes to Simon, as also to _the
+elders_ and _nation_ of the Jews.(48) After Jonathan and Simon, it may
+have been suspended for a while, in consequence of the persecution and
+anarchy prevailing in Judea; till the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem
+succeeded it, under Hyrcanus I. Though the traces of a senate in the
+Maccabaean epoch are slight, the Talmud countenances its existence.(49) We
+believe that it was earlier than Judas Maccabaeus. Of its constitution
+nothing is known; but it was probably aristocratic. The Hasmonean prince
+would naturally exert a commanding influence over it. The great synagogue
+had been a kind of democratic council, consisting of scribes, doctors or
+teachers, and priests.(50) Like their predecessors of the great synagogue,
+the Hasmon�an elders revised the text freely, putting into it explanatory
+or corrective additions, which were not always improvements. The way in
+which they used the book of Esther, employing it as a medium of Halachite
+prescription, shows a treatment involving little idea of sacredness
+attaching to the Hagiographa.
+
+We are aware that the existence of this body is liable to doubt, and that
+the expressions belonging to it in Jewish books, whether elders or
+_gerusia_, have been applied to the great synagogue or to the Sanhedrim at
+Jerusalem, or even to the elders of any little town or hamlet; but it is
+difficult to explain all on that hypothesis, without attributing confusion
+to the places where they occur. If the body in question be not allowed, an
+interval of about sixty years elapsed between the great synagogue and the
+Sanhedrim, during which the hagiographical writings were comparatively
+neglected, though literary activity did not cease. No authoritative
+association, at least, dealt with them. This is improbable. It is true
+that we read of no distinguished teachers in the interval, except
+Antigonus of Socho, disciple of Simon the Just; but the silence can hardly
+weigh against a reasonable presumption. One thing is clear, viz., that
+Antigonus did not reach down to the time of the first pair that presided
+over the Sanhedrim.
+
+The contents of the third canon, _i.e._, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles,
+Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, the formation of
+which we assign to the Hasmon�an gerusia, were multifarious, differing
+widely from one another in age, character, and value--poetical, prophetic,
+didactic, historical. Such as seemed worthy of preservation, though they
+had not been included in the second canon, were gathered together during
+the space of an hundred and fifty years. The oldest part consisted of
+psalms supposed to belong to David. The first psalm, which contains within
+itself traces of late authorship, was prefixed as an introduction to the
+whole collection now put into the third canon. Next to the Psalms were
+Proverbs, Job, Canticles, which, though non-prophetic and probably
+excluded on that account from the second canon, must have existed before
+the exile. Enriched with the latest additions, they survived the national
+disasters, and claimed a place next to the Psalms. They were but a portion
+of the literature current in and after the 5th century B.C., as may be
+inferred from the epilogue to Ecclesiastes, and the Wisdom of Sirach. The
+historical work compiled by the chronicle-writer was separated, Ezra being
+put first as the most important part, and referring also to the church of
+the 6th and 5th centuries whose history had not been written. The
+Chronicles themselves were placed last, being considered of less value
+than the first part, as they contained the summary of a period already
+described, though with numerous adaptations to post-exile times. The
+youngest portion consisted of the book of Daniel, not written till the
+Maccabean period (between 170 and 160 B.C.);(51) and probably of several
+Psalms (44, 60, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83, 89, 110, 118) which were inserted
+in different places of the collection to make the whole number 150. These
+late odes savor of the Maccabean time; and are fitly illustrated by the
+history given in the first book of Maccabees. The list continued open;
+dominated by no stringent principle of selection, and with a character
+somewhat indefinite. It was called _c'tubim_, _i.e._, writings(52) a
+general epithet suited to the contents.
+
+Several books put into the third canon,--as Job, Proverbs, the greater
+number of the Psalms, &c.,--existed when the second was made. But the
+latter collection was pre-eminently _prophetic_; and it was that idea of
+the origin and contents of the books in it which regulated its extent.
+Bloch's supposition that the parts of the third collection then existing
+were not looked upon as holy, but merely as productions embodying human
+wisdom, and were therefore excluded, is improbable. We do not think that
+an alteration of opinion about them in the course of a century or more, by
+which they became divine and holy instead of human, is a satisfactory
+explanation. The Psalms of David and the book of Job must have been as
+highly esteemed in the period of the great synagogue's existence as they
+were at a later time. Other considerations besides the divinity and
+holiness of books contributed to their introduction into a canon.
+Ecclesiastes was taken into the third collection because it was attributed
+to Solomon. The Song of Songs was understood allegorically,--a fact which,
+in addition to its supposed Solomonic authorship, determined its adoption.
+And even after their canonical reception, whether by the great synagogue
+or another body, the character of books was canvassed. It was so with
+Ecclesiastes, in spite of the _supposed_ sanction it got from the great
+synagogue contained in the epilogue, added, as some think, by that body to
+attest the sacredness of the book.(53)
+
+While the third canon was being made, the soferim, as the successors of
+the prophets, were active as before; and though interpretation was their
+chief duty, they must have revised and corrected the sacred books to some
+extent. We need not hesitate to allow that they sometimes arranged parts,
+and even added matter of their own. In the time of the canon's entire
+preparation, they and the priests, with writers and scholars generally,
+redacted the national literature, excluding or sanctioning such portions
+of it as they thought fit.
+
+At this time appeared the present five-fold partition of the Psalms,
+preceded as it had been by other divisions, the last of which was very
+similar to the one that became final. Several inscriptions and historical
+notices were prefixed. The inscriptions, however, belong to very different
+times, their historical parts being usually older than the musical; and
+date from the first collection to the period of the Hasmonean college,
+when the final redaction of the entire Psalter took place. Those in the
+first three books existed at the time when the latter were made up; those
+in the last two were prefixed partly at the time when the collections
+themselves were made, and partly in the Maccabean age. How often they are
+out of harmony with the poems themselves, needs no remark. They are both
+traditional and conjectural.
+
+The earliest attestation of the third canon is that of the prologue to
+Jesus Sirach (130 B.C.), where not only _the law and the prophets_ are
+specified, but "the other books of the fathers," or "the rest of the
+books."(54) No information is given as to its extent, or the particular
+books included. They may have been for the most part the same as the
+present ones. The passage does not show that the third list was closed.
+The better writings of the fathers, such as tended to learning and wisdom,
+are not excluded by the definite article. In like manner, neither Philo
+nor the New Testament gives exact information as to the contents of the
+division in question. Indeed, several books, Canticles, Esther,
+Ecclesiastes, are unnoticed in the latter. The argument drawn from Matthew
+xxiii. 35, that the Chronicles were then the last book of the canon, is
+inconclusive; as the Zechariah there named was probably different from the
+Zechariah in 2 Chronicles xxiv. None of these witnesses proves that the
+third canon was finally closed.
+
+A more definite testimony respecting the canon is given by Josephus
+towards the end of the first century A.D. "For we have not an innumerable
+multitude of books among us, ... but only twenty-two books, which contain
+the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine.
+And of them five belong to Moses.... But as to the time from the death of
+Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, the prophets who were
+after Moses wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The
+remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts for the conduct of
+human life. It is true our history has been written since Artaxerxes very
+particularly, but has not been esteemed of the like authority with the
+former by our forefathers, because there has not been an exact succession
+of prophets since that time: and how firmly we have given credit to these
+books of our own nation is evident by what we do; for during so many ages
+as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add anything
+to them, to take anything from them, or to make any change in them; but it
+has become natural to all Jews immediately and from their very birth, to
+esteem these books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them,
+and if occasion be, willingly to die for them."(55) This list agrees with
+our present canon, showing that the Palestinian Jews were tolerably
+unanimous as to the extent of the collection. The thirteen prophets
+include Job; the four lyric and moral books are Psalms, Proverbs,
+Ecclesiastes and Canticles.
+
+It is not likely that the Hasmon�an senate had a long existence. It was
+replaced by the Sanhedrim, a more definite and state institution, intended
+as a counter-balance to the influence of the Hasmon�an princes. The
+notices of the latter reach no further back than Hyrcanus I., _i.e._,
+about 135 B.C.(56) Josephus speaks of it under Hyrcanus II.(57) It cannot
+be referred to an earlier period than Hyrcanus I. Frankel(58) indeed,
+finds a notice of it in 2 Chronicles xix. 8, 11; but the account there is
+indistinct, and refers to the great synagogue. The compiler having no
+certain information about what was long past, transfers the origin of the
+court he speaks of to Jehoshaphat, in order to glorify the house of David.
+It is impossible to date the Sanhedrim, with Frankel, in the Grecian era,
+in which case it must have been dissolved during the Maccabean
+insurrection, and afterwards reconstructed; it was not constituted till
+about 130 B.C. Whether it was modeled after the great synagogue or the
+Hasmon�an senate, is uncertain. The idea of it may have been suggested by
+the latter rather than the former, for its basis was aristocratic. The
+Hasmon�an _gerusia_ must have been less formal and definite than the
+Sanhedrim; though the latter arose before the family ceased to be in
+power, and differed materially from its predecessor. It continued from 130
+B.C. till A.D. 180, surviving the terrible disasters of the nation.(59)
+
+The closing of the third canon cannot be assigned, with Bloch, to the
+great synagogue. If the college ceased with or before Simon, _i.e._, about
+200-192, and the work of Daniel did not appear till about 170 B.C., twenty
+years at least intervened between the extinction of the great synagogue
+and Daniel's book. This holds good, whether we assume, with Krochmal, the
+synagogue's _redaction_ of the work,--more correctly the putting together
+of the independent parts of which _it is said_ to be composed; or equally
+so, if the taking of it into the canon as a book already completed, be
+attributed to the same body. But we are unable to see that Krochmal's
+reasoning about the synagogue putting Daniel's work together and one of
+the members writing the book of Esther is probable.
+
+In like manner, Maccabean psalms are adverse to the hypothesis that the
+great synagogue completed the third canon. In consequence of these late
+productions, it is impossible to assert that the men of the synagogue were
+the redactors of the Psalter as it is. It is true that the collection was
+made before the Chronicles and many other books of the hagiographical
+canon; but the _complete_ Psalter did not appear till the Maccabean
+period. The canon, however, was not considered to be finally closed in the
+first century before and the next after Christ. There were doubts about
+some portions. The book of Ezekiel gave offence, because some of its
+statements seemed to contradict the law. Doubts about others were of a
+more serious nature; about Ecclesiastes, the Canticles, Esther, and the
+Proverbs. The first was impugned because it had contradictory passages and
+a heretical tendency; the second, because of its worldly and sensual tone;
+Esther for its want of religiousness; and Proverbs on account of
+inconsistencies. This scepticism went far to procure the exclusion of the
+suspected works from the canon, and their relegation to the class of the
+_genuzim_.(60) But it did not prevail. Hananiah, son of Hezekiah, son of
+Garon, about 32 B.C., is said to have reconciled the contradictions and
+quieted the doubts.(61) But these traces of resistance to the fixity of
+the canon were not the last. They reappeared about A.D. 65, as we learn
+from the Talmud,(62) when the controversy turned mainly upon the
+canonicity of Ecclesiastes, which the school of Shammai, who had the
+majority, opposed; so that the book was probably excluded.(63) The
+question emerged again at a later synod at Jabneh or Jamnia, when R.
+Eleasar ben Asaria was chosen patriarch, and Gamaliel the second, deposed.
+Here it was decided, not unanimously however, but by a majority of
+Hillelites, that Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs "pollute the hands,"
+_i.e._, belong properly to the Hagiographa.(64) This was about 90 A.D.(65)
+Thus the question of the canonicity of certain books was discussed at two
+synods.
+
+Passages in the Talmud have been adduced to show that the Shammaite
+objections to the canonicity of Ecclesiastes "were overruled by the
+positive declaration from the 72 elders, _being a testimony anterior to
+the Christian era_ that Coheleth is canonical; but they do not support the
+opinion."(66)
+
+"The sages" referred to in the treatise Sabbat and elsewhere is a vague
+expression, resting apparently on no historic tradition--a mere opinion of
+comparatively late date. If it refer to the Jerusalem synod A.D. 65, the
+Hillelites were simply outnumbered there by the Shammaites. The matter was
+debated hastily, and determined for the time by a majority. But the synod
+at Jamnia consisted of 72 persons; and a passage in the treatise Yadayim
+refers to it.(67) The testimony of the 72 elders to whom R. Simeon ben
+Asai here alludes, so far from belonging to an anti-christian era, belongs
+to a date about 90 A.D. And the fact that the synod at Jamnia took up
+again a question already debated at Jerusalem A.D. 65, proves that no
+final settlement of the canon had taken place before. The canon was
+virtually settled at Jamnia, where was confirmed what R. Akiba said of the
+Canticles in his usual extravagant way: "No day in the whole history of
+the world is of so much worth as the one in which the Song of Songs was
+given to Israel; for all the Scriptures are holy; but the Song of Songs is
+most holy."(68) As the Hagiographa were not read in public, with the
+exception of Esther, opinions of the Jewish rabbins might still differ
+about Canticles and Ecclesiastes, even after the synod of Jamnia.
+
+In opposition to these remarks, it is strenuously argued by Bloch that
+neither the passage in the Mishnic treatise Yadayim, nor any other, refers
+to the _canonical character_ of the books to which Jewish elders raised
+several objections. But his arguments are more vehement than valid.
+Anxious to assign the final settlement of the entire canon to an
+authoritative body like the great synagogue, he affirms that all parties
+were united in opinion about the time of Christ,--Assiim, Perushim, and
+Zeddukim; Shammaites and Hillelites. But it requires more than his
+ingenuity to explain away the meaning of Yadayim 3, 5, Adoyot v. 3, Sabbat
+1. To what did such diversity of opinion relate, if not to the canonical
+character of the books? A specific answer to the question is not given by
+the learned writer,(69) who is too eager in his endeavor to attribute the
+settlement of the third canon to the great synagogue, and to smooth away
+all diversities of opinion about several books, after that time, as if
+none could afterwards question the authoritative settlement by that body.
+He will not even allow a wider canon to the Alexandrian Jews than that of
+their Palestinian brethren, though he cannot but admit that the former
+read and highly esteemed various apocryphal books because of their
+_theocratic_ character. Surely the practical use of writings is an
+evidence of their canonicity as strong as theoretical opinions.
+
+The doubts about several books to which we have alluded, some of which
+Hananiah is said to have resolved in his old age, imply a diligent study
+of the national literature, if not a revision of the text; and the
+Tannaite college at Jabneh must have cared for the same things, as it had
+to deal with similar objections. After the last canon was made more than a
+century anterior to the Christian era, the text was not considered
+inviolate by the learned Jews; it received subsequent modifications and
+interpolations. The process of redaction had not ceased before the time of
+Christ. This was owing, among other causes, to the state of parties among
+the Jews, as well as the intrusion of Greek literature and culture, whose
+influence the Palestinian Jews themselves were not able altogether to
+withstand. When Jeremiah accused the Scribes of falsifying the law by
+their lying pen (viii. 8), it may be inferred that the same process took
+place afterwards; that offensive things were removed, and alterations made
+continuously down to the close of the canon, and even after. The
+corrections consisted of additions and changes of letters, being indicated
+in part by the most ancient versions and the traditions of the Jews
+themselves who often knew what stood in the text at first, and why it was
+altered. They are also indicated by the nature of the passage itself
+viewed in the light of the state of religion at the time. Here, sober
+judgment must guard against unnecessary conjectures. Some changes are
+apparent, as the plural _oaks_ in Genesis xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1,
+Deuteronomy xi. 30, for the singular _oak_; and the plural _gods_ in
+Exodus xxxii. 4, for the singular _god_. So 2 Sam. Vii. 23, (comp. 1
+Chron. xvii. 21, and LXX);(70) and Deuteronomy xxxii. 8,(71) have been
+altered. Popper and Geiger have probably assumed too much correction on
+the part of the Scribes and others; though they have drawn attention to
+the subject in the spirit of original criticism.
+
+Jewish literature began to degenerate after the captivity, and it
+continued to do so. It leaned upon the past more and more, having an
+external and formal character with little of the living soul. The
+independence of their religious literature disappeared with the national
+independence of the Jews; and the genius of the people was too exclusive
+to receive much expansion from the spirit of nations with whom they came
+in contact. In such circumstances, amid the general consciousness of
+present misfortune which the hope of a brighter future could not dispel,
+and regretful retrospects of the past tinged with ideal splendor, the
+exact time of drawing a line between books that might be included in the
+third division of the canon must have been arbitrary. In the absence of a
+normal principle to determine selection, the productions were arbitrarily
+separated. Not that they were badly adjusted. On the contrary, the canon
+as a whole was settled wisely. Yet the critical spirit of learned Jews in
+the future could not be extinguished by anticipation. The canon was not
+really settled for all time by a synodical gathering at Jamnia; for Sirach
+was added to the Hagiographa by some rabbins about the beginning of the
+4th century;(72) while Baruch circulated long in Hebrew, and was publicly
+read on the day of atonement in the third century, according to the
+Apostolic constitutions.(73) These two books were in high repute for a
+considerable time, possessing a kind of canonical credit even among the
+learned Jews of Palestine. Rab, Jochanan, Elasar, Rabba bar Mare,
+occasionally refer to Sirach in the way in which the _c'tubim_ were
+quoted: the writer of Daniel used Baruch; and the translator of Jeremiah
+put it into Greek.
+
+If it be asked on what principle books were admitted into the canon, a
+single answer does not suffice. One and the same criterion did not
+determine the process at all times. The leading principle with which the
+first canon-makers set out was to collect all the documents of Hebrew
+antiquity. This seems to have guided Ezra, if not the great synagogue
+after him. The nation, early imbued with the theocratic spirit and
+believing itself the chosen of God, was favorably inclined towards
+documents in which that standpoint was assumed. The legal and ethical were
+specially valued. The prophetic claimed a divine origin; the lyric or
+poetic touched and elevated the ideal faculty on which religion acts. But
+the leading principle which actuated Ezra and the great synagogue was
+gradually modified, amid the growing compass of the national literature
+and the consciousness that prophecy ceased with Malachi. When the latest
+part of the canon had to be selected from a literature almost
+contemporaneous, regard was had to such productions as resembled the old
+in spirit. Orthodoxy of contents was the dominant criterion. But this was
+a difficult thing, for various works really anonymous, though wearing the
+garb of old names and histories, were in existence, so that the boundary
+of the third part became uncertain and fluctuating.
+
+The principle that actuated Ezra in making the first canon was a religious
+and patriotic one. From his treatment of the oldest law books we infer
+that he did not look upon them as inviolable. Venerable they were, and so
+far sacred; but neither perfect nor complete for all time. In his view
+they were not unconditionally authoritative. Doubtless they had a high
+value as the productions of inspired lawgivers and men of a prophetic
+spirit; but the redaction to which he submitted them shows no
+superstitious reverence. With him _canonical_ and _holy_ were not
+identical. Nor does the idea of an _immediate, divine_ authority appear to
+have dominated the mind of the great synagogue in the selection of books.
+Like Ezra, these scholars reverenced the productions of the prophets,
+poets, and historians to whom their countrymen were indebted in the past
+for religious or political progress; but they did not look upon them as
+the offspring of unerring wisdom. How could they, while witnessing
+repetitions and minor contradictions in the books collected?
+
+The same remarks apply to the third canon. _Direct divinity_ of origin was
+not the criterion which determined the reception of a book into it; but
+the character and authorship of the book. Did it breathe the old spirit,
+or proceed from one venerated for his wisdom? Was it like the old orthodox
+productions; or did it bear the name of one renowned for his piety and
+knowledge of divine things? The stamp of antiquity was necessary in a
+certain sense; but the theocratic spirit was the leading consideration.
+Ecclesiastes was admitted because it bore the name of Solomon; and
+Daniel's apocalyptic writings, because veiled under the name of an old
+prophet. New psalms were taken in because of their association with much
+older ones in the temple service. Yet the first book of Maccabees was
+excluded, though written in Hebrew. It is still more remarkable that
+Sirach was put among the external productions; but this was owing not so
+much to its recent origin, for it is older than the book of Daniel, as to
+its being an apparent echo of the Proverbs, and therefore unnecessary. Yet
+it was long after assigned to the Hagiographa, and quoted as such by
+several rabbis. Baruch was also left out, though it is as old as Daniel,
+if not older; and professes to have been written by Jeremiah's friend, in
+Babylon.
+
+That redactors dealt freely with the text of the second and third canons
+especially, without a superstitious belief in its sacredness, is apparent
+from the double recension which existed when the Egyptian Jews translated
+the books into Greek. If the one that formed the basis of the Alexandrian
+version be less correct than the Palestinian in the majority of instances,
+it is still superior in many. The differences between them, often
+remarkable, prove that those who had most to do with the books did not
+guard them as they would have done had they thought them infallibly
+inspired. Palestinians and Alexandrians subjected the text to redaction;
+or had suffered it to fall into a state inconsistent with the assumption
+of its supernatural origin. At a much later period, the Masoretes reduced
+to one type all existing copies of their Scriptures, introducing an
+uniformity imperatively demanded in their opinion by multiplied
+discrepancies.
+
+Whatever divine character the reflecting attributed to the canonical
+books, it must have amounted to the same thing as that assigned to human
+attributes and physical phenomena--a divinity resulting from the
+over-leaping of second causes, in the absence of inductive philosophy.
+Here the imperfection conditioned by the nature of the created cannot be
+hid. Yet the books may be truly said to have contained the word of God.
+
+Of the three divisions, _the Law_ or Pentateuch was most highly venerated
+by the Jews. It was the first translated into Greek; and in Philo's view
+was inspired in a way peculiar to itself. _The Prophets_, or second
+division, occupied a somewhat lower place in their estimation, but were
+read in the public services as the law had been before. The _c'tubim_, or
+third division, was not looked upon as equal to the Prophets in
+importance: only the five Megiloth were publicly read. The three parts of
+the collection present the three gradations of sanctity which the books
+assumed successively in Israelite estimation. A certain reverence was
+attached to all as soon as they were made canonical; but the reverence was
+not of equal height, and the supposed authority was proportionally
+varied.(74) The consciousness of prophetism being extinct soon after the
+return from Babylon, was a genuine instinct. With the extinction of the
+Jewish state the religious spirit almost evaporated. The idealism which
+the old prophets proclaimed in contrast with the symbolic religion of the
+state gave place to the forms and an attachment to the _written_ law.
+Religion came to be a thing of the understanding, the subject of learned
+treatment; and its essence was reduced to dogmas or precepts. Thus it
+ceased to be a spiritual element in which the heart had free scope for its
+highest aspirations. In addition to all, a foreign metaphysical theology,
+the Persian doctrine of spirits, was introduced, which seemed to enlarge
+the sphere of speculation, but really retarded the free exercise of the
+mind. As the external side of religion had been previously directed to the
+performance of good works, this externality was now determined by a
+written law. Even the prophetism that appeared after the restoration was
+little more than an echo of the past, falling in with an outward and
+written legalism. The literature of the people deteriorated in quality,
+and prophecy became _apocalypse_. In such circumstances the advent of a
+new man was needed to restore the free life of religion in higher power.
+Christ appeared in the fullness of time to do this effectually by
+proclaiming the divine Fatherhood, and founding a worship _in spirit and
+in truth_. Rising above the symbolic wrappings of the Mosaic religion, and
+relying upon the native power of the spirit itself, he showed how man may
+mount up to the throne of God, adoring the Supreme without the
+intervention of temple, sacrifice, or ceremony.
+
+When the three divisions were united, the ecclesiastical respect which had
+gathered round the law and the prophets from ancient times began to be
+transferred to the _c'tubim_. A belief in their sanctity increased apace
+in the 1st century before the Christian era, so that _sacredness_ and
+_canonicity_ were almost identical. The doubts of individuals, it is true,
+were still expressed respecting certain books of the _c'tubim_, but they
+had no perceptible effect upon the current opinion. The sanctity attaching
+to the last division as well as the others did not permit the total
+displacement of any part.
+
+The passage in Josephus already quoted shows the state of the canon about
+A.D. 100. According to it, he considered it to have been closed at the
+time of Artaxerxes Longimanus, whom he identifies with the Ahasuerus of
+Esther, 464-424 B.C. The books were divine, so that none dared to add to,
+subtract from, or alter them. To him the canon was something belonging to
+the venerable past, and inviolable. In other words, all the books were
+peculiarly sacred. Although we call scarcely think this to be his private
+opinion merely, it is probably expressed in exaggerated terms, and hardly
+tallies with his use of the third Esdras in preference to the canonical
+texts.(75) His authority, however, is small. Bloch's estimate of it is too
+high. It is utterly improbable that Josephus's opinion was universally
+held by the Jews in his day. His division of the books is peculiar: five
+Mosaic, thirteen historical, four containing religious songs and rules of
+life. It appears, indeed, that as he had the same twenty-two books we now
+have, Ruth was still attached to Judges, and Lamentations to Jeremiah; but
+his credit is not on a par with that of a Jew who adhered to his
+countrymen in the time of their calamity. He wrote for the Romans. One who
+believed that Esther was the youngest book in the canon, who looked upon
+Ecclesiastes as Solomon's, and Daniel as an exile production, cannot be a
+competent judge. In his time the historical sense of the book of Daniel
+was misapprehended; for after the Grecian dynasty had fallen without the
+fulfillment of the Messianic prophecy connected with it, the Roman empire
+was put into its place. Hence various allusions in _The History of the
+Jewish Wars_.(76) The passage in the _Antiquities_,(77) about Alexander
+the Great and the priests in the Temple at Jerusalem is apocryphal. In any
+case, Josephus does not furnish a genuine list of the canonical books any
+more than Philo. The Pharisaic view of his time is undoubtedly given, that
+the canon was then complete and sacred. The decision proceeded from that
+part of the nation who ruled both over school and people, and regained
+supremacy after the destruction of the temple; _i.e._, from the
+Pharisee-sect to which Josephus belonged. It was a conclusion of orthodox
+Judaism. With true critical instinct, Spinoza says that the canon was the
+work of the Pharisees. The third collection was undoubtedly made under
+their influence.
+
+The origin of the _threefold_ division of the canon is not, as Oehler
+supposes,(78) a reflection of the different stages of religious
+development through which the nation passed, as if the foundation were the
+Law, the ulterior tendency in its objective aspect the Prophets, and its
+subjective aspect the Hagiographa. The books of Chronicles and others
+refute this arbitrary conception. The triplicity lies in the manner in
+which the books were collected. Men who belonged to different periods and
+possessed different degrees of culture, worked successively in the
+formation of the canon; which arose out of the circumstances of the times,
+and the subjective ideas of those who made it.
+
+The places of the separate books within the first division or _Torah_,
+were determined by the succession of the historical events narrated. The
+second division naturally begins with Moses's successor, Joshua. Judges,
+Samuel, and Kings follow according to the regular chronology. To the
+former prophets, as Joshua--Kings were called, the latter were attached,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; succeeded by the twelve minor prophets,
+arranged for the most part according to their times, though the length of
+individual prophecies and similarity of contents also influenced their
+position.
+
+The arrangement of books in the third division depended on their age,
+character, and authors. The Psalms were put first, because David was
+supposed to be the author of many, and on account of their intrinsic value
+in promoting the religious life of the people. After the Psalms came the
+three poetical works attributed to Solomon, with the book of Job among
+them,--Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.
+
+The book of Esther followed, since it was intended to further the
+observance of the Purim feast; with the late book of Daniel. The position
+of Daniel among the _c'tubim_ arises solely from the fact of its posterior
+origin to the prophetic writings, not excepting the book of Jonah itself;
+and the attempt to account for its place in the third division on the
+ground of its predominant subjectivity is based on the unfounded
+assumption that the objective state of religion is represented in the
+second division and the subjective in the third. Had the book existed
+before 400 B.C., it would doubtless have stood in the second division. But
+the contents themselves demonstrate its date; contemporary history being
+wrapped in a prophetic form. Having some affinity to Esther as regards
+heathenism and Greek life, the book was put next to the latter. To Ezra
+and Nehemiah, which were adopted before the other part of the Chronicle
+book and separated from it, were added the so-called Chronicles. Such was
+the original succession of the third division or _c'tubim_; but it did not
+remain unaltered. For the use of the synagogue, the five Megiloth were put
+together; so that Ruth, which was originally appended to Judges, and the
+Lamentations affixed at first to Jeremiah's prophecies, were taken out of
+the second and put into the third canon. This caused a separation of
+Canticles and Ecclesiastes. The new arrangement was made for liturgical
+purposes.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III. THE SAMARITAN AND ALEXANDRIAN CANONS.
+
+
+The Samaritan canon consists of the Pentateuch alone. This restricted
+collection is owing to the fact, that when the Samaritans separated from
+the Jews and began their worship on Gerizim, no more than the Mosaic
+writings had been invested by Ezra with canonical dignity. The hostile
+feeling between the rivals hindered the reception of books subsequently
+canonized. The idea of their having the oldest and most sacred part in its
+entirety satisfied their spiritual wants. Some have thought that the
+Sadducees, who already existed as a party before the Maccabean period,
+agreed with the Samaritans in rejecting all but the Pentateuch; yet this
+is doubtful. It is true that the Samaritans themselves say so;(79) and
+that some of the church fathers, Origen, Jerome, and others agree; but
+little reliance can be put on the statement. The latter, perhaps,
+confounded the Samaritans and Sadducces. It is also noteworthy that Christ
+in refuting the Sadducees appeals to the Pentateuch alone; yet the
+conclusion, that he did so because of their admitting no more than that
+portion does not follow.
+
+The Alexandrian canon differed from the Palestinian. The Greek translation
+commonly called the Septuagint contains some later productions which the
+Palestinian Jews did not adopt, not only from their aversion to Greek
+literature generally, but also from the recent origin of the books,
+perhaps also their want of prophetic sanction. The closing line of the
+third part in the Alexandrian canon was more or less fluctuating--capable
+of admitting recent writings appearing under the garb of old names and
+histories, of embracing religious subjects; while the Palestinian
+collection was pretty well determined, and all but finally settled. The
+judgment of the Alexandrians was freer than that of their brethren in the
+mother country. They had even separated in a measure from the latter, by
+erecting a temple at Leontopolis; and their enlargement of the canon was
+another step of divergence. Nor had they the criterion of language for the
+separation of canonical and uncanonical; both classes were before them in
+the same tongue. The enlarged canon was not formally sanctioned; it had
+not the approval of the Sanhedrim; yet it was to the Alexandrians what the
+Palestinian one was to the Palestinians. If Jews who were not well
+acquainted with Hebrew, used the apocryphal and canonical books alike, it
+was a matter of feeling and custom; and if those who knew the old language
+better, adhered to the canonical more closely, it was a matter of
+tradition and language. The former set little value on the prevalent
+consciousness of the race that the spirit of prophecy was extinct; their
+view of the Spirit's operation was larger. The latter clung to the past
+with all the more tenacity that the old life of the nation had
+degenerated.
+
+The Alexandrian Jews opened their minds to Greek culture and philosophy,
+appropriating new ideas, and explaining their Scriptures in accordance
+with wider conceptions of the divine presence; though such adaptation
+turned aside the original sense. Consciously or unconsciously they were
+preparing Judaism in some degree to be the religion of humanity. But the
+Rabbins shut out those enlarging influences, confining their religion
+within the narrow traditions of one people. The process by which they
+conserved the old belief helped to quench its spirit, so that it became an
+antique skeleton, powerless beside the new civilization which had followed
+the wake of Alexander's conquests. Rabbinical Judaism proved its
+incapacity for regenerating the world; having no affinity for the
+philosophy of second causes, or for the exercise of reason beneath the
+love of a Father who sees with equal eye as God of all. Its isolation
+nourished a sectarian tendency. Tradition, having no creative power like
+revelation, had taken the place of it; and it could not ward off the
+senility of Judaism; for its creations are but feeble echoes of prophetic
+utterances, weak imitations of poetic inspiration or of fresh wisdom. They
+are of the understanding rather than the reason. The tradition which
+Geiger describes as the life-giving soul of Judaism--the daughter of
+revelation, enjoying the same rights with her mother--a spiritual power
+that continues ever to work--an emanation from the divine Spirit--is not,
+indeed, the thing which has stiffened Judaism into Rabbinism; but neither
+is it tradition proper; it is reason working upon revelation, and moulding
+it into a new system. _Such tradition_ serves but to show the inability of
+genuine Judaism to assimilate philosophic thought. _Rationalizing_ should
+not be styled the operation of tradition.
+
+The truth of these remarks is evident from a comparison of two books,
+exemplifying Alexandrian and Palestinian Judaism respectively. The Wisdom
+of Solomon shows the enlarging effect of Greek philosophy. Overpassing
+Jewish particularism, it often approaches Christianity in doctrine and
+spirit, so that some(80) have even assumed a Christian origin for it. The
+Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach has not the doctrine of immortality. Death
+is there an eternal sleep, and retribution takes place in this life. The
+Jewish theocracy is the centre of history; Israel the elect people; and
+all wisdom is embodied in the law. The writer is shut up within the old
+national ideas, and leans upon the writings in which they are expressed.
+Thus the Hagiographical canon of Judea, conservative as it is, and purer
+in a sense, presents a narrower type than the best specimens of the
+Alexandrian one. The genial breath of Aryan culture had not expanded its
+Semitism.
+
+The identity of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons must be abandoned,
+notwithstanding the contrary arguments of Eichhorn and Movers. It is said,
+indeed, that Philo neither mentions nor quotes the Greek additions; but
+neither does he quote several canonical books. According to Eichhorn, no
+fewer than eight of the latter are unnoticed by him.(81) Besides, he had
+peculiar views of inspiration, and quoted loosely from memory. Believing
+as he did in the inspiration of the Greek version as a whole, it is
+difficult to think that he made a distinction between the different parts
+of it. In one passage he refers to the sacred books of the Therapeutae, a
+fanatical sect of Jews in Egypt, as "_laws_, oracles _of prophets, hymns_
+and _other books_ by which knowledge and piety are increased and
+perfected,"(82) but this presents little information as to the canon of
+the Egyptian Jews generally; for it is precarious argumentation to say
+with Herbst that they prove a twofold canon. Even if the Alexandrian and
+Palestinian canons be identical, we cannot be sure that _the other books_
+which the Therapeutae read as holy besides the law, _the prophets and
+hymns_, differed from the hagiographa, and so constituted another canon
+than the general Egyptian one. It is quite possible that the _hymns_ mean
+the Psalms; and _the other books_, the rest of the hagiographa. The
+argument for the identity of the two canons deduced from 4 Esdras xiv. 44,
+&c., as if the twenty-four open books were distinguished from the other
+writings dictated to Ezra, is of no force, because verisimilitude required
+that an Egyptian Jew himself must make Ezra conform to the old Palestinian
+canon. It is also alleged that the grandson of Jesus Sirach, who
+translated his grandfather's work during his abode in Egypt, knew no
+difference between the Hebrew and Greek canon, though he speaks of the
+Greek version; but he speaks as a Palestinian, without having occasion to
+allude to the difference between the canonical books of the Palestinian
+and Egyptian Jews. The latter may have reckoned the apocryphal writings in
+the third division; and therefore the translator of Jesus Sirach could
+recognize them in the ordinary classification. The mention of _three_
+classes is not opposed to their presence in the third. The general use of
+an enlarged canon in Egypt cannot be denied, though it was somewhat loose,
+not regarded as a completed collection, and without express rabbinical
+sanction. If they did not _formally_ recognize a canon of their own, as De
+Wette says of them, they had and used one larger than the Palestinian,
+without troubling themselves about a _formal_ sanction for it by a body of
+Rabbis at Jerusalem or elsewhere. Their canon was not identical with that
+of the Palestinians, and all the argumentation founded upon Philo's
+non-quotation of the apocryphal books, fails to prove the contrary. The
+very way in which apocryphal are inserted among canonical books in the
+Alexandrian canon, shows the equal rank assigned to both. Esdras first and
+second succeed the Chronicles; Tobit and Judith are between Nehemiah and
+Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon and Sirach follow Canticles; Baruch succeeds
+Jeremiah; Daniel is followed by Susanna and other productions of the same
+class; and the whole closes with the three books of Maccabees. Such is the
+order in the Vatican MS.
+
+The threefold division of the canon, indicating three stages in its
+formation, has continued. Josephus, indeed, gives another, based on the
+nature of the separate books, not on MSS. We learn nothing from him of its
+history, which is somewhat remarkable, considering that he did not live
+two centuries after the last work had been added. The account of the
+canon's final arrangement was evidently unknown to him.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV. NUMBER AND ORDER OF THE SEPARATE BOOKS.
+
+
+The number of the books was variously estimated. Josephus gives
+twenty-two, which was the usual number among Christian writers in the
+second, third, and fourth centuries, having been derived perhaps from the
+letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Origen, Jerome, and others have it. It
+continued longest among the teachers of the Greek Church, and is even in
+Nicephorus's stichometry.(83) The enumeration in question has Ruth with
+Judges, and Lamentations with Jeremiah. In Epiphanius(84) the number
+twenty-seven is found, made by taking the alphabet enlarged with the five
+final letters, and dividing Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles into two books
+each. This is probably an ingenious combination belonging to the father
+himself. The Talmud has twenty-four,(85) a number which did not originate
+in the Greek alphabet, else the Palestinian Jews would not have adopted
+it. The synagogue did not fix it officially. After the Pentateuch and the
+former prophets, which are in the usual order, it gives Jeremiah as the
+first of the later, succeeded by Ezekiel and Isaiah with the twelve minor
+prophets. The Talmud knows no other reason for such an order than that it
+was made according to the contents of the prophetic books, not according
+to the times of the writers. This solution is unsatisfactory. It is more
+probable that chronology had to do with the arrangement.(86) After the
+anonymous collection or second part of Isaiah had been joined to the first
+or authentic prophecies, the lateness of these oracles brought Isaiah into
+the third place among the greater prophets. The Talmudic order of the
+Hagiographa is Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
+Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra, Chronicles. Here Ruth precedes the
+Psalter, coming as near the former prophets as possible; for it properly
+belongs to them, the contents associating it with the Judges' time. The
+Talmudic order is that usually adopted in German MSS. What is the true
+estimate of it? Is it a proper Talmudic regulation? Perhaps not, else the
+Hebrew MSS. of the French and Spanish Jews would not so readily have
+departed from it. Bloch supposes that Baba Bathra, which gives the
+arrangement of the books, is one of the apocryphal Boraithas that
+proceeded from an individual teacher and had no binding authority.(87)
+
+The Masoretic arrangement differs from the Talmudic in putting Isaiah
+before Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The Hagiographa are, Psalms, Proverbs, Job,
+Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (with
+Nehemiah), Chronicles.(88) This is usually adopted in Spanish MSS. But
+MSS. often differ arbitrarily, because transcribers did not consider
+themselves bound to any one arrangement.(89) According to some, a very old
+testimony to the commencing and concluding books of the third division is
+given by the New Testament (Luke xxiv. 44; Matthew xxiii. 35), agreeably
+to which the Psalms were first and the Chronicles last; but this is
+inconclusive.
+
+The Alexandrian translators, as we have seen already, placed the books
+differently from the Palestinian Jews. In their version Daniel comes after
+Ezekiel, so that it is put beside the greater prophets. Was this done by
+Jews or Christians? Perhaps by the latter, who put it between the greater
+and lesser prophets, or in other words, out of the third into the second
+division, because of dogmatic grounds, and so effaced a trace of the
+correct chronology. Little importance, however, can be attached to the
+order of the books in the Septuagint; because the work was done at
+different times by different persons. But whatever may have been the
+arrangement of the parts when the whole was complete, we know that it was
+disturbed by Protestants separating the apocryphal writings and putting
+them all together.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V. USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT BY THE FIRST CHRISTIAN WRITERS, AND BY
+THE FATHERS TILL THE TIME OF ORIGEN.
+
+
+The writings of the New Testament show the authors' acquaintance with the
+apocryphal books. They have expressions and ideas derived from them. Stier
+collected one hundred and two passages which bear some resemblance to
+others in the Apocrypha;(90) but they needed sifting, and were cut down to
+a much smaller number by Bleek. They are James i. 19, from Sirach v. 11
+and iv. 29; 1 Peter i. 6, 7, from Wisdom iii. 3-7; Hebrews xi. 34, 35,
+from 2 Maccabees vi. 18-vii. 42; Hebrews i. 3, from Wisdom vii. 26, &c.;
+Romans i. 20-32, from Wisdom xiii.-xv.; Romans ix. 21, from Wisdom xv. 7;
+Eph. vi. 13-17, from Wisdom v. 18-20; 1 Cor. ii. 10, &c., from Judith
+viii. 14. Others are less probable.(91) When Bishop Cosin says, that "in
+all the New Testament we find not any one passage of the apocryphal books
+to have been alleged either by Christ or His apostles for the confirmation
+of their doctrine,"(92) the argument, though based on fact, is scarcely
+conclusive; else Esther, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, and other works might be
+equally discredited. Yet it is probable that the New Testament writers,
+though quoting the Septuagint much more than the original, were
+disinclined to the additional parts of the Alexandrian canon. They were
+Palestinian themselves, or had in view Judaisers of a narrow creed.
+Prudential motives, no less than a predisposition in favor of the old
+national canon, may have hindered them from expressly citing any
+apocryphal production. The apostle Paul and probably the other writers of
+the New Testament, believed in the literal inspiration of the Biblical
+books, for he uses an argument in the Galatian epistle which turns upon
+the singular or plural of a noun.(93) And as the inspiration of the
+Septuagint translation was commonly held by the Christians of the early
+centuries, it may be that the apostles and evangelists made no distinction
+between its parts. Jude quotes Enoch, an apocryphal work not in the
+Alexandrian canon; so that he at least had no rigid notions about the
+difference of canonical and uncanonical writings. Still we know that the
+compass of the Old Testament canon was somewhat unsettled to the
+Christians of the first century, as it was to the Hellenist Jews
+themselves. It is true that the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms were
+universally recognized as authoritative; but the extent of the third
+division was indefinite, so that the non-citation of the three books
+respecting which there was a difference of opinion among the Jews may not
+have been accidental. Inasmuch, however, as the Greek-speaking Jews
+received more books than their Palestinian brethren, the apostles and
+their immediate successors were not wholly disinclined to the use of the
+apocryphal productions. The undefined boundary of the canon facilitated
+also the recognition of all primitive records of the new Revelation.
+
+The early fathers, who wrote in Greek, used the Greek Bible, as almost all
+of them were ignorant of Hebrew. Thus restricted; they naturally
+considered its parts alike, citing apocryphal and canonical in the same
+way. Accordingly, Iren�us(94) quotes Baruch under the name of "Jeremiah
+the prophet;"(95) and the additions to Daniel as "Daniel the prophet."(96)
+Clement of Alexandria(97) uses the apocryphal books like the canonical
+ones, for explanation and proof indiscriminately. He is fond of referring
+to Baruch, which he cites upwards of twenty-four times in the second book
+of his _P�dagogus_, and in a manner to show that he esteemed it as highly
+as many other parts of the Old Testament. A passage from Baruch is
+introduced by the phrase,(98) "the divine Scripture says;" and another
+from Tobit by(99) "Scripture has briefly signified this, saying." Assuming
+that Wisdom was written by Solomon, he uses it as canonical and inspired,
+designating it _divine_.(100) Judith he cites with other books of the Old
+Testament(101); and the Song of the three children in the furnace is used
+as Scripture.(102) Ecclesiasticus also is so treated.(103) Dionysius of
+Alexandria(104) cites Ecclesiasticus (xvi. 26), introducing the passage
+with "hear divine oracles."(105) The same book is elsewhere cited,
+chapters xliii. 29, 30(106) and i. 8. 9.(107) So is Wisdom, vii. 15(108)
+and 25.(109) Baruch (iii. 12-15) is also quoted.(110) The fathers who
+wrote in Latin used some of the old Latin versions of which Augustine
+speaks; one of them, and that the oldest probably dating soon after the
+middle of the second century, being known to us as the _Itala_. As this
+was made from the Septuagint, it had the usual apocryphal books. Jerome's
+critical revision or new version did not supplant the old Latin till some
+time after his death. Tertullian(111) quotes the Wisdom of Solomon
+expressly as Solomon's;(112) and introduces Sirach by "as it is
+written."(113) He cites Baruch as Jeremiah.(114) He also believes in the
+authenticity of the book of Enoch, and defends it as _Scripture_ at some
+length.(115) Cyprian often cites the Greek additions to the Palestinian
+canon. He introduces Tobit with the words "as it is written,"(116) or
+"divine Scripture teaches, saying;"(117) and Wisdom with, "the Holy Spirit
+shows by Solomon."(118) Ecclesiasticus is introduced with, "it is
+written;"(119) and Baruch with, "the Holy Spirit teaches by
+Jeremiah."(120) 1 and 2 Maccabees are used as Scripture;(121) as are the
+additions to Daniel.(122) The African fathers follow the Alexandrian canon
+without scruple. Hippolytus of Rome (about A.D. 220), who wrote in Greek,
+quotes Baruch as Scripture;(123) and interprets the additions to Daniel,
+such as Susanna, as Scripture likewise.(124)
+
+Melito of Sardis(125) made it his special business to inquire among the
+Palestinian Jews about the number and names of their canonical books; and
+the result was the following list:--the five books of Moses, Joshua,
+Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings, two of Chronicles, the Psalms of David,
+the Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, Job, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah, the twelve in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra.(126) Here Ezra
+includes Nehemiah; and Esther is absent, because the Jews whom he
+consulted did not consider it canonical.
+
+Origen's(127) list does not differ much from the Palestinian one. After
+the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings first and second, Samuel,
+Chronicles, come Ezra first and second, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Isaiah, Jeremiah with Lamentations and the epistle, Daniel,
+Ezekiel, Job, Esther. Besides these there are the Maccabees, which are
+inscribed _Sarbeth Sarbane el_.(128) The twelve prophets are omitted in
+the Greek; but the mistake is rectified in Rufinus's Latin version, where
+they follow Canticles, as in Hilary and Cyril of Jerusalem. It is
+remarkable that Baruch is given, and why? Because Origen took it from the
+MSS. of the Septuagint he had before him, in which the epistle is
+attributed to Jeremiah. But the catalogue had no influence upon his
+practice. He followed the prevailing view of the extended canon. Sirach is
+introduced by "for this also _is written_";(129) the book of Wisdom is
+cited as a _divine word_;(130) the writer is called a _prophet_;(131)
+_Christ_ is represented as speaking in it _through Solomon_;(132) and
+Wisdom vii. 17 is adduced as _the word of Christ himself_.(133) Tobit is
+cited as _Scripture_.(134) His view of the additions to the books of
+Daniel and Esther, as well as his opinion about Tobit, are sufficiently
+expressed in the epistle to Africanus, so that scattered quotations from
+these parts of Scripture can be properly estimated. Of the history of
+Susanna he ventures to say that the Jews withdrew it on purpose from the
+people.(135) He seems to argue in favor of books used and read in the
+churches, though they may be put out of the canon by the Jews. As divine
+Providence had preserved the sacred Scriptures, no alteration should be
+made in the ecclesiastical tradition respecting books sanctioned by the
+churches though they be external to the Hebrew canon.
+
+Most of the writings of Methodius, Bishop of Tyre(136) are lost, so that
+we know little of his opinions respecting the books of Scripture. But it
+is certain that he employed the Apocrypha like the other writings of the
+Old Testament. Thus Sirach (xviii. 30 and xix. 2) is quoted in the same
+way as the Proverbs.(137) Wisdom (iv. 1-3) is cited,(138) and Baruch (iii.
+14).(139)
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI. THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES.
+
+
+The first Christians relied on the Old Testament as their chief religious
+book. To them it was of divine origin and authority. The New Testament
+writings came into gradual use, by the side of the older Jewish documents,
+according to the times in which they appeared and the names of their
+reputed authors. The Epistles of Paul were the earliest written; after
+which came the Apocalypse, the Epistle to the Hebrews, and other
+documents, all in the first century. After the first gospel had undergone
+a process of translation, re-writing, and interpolation, from the Aramaic
+basis, _the discourses_,(140) of which Papias of Hierapolis speaks, until
+the traces of another original than the Greek were all but effaced; it
+appeared in its present form early in the second century. Soon after, that
+of Luke was composed, whose prevailing Pauline tendency was not allowed to
+suppress various features of a Jewish Essene type. The second gospel,
+which bears evidences of its derivation from the other synoptists, was
+followed by the fourth. The last document was the so-called second Epistle
+of Peter. It is manifest that tradition assumed various forms after the
+death of Jesus; that legend and myth speedily surrounded His sacred
+person; that the unknown writers were influenced by the peculiar
+circumstances in which they stood with respect to Jewish and Gentile
+Christianity; and that their uncritical age dealt considerably in the
+marvelous. That the life of the great Founder should be overlaid with
+extraneous materials, is special matter for regret. However conscientious
+and truth-loving they may have been, the reporters were unequal to their
+work. It is also remarkable that so many of them should be unknown;
+productions being attached to names of repute to give them greater
+currency.
+
+When Marcion came from Pontus to Rome (144 A.D.,) he brought with him a
+Scripture-collection consisting of ten Pauline epistles. With true
+critical instinct he did not include those addressed to Timothy and Titus,
+as also the epistle to the Hebrews. The gospel of Marcion was Luke's in an
+altered state. From this and other facts we conclude that external parties
+were the first who carried out the idea of collecting Christian writings,
+and of putting them either beside or over against the sacred books of the
+Old Testament, in support of their systems. As to Basilides (125 A.D.),
+his supposed quotations from the New Testament in Hippolytus are too
+precarious to be trusted.(141) Testimonies to the "acknowledged" books of
+the New Testament as Scripture have been transferred from his followers to
+himself; so that his early witness to the canon breaks down. It is
+inferred from statements in Origen and Jerome that he had a gospel of his
+own somewhat like St. Luke's, but extra-canonical. His son Isidore and
+succeeding disciples used Matthew's gospel. Jerome says that Marcion and
+Basilides denied the Pauline authorship of the epistle to the Hebrews and
+the pastoral ones.(142) It is also doubtful whether Valentinus's (140-166
+A.D.) alleged citations from the New Testament can be relied upon. The
+passages of this kind ascribed to him by the fathers belong in a great
+measure to his disciples. The fragment of a letter preserved by Clement of
+Alexandria in the second book of the Stromata, has been thought to contain
+references to the gospels of Matthew and Luke; but the fact is doubtful.
+Nor has Henrici proved that Valentinus used John's gospel.(143) But his
+followers, including Ptolemy (180 A.D.) and Heracleon (185-200 A.D.),
+quote the Gospels and other portions of the New Testament.(144) From
+Hippolytus's account of the Ophites, Perat�, and Sethians, we infer that
+the Christian writings were much employed by them. They rarely cite an
+apocryphal work. More than one hundred and sixty citations from the New
+Testament have been gathered out of their writings.(145) We may admit that
+these Ophites and Perat� were of early origin, the former being the oldest
+known of the Gnostic parties; but there is no proof that the acquaintance
+with the New Testament which Hippolytus attributes to them belongs to the
+first rather than the second half of the second century. The early
+existence of the sect does not show an early citation of the Christian
+books by it, especially of John's gospel; unless its primary were its last
+stage. Later and earlier Ophites are not distinguished in the
+_Philosophumena_. Hence there is a presumption that the author had the
+former in view, which is favored by no mention of them occurring in the
+"Adversus omnes H�reses" usually appended to Tertullian's _Pr�scriptiones
+H�reticorum_, and by Iren�us's derivation of their heresy from that of
+Valentinus. The latter father does not even speak of the Perat�. Clement
+of Alexandria is the first who alludes to them. The early heretics were
+desirous of confirming their peculiar opinions by the writings current
+among Catholic Christians, so that the formation of a canon by them began
+soon after the commencement of the second century, and continued till the
+end of it; contemporaneously with the development of a Catholic Church and
+its necessary adjunct a Catholic canon.
+
+No New Testament canon, except a partial and unauthoritative one, existed
+till the latter half of the second century, that is, till the idea of a
+Catholic church began to be entertained. The living power of Christianity
+in its early stages had no need of books for its nurture. But in the
+development of a church organization the internal rule of consciousness
+was changed into an external one of faith. The Ebionites or Jewish
+Christians had their favorite Gospels and Acts. The gospel of Matthew was
+highly prized by them, existing as it did in various recensions, of which
+the gospel according to the Hebrews was one. Other documents, such as the
+Revelation of John; and the preaching of Peter, a Jewish-Christian history
+subsequently re-written and employed in the Clementine Recognitions and
+Homilies, were also in esteem. Even so late as 175-180 A.D., Hegesippus, a
+Jewish Christian, does not seem to have had a canon consisting of the four
+gospels and Paul's Epistles, but appeals to "the law and the prophets and
+_the Lord_," so that his leading principle was, the identity of Jesus's
+words with the Old Testament; agreeably to the tenets of the party he
+belonged to. The source whence he drew the words of Jesus was probably the
+Gospel according to the Hebrews, a document which we know he used, on the
+authority of Eusebius. He does not refer to Paul except by implication in
+a passage given in Photius from Stephen Gobar,(146) where he says that
+such as used the words "Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard," &c., falsified
+the Divine Scriptures and the Lord's words, "Blessed are your eyes for
+they see," &c. As Paul quoted the condemned language, he is blamed.(147)
+Though he knew Paul's epistles, he does not look upon them as
+_authoritative_. He betrays no acquaintance with the fourth gospel; for
+the question, "What is the door to Jesus?" does not presuppose the
+knowledge of John x. 2, 7, 9. N�sgen has failed to prove Hegesippus's
+Jewish descent; and Holtzmann's mediating view of him is incorrect.(148)
+
+The Clementine Homilies (161-180 A.D.) used the four canonical gospels
+even the fourth (which is somewhat singular in a writer who denies the
+deity of Christ), and assigned it to the apostle John. The gospel
+according to the Egyptians was also employed. Paul's epistles were
+rejected of course, as well as the Acts; since the apostle of the Gentiles
+was pointed at in Simon Magus, whom Peter refutes. It is, therefore,
+obvious that a collection of the New Testament writings could make little
+progress among the Ebionites of the second century. Their reverence for
+the law and the prophets hindered another canon. Among the Gentile
+Christians the formation of a canon took place more rapidly, though Judaic
+influences retarded it even there. After Paul's epistles were interchanged
+between churches, a few of them would soon be put together. A collection
+of this kind is implied in 2 Peter iii. 16. The pastoral epistles, which
+show their dependence on the authentic Pauline ones, with those of Peter,
+presuppose a similar collection; which along with the Synoptists, existed
+before the fourth gospel. The Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews
+were obnoxious to the Pauline churches, as Paul's letters were to the
+Jewish-Christian ones. Hence the former were outside the Pauline
+collections.
+
+The apostolic fathers quote from the Old Testament, which was sacred and
+inspired to them. They have scarcely any express citations from the New
+Testament. _Allusions_ occur, especially to the epistles.
+
+The first Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (about 120 A.D.), implies
+acquaintance with several of the epistles, with those to the Corinthians,
+Romans, Hebrews, and perhaps others. Two passages have also been adduced
+as derived from the gospels of Matthew and Luke, viz., in chapters xiii. 2
+and xlvi. 8; but probably some other source supplied them, such as oral
+tradition. It has also been argued that the quotation in the fifteenth
+chapter, "The Scripture says somewhere, This people honoreth me with their
+lips, but their heart is far from me," comes from Mark vii. 6 in which it
+varies from the Hebrew of Isaiah xxix. 13, as well as the Septuagint
+version. Clement therefore, so it is said, quotes the Old Testament
+through the medium of the gospels (Matthew xv. 8, Mark vii. 6). But the
+argument is inconclusive because the words agree closely enough with the
+Septuagint to render the supposition very probable that they are a
+memorized citation from it. As they stand, they coincide exactly neither
+with Mark nor the Septuagint.(149) Thus we dissent from the opinion of
+Gebhardt and Harnack. Wherever "Scripture" is cited, or the expression "it
+is written" occurs, the Old Testament is meant.
+
+Hermas (about 140 A.D.) seems to have used the epistle to the Ephesians
+and perhaps that to the Hebrews, as well as the epistle of James; but
+there is great uncertainty about the matter, for there is no _express_ or
+certain quotation from any part of the New Testament. The writer often
+alludes to words of Jesus, found in Matthew's gospel, so that he may have
+been acquainted with it. Keim(150) and others have discovered references
+to the fourth gospel; but they are invalid. There is no allusion to the
+Acts in vis. iv. 2, 4. The only _Scripture_ cited is the apocryphal book
+_Eldat and Modat_, now lost.(151) The writer seems to have known several
+Jewish Apocalypses.(152)
+
+Barnabas (about 119 A.D.) has but one quotation from the New Testament,
+if, indeed, it be such. Apparently, Matthew xx. 16 or xxii. 14 is
+introduced by "as it is written," showing that the gospel was considered
+_Scripture_.(153) This is the earliest trace of canonical authority being
+transferred from the Old Testament to Christian writings. But the citation
+is not certain. The original may be 4 Esdras, viii. 3; and even if the
+writer took the words from Matthew's gospel, it is possible that he used
+"it is written" with reference to their prototype in the Old Testament. Of
+such interchanges, examples occur in writers of the second century; and it
+is the more probable that this is one, from the fact that 4 Esdras is
+elsewhere considered a prophet and referred to in the same way as
+Ezekiel.(154) Barnabas's citation of a gospel as canonical is wholly
+improbable, since even Justin, thirty years after, never quotes the New
+Testament writings as _Scripture_. The thing would be anomalous and
+opposed to the history of the first half of the second century. When these
+post-apostolic productions appeared, the New Testament writings did not
+stand on the same level with the Old, and were not yet esteemed _sacred_
+and _inspired_ like the Jewish Scriptures. The Holy Spirit was thought to
+dwell in all Christians, without being confined to a few writers; and his
+influence was the common heritage of believers. There are evidences of
+Barnabas's acquaintance with the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians;
+nor is it improbable that he knew the canonical gospel of Matthew, though
+one passage _appears_ to contradict Matthew xxviii. 10, &c., without
+necessarily implying ignorance of what lies in it, viz., that the
+ascension of Jesus took place on the day of his resurrection.(155)
+Strangely enough, Keim thinks that the writer had John's gospel before
+him; but this opinion is refuted by the end of Barnabas's fifth
+chapter.(156) Holtzmann has ably disposed of the considerations adduced by
+Keim.(157) Barnabas quotes the book of Enoch as _Scripture_;(158) and an
+apocryphal prophecy is introduced with, "another prophet says."(159)
+
+As far as we can judge from Eusebius's account of Papias(160) (about 150
+A.D.), that writer knew nothing of a New Testament canon. He speaks of
+Matthew and Mark; but it is most probable that he had documents which
+either formed the basis of our present Matthew and Mark, or were taken
+into them and written over.(161) According to Andreas of C�sarea he was
+acquainted with the Apocalypse of John; while Eusebius testifies to his
+knowledge of 1 Peter and 1 John. But he had no conception of canonical
+authority attaching to any part of the New Testament. His language implies
+the opposite, in that he prefers unwritten tradition to the gospel he
+speaks of. He neither felt the want nor knew the existence of _inspired_
+gospels.
+
+We need not notice the three short Syriac epistles attributed to Ignatius,
+as we do not believe them to be his, but of later origin. Traces of later
+ideas about the canonicity of the New Testament appear in the shorter
+Greek recension of the Ignatian epistles (about 175 A.D.) There _the
+Gospel_ and _the Apostles_ are recognized as the constituents of the
+book.(162) The writer also used the Gospel according to the Hebrews, for
+there is a quotation from it in the epistle to the Smyrnians.(163) The
+second part of the collection seems to have wanted the epistle to the
+Ephesians.(164) The two leading parties, long antagonistic, had now become
+united; the apostles Peter and Paul being mentioned together.(165) In the
+Testaments of the twelve patriarchs (about 170 A.D.), Paul's life is said
+to be described in "holy books," _i.e._, his own epistles and the
+Acts.(166)
+
+Justin Martyr (150 A.D.) knew the first and third of the synoptic gospels.
+His use of Mark's does not appear. His knowledge of the fourth is denied
+by many, and zealously defended by others. Thoma finds proofs that Justin
+knew it well, and used it freely as a text-book of gnosis, without
+recognizing it as the historical work of an apostle; an hypothesis
+encumbered with difficulties.(167) Whatever be said about Justin's
+acquaintance with this gospel; its existence before 140 A.D. is incapable
+either of decisive or probable proof; and this father's Logos-doctrine is
+less developed than the Johannine, because it is encumbered with the
+notion of miraculous birth by a virgin. The Johannine authorship has
+receded before the tide of modern criticism; and though this tide is
+arbitrary at times, it is here irresistible. Apologists should abstain
+from strong assertions on a point so difficult, as that each "gospel is
+distinctly recognized by him;" for the noted passage in the dialogue with
+Trypho does not support them.(168) It is pretty certain that he employed
+an extra-canonical gospel, the so-called gospel of the Hebrews. This
+Petrine document may be referred to in a passage which is unfortunately
+capable of a double interpretation.(169) He had also the older Acts of
+Pilate. Paul's epistles are never mentioned, though he doubtless knew
+them. Having little sympathy with Paulinism he attached his belief much
+more to the primitive apostles. The Apocalypse, 1 Peter, and 1 John he
+esteemed highly; the epistle to the Hebrews and the Acts he treated in the
+same way as the Pauline writings. Justin's canon, as far as divine
+authority and inspiration are concerned, was the Old Testament. He was
+merely on the threshold of a divine canon made up of primitive Christian
+writings, and attributed no exclusive sanctity to those he used because
+they were not to him the only source of doctrine. Even of the Apocalypse
+he says, "A man among us named John, &c., wrote it."(170) In his time none
+of the gospels had been canonized, not even the synoptists, if, indeed, he
+knew them all. Oral tradition was the chief fountain of Christian
+knowledge, as it had been for a century. In his opinion this tradition was
+embodied in writing; but the documents in which he looked for all that
+related to Christ were not the gospels alone. He used others freely, not
+looking upon any as _inspired_, for that idea could arise only when a
+selection was made among the current documents. He regarded them all as
+having been written down from memory, and judged them by criteria of
+evidence conformable to the Old Testament Scriptures. Though lessons out
+of Gospels (some of our present ones and others), as also out of the
+prophets, were read in assemblies on the first day of the week,(171) the
+act of converting the Christian writings into _Scripture_ was posterior;
+for the mere reading of a gospel in churches on Sunday does not prove that
+it was considered divinely authoritative; and the use of the epistles,
+which formed the second and less valued part of the collection, must still
+have been limited.
+
+Justin's disciple, Tatian (160-180 A.D.), wrote a _Diatessaron_ or harmony
+of the gospels, which began, according to Ephrem Syrus, with John i. 1;
+but our knowledge of it is uncertain. The author omitted the genealogies
+of Jesus and everything belonging to His Davidic descent. He seems also to
+have put into it particulars derived from extra-canonical sources such as
+the Gospel according to the Hebrews. Doubtless he was acquainted with
+Paul's writings, as statements made in them are quoted; but he dealt
+freely with them according to Eusebius, and even rejected several
+epistles, probably first and second Timothy.(172)
+
+In Polycarp's epistle (about 160 A.D.), which is liable to strong
+suspicions of having been written after the death of the bishop,(173)
+there are reminiscences of the synoptic gospels; and most of Paul's
+epistles as well as I Peter were used by the writer. But the idea of
+canonical authority, or a peculiar inspiration belonging to these
+writings, is absent.
+
+The author of the second Clementine epistle (about 150-160) had not a New
+Testament canon made up of the four gospels and epistles. His _Scripture_
+was the Old Testament, to which is applied the epithet "the Books" or "the
+Bible;" and the words of Christ. "The Apostles" immediately subjoined to
+"the Books," does not mean the New Testament, or a special collection of
+the apostolic epistles, as has been supposed.(174) The preacher employed a
+gospel or gospels as _Scripture_; perhaps those of Matthew and Luke, not
+the whole documents, but the parts containing the words of Christ.(175) He
+also used the Gospel of the Egyptians as an authoritative document, and
+quoted his sources freely. With the Johannine writings he seems to have
+been unacquainted.(176)
+
+Athenagoras of Athens wrote an apology addressed to Marcus Aurelius (176
+A.D.). In it he uses written and unwritten tradition, testing all by the
+Old Testament which was his only authoritative canon. He makes no
+reference to the Christian documents, but adduces words of Jesus with the
+verb "he says." It is not clear whether he quoted from the Synoptics;
+perhaps the passages which are parallel to Matthew v. 44, 45, 46,(177) and
+Mark x. 6,(178) were taken from these; but the matter is somewhat
+uncertain. His treatise on the resurrection appeals to a passage in one of
+Paul's epistles.(179)
+
+Dionysius of Corinth ( 170 A.D.) complains of the falsification of his
+writings, but consoles himself with the fact that the same is done to the
+"Scriptures of the Lord," _i.e._, the gospels containing the Lord's words;
+or rather the two parts of the early collection, "the gospel" and "the
+apostle" together; which agrees best with the age and tenor of his
+letters.(180) If such be the meaning, the collection is put on a par with
+the Old Testament, and regarded as inspired.
+
+In the second epistle of Peter (about A.D. 170) Paul's epistles are
+regarded as Scripture (iii. 16.) This seems to be the earliest example of
+the canonizing of any New Testament portion. Here a brotherly recognition
+of the Gentile apostle and his productions takes the place of former
+opposition. A false interpretation of his epistles is even supposed to
+have induced a departure from primitive apostolic Christianity.
+
+The letter of the churches at Vienne and Lyons (177 A.D.) has quotations
+from the epistles to the Romans, Philippians, 1 Timothy, 1 Peter, Acts,
+the gospels of Luke and John, the Apocalypse. The last is expressly called
+_Scripture_.(181) This shows a fusion of the two original tendencies, the
+Petrine and Pauline; and the formation of a Catholic church with a common
+canon of authority. Accordingly, the two apostles, Peter and Paul, are
+mentioned together.
+
+Theophilus of Antioch (180 A.D.) was familiar with the gospels and most of
+Paul's epistles, as also the Apocalypse. Passages are cited from Paul as
+"the divine word."(182) He ascribes the fourth gospel to John, calling him
+an inspired man, like the Old Testament prophets.(183) We also learn from
+Jerome that he commented on the gospels put together by way of
+harmony.(184)
+
+The author of the epistle to Diognetus (about 200 A.D.) shows his
+acquaintance with the gospels and Paul's epistles; but he never cites the
+New Testament by way of proof. Words are introduced into his discourse, in
+passing and from memory.(185)
+
+The conception of a Catholic _canon_ was realized about the same time as
+that of a Catholic _church_. One hundred and seventy years from the coming
+of Christ elapsed before the collection assumed a form that carried with
+it the idea of _holy_ and _inspired_.(186) The way in which it was done
+was by raising the apostolic writings higher and higher till they were of
+equal authority with the Old Testament, so that the church might have a
+rule of appeal. But by lifting the Christian productions up to the level
+of the old Jewish ones, injury was done to that living consciousness which
+feels the opposition between spirit and letter; the latter writings
+tacitly assuming or keeping the character of a perfect rule even as to
+form. The Old Testament was not brought down to the New; the New was
+raised to the Old. It is clear that the earliest church fathers did not
+use the books of the New Testament as sacred documents clothed with divine
+authority, but followed for the most part, at least till the middle of the
+second century, apostolic tradition orally transmitted. They were not
+solicitous about a canon circumscribed within certain limits.
+
+In the second half, then, of the second century there was a canon of the
+New Testament consisting of two parts called _the gospel_(187) and _the
+apostle_.(188) The first was complete, containing the four gospels alone;
+the second, which was incomplete, contained the Acts of the Apostles and
+epistles, _i.e._, thirteen letters of Paul, one of Peter, one of John, and
+the Revelation. How and where this canon originated is uncertain. Its
+birthplace may have been Asia Minor, like Marcion's; but it may have grown
+about the same time in Asia Minor, Alexandria, and Western Africa. At all
+events, Iren�us, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian agree in
+recognizing its existence.
+
+Iren�us had a canon which he adopted as apostolic. In his view it was of
+binding force and authoritative. This contained the four gospels, the
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, the first epistle of John, and the
+Revelation. He had also a sort of appendix or deutero-canon, which he
+highly esteemed without putting it on a par with the received collection,
+consisting of John's second epistle, the first of Peter, and the Shepherd
+of Hermas. The last he calls _Scripture_.(189) The epistle to the Hebrews,
+that of Jude, James's, second Peter, and third John he ignored.
+
+Clement's collection was more extended than Iren�us'. His appendix or
+deutero-canon included the epistle to the Hebrews, 2 John, Jude, the
+Apocalypse of Peter, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Epistles of Clement and
+Barnabas. He recognized no obligatory canon, distinct and of paramount
+authority. But he separated the New Testament writings by their
+traditionally apostolic character and the degree of importance attached to
+them. He did not attach the modern idea of _canonical_ in opposition to
+_non-canonical_, either to the four gospels or any other part of the New
+Testament. Barnabas is cited as an apostle.(190) So is the Roman
+Clement.(191) The Shepherd of Hermas is spoken of as _divine_.(192) Thus
+the line of the Homologoumena is not marked off even to the same extent as
+in Iren�us.
+
+Tertullian's canon consisted of the gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of
+Paul, the Apocalypse, and 1 John. As an appendix he had the epistle to the
+Hebrews, that of Jude, the Shepherd of Hermas, 2 John probably, and 1
+Peter. This deutero-canon was not regarded as authoritative. No trace
+occurs in his works of James' epistle, 2 Peter, and 3 John. He used the
+Shepherd, calling it _Scripture_,(193) without implying, however, that he
+put it on a par with the usually acknowledged canonical writings; but
+after he became a Montanist, he repudiated it as the apocryphal Shepherd
+of adulterers, "put among the apocryphal and false, by every council of
+the churches."(194) It was _not_, however, reckoned among the spurious and
+false writings, either at Rome or Carthage, in the time of Tertullian. It
+was merely placed outside the universally received works by the western
+churches of that day.
+
+These three fathers did not fix the canon absolutely. Its limits were
+still unsettled. But they sanctioned most of the books now accepted as
+divine, putting some extra-canonical productions almost on the same level
+with the rest, if not in theory, at least in practice.
+
+The canon of Muratori is a fragmentary list which was made towards the end
+of the second century (170 A.D.). Its birthplace is uncertain, though
+there are traces of Roman origin. Its translation from the Greek is
+assumed, but that is uncertain. It begins with the four gospels in the
+usual order, and proceeds to the Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, the
+epistles of John, that of Jude, and the Apocalypse. The epistle to the
+Hebrews, 1 and 2 Peter, 1 John and James are not named. The Apocalypse of
+Peter is also mentioned, but as not universally received. Of the Shepherd
+of Hermas, it is stated that it may be read in the Church. The epistle "to
+the Laodiceans" may either be that to the Ephesians, which had such
+superscription in Marcion's canon, or less probably the supposititious
+epistle mentioned in the codex Boernerianus,(195) after that to Philemon,
+and often referred to in the middle ages.(196) That "to the Alexandrians"
+is probably the epistle to the Hebrews; though this has been denied
+without sufficient reason. According to the usual punctuation, both are
+said to have been forged in Paul's name, an opinion which may have been
+entertained among Roman Christians about 170 A.D. The Epistle to the
+Hebrews was rejected in the west, and may have been thought a
+supposititious work in the interests of Paulinism, with some reason
+because of its internal character,(197) which is at least semi-Pauline,
+though its Judaistic basis is apparent. The story about the origin of the
+fourth gospel with its apostolic and episcopal attestation, evinces a
+desire to establish the authenticity of a work which had not obtained
+universal acceptance at the time.(198) It is difficult to make out the
+meaning in various places; and there is considerable diversity of opinion
+among expositors of the document.(199) In accord with these facts we find
+Serapion bishop of the church at Rhossus, in Cilicia,(200) allowing the
+public use of the gospel of Peter;(201) which shows that there was no
+exclusive gospel-canon at the end of the second century, at least in
+Syria. The present canon had not then pervaded the churches in general.
+
+What is the result of an examination of the Christian literature belonging
+to the second century? Is it that a canon was then fixed, separating some
+books from others by a line so clear, that those on one side of it were
+alone reckoned inspired, authoritative, of apostolic origin or sanction;
+while those on the other were considered uninspired, unauthoritative,
+without claim to apostolicity, unauthentic? Was the separation between
+them made on any clear principle or demarcation? It cannot be said so. The
+century witnessed no such fact, but merely the incipient efforts to bring
+it about. The discriminating process was begun, not completed. It was
+partly forced upon the prominent advocates of a policy which sought to
+consolidate the Jewish and Gentile-Christian parties, after the decline of
+their mutual antagonism, into a united church. They were glad to transfer
+the current belief in the infallible inspiration of the Old Testament, to
+selected Christian writings, as an effective means of defence against
+those whom they considered outside a new organization--the Catholic Church.
+
+The stichometrical list of the Old and New Testament Scriptures in the
+Latin of the Clermont MS. (D), was that _read_ in the African Church in
+the third century. It is peculiar. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges,
+Ruth, and the historical books, follow Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Wisdom, Sirach, the twelve minor prophets, the four greater;
+three books of the Maccabees, Judith, Esdras, Esther, Job, and Tobit. In
+the New Testament, the four gospels, Matthew, John, Mark, Luke, are
+succeeded by ten epistles of Paul, two of Peter, the epistle of James,
+three of John, and that of Jude. The epistle to the Hebrews (characterized
+as that of Barnabas), the Revelation of John, Acts of the Apostles, the
+Shepherd of Hermas, the Acts of Paul, the Revelation of Peter, follow. The
+last three constitute a sort of appendix; and the number of their verses
+is given. It is possible that the carelessness of a transcriber may have
+caused some of the singularities observable in this list; such as the
+omission of the epistles to the Philippians and Thessalonians; but the end
+shows a freer idea of books fit for reading than what was usual even at
+that early time in the African Church.(202)
+
+In Syria a version of the New Testament for the use of the church was made
+early in the third century. This work, commonly called the Peshito, wants
+2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and the Apocalypse. It has, however, all the
+other books, including the epistle of James and that to the Hebrews. The
+last two were received as apostolic.
+
+Towards the middle of the third century, Origen's(203) testimony
+respecting the Canon is of great value. He seems to have distinguished
+three classes of books--authentic ones, whose apostolic origin was
+generally admitted, those not authentic, and a middle-class not generally
+recognized or in regard to which his own opinion wavered. The first
+contained those already adopted at the beginning of the century both in
+the East and West, with the Apocalypse, and the epistle to the Hebrews _so
+far as it contains Pauline ideas_;(204) to the second belongs the Shepherd
+of Hermas, though he sometimes hesitated a little about it,(205) the
+epistle of Barnabas, the Acts of Paul, the gospel according to the
+Hebrews, the gospel of the Egyptians, and the preaching of Peter;(206) to
+the third, the epistle of James, that of Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John.(207)
+The separation of the various writings is not formally made, nor does
+Origen give a list of them. His classification is gathered from his works;
+and though its application admitted of considerable latitude, he is
+cautious enough, appealing to the tradition of the church, and throwing in
+qualifying expressions.(208)
+
+The Canon of Eusebius(209) is given at length in his _Ecclesiastical
+History_.(210) He divides the books into three classes, containing those
+writings _generally received_,(211) those _controverted_,(212) and the
+_heretical_.(213) The first has the four gospels, the Acts, thirteen
+epistles of Paul, 1 John, 1 Peter, the Apocalypse.(214) The second class
+is subdivided into two, the first corresponding to Origen's _mixed_(215)
+or _intermediate_ writings, the second to his _spurious_(216) ones. The
+former subdivision contains the epistle of James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3
+John; the latter, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter,
+the epistle of Barnabas, the Doctrines of the Apostles, the Apocalypse of
+John, the gospel according to the Hebrews. The third class has the gospels
+of Peter, of Thomas, the traditions of Matthias, the Acts of Peter,
+Andrew, and John. The subdivisions of the second class are indefinite. The
+only distinction which Eusebius puts between them is that of
+ecclesiastical use. Though he classes as _spurious_ the Acts of Paul, the
+Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter, the epistle of Barnabas, the doctrines
+of the Apostles, the Apocalypse of John, the gospel according to the
+Hebrews, and does not apply the epithet to the epistle of James, the 2 of
+Peter, 2 and 3 John; he uses of James's in one place the verb _to be
+counted spurious_.(217) In like manner he speaks of the Apocalypse of
+Peter and the epistle of Barnabas as _controverted_.(218) The _mixed_ or
+_spurious_ of Origen are vaguely separated by Eusebius; both come under
+the general head of the _controverted_; for after specifying them
+separately he sums up, "all these will belong to the class of the
+_controverted_," the very class already described as containing "books
+well known and recognized by most," implying also that they were read in
+the churches.(219)
+
+It is somewhat remarkable that Eusebius does not mention the Epistle of
+Clement to the Corinthians in this list. But he speaks of it in another
+place as a production whose authenticity was generally acknowledged,(220)
+and of its public use in most churches both formerly and in his own time.
+This wide-spread reading of it did not _necessarily_ imply canonicity; but
+the mode in which Eusebius characterizes it, and its extensive use in
+public, favor the idea that in many churches it was almost put on equality
+with the productions commonly regarded as authoritative. The canonical
+list was not fixed immovably in the time of Eusebius. Opinions about books
+varied, as they had done before.
+
+The testimony of Eusebius regarding the canon, important as it is, has
+less weight because of the historian's credulity. One who believed in the
+authenticity of Abgar's letters to Christ, and in the canon of the four
+gospels at the time of Trajan, cannot take rank as a judicious collector
+or sifter of facts.
+
+About 332 A.D. the Emperor Constantine entrusted Eusebius with the
+commission to make out a complete collection of the sacred Christian
+writings for the use of the Catholic Church. How this order was executed
+we are not told. But Credner is probably correct in saying that the code
+consisted of all that is now in the New Testament except the Revelation.
+The fifty copies which were made must have supplied Constantinople and the
+Greek Church for a considerable time with an authoritative canon.
+
+Eusebius's catalogue agrees in substance with that of Origen's. The
+historian followed ecclesiastical tradition. He inquired diligently into
+the prevailing opinions of the Christian churches and writers, with the
+views held by others before and contemporaneously with himself, but could
+not attain to a decided result. His hesitation stood in the way of a
+clear, firm, view of the question. The tradition respecting certain books
+was still wavering, and he was unable to fix it. Authority fettered his
+independent judgment. That he was inconsistent and confused does not need
+to be shown.
+
+The exact principles that guided the formation of a canon in the earliest
+centuries cannot be discovered. Strictly speaking there were none.
+Definite grounds for the reception or rejection of books were not
+apprehended. The choice was determined by various circumstances, of which
+apostolic origin was the chief, though this itself was insufficiently
+attested; for if it be asked whether all the New Testament writings
+proceeded from the authors whose names they bear, criticism cannot reply
+in the affirmative. The example and influence of churches to which the
+writings had been first addressed must have acted upon the reception of
+books. Above all, individual teachers here and there saw the necessity of
+meeting heretics with their own weapons, in their own way, with _apostolic
+records_ instead of oral tradition. The circumstances in which the
+orthodox were placed led to this step, effecting a bond of union whose
+need must have been felt while each church was isolated under its own
+bishop and the collective body could not take measures in common. Writings
+of more recent origin would be received with greater facility than such as
+had been in circulation for many years, especially if they professed to
+come from a prominent apostle. A code of apostolic writings, divine and
+perfect like the Old Testament, had to be presented as soon as possible
+against Gnostic and Manich�an heretics whose doctrines were injurious to
+objective Christianity; while the multiplication of apocryphal works
+threatened to overwhelm genuine tradition with a heap of superstition. The
+Petrine and Pauline Christians, now amalgamated to a great extent, agreed
+in hastening the canon-process.
+
+The infancy of the canon was cradled in an uncritical age, and rocked with
+traditional ease. Conscientious care was not directed from the first to
+the well-authenticated testimony of eye-witnesses. Of the three fathers
+who contributed most to its early growth, Iren�us was credulous and
+blundering; Tertullian passionate and one-sided; and Clement of
+Alexandria, imbued with the treasures of Greek wisdom, was mainly occupied
+with ecclesiastical ethics. Iren�us argues that the gospels should be four
+in number, neither more nor less, because there are four universal winds
+and four quarters of the world. The Word or Architect of all things gave
+the gospel in a fourfold shape. According to this father, the apostles
+were fully informed concerning all things, and had a perfect knowledge,
+after their Lord's ascension. Matthew wrote his gospel while Peter and
+Paul were preaching in Rome and founding the church.(221) Such assertions
+show both ignorance and exaggeration.
+
+Tertullian affirms that the _tradition of the apostolic churches_
+guarantees the four gospels,(222) and refers his readers to the churches
+of Corinth, Philippi, Ephesus, &c., for the _authentic epistles_ of
+Paul.(223) What is this but the rhetoric of an enthusiast? In like manner
+he states that bishops were appointed by the apostles, and that they
+existed from that time downward, the succession originating so early.(224)
+
+Clement contradicts himself in making Peter authorize Mark's gospel to be
+read in the churches; while in another place he says that the apostle
+neither "forbad nor encouraged it."(225)
+
+The three fathers of whom we are speaking, had neither the ability nor the
+inclination to examine the genesis of documents surrounded with an
+apostolic halo. No analysis of their authenticity and genuineness was
+seriously attempted either by them or by the men of their time. In its
+absence, custom, accident, taste, practical needs directed the tendency of
+tradition. All the rhetoric employed to throw the value of their testimony
+as far back as possible, even up to or at least very near the apostle John
+is of the vaguest sort. Appeals to the continuity of tradition and of
+church doctrine, to the exceptional veneration of these fathers for the
+gospels, to their opinions being formed earlier than the composition of
+the works in which they are expressed, possess no force. The ends which
+the fathers in question had in view, their polemic motives, their
+uncritical, inconsistent assertions, their want of sure data, detract from
+their testimony. Their decisions were much more the result of pious
+feeling biased by the theological speculations of the times, than the
+conclusions of a sound judgment. The very arguments they use to establish
+certain conclusions show weakness of perception. What are the
+manifestations of spiritual feeling, compared with the results of logical
+reasoning? Are they more trustworthy than the latter? Certainly not, at
+least in relation to questions of evidence. It is true that their
+testimony has a value; but it is one proportionate to the degree of
+credibility attaching to witnesses circumstanced as they were, whose
+separation of canonical from uncanonical gospels, or rather their
+canonizing of certain writings apart from others, and their claiming of
+inspiration for the authors of the former, must be judged by the
+reasonableness of the thing itself, in connection with men of their type.
+The second century abounded in pseudonymous literature; and the early
+fathers, as well as the churches, were occupied with other things than the
+sifting of evidence connected with writings considerably prior to their
+own time. The increase of such apocryphal productions, gospels, acts, and
+apocalypses among the heretical parties stimulated the orthodox bishops
+and churches to make an authentic collection; but it increased the
+difficulties of the task.
+
+Textual criticism has been employed to discredit the true dates of the
+present gospels; and the most exaggerated descriptions have been given of
+the frequent transcription of the text and its great corruption in the
+second century. The process of corruption in the course of frequent
+transcription has been transferred even to the first century. It is true
+that the gospels at the end of that century exhibited a text which bears
+marks of transcription, interpolation, and addition; but they were not the
+complete works as we have them now, being then but in progress, except the
+fourth. The assumption that "advanced corruption" existed in the present
+text of the synoptists as early as the first century is gratuitous; unless
+the process by which they were gradually built up is so called. No attempt
+to get a long history behind the canonical gospels at the close of the
+first century out of "advanced corruption" can be successful. It is
+attested by no Christian writer of the century; and those in the first
+half of the second, both heretical and orthodox, did themselves treat the
+text in a manner far short of its implied infallibility. The various
+readings with which they had to do, do not carry up _the canonical
+gospels_ far into the first century. The transcription, enlargement, and
+interpolation of the materials which make up the body of them, must not be
+identified with the corruption of their _completed texts_, in order that
+the latter may be relegated to an early period; for the synoptists did not
+come forth full-blown, each from the hand of a single person. The old
+Latin version or versions used by Tertullian and the interpreter of
+Iren�us, have been pressed into the same service, but in vain.
+
+In like manner the Curetonian Syriac version of the gospels has been put
+as early as possible into the second century, though it can hardly have
+been prior to the very close of it, or rather to the beginning of the
+third. Here the strong assertions of apologetic writers have been freely
+scattered abroad. But the evidence in favor of the authors traditionally
+assigned to the gospels and some of the epistles, is still uncertain. A
+wide gap intervenes between eye-witnesses of the apostles or apostolic men
+that wrote the sacred books, and the earliest fathers who assert such
+authorship. The traditional bridge between them is a precarious one. As
+the chasm cannot be filled by adequate external evidence, we are thrown
+back on the internal character of the works themselves. One thing appears
+from the early corruption of the sacred records spoken of by Iren�us,
+Origen, and others, that they were not regarded with the veneration
+necessarily attaching to infallible documents. Their being freely handled
+excludes the idea of rigid canonization. The men who first canonized them
+had no certain knowledge of their authors. To them, that knowledge had
+been obscured or lost; though a sagacious criticism might have arrived at
+the true state of the question even in their day.
+
+In the sub-apostolic age Ebionitism passed into Catholicism, Jewish into
+Pauline Christianity, the mythical and marvelous into the dogmatic, the
+traditional into the historic, the legendary into the literary. The
+conflict of parties within the sphere of Christianity gave rise to
+productions of various tendencies which reflected the circumstances out of
+which they arose. These were accepted or rejected by the churches
+according to the prevailing opinions of the persons composing the
+churches. Common usage led to the authorization of some; others were
+neglected. The state of the second century in its beliefs, credulity,
+idiosyncracies of prominent teachers, antagonistic opinions and mystic
+speculations, throws a light upon the New Testament writings and
+especially on the formation of the canon, which explains their genesis.
+Two things stand out most clearly, the comparatively late idea of a
+_canonical_ New Testament literature; and the absence of critical
+principles in determining it. The former was not entertained till the
+latter part of the second century. The conception of canonicity and
+inspiration attaching to New Testament books did not exist till the time
+of Iren�us.
+
+When it is asked, to whom do we owe the canon? the usual answer is, to the
+Church. This is true only in a sense. The unity attributed to Christians
+before Iren�us and Tertullian, consisted in their religious consciousness.
+It was subjective. The idea of _the church_ was that of inward
+fellowship--the fellowship of the spirit rather than an outward organism.
+The preservation of the early Christian writings was owing, in the first
+instance, to the congregations to whom they were sent, and the neighboring
+ones with whom such congregations had friendly connection. The care of
+them devolved on the most influential teachers,--on those who occupied
+leading positions in the chief cities, or were most interested in
+apostolic writings as a source of instruction. The Christian books were
+mostly in the hands of the bishops. In process of time the canon was the
+care of assemblies or councils. But it had been made before the first
+general council by a few leading fathers towards the end of the second
+century in different countries. The formation of a Catholic Church and of
+a canon was simultaneous. The circumstances in which the collection
+originated were unfavorable to the authenticity of its materials, for
+tradition had been busy over them and their authors. Instead of
+attributing the formation of the canon to the Church, it would be more
+correct to say that the important stage in it was due to three teachers,
+each working separately and in his own way, who were intent upon the
+creation of a Christian society which did not appear in the apostolic
+age,--a visible organization united in faith,--where the discordant opinions
+of apostolic and sub-apostolic times should be finally merged. The canon
+was not the work of the Christian Church so much as of the men who were
+striving to form that Church, and could not get beyond the mould received
+by primitive Christian literature. The first mention of a _Catholic
+Church_ occurs in _The Martyrdom of Polycarp_, an epistle that cannot be
+dated earlier than 160 A.D., and may perhaps be ten years later. But
+though the idea is there, its established use is due to Iren�us,
+Tertullian, and Cyprian. The expression has a different and narrow sense
+in the seven Ignatian epistles which we believe to be supposititious and
+later than Justin. Neither the three epistles published in Syriac by
+Cureton, nor the seven Greek ones enumerated by Eusebius are authentic;
+though Zahn has tried to prove the latter such, dating them A.D. 144. His
+arguments, however, are far from convincing; and the whole story of(226)
+Ignatius's martyrdom at Rome rather than Antioch is still doubtful; for
+the circumstances under which he is said to have been dragged to Rome, and
+his writing letters to the churches by the way, are highly improbable. The
+testimony of Malalas that Ignatius suffered at Antioch in December, 115,
+in the presence of Trajan, may be quite as good as that of Chrysostom and
+the Syriac monthly calendar on which Zahn relies so confidently. The fact
+of the priority of the last two to Malalas is of little weight as
+evidence. The main point is _the locality_ in which Ignatius suffered;
+which Malalas, himself a native of Antioch and a historian, ought to have
+known better than Chrysostom, because he copied preceding historians.
+
+It is necessary to be precise on this subject because some speak of _the
+church_ as though it were contemporary with the apostles themselves, or at
+least with their immediate disciples; and proceed to argue that
+dissensions arose soon after "within the church" rendering an appeal to
+the written word necessary. When the authority of _traditional teaching_
+gave way to that of _a written rule_, a change came over the condition of
+_the church_. Such a view tends to mislead. There were dissensions among
+the earliest Christians. The apostles themselves were by no means
+unanimous. Important differences of belief divided the Jewish and Gentile
+Christians from the beginning. The types of Christian truth existing from
+the first gradually coalesced about the middle of the second century; when
+heretics, especially the Gnostics, appeared so formidable that a catholic
+church was developed. Along with this process, and as an important element
+in it, the writings of apostles and apostolic men were uncritically taken
+from tradition and elevated to the rank of divine documents. It was not
+the rise of new dissensions "within the church" which led to the first
+formation of a Christian canon; rather did the new idea of "a catholic
+church" require a standard of appeal in apostolic writings, which were now
+invested with an authority that did not belong to them from the beginning.
+
+Origen was the first who took a somewhat scientific view of the relative
+value belonging to the different parts of the biblical collection. His
+examination of the canon was critical. Before him the leading books had
+been regarded as divine and sacred, the source of doctrinal and historic
+truth. From this stand-point he did not depart. With him ecclesiastical
+tradition was a prevailing principle in the recognition of books belonging
+of right to the New Testament collection. He was also guided by the
+inspiration of the authors; a criterion arbitrary in its application, as
+his own statements show. In his time, however, the collection was being
+gradually enlarged; his third class. _i.e._, _the mixed_, approaching
+reception into the first. But amid all the fluctuations of opinion to
+which certain portions of the New Testament were subject, and the
+unscientific procedure both of fathers and churches in the matter, though
+councils had not met to discuss it, and vague tradition had strengthened
+with time, a certain spiritual consciousness manifested itself throughout
+the East and West in the matter of the canon. Tolerable unanimity ensued.
+The result was a remarkable one, and calls for our gratitude,
+notwithstanding its defects. Though the development was pervaded by no
+critical or definite principle, it ended in a canon which has maintained
+its validity for centuries.
+
+It is sometimes said that the history of the canon should be sought from
+definite catalogues, not from isolated quotations. The latter are supposed
+to be of slight value, the former to be the result of deliberate judgment.
+This remark is more specious than solid. In relation to the Old Testament,
+the catalogues given by the fathers, as by Melito and Origen, rest solely
+on the tradition of the Jews; apart from which they have no independent
+authority. As none except Jerome and Origen knew Hebrew, their lists of
+the Old Testament books are simply a reflection of what they learned from
+others. If they deviate in practice from their masters by quoting as
+Scripture other than the canonical books, they show their judgment
+over-riding an external theory. The very men who give a list of the Jewish
+books evince an inclination to the Christian and enlarged canon. So Origen
+says, in his _Epistle to Africanus_, that "the churches use Tobit." In
+explaining the prophet Isaiah, Jerome employs Sirach vi. 6, in proof of
+his view, remarking that the apocryphal work is in the Christian
+catalogue.
+
+In like manner Epiphanius, in a passage against Aetius, after referring to
+the books of Scripture, adds, "as well as the books of Wisdom, _i.e._, the
+Wisdom of Solomon and of Jesus, son of Sirach; finally, all the other
+books of Scripture." In another place he gives the canon of the Jews
+historically, and excludes the apocryphal Greek books; here he includes
+some of the latter. We also learn from Jerome that Judith was in the
+number of the books reckoned up by the Nicene Council. Thus the fathers
+who give catalogues of the Old Testament show the existence of a Jewish
+and a Christian canon in relation to the Old Testament; the latter wider
+than the former; their private opinion being more favorable to the one,
+though the other was historically transmitted. In relation to the New
+Testament, the synods which drew up lists of the sacred books show the
+view of some leading father like Augustine, along with what custom had
+sanctioned. In this department no member of the synod exercised his
+critical faculty; a number together would decide such questions summarily.
+Bishops proceed in the track of tradition or authority.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII. THE BIBLE CANON FROM THE FOURTH CENTURY TO THE REFORMATION.
+
+
+It will now be convenient to treat of the two Testaments together, _i.e._,
+_the canon of the Bible_. The canons of both have been considered
+separately to the end of the third century; they may be henceforward
+discussed together. We proceed, therefore, to the Bible-canon of the
+fourth century, first in the Greek Church and then in the Latin. The
+Council of Laodicea (A.D. 363), at which there was a predominant semiarian
+influence, forbad the reading of all _non-canonical_ books. The 59th canon
+enacts, that "private psalms must not be read in the Church, nor
+uncanonized books; but only the canonical ones of the New and Old
+Testament." The 60th canon proceeds to give a list of such. All the books
+of the Old Testament are enumerated, but in a peculiar order, somewhat
+like the Septuagint one. With Jeremiah is specified _Baruch_, then the
+Lamentations and _Epistle_. The prophets are last; first the minor, next
+the major and Daniel. In the New Testament list are the usual seven
+Catholic epistles, and fourteen of Paul, including that to the Hebrews.
+The Apocalypse alone is wanting. Credner has proved that this 60th canon
+is not original, and of much later date.(227)
+
+The Apostolic Constitutions give a kind of canon like that in the 59th of
+Laodicea. After speaking of the books of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Kings,
+Chronicles, those belonging to the return from the captivity, those of
+Job, Solomon, the sixteen prophets, and the Psalms of David; our Acts, the
+epistles of Paul, and the four gospels are mentioned. It is remarkable
+that the Catholic epistles are not given. That they are indicated under
+Acts is altogether improbable. The Antiochian Church of that time doubted
+or denied the apostolicity of these letters, as is seen from Theodore,
+Cosmas, and others. Hence, their absence from these Constitutions, which
+are a collection belonging to different times; the oldest portion not
+earlier perhaps than the third century.(228)
+
+Cyril of Jerusalem, who took part in the Council of Laodicea,(229) gives a
+list "of the divine Scriptures." The books of the Old Testament are
+twenty-two, and the arrangement is nearly that which is in the English
+Bible. With Jeremiah is associated "Baruch and the Epistle." All the New
+Testament books are given except the Apocalypse. The list agrees very
+nearly with that of Eusebius, by taking the latter's "controverted"
+writings into the class of the "generally received."(230) The writer
+insists on the necessity of unity in the Church upon the subject, and
+forbids the reading of writings not _generally received_. None but these
+are allowed. Yet he refers to Baruch (iii. 36-38) as _the prophet;_(231)
+and in adducing the testimonies of the prophets for the existence of the
+Holy Spirit, the last he gives is Daniel xiii. 41, 45. Sirach iii. 21, 22
+is cited;(232) Wisdom is quoted as Solomon's (xiii. 5);(233) the song of
+the three children is used (verse 55)(234) with verses 27, 29;(235) and
+Daniel (xiii. 22, 45) is quoted.(236)
+
+In Athanasius's festal epistle (365 A.D.) the archbishop undertakes "to
+set forth in order, the books that are canonical and handed down and
+believed to be divine." His list of the Old Testament nearly agrees with
+Cyril's, except that Esther is omitted and Ruth counted separately, to
+make out the twenty-two books. He adds, "there are other books not
+canonical, designed by the fathers to be read by those just joining us and
+wishing to be instructed in the doctrine of piety;" _i.e._, the Wisdom of
+Solomon and the Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther and Judith and Tobit, and the
+Doctrine of the Apostles so called, and the Shepherd; "those being
+_canonical_, and these being _read_, let there be no mention of apocryphal
+writings," &c. The New Testament list is the same as Cyril's, with the
+addition of the Apocalypse.(237) He quotes several of the apocryphal books
+in the same way as he does the canonical. Thus he introduces Judith (viii.
+16) with "the Scripture said;"(238) and Baruch (iii. 12) is cited as if it
+were Scripture.(239) Wisdom (vi. 26) has the epithet Scripture applied to
+it.(240) Sirach (xv. 9) is introduced with "what is said by the Holy
+Spirit."(241) Baruch (iv. 20, 22) and Daniel (xiii. 42) are referred to in
+the same way as Isaiah.(242) Tobit (ii. 7) has "it is written" prefixed to
+it.(243) Canonical and apocryphal are mentioned together; and similar
+language applied to them.
+
+Eusebius of Caesarea cites Wisdom as a _divine oracle_;(244) and after
+adducing several passages from Proverbs, subjoining to them others from
+the same book with the introductory formula "these are also said to be the
+same writers," he concludes with "such is the scripture."(245) Sirach is
+cited as Solomon's along with various passages from Proverbs.(246) After
+quoting Baruch, he says, "there is no need to appeal to the divine voices,
+which clearly confirm our proposition."(247) The additions to Daniel are
+also treated as Scripture.(248)
+
+Basil of Caesarea(249) had a canon agreeing with that of Athanasius. Along
+with the usual books reckoned as belonging to the canon, he used the
+apocryphal productions of the Old Testament. Thus the book of Wisdom (i.
+4)(250) is quoted by him. So are Sirach (xx. 2);(251) Baruch, (iii.
+36)(252) called Jeremiah's; Judith (ix. 4);(253) and Daniel (xiii.
+50).(254)
+
+Gregory of Nazianzus(255) puts his list into a poetical form. In the Old
+Testament it agrees with Athanasius's exactly, except that he mentions
+none but the canonical books. Like Athanasius, he omits Esther. In the New
+Testament he deviates from Athanasius, by leaving out the Apocalypse,
+which he puts among the spurious.(256) He does not ignore the apocryphal
+books of the Old Testament, but quotes Daniel xiii. 5.(257)
+
+Amphilochius of Iconium(258) gives a metrical catalogue of the Biblical
+books. The canon of the Old Testament is the usual one, except that he
+says of Esther at the end, "some judge that Esther should be added to the
+foregoing." He notices none of the apocryphal books. His New Testament
+canon agrees with the present, only he excludes the Apocalypse as
+_spurious_; which is given as the judgment of the majority. He alludes to
+the doubts that existed as to the epistle to the Hebrews, but regards it
+as Pauline; and to the number of the catholic epistles (seven or
+three).(259) The concluding words show that no list was universally
+received at that time.
+
+Epiphanius(260) follows Athanasius in his canon. As to the number of the
+Old Testament books, he hesitates between twenty-two and twenty-seven; but
+the contents are the same. At the end of the twenty-seven books of the New
+Testament, Wisdom and Sirach are mentioned as "divine writings;" elsewhere
+they are characterized as "doubtful."(261) His practice shows his
+sentiments clearly enough, when Sirach (vii. 1) is introduced with "the
+Scripture" testifies(262); vii. 9 is elsewhere quoted(263); Wisdom (i. 4)
+is cited as Solomon's;(264) Baruch (iii. 36) is introduced with, "as the
+Scripture says,"(265) and Daniel (xiii. 42) is quoted with, "as it is
+written."(266) He mentions the fact that the epistles of Clement of Rome
+were read in the churches.(267)
+
+Didymus of Alexandria(268) speaks against 2 Peter that it is not in the
+canons.(269)
+
+Chrysostom(270) does not speak of the canon; but in the New Testament he
+never quotes the last four catholic epistles or the Apocalypse. All the
+other parts he uses throughout his numerous works,(271) including the
+Apocrypha. Thus he introduces Wisdom (xvi. 28) with "Scripture says."(272)
+He quotes Baruch (iii. 36, 38);(273) and Sirach (iv. 1.).(274)
+
+Didymus of Alexandria(275) cites Baruch (iii. 35) as Jeremiah,(276) and
+treats it like the Psalms.(277) Daniel (xiii. 45) is also quoted.(278) He
+says of Peter's Second Epistle that it is not in the canon.
+
+Theodore of Mopsuestia(279) was much freer than his contemporaries in
+dealing with the books of Scripture. It seems that he rejected Job,
+Canticles, Chronicles, and the Psalm-inscriptions; in the New Testament
+the epistle of James, and others of the catholic ones. But Leontius's
+account of his opinions cannot be adopted without suspicion.(280)
+
+The canon of Cyril of Alexandria(281) does not differ from Athanasius's.
+Like other writers of the Greek Church in his day he uses along with the
+canonical the apocryphal books of the Old Testament. He quotes 1 (iii.)
+Esdras (iv. 36) with "inspired Scripture says."(282) Wisdom (vii. 6) is
+introduced with, "according to that which is written."(283) In another
+place it has the prefix "for it is written" (i. 7);(284) and is treated as
+Scripture (ii. 12).(285) Sirach (i. 1) is cited.(286) Baruch also (iii.
+35-37) is introduced with, "another of the holy prophets said."(287)
+
+The catalogues of the Old Testament contained in the manuscripts B, C, and
+{~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~} need not be given, as they are merely codices of the Septuagint, and
+have or had the books canonical and apocryphal belonging to that version.
+The list of the New Testament books in B is like that of Athanasius.
+Imperfect at the end, the MS. must have had at first the Epistles to
+Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and the Apocalypse. C (cod. Ephraemi rescriptus)
+has fragments of the New Testaments, which show that it had originally all
+the present books in the same order as Athanasius's. {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~} or the Sinaitic
+manuscript has the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas, in
+addition to the New Testament.
+
+The progress made by the Greek Church of the fourth and former part of the
+fifth century, in its conception of the canon seems to be, that the idea
+of ecclesiastical settlement, or public, legal, definitive establishment
+was attached to the original one. A writing was considered canonical when
+a well-attested tradition put it among those composed by inspired men,
+apostles or others; and it had on that account a determining authority in
+matters of faith. Books which served as a rule of faith and were
+definitively set forth by the Church as divinely authoritative, were now
+termed _canonical_. The canon consisted of writings settled or determined
+by ecclesiastical law.(288) Such was the idea added to the original
+acceptation of canon. To canonical were opposed apocryphal writings,
+_i.e._, _heretical_ and _fabricated_ ones; while an intermediate class
+consisted of those read in the churches, which were useful, but not
+decisive in matters of belief. Another advance in the matter of the canon
+at this period was the general adoption of the Hebrew canon, with a
+relegation of the Greek additions in the Septuagint to the class _publicly
+read_.(289) Yet doubts about the reception of Esther into the number of
+the canonical books were still entertained, though it was one of the
+Jewish canon; doubtless on account of its want of harmony with Christian
+consciousness. And the catholic epistles which had been doubted before,
+Jude, James, Second Peter, were now generally received. But there was a
+division of opinion about the Apocalypse.
+
+We come to the period of the Latin, corresponding to that of the Greek
+Church which has just been noticed. Augustine(290) gave great attention to
+the subject, laboring to establish a complete canon, the necessity of
+which was generally felt. According to him the Scriptures which were
+received and acknowledged by all the churches of the day should be
+canonical. Of those not universally adopted, such as are received by the
+majority and the weightier of the churches should be preferred to those
+received by the fewer and less important churches. In his enumeration of
+the forty-four books of the Old Testament, he gives, after Chronicles,
+other histories "which are neither connected with the order" specified in
+the preceding context, "nor with one another," _i.e._, Job, Tobit, Esther,
+Judith, the two books of the Maccabees, and Esdras. Wisdom and
+Ecclesiasticus, he thinks, should be numbered among the prophets, as
+deserving of authority and having a certain likeness to Solomon's
+writings.(291) He says of the Maccabees that this "Scripture has been
+received by the Church not uselessly, if it be read or heard
+soberly."(292) The famous passage in the treatise on Christian doctrine,
+where he enumerates the whole canon, is qualified by no other; for though
+he knew the distinction between the canonical books of the Palestinian
+Jews and the so-called apocryphal ones, as well as the fact of some New
+Testament writings not being received universally, he thought
+_church-reception_ a sufficient warrant for canonical authority. Hence, he
+considered the books of the Maccabees canonical, because so received by
+the Church; while he says of Wisdom and Sirach that they merited
+_authoritative_ reception and numbering among the _prophetic_
+Scriptures.(293) Of the former in particular he speaks strongly in one
+place, asserting that it is worthy to be venerated by all Christians as of
+divine authority.(294) But he afterwards retracted his opinion of the
+canonical authority of Sirach.(295) He raises, not lowers, the authority
+of the so-called apocryphal books which he mentions. He enumerates all the
+New Testament books, specifying the Pauline epistles as fourteen, and so
+reckoning that to the Hebrews as the apostle's; but he speaks of it
+elsewhere as an epistle about which some were uncertain, professing that
+he was influenced to admit it as canonical by the authority of the
+Oriental churches.(296) In various places he speaks hesitatingly about its
+Pauline authorship.
+
+In 393, the African bishops held a council at Hippo where the canon was
+discussed. The list of the canonical Scripture given includes, besides the
+Palestinian one, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and the two books
+of Maccabees. The New Testament canon seems to have agreed exactly with
+our present one.(297) The Council of Carthage (397) repeated the statute
+of its predecessor, enumerating the same books of the Bible as
+canonical.(298) Augustine was the animating spirit of both councils, so
+that they may be taken as expressing his views on the subject.
+
+Jerome(299) gives a list of the twenty-two canonical books of the Old
+Testament, the same as that of the Palestinian Jews, remarking that some
+put Ruth and Lamentations among the Hagiographa, so making twenty-four
+books. All besides should be put among the Apocrypha. Wisdom, Sirach,
+Judith, Tobit, the Shepherd are not in the canon. The two books of
+Maccabees he regarded in the same light.(300) But though Jerome's words
+imply the apocryphal position of these extra-canonical books, he allows of
+their being read in public for the edification of the people, not to
+confirm the authority of doctrines; _i.e._, they belong to "the
+ecclesiastical books" of Athanasius. His idea of "apocryphal" is wider and
+milder than that of some others in the Latin Church. It has been
+conjectured by Welte,(301) that the conclusions of the African councils in
+393 and 397 influenced Jerome's views of the canon, so that his later
+writings allude to the apocryphal works in a more favorable manner than
+that of the _Prologus galeatus_ or the preface to Solomon's books. One
+thing is clear, that he quotes different passages from the Apocrypha along
+with others from the Hebrew canon. In his letter to Eustochius, Sirach
+iii. 33 (Latin) comes between citations from Matthew and Luke; and is
+introduced by _which is written_, in a letter to Pammachius; and xxii. 6
+has _divine Scripture_ applied to it.(302) Ruth, Esther, and Judith are
+spoken of as _holy volumes_. The practice of Jerome differed from his
+theory; or rather he became less positive, and altered his views somewhat
+with the progress of time and knowledge. As to the New Testament, he gives
+a catalogue of all that now belongs to it, remarking of the epistle to the
+Hebrews and of the Apocalypse that he adopts both on the authority of
+ancient writers, not of present custom. His opinion about them was not
+decided.(303) In another work he gives the Epistle of Barnabas at the end
+of the canonical list. He also states the doubts of many respecting the
+Epistle to Philemon, and about 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John. According to
+him the first Epistle of Clement of Rome was publicly read in some
+churches.(304)
+
+Hilary of Poitiers(305) seems to have followed Origen's catalogue. He
+gives twenty-two books, specifying "the epistle" of Jeremiah; and remarks
+that some added Tobit and Judith, making twenty-four, after the letters of
+the Greek alphabet. He cites Wisdom and Sirach as "prophets."(306) In the
+New Testament he never quotes James, Jude, 2 and 3 John, nor 2 Peter. 2
+Maccabees (vii. 28) is introduced with "according to the prophet;"(307)
+Sirach (xxxi. 1) is introduced with "nor do they hear the Lord
+saying;"(308) Wisdom is cited as Solomon's (viii. 2);(309) Judith (xvi. 3)
+is cited;(310) so is Baruch (iii. 36);(311) and Daniel xiii. 42.(312)
+
+Optatus of Mela(313) has the usual canonical books, but omits the epistle
+to the Hebrews. He uses the apocrypha without scruple, introducing Sirach
+(iii. 30) with "it is written;"(314) and Wisdom (i. 13) with "it is
+written in Solomon."(315)
+
+Lucifer of Cagliari(316) uses the apocrypha equally with the canonical
+books. Thus 1 Maccabees (i. 43) is quoted as "holy Scripture."(317) So is
+2 Maccab. (vi. 1).(318) Judith (ix. 2) is cited,(319) as are also Wisdom
+(xvii. 1, 2);(320) Tobit (iv. 6);(321) and Daniel (xiii. 20).(322)
+
+Ambrose of Milan(323) had the same canon as most of the Westerns in his
+time. With some others, he considered the Epistle to the Hebrews to have
+been written by St. Paul. In the Old Testament he used the apocryphal
+books pretty freely. Wisdom (vii. 22) is cited as authoritative
+Scripture.(324) Sirach (xi. 30) is also cited as Scripture.(325) Baruch
+(iv. 19) is quoted;(326) Daniel (xiii. 44, 45) is treated as Scripture and
+prophetic;(327) and Tobit is expounded like any other book of
+Scripture.(328)
+
+Rufinus(329) enumerates the books of the Old and New Testaments which "are
+believed to be inspired by the Holy Spirit itself, according to the
+tradition of our ancestors, and have been handed down by the Churches of
+Christ." All the books of the Hebrew canon and of the New Testament are
+specified. After the list he says, "these are they which the fathers
+included in the canon, by which they wished to establish the assertion of
+our faith." He adds that there are other books not _canonical_, but
+_ecclesiastical_--the Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Tobit, Judith, and the
+books of the Maccabees. Besides the usual New Testament works, he speaks
+of the Shepherd of Hermas, and the "Judgment of Peter" as read in the
+churches, but not as authoritative in matters of faith.(330)
+
+Philastrius(331) of Brescia gives some account of the Scriptures and their
+contents in his time. The canonical Scriptures, which alone should be read
+in the Catholic Church, are said to be the law and the prophets, the
+gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, and seven others, _i.e._, two of
+Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James. Of the Old Testament
+apocrypha he asserts that they ought to be read for the sake of morals by
+the perfect, but not by all. He speaks of _heretics_ who reject John's
+gospel and the Apocalypse. Respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews which is
+omitted in his canon, he speaks at large, but not very decidedly,
+affirming that some attributed its authorship to Barnabas, or Clement of
+Rome, or Luke. "They wish to read the writings of the blessed apostle, and
+not rightly perceiving some things in the epistle, it is not therefore
+read by them in the church. Though read by some, it is not read to the
+people in the church; nothing but Paul's thirteen epistles, and that to
+the Hebrews sometimes."(332) The influence of the East upon the West
+appears in the statements of this father upon the subject. He had several
+canonical lists before him; one at least from an Oriental-Arian source,
+which explains some assertions, particularly his omission of the
+Apocalypse.
+
+Innocent I. of Rome wrote to Exsuperius (405 A.D.), bishop of Toulouse,
+giving a list of the canonical books. Besides the Hebrew canon, he has
+Wisdom and Sirach; Tobit, Judith, the two Maccabees. The New Testament
+list is identical with the present. He also refers to pseudepigraphical
+writings which ought not only to be rejected but condemned.(333)
+
+A canonical list appears in three different forms bearing the names of
+Damasus (366-384), Gelasius I. (492-496), and Hormisdas (514-523).
+According to the first, the books of the Old Testament are arranged in
+three orders. In the first are the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four
+Kings, two Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom,
+and Ecclesiasticus; in the second, all the prophets, including Baruch; in
+the third, Job, Tobit, Judith, Esther, Esdras, two Maccabees. The New
+Testament books are the four gospels, fourteen epistles of Paul, the
+Apocalypse, and Acts, with seven Catholic epistles.
+
+That which is called the Decree of Gelasius is almost identical with the
+preceding. It wants Baruch and Lamentations. It has also two Esdrases
+instead of one. In the New Testament the epistle to the Hebrews is absent.
+
+The Hormisdas-form has the Lamentations of Jeremiah: and in the New
+Testament the Epistle to the Hebrews.
+
+The MSS. of these lists present some diversity; and Credner supposes the
+Damasus-list a fiction. But Thiel has vindicated its authenticity. It is
+possible that some interpolations may exist in the last two; the first,
+which is the shortest, may well belong to the time of Damasus.(334)
+
+In 419 A.D. another council at Carthage, at which Augustine was present,
+repeated the former list of books with a single alteration, viz., fourteen
+epistles of Paul (instead of thirteen).(335)
+
+The preceding notices and catalogues show a general desire in the Western
+Church to settle the canon. The two most influential men of the period
+were Augustine and Jerome, who did not entirely agree. Both were unfitted
+for a critical examination of the topic. The former was a gifted spiritual
+man, lacking learning and independence. Tradition dominated all his ideas
+about the difficult or disputed books. He did not enter upon the question
+scientifically, on the basis of certain principles; but was content to
+take refuge in authority--the prevailing authority of leading churches. His
+judgment was weak, his sagacity moderate, and his want of many-sidedness
+hindered a critical result. Jerome, again, was learned but timid, lacking
+the courage to face the question fairly or fundamentally; and the
+independence necessary to its right investigation. Belonging as he did to
+both churches, he recommended the practice of the one to the other. He,
+too, was chiefly influenced by tradition; by Jewish teachers in respect to
+the Old Testament, and by general custom as to the New. The question was
+not susceptible of advancement under such manipulation; nor could it be
+settled on a legitimate basis. Compared with the eastern Church, the
+western accepted a wider canon of the Old Testament, taking some books
+into the class of the _canonical_ which the former put among those _to be
+read_. In regard to the New Testament, _all_ the Catholic epistles and
+even the Apocalypse were received. The African churches and councils
+generally adopted this larger canon, because the old Latin version or
+versions of the Bible current in Africa were daughters of the Septuagint.
+If the Latins apparently looked upon the Greek as the original itself, the
+apocryphal books would soon get rank with the canonical. Yet the more
+learned fathers, Jerome, Rufinus and others, favored the Hebrew canon in
+distinguishing between _canonical_ and _ecclesiastical_ books. The
+influence of the Eastern upon the Western Church is still visible, though
+it could not extinguish the prevailing desire to include the disputed
+books. The Greek view was to receive nothing which had not apparently a
+good attestation of divine origin and apostolic authority; the Latin was
+to exclude nothing hallowed by descent and proved by custom. The former
+Church looked more to the sources of doctrine; the latter to those of
+edification. The one desired to contract those sources, so as not to be
+too rich; the other to enlarge the springs of edification, not to be too
+poor. Neither had the proper resources for the work, nor a right
+perception of the way in which it should be set about; and therefore they
+were not fortunate in their conclusions, differing as they did in regard
+to points which affect the foundation of a satisfactory solution.
+
+Notwithstanding the numerous endeavors both in the East and West to settle
+the canon during the 4th and 5th centuries, it was not finally closed. The
+doubts of individuals were still expressed; and succeeding ages testified
+to the want of universal agreement respecting several books. The question,
+however, was _practically_ determined. No material change occurred again
+in the absolute rejection or admission of books. With some fluctuations,
+the canon remained very much as it was in the 4th and 5th centuries.
+Tradition shaped and established its character. General usage gave it a
+permanency which it was not easy to disturb. No definite principles guided
+the course of its formation, or fixed its present state. It was dominated
+first and last by circumstances and ideas which philosophy did not
+actuate. Its history is mainly objective. Uncritical at its commencement,
+it was equally so in the two centuries which have just been considered.
+
+The history of the canon in the Syrian church cannot be traced with much
+exactness. The Peshito version had only the Hebrew canonical books at
+first; most of the apocryphal were rendered from the Greek and added in
+the Nestorian recension. In the New Testament it wanted four of the
+catholic epistles and the Apocalypse. Ephrem (A.D. 378) uses all the books
+in our canon, the apocryphal as well as the canonical. The former are
+cited by him in the same way as the latter. Sirach ii. 1 is quoted with
+_as the Scripture says_;(336) and Wisdom iv. 7 with _it is written_.(337)
+Daniel xiii. 9, belonging to the Greek additions, is also cited with _as
+it is written_.(338) It should be observed that the quotations given are
+all from Ephrem's Greek, not Syriac, works; and that suspicions have been
+raised about the former being tampered with. The Syrian version of the New
+Testament made by Polycarp at the request of Philoxenus of Mabug, had the
+four catholic epistles wanting in the Peshito. It had also the two
+epistles of Clement to the Corinthians, if we may judge by the Harclean
+recension, A.D. 616; for a MS. in the Cambridge University Library
+contains those epistles immediately after the Catholic ones, and before
+those of St. Paul; so that they are put on an equality with the canonical
+writings. The Apocalypse is wanting. Junilius, (though an African bishop
+about 550 A.D.), says that he got his knowledge from a Persian of the name
+of Paulus who received his education in the school of Nisibis. He may,
+therefore, be considered a witness of the opinions of the Syrian church at
+the beginning of the 6th century. Dividing the biblical books into those
+of _perfect_, those of _intermediate_, and those of _no authority_, he
+makes the first the canonical; the second, those added to them by many
+(plures); the third, all the rest. In the first list he puts
+Ecclesiasticus. Among the second he puts 1 and 2 Chronicles, Job, Ezra and
+Nehemiah, Judith, Esther, 1 and 2 Maccabees; and in the New Testament,
+James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John. He also says that the Apocalypse of
+John is much doubted by the Orientals. In the third list _i.e._, books of
+no authority added by some (quidam) to the canonical, are put Wisdom and
+Canticles.(339) The catalogue is confused, and erroneous at least in one
+respect, that Jerome is referred to, as sanctioning the division given of
+the Old Testament books; for neither he nor the Jews agree with it.
+
+The canon of the Abyssinian church seems to have had at first all the
+books in the Septuagint, canonical and apocryphal together, little
+distinction being made between them. Along with the contents of the Greek
+Bible there were Enoch, 4 Esdras, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Jubilees,
+Asseneth, &c. That of the New Testament agrees with the present Greek one.
+At a later period in the Arabic age a list was made and constituted the
+legal one for the use of the church, having been derived from the Jacobite
+canons of the apostles. This gives, in the Old Testament, the Pentateuch,
+Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Judith, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah,
+Esther, Tobit, two books of Maccabees, Job, Psalms, five books of Solomon,
+minor and greater prophets. The Wisdom of Sirach (for teaching children)
+and the book of Joseph ben Gorion, _i.e._, that of the Maccabees, are
+external. The New Testament has four gospels, Acts, seven apostolic
+epistles, fourteen of Paul, and the Revelation of John. Later catalogues
+vary much, and are often enlarged with the book of Enoch, 4 Esdras, the
+Apocalypse of Isaiah, &c. The canon of the Ethiopic church was
+fluctuating.(340)
+
+The canon of the Armenians had at first the Palestinian books of the Old
+Testament, twenty-two in number, and the usual New Testament ones, except
+the Apocalypse. It was made from the Syriac in the fifth century by Sahak
+and Mesrob. The deutero-canonical books and additions were appended, after
+the disciples of those two men who had been sent by them into different
+places, brought back authentic copies of the Greek Bible from the
+patriarch Maximian, by which the version already made was interpolated and
+corrected; as it was subsequently corrected by others despatched to
+Alexandria and Athens, who, however, did not return till their teachers
+were dead. The MSS. of this version were afterwards interpolated from the
+Vulgate; Oskan himself translating for his edition (which was the first
+printed one, A.D. 1666), Sirach, 4 Esdras and the Epistle of Jeremiah from
+the Latin. The book of Revelation does not seem to have been translated
+till the eighth century. Zohrab's critical edition (1805) has Judith,
+Tobit, the three books of Maccabees, Wisdom, and the Epistle of Baruch
+among the canonical books; and in an appendix, the fourth book of Esdras,
+the prayer of Manasseh, the Epistle of the Corinthians to Paul and his
+answer, the Rest (end) of the apostle and evangelist John, the prayer of
+Euthalius. Like the edition of Oskan, this has all the deutero-canonical
+books, which were derived from the Septuagint, and incorporated by the
+first translators with their original version. Another edition published
+at St. Petersburgh (1817), for the use of the Jacobite Church, has the
+prayer of Manasses and 4 Esdras after the Apocalypse.
+
+The Georgian version consisted of the books and additions in the Greek
+translation from which it was made. The New Testament has the canonical
+books in the usual order. Jesus Sirach and two books of the Maccabees (2d
+and 3d) were not in the Georgian MS. used by Prince Arcil for the edition
+of 1743, but were rendered out of the Russian. The Moscow Bible printed
+under the direction and at the cost of Arcil, Bacchar and Wakuset, is the
+authorized edition of the Georgian Christians.
+
+The Bible canon of the Eastern church in the middle ages shows no real
+advance. Endeavors were made to remove the uncertainty arising from the
+existence of numerous lists; but former decisions and decrees of councils
+were repeated instead of a new, independent canon. Here belongs the
+catalogue in the Alexandrian MS., of the fifth century, which is peculiar.
+After the prophets come Esther, Tobit, Judith, Ezra and Nehemiah, 4
+Maccabees, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, the
+all-virtuous Wisdom, the Wisdom of Jesus of Sirach. In the New Testament,
+the Apocalypse is followed by two epistles of Clement. The list was
+probably made in Egypt. That of Anastasius Sinaita,(341) patriarch of
+Antioch, is similar to Nicephorus's Stichometry, which we shall mention
+afterwards. Baruch is among the canonical books; Esther among the
+antilegomena. The Apocalypse is unnoticed. The 85th of the Apostolic
+canons gives a list of the Old and New Testament books, in which the usual
+canonical ones of the former are supplemented by Judith and 3 Maccabees;
+those of the latter by the two epistles of Clement, with the Apostolic
+constitutions. This catalogue cannot be put earlier than the fifth or
+sixth century, and is subject to the suspicion of having been
+interpolated. We have also Nicephorus's _Stichometry_ (806-815;)(342) of
+which we may remark that Baruch is among the canonical books of the Old
+Testament; while the Revelation is put with the Apocalypse of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas and the Gospel according to the Hebrews, among the
+antilegomena of the New Testament. It is also surprising that the
+Apocalypse of Peter and the Gospel according to the Hebrews are not among
+the Apocrypha, where Clement's epistles with the productions of Ignatius,
+Polycarp, and Hermas appear. The list is probably older than that of the
+Antioch patriarch Anastasius Sinaita. Cosmas Indicopleustes (535) never
+mentions the seven Catholic epistles of the New Testament or the
+Apocalypse. The Trullan council (A.D. 692) adopts the eighty-five
+Apostolic canons, rejecting, however, the Apostolic Constitutions.
+Photius, patriarch of Constantinople,(343) follows the eighty-fifth
+Apostolical canon of the Trullan Council.(344) But in his Bibliotheca(345)
+he speaks differently regarding the epistles of Clement, and does not
+treat them as canonical. Though the first was thought worthy to be read in
+public, the second was rejected as spurious; and his own opinion was not
+altogether favorable to them. John of Damascus;(346) the second Nicene
+council (787); the Synopsis divin� Scriptur� Vet. et Novi Test. (about
+1000); Zonaras (about 1120); Alexius Aristenus (about 1160); and
+Nicephorus Callistus (1330), call for no remark.
+
+In the Western church of the Middle Ages, diversity of opinion respecting
+certain books continued. Though the views of Augustine were generally
+followed, the stricter ones of Jerome found many adherents. The canon was
+fluctuating, and the practice of the churches in regard to it somewhat
+lax. Here belong Cassiodorus (about 550); the list in the Codex Amiatinus
+(about 550); Isidore of Seville(347) who, after enumerating three classes
+of Old Testament books gives a fourth not in the Hebrew canon. Here he
+specifies Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, 1 and 2 Maccabees, saying
+that the church of Christ puts them among the divine books, honors and
+highly esteems them.(348) There are also the fourth council of Toledo
+(632); Gregory the Great(349) Notker Labeo;(350) Ivo (about 1092);
+Bede;(351) Alcuin;(352) Rabanus Maurus;(353) Hugo de St Victor;(354) Peter
+of Clugny;(355) John of Salisbury;(356) Thomas Aquinas;(357) Hugo de St
+Cher;(358) Wycliffe;(359) Nicolaus of Lyra,(360) &c., &c. Several of
+these, as Hugo de St Victor, John of Salisbury, Hugo de St Cher, and
+Nicolaus of Lyra, followed Jerome in separating the canonical and
+apocryphal books of the Old Testament.(361)
+
+The Reformers generally returned to the Hebrew canon, dividing off the
+additional books of the Septuagint or those attached to the Vulgate. These
+they called _apocryphal_, after Jerome's example. Though considered of no
+authority in matters of doctrine, they were pronounced useful and
+edifying. The principal reason that weighed with the Reformers was, that
+Christ and the apostles testified to none of the Septuagint additions.
+
+Besides the canonical books of the Old Testament, Luther translated
+Judith, Wisdom, Tobit, Sirach, Baruch, 1 and 2 Maccabees, the Greek
+additions to Esther and Daniel, with the Prayer of Manasseh. His judgment
+respecting several of these is expressed in the prefaces to them. With
+regard to 1 Maccabees, he thinks it almost equal to the other books of
+Holy Scripture, and not unworthy to be reckoned among them. Of Wisdom, he
+says, he was long in doubt whether it should be numbered among the
+canonical books; and of Sirach that it is a right good book proceeding
+from a wise man. But he speaks unfavorably of several other apocryphal
+productions, as of Baruch and 2 Maccabees. It is evident, however, that he
+considered all he translated of _some_ use to the Christian Church. He
+thought that the book of Esther should not belong to the canon.
+
+Luther's judgment respecting some of the New Testament books was freer
+than most Protestants now are disposed to approve. He thought the epistle
+to the Hebrews was neither Paul's nor an apostle's, but proceeded from an
+excellent and learned man who may have been the disciple of apostles. He
+did not put it on an equality with the epistles written by apostles
+themselves. The Apocalypse he considered neither apostolic nor prophetic,
+but put it almost on the same level with the 4th book of Esdras, which he
+spoke elsewhere of tossing into the Elbe. This judgment was afterwards
+modified, not retracted. James's epistle he pronounced unapostolic, "a
+right strawy epistle." In like manner, he did not believe that Jude's
+epistle proceeded from an apostle. Considering it to have been taken from
+2 Peter, and not well extracted either, he put it lower than the supposed
+original. The Reformer, as also his successors, made a distinction between
+the books of the New Testament similar to that of the Old; the _generally
+received_ (homologoumena) and _controverted_ books (antilegomena); but the
+Calvinists afterwards obliterated it, as the Roman Catholics at the
+Council of Trent did with the old Testament.(362) The epistle to the
+Hebrews, those of Jude and James, with the Apocalypse, belong to the
+latter class. The distinction in question proceeded from genuine critical
+tact on the part of the early Lutheran Church which had canonical and
+deutero-canonical writings even in the New Testament collection. Nor did
+the Reformers consider it a dangerous thing to bring the fact before the
+people. To make it palpable, Luther attached continuous numbers to the
+first twenty-three books of his version, bringing the four antilegomena
+after these, without numbers; and this mode of marking the difference
+continued till the middle of the 17th century.(363) Luther was right in
+assigning a greater or less value to the separate writings of the New
+Testament, and in leaving every one to do the same. He relied on their
+internal value more than tradition; taking the _word of God_ in a deeper
+and wider sense than its coincidence with the Bible.
+
+Bodenstein of Carlstad examined the question of canonicity more thoroughly
+than any of his contemporaries, and followed out the principle of private
+judgment in regard to it. He divides the biblical books into three
+classes--1. Books of the highest dignity, viz., the Pentateuch and the
+Gospels; 2. Books of the second dignity, _i.e._, the works termed
+prophetic by the Jews, and the fifteen epistles universally received; 3.
+Books of the third and lowest authority, _i.e._, the Jewish Hagiographa
+and the seven Antilegomena epistles of the New Testament. Among the
+Apocrypha he makes two classes--such as are out of the canon to the Hebrews
+yet hagiographical (Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, the two
+Maccabees), and those that are clearly apocryphal and to be rejected
+(third and fourth Esdras, Baruch, Prayer of Manasseh, a good part of the
+third chapter of Daniel, and the last two chapters of Daniel.)(364)
+
+Zwingli asserts that the Apocalypse is not a biblical book.(365)
+
+Oecolampadius says--"We do not despise Judith, Tobit, Ecclesiasticus,
+Baruch, the last two Esdras, the three Maccabees, the last two chapters of
+Daniel, but we do not attribute to them divine authority with those
+others."(366) As to the books of the New Testament he would not compare
+the Apocalypse, James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John with the rest.(367)
+
+Calvin did not think that Paul was the author of the epistle to the
+Hebrews, or that 2 Peter was written by the apostle himself; but both in
+his opinion are canonical.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII. ORDER OF THE NEW TESTAMENT BOOKS.
+
+
+I. The arrangement of the various parts comprising the New Testament was
+fluctuating in the second century; less so in the third. In the fourth
+century the order which the books had commonly assumed in Greek MSS. and
+writers was; the Gospels, the Acts, the Catholic Epistles, the Pauline,
+and the Apocalypse. This sequence appears in the Vatican, Sinaitic,
+Alexandrian and Ephrem (C) MSS.; Cyril of Jerusalem, in the 60th Canon of
+the Laodicean Council, Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, &c.
+
+II. Another order prevailed in the Latin Church, viz., the Gospels, the
+Acts, the Epistles of Paul, the Catholic Epistles, and the Apocalypse.
+This appears in Melito, Iren�us, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augustine,
+Jerome, the Vulgate, the Councils of Carthage, held in A.D. 397 and 419;
+and is now the usual arrangement.
+
+Within the limits of the two general arrangements just mentioned, there
+were many variations. Thus we find in relation to _the gospels_.
+
+III. (_a_) Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; in the MSS. of the old Italic marked
+_a_, _b_, _d_, _e_, _ff_, and in the cod. argenteus of Ulfila's Gothic
+version.
+
+(_b_) Matthew, John, Mark, Luke; in the council of Ephesus A.D. 431, Cyril
+of Alexandria, Theodoret, the stichometry of the Clermont MS. Such was the
+usual order in the Greek Church of the fifth century.
+
+(_c_) Mark is put first, followed by Matthew; in the fragment of a Bobbian
+MS. of the Itala at Turin marked _k_.
+
+(_d_) Matthew, Mark, John, Luke; in the Curetonian Syriac gospels. They
+are mentioned in the same order in Origen's I. Homily on Luke.
+
+The reason of the order in, (_a_) and (_b_) lies in apostleship. The works
+of apostles precede those of evangelists. The established sequence, which
+is already sanctioned by Iren�us and Origen, has respect to the supposed
+dates of the gospels. Clement of Alexandria says that ancient tradition
+supposed those gospels having the genealogies to have been written before
+the others.
+
+IV. As to the _Acts of the Apostles_, not only is this work put
+immediately after the gospels, which is the order in the Muratorian canon,
+but we find it in other positions.
+
+(_a_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Acts; in the Sinaitic MS., the
+Peshito,(368) Jerome,(369) and Epiphanius.
+
+(_b_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Catholic Epistles, Acts; in Augustine,
+the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent I., Eugenius IV., and the
+Spanish Church generally.
+
+(_c_) Gospels, Pauline, Catholic Epistles, Apocalypse, Acts; in the
+stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+
+V. As to _the Epistles of Paul_, besides the place they now occupy in our
+Bibles, they sometimes follow the gospels immediately.
+
+(_a_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles; the Sinaitic MS., Jerome, Epiphanius,
+Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent I., Eugenius
+IV., the stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+
+(_b_) The usual order of the Greek Church is, Gospels, Acts, Catholic
+Epistles, Pauline, &c., as in Cyril of Jerusalem, the Laodicean Council
+(60), Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, the MSS. A. B., but not {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}. The
+critical Greek Testaments of Lachmann and Tischendorf adopt this order.
+
+(_c_) They are placed last of all in a homily attributed to Origen, but
+this does not necessarily show that father's opinion.(370)
+
+(_d_) They stand first of all in a Gallican _Sacramentarium_ cited by
+Hody.(371)
+
+VI. With respect to the order of the individual epistles, the current one
+has been thought as old as Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria. But the
+proof of this is precarious. It appears in the fourth century, and may
+have been prior to that. It is in Epiphanius, who supposes that the
+arrangement was the apostle's own. Not only was it the prevalent one in
+the Greek Church, but also in the Latin as we see from the codex
+Amiatinus, and the Vulgate MSS. generally. It rests upon the extent of the
+epistles and the relative importance of the localities in which the
+believers addressed resided.
+
+(_a_) Marcion had but ten Pauline epistles in the following order:
+Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, the
+Laodiceans, (Ephesians), Colossians, Philemon, Philippians.
+
+(_b_) 1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Galatians,
+1 and 2 Thessalonians, Romans, Philemon, Titus, 1 and 2 Timothy, to the
+Laodiceans, the Alexandrians (the Epistle to the Hebrews); in the
+Muratorian canon.
+
+(_c_) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians,
+Thessalonians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews; in
+Augustine, and several MSS. of the Vulgate in England.(372)
+
+(_d_) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Thessalonians, Ephesians,
+Philippians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews; in the
+so-called decree of Gelasius in the name of Hormisdas, in Labbe's text.
+But here different MSS. vary in regard to the position of the Thessalonian
+epistles.
+
+VII. The Laodicean letter was inserted either before the pastoral
+epistles, as in several MSS. of the Vulgate in England; or before the
+Thessalonian epistles preceding them; or at the end of the Epistle to the
+Hebrews, as in a MS. of the Latin Bible at Lembeth. Its insertion in
+copies of the Vulgate was owing to the authority of Gregory the Great, who
+looked upon it as authentic.
+
+VIII. The position of the Epistle to the Hebrews usually was either before
+the pastoral epistles, _i.e._, immediately after those to the
+Thessalonians; or after the pastoral ones and Philemon. The former method
+was generally adopted in the Greek Church from the fourth century. The
+latter prevailed in the Latin Church from Augustine onward.
+
+(_a_) Pauline epistles to churches (the last being the second to the
+Thessalonians), Hebrews, Timothy, Titus, Philemon; in the MSS. {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}, A. B. C.
+H., Athanasius, Epiphanius; Euthalius,(373) Theodoret. Jerome mentions it
+after the epistles of Paul to the seven churches as an eighth excluded by
+the majority, and proceeds to specify the pastoral ones. But Amphilochius
+and Ebedjesu the Syrian have the western order, viz., the following--
+
+(_b_) Pauline Epistles, Hebrews (following immediately that to Philemon);
+in Augustine and the Vulgate version generally. It is so in the canons of
+the councils at Hippo and Carthage (A.D. 393 and 397), and in the MSS. D.
+and G., in Isidore of Spain, and the council of Trent.
+
+IX. With respect to the order of the _Catholic Epistles_, which were not
+_all_ adopted into the canon till the end of the fourth century; Eusebius
+putting all except 1 John and 1 Peter among the _antilegomena_; while
+Jerome, and the council of Carthage (A.D. 397) admit them unreservedly;
+the usual order, viz., James, 1 and 2 Peter, John, Jude, prevailed in the
+Eastern Church. It is in the Peshito or old Syriac version, Eusebius,
+Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, the 60th of the Laodicean canons,
+Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Amphilochius, the stichometry of
+Nicephorus, the MSS. {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}. A. B. C., and most Greek MS. But the 76th of the
+Apostolic canons has Peter, John, James and Jude. The canon, however, is
+comparatively late.
+
+(_a_) Peter, John, Jude, James; in Philastrius of Brescia. If we may rely
+on Cassiodorus's account of Augustine, the African father followed the
+same arrangement.
+
+(_b_) Peter, James, Jude, John; in Rufinus.
+
+(_c_) Peter, John, James, Jude; in the councils of Carthage, A.D. 397,
+419, Cassiodorus, and a Gallican Sacramentarium. The Vulgate and council
+of Trent follow this arrangement.
+
+(_d_) John, Peter, Jude, James; in the list given by Innocent I., and the
+third council of Toledo.
+
+The Eastern church naturally set the Epistle of James, who was Bishop of
+Jerusalem, at the head of the others; while the Western put Peter, the
+Bishop of Rome, in the same place.
+
+X. The Revelation varied little in position.
+
+(_a_) In the decree of Galasius, according to its three recensions, the
+Revelation follows Paul's epistles, preceding those of John and the other
+Catholic ones.
+
+(_b_) In D or the Clermont MS. it follows the _Catholic_ epistles, and
+precedes the Acts; which last is thrown to the end of all the books, as if
+it were an appendix to the writings of the apostles.(374)
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX. SUMMARY OF THE SUBJECT.
+
+
+(_a_) In relation to the Old Testament, the prevailing tendency in the
+Greek Church was to follow the Palestinian canon. Different lists appeared
+from time to time in which the endeavor there to exclude apocryphal,
+_i.e._, spurious works, was apparent. In addition to the _canonical_, a
+class of _ecclesiastical_ books was judged fit for reading in the
+Church,--a class intermediate between the canonical and apocryphal. The
+distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical writings appears in
+Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius, Epiphanius, &c. The Latin Church showed a
+disposition to elevate the ecclesiastical books of the Greek Church to the
+rank of the canonical, making the line between the two indistinct; as we
+see from the acts of the councils at Hippo and Carthage, in the end of the
+fourth and beginning of the fifth century, where Augustine's, influence
+was predominant. But notwithstanding this deviation from the stricter
+method of the Greeks, learned men like Jerome adhered to the Palestinian
+canon, and even styled the ecclesiastical books _apocryphal_, transferring
+the epithet from one class to another. Hilary and Rufinus also followed
+the Greek usage.
+
+During the sixth and following centuries, it cannot be said that the canon
+of the Greek Church was definitely closed, notwithstanding the decrees of
+councils and references to older authorities. Opinions still varied about
+certain books, such as Esther; though the Palestinian list was commonly
+followed. During the same period, the enlarged canon of the Alexandrian
+Jews, which went far to abolish the distinction between the canonical and
+deutero-canonical books, prevailed in the West, at least in practice;
+though some followed the shorter one, sanctioned as it had been by Jerome.
+As both lists existed, no complete or final settlement of the question was
+reached in the Latin Church. Neither in the East nor in the West was the
+canon of the Old Testament really closed; for though the stricter
+principle of separation prevailed in theory, it was not carried out in
+practice consistently or universally. The two men most influential about
+the canon were Jerome and Augustine; the one representing its Palestinian,
+the other its Alexandrian type. After them no legal or commanding voice
+fixed either, to the absolute exclusion of its rival.
+
+(_b_) The charge of Constantine to Eusebius to make out a list of writings
+for the use of the Church and its performance may be considered as that
+which first put the subject on a broad and permanent basis. Its
+consequences were important. If it cannot be called the completion or
+close of the New Testament canon, it determined it largely. Eusebius made
+a Greek Bible containing the usual books, except the Revelation. Though
+the historian of the church was not well fitted for the task, being
+deficient in critical ability and trammeled by tradition, he doubtless
+used his best judgment. Hence, about the year 337, the Constantinian
+Church received a Bible which had an influential origin. No binding
+authority indeed attached to the list of the Christian books it presented;
+but it had weight in the Greek Church. It did not prevent different
+opinions, nor deter individuals from dissent. Thus Athanasius, who
+disliked Eusebius and his party, issued a list of the sacred writings
+which included the Revelation. The canon of the Laodicean Council (A.D.
+363) agreed with the Constantine one.
+
+That variations still existed in the Eastern Church is shown by the lists
+which vied with one another in precedence. The apostolic canons adopted
+the seven general epistles, while the apostolic constitutions excluded
+them. The Alexandrian MS. added to the ordinary books of the New
+Testament, Clement's two epistles; and Cosmas Indicopleustes omitted the
+general epistles as well as the Apocalypse. At length the Council of
+Constantinople, usually called the _Trullan_ (A.D. 692), laid down
+positions that fixed the canon for the Greek Church. The endeavor in it
+was to attain to a conclusion which should unite East and West. This
+council did not enumerate the separate books, but referred to older
+authorities, to the eighty-five canons of the apostles, the decrees of the
+synods of Laodicea, Ephesus, Carthage, and others; to Athanasius, Gregory
+of Nazianzus, Amphliochius of Iconium, Cyril of Alexandria, Gennadius, &c.
+After the fourth century there was a general desire to fall back on
+apostolic times, to appeal to the Church, to ascertain the opinion of
+synods or assemblies; in a word, to rely on authority.
+
+Less discrepancy and activity were manifested about the canon in the
+Western Church. Here the chief doubts were directed to the epistle to the
+Hebrews and the seven general ones. The former was early excluded, and
+continued to be so even in the time of Jerome. The latter were adopted
+much sooner. The impulse given by Constantine to determine the books of
+Scripture re-acted on the West, where the Church considered it its own
+privilege. Augustine's influence contributed much to the settlement of the
+question. The synods of Hippo (A.D. 393) and of Carthage (A.D. 397)
+received the epistle to the Hebrews and the seven general ones, thus
+fixing the New Testament canon as it now is. In 419 the African bishops,
+in the presence of a Papal delegate, repeated their former decision. After
+the West Goths joined the Catholic Church in the sixth century, the Romish
+and Spanish Churches gave prominence to the fact of accepting both the
+Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews. The canon of the West was now
+virtually closed; the fourth Council of Toledo (A.D. 632) at which Isidore
+was present, agreeing with the Augustinian list, ratified as that list had
+been by Innocent the First. The reception of the epistle to the Hebrews
+was facilitated by the objections of the Arians and Semiarians; while
+opposition to the Priscillianists in Spain strengthened adherence to the
+traditional canon. Augustine and the Trullan Council fixed the number of
+the New Testament books as they are now.
+
+With regard to the Bible canon in general, we see that councils had weight
+when they enumerated the sacred books; that prominent teachers delivered
+their opinion on the subject with effect, and that tradition contributed
+to one result; but no general council closed the canon once for all, till
+that of Trent promulgated its decrees. This body, however, could only
+settle the subject for Romanists, since, while the right of private
+judgment is exercised, no corporation can declare some books inspired and
+others not, some authoritative in matters of faith, others not, without
+presumption. Though the present Bible canon rests upon the judgment of
+good and learned men of different times, it can never be finally or
+infallibly settled, because the critical powers of readers differ, and all
+do not accept church authority with unhesitating assent.
+
+It is the way of men to defer unduly to the opinions expressed by synods
+and councils, especially if they be propounded dogmatically; to acquiesce
+in their decisions with facility rather than institute independent
+inquiry. This is exemplified in the history of the canon, where the
+fallibility of such bodies in determining canonicity is conspicuous. It is
+so in the general reception of the book of Esther, while the old poem, the
+Song of Songs, was called in question at the synod of Jamnia; in the
+omission of the Revelation from the canonical list by many belonging to
+the Greek Church, while the epistles to Timothy and Titus were received as
+St. Paul's from the beginning almost universally.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X. THE CANON IN THE CONFESSION OF DIFFERENT CHURCHES.
+
+
+The second Helvetic Confession (A.D. 1566) speaks of the apocryphal books
+of the Old Testament as those which the ancients wished to be read in the
+churches, but not as authoritative in matters of faith.(375)
+
+The Gallic Confession (A.D. 1559) makes a distinction between canonical
+and other books, the former being the rule and norm of faith, not only by
+the consent of the Church, but much more by the testimony and intrinsic
+persuasion of the Spirit, by whose suggestions we are taught to
+distinguish them from other ecclesiastical books, which, though useful,
+are not of the kind that any article of faith can be constituted by
+them.(376)
+
+The Belgic Confession (A.D. 1561) makes a distinction between the sacred
+and apocryphal books. The latter may be read by the Church, but no
+doctrine can be derived from them. In the list of New Testament books
+given there are _fourteen_ epistles of Paul.(377)
+
+The canon of the Waldenses must have coincided at first with that of the
+Roman Church; for the Dublin MS. containing the New Testament has attached
+to it the Book of Wisdom and the first twenty-three chapters of Sirach;
+while the Zurich codex of the New Testament has marginal references to the
+Apocrypha; to Judith, Tobit, 4 Esdras, Wisdom, Sirach, and Susanna. The
+_Nobla Leyczon_ containing a brief narration of the contents of the Old
+and New Testaments confirms this opinion. It opposes, however, the old law
+to the new, making them antagonistic. The historical document containing
+the articles of "The Union of the Valleys," A.D. 1571, separates indeed
+the canonical and apocryphal books, purporting to be founded on a
+Confession of Faith as old as A.D. 1120; but the latter is mythical, as
+appears from a comparison of it with the epistle which the legates of the
+Waldensians gave to OEcolampadius. The articles of that "Union" are copied
+from Morel's account of his transactions with OEcolampadius and Bucer in
+1530. The literature of this people was altered by Hussite influences and
+the Reformation; so that though differing little from the Romanists at
+first except in ecclesiastical discipline, they diverged widely afterwards
+by adopting the Protestant canon and doctrines.(378) Hence, the Confession
+issued in 1655 enumerates as Holy Scripture nothing but the Jewish
+Palestinian canon, and the usual books of the New Testament.(379)
+
+The canon of the Anglican Church (1562), given in the sixth article of
+religion, defines holy Scripture to be "those canonical books of the Old
+and New Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church."
+After giving the names and number of the canonical books, the article
+prefaces the apocryphal ones with, "And the other books (as Hierome saith)
+the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but
+yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine? Such are these
+following," &c., &c. At the end it is stated that "all the books of the
+New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive and account
+them canonical." The article is ambiguous. If the canonical books
+enumerated are those meant in the phrase "of whose authority was never any
+doubt in the Church," the statement is incorrect. If a distinction is
+implied between the canonical books and such canonical ones as have never
+been doubted in the Church, the meaning is obscure. In either case the
+language is not explicit.
+
+The Scottish or Westminster Confession of Faith gives a list of all the
+books of the Old and New Testaments as the Word of God written; adding
+that those called the apocrypha are not of divine inspiration, and no part
+of the canon,--of no authority in the Church, nor to be approved or made
+use of otherwise than human writings.
+
+The Roman Catholic canon was finally determined at the Council of Trent
+(1546), which adopted all the books in the Vulgate as sacred and
+canonical, without distinction. Third and fourth Esdras, third Maccabees,
+and the prayer of Manasseh were not included; though the first and last
+appeared in the original Clementine edition of 1592, but apart from the
+canonical books. They are not in the Sixtine edition of 1590.(380) A
+council at Florence in 1441 had set the example which was followed at
+Trent. But this stringent decree did not prevent individual Catholics from
+making a distinction between the books, in assuming a first and second
+canon or proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books; as did Sixtis
+Senensis, B. Lamy, Anton a matre Dei, Jahn, and others; though it is
+hardly consistent with orthodox Catholicism or the view of those who
+passed the decree. When the writings are said to be of different
+authority--some more, others less--the intent of the council is violated.
+The Vatican council (1870) confirmed the Tridentine decree respecting the
+canon.
+
+The Greek Church, after several ineffectual attempts to uphold the old
+distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical books by Metrophanes
+Critopulus patriarch of Alexandria in 1625, and Cyril Lucaris patriarch of
+Constantinople (1638 A.D.),(381) came to the same decision with the
+Romish, and canonized all the apocrypha. This was done at a Jerusalem
+synod under Dositheus in 1672.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI. THE CANON FROM SEMLER TO THE PRESENT TIME, WITH REFLECTIONS ON
+ITS READJUSTMENT.
+
+
+Semler(382) was the most conspicuous scholar after the Reformation who
+undertook to correct the prevailing ideas respecting the canon. Acquainted
+with the works of Toland and Morgan, he adopted some of their views, and
+prosecuted his inquiries on their lines chiefly in relation to the New
+Testament. He had no definite principles to guide him, but judged books
+chiefly by their christian value and use to the Church. Though his views
+are sometimes one-sided and his essays ill-digested, he placed the subject
+in new lights, and rendered a service to truth which bore abundant fruit
+in after years.(383) He dealt tradition severe blows, and freed theology
+from the yoke of the letter. He was followed by his disciple Corrodi, by
+G. L. Oeder, J. D. Michaelis, Herder, Lessing, and Eichhorn,--most of whom
+recommended their views by a freshness of style which Semler did not
+command. The more recent works of Gesenius, De Wette, Zunz, Ewald, Hitzig,
+Geiger and Herzfeld have contributed to form a juster opinion of the true
+position which the books of the Bible occupy.
+
+In the New Testament, the writings of F. C. Baur have opened up a new
+method of investigating the canon, which promises important and lasting
+results. Proceeding in the track of Semler, he prosecuted his researches
+into primitive Christianity with great acuteness and singular power of
+combination. Though his separation of Petrine and Pauline christianity is
+not new, he has applied it in ways which neither Toland nor Morgan was
+competent to manage. These writers perceived the difference between the
+leading principle of the twelve and that of Paul, they had some far-seeing
+glimpses of the origin and differences of the New Testament writings,(384)
+but they propounded them in an unsystematic way along with untenable
+conjectures. It was reserved for the T�bingen professor to elaborate the
+hypothesis of an Ebionite or primitive christianity in contra-distinction
+from a Pauline, applying it to the origin and constitution of christian
+literature; in a word, to use a _tendenz-kritik_ for opening up the genius
+of the sacred writings as well as the stages of early christianity out of
+which they arose. The head of the T�bingen school, it is true, has carried
+out the antagonism between the Petrine and Pauline christians too
+rigorously, and invaded the authenticity of the sacred writings to excess;
+for it is hazardous to make a theory extremely stringent to the
+comparative neglect of modifying circumstances, which, though increasing
+the difficulty of criticism, contribute to the security of its processes.
+Yet he has properly emphasized internal evidence; and many of his
+conclusions about the books will stand. He has thrown much light on the
+original relations of parties immediately after the origin of
+Christianity, and disturbed an organic unity of the New Testament which
+had been merely _assumed_ by traditionalists. The best Introductions to
+the New Testament must accept them to some extent. The chief
+characteristic of the school is the application of historic criticism to
+the genesis of the New Testament writings, irrespective of tradition--a
+striving to discover the circumstances or tendencies out of which the
+books originated. Baur's _tendenz_-principle judiciously applied cannot
+but produce good results.
+
+We have seen that sound critical considerations did not regulate the
+formation of the three collections which made up the entire canon of the
+Old Testament. Had it been so, the Pentateuch would not have been
+attributed to Moses. Neither would a number of latter prophecies have been
+accepted as Isaiah's and incorporated with the prophet's authentic
+productions. All the Proverbs, the book of Ecclesiastes, and the Song of
+Songs would not have been assigned to Solomon; Jonah would have been
+separated from the prophets, and Daniel must have had a later position in
+the Hagiographa. We cannot, therefore, credit the collectors or editors of
+the books with great critical sagacity. But they did their best in the
+circumstances, preserving invaluable records of the Hebrew people. In like
+manner, it has appeared, that the ecclesiastics to whom we owe the New
+Testament collection were not sharp-sighted in the literature with which
+they had to do. It is true that well-founded doubts were entertained by
+the early Christians about several portions, such as the second Epistle of
+Peter, the Epistle to the Hebrews, &c., but the Revelation was needlessly
+discredited. They accepted without hesitation the pastoral epistles as
+Pauline, but doubted some of the Catholic Epistles, which bear the impress
+of authenticity more strongly, such as James. It is therefore incorrect to
+say that 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, James, Jude, Epistle to the Hebrews, and
+the Apocalypse "have been received into the canon on evidence less
+complete" than that belonging to the others. The very general admission of
+the fourth gospel as the apostle John's, is a curious example of facile
+traditionalism. Biblical criticism, however, scarcely existed in the first
+three centuries. It is for us to set the subject in another light, because
+our means of judging are superior. If the resources of the early fathers
+were inadequate to the proper sifting of a copious literature, they should
+be mildly judged.
+
+The question of the canon is not settled. It is probably the work of
+successive inquirers to set it on a right basis, and adjust the various
+parts in a manner consistent with historic criticism, sound reason, and
+religion. The absolute and relative worth of books; the degrees in which
+they regulate ethics and conduct; their varying values at the times of
+their first appearance and our own; their places in the general history of
+human progress--all these must be determined before the documents of
+Judaism and Christianity be classified aright. Their present arrangement
+is external. Based on no interior principle, it furnishes little help
+toward a thorough investigation of the whole. Those who look upon the
+question as historical and literary take a one-sided view. It has a
+theological character also. It needs the application, not only of historic
+criticism, but the immediate consciousness belonging to every Christian.
+The two Testaments should be separated, and their respective positions
+assigned to each--the Old having been preparatory to the New. Should it be
+said bluntly, as it is in the 7th Article of the Anglican Church, that the
+Old is not contrary to the New Testament? Luther at least expressed his
+opinion of the difference between them pretty clearly;(385) though the
+theologians of Germany after him evinced a desire to minimise the
+difference.(386) Should the general opinion of the Protestant Church that
+the authority of the Old Testament is not subordinate to that of the New,
+be rigidly upheld? According to one aspect of the former it may be so,
+viz., its prophetic and theological aspect, that in which it is brought
+into close union with the latter; the essence of the one being
+foreshadowed or implied in the other, as Justin Martyr supposed. And this
+view has never lost supporters, who by the help of double senses, types,
+and symbols, with assumed prediction of the definite and distant future,
+transform the old dispensation into an outline picture of the new; taking
+into it a body of divinity which is alien from its nature. According to
+another aspect, viz., the moral and historical, the equality can scarcely
+be allowed. Schleiermacher is right in saying that the Old Testament seems
+to be nothing but a superfluous authority for doctrine; an opinion
+coinciding with that of the early Socinians, who held that it has a
+historical, not a dogmatic, value. Only such of our pious emotions as are
+of a general nature are accurately reflected in the Old Testament; and all
+that is most decidedly Jewish is of least value to christians. The alleged
+coincidence of the Old Testament with the New must be modified by the
+doctrine of development. It has been fostered by types and prophecies
+supposed to refer to christian times; by the assumed _dictation_ of all
+Scripture by the Holy Spirit; by fancied references of the one
+dispensation to the other; by the confounding of a Jewish Messiah sketched
+in various prophets, with Jesus Christ, as if the latter had not changed,
+exalted and purified the Messianic idea to suit his sublime purposes of
+human regeneration. The times and circumstances in which the Old Testament
+Scriptures appeared, the manners, usages, civilization, intellectual and
+moral stage of the Semitic race combine to give them a lower position than
+that of the New Testament books which arose out of a more developed
+perception of the relations between God and men. Spiritual apprehension
+had got beyond Jewish particularism, especially in the case of the apostle
+Paul, who gave the new religion a distinct vitality by severing it from
+its Jewish predecessor.
+
+The agreement of the New Testament books with themselves must be modified
+by the same doctrine of development. Jewish and Pauline christianity
+appear in different works, necessarily imparting a difference of views and
+expression; or they are blended in various degrees, as in the epistles to
+the Hebrews and the first of Peter. Hence, absolute harmony cannot be
+looked for. If the standpoints of the writers were so diverse, how can
+their productions coincide? The alleged coincidence can only be
+intersected with varieties proportioned to the measures in which the
+authors possessed the Spirit of God. These varieties affect the matter as
+well as the manner of the writings. It is therefore unphilosophical to
+treat the Bible as a whole which was dictated by the Spirit and directed
+to one end. Its uniformity is chequered with variety; its harmony with
+disagreement. It is a bundle of books; a selection from a wider
+literature, reflecting many diversities of religious apprehension. After
+the two Testaments have been rightly estimated according to their
+respective merits, the contents of each should be duly
+apportioned--internal evidence being the test of their relative importance,
+irrespective of _a priori_ assumptions. Their traditional origin and
+authority must be subordinated to the inherent value they bear, or the
+conformity of the ideas to the will of God. The gradual formation of both
+canons suggests an analysis of the classes into which they came to be put;
+for the same canonical dignity was not attributed by the Jews to the books
+contained in the three divisions; and the controverted writings of the New
+Testament found gradual recognition very slowly. Luther made important
+distinctions between the canonical books;(387) and Carlstadt put the
+Antilegomena of the New Testament on a par with the Hagiographa of the
+Old.
+
+In the Old Testament the three classes or canons have been generally
+estimated by the Jews according to their respective antiquity; though the
+sacrificial worship enjoined in the Pentateuch never formed an essential
+part of the Jewish religion; the best prophets having set small value upon
+it. The pure monotheistic doctrine of these last writers, chiefly
+contained in the second canon, lifts that class up to the highest rank;
+yet the Decalogue in the Pentateuch is sufficient to stamp the first canon
+with great worth. It must be confessed, however, that the Mosaic law was
+meagre, in the domain of pure ethics; and that it promoted among the
+people a slavish spirit of positivism by laying more stress on acts than
+dispositions, and insisting on small regulations. For this reason, the
+prophets combated its narrow externality. The three canons were regarded
+with a degree of veneration corresponding to the order in which they
+stand. To apportion their respective values to the individual parts of
+them is a difficult task.
+
+As to the New Testament writings, we think that some of them might
+conveniently occupy the position of _deutero-canonical_, equivalent to
+those of the Old Testament having that title. We allude to 2 and 3 John,
+Jude, James, 2 Peter, the Revelation. It is true that a few of these were
+prior in time to some of the universally-received gospels or epistles; but
+time is not an important factor in a good classification. Among the
+Pauline epistles themselves, classification might be adopted; for the
+pastoral letters are undoubtedly post-Pauline, and inferior to the
+authentic ones. In classifying the New Testament writings, three things
+might be considered--the reception they met with from the first, their
+authenticity, above all, their internal excellence. The subject is not
+easy, because critics are not universally agreed about the proper rank and
+authenticity of a few documents. The Epistle to the Colossians, for
+example, creates perplexity; that to the Ephesians is less embarrassing,
+its post-Pauline origin being tolerably clear.
+
+What is wanted is a rational historic criticism to moderate the
+theological hypothesis with which the older Protestants set out, the
+supernatural inspiration of the books, their internal inseparability, and
+their direct reference to the work of salvation. It must be allowed that
+many points are independent of dogmatics; and that the right decision in
+things historical may be reached apart from any ecclesiastical standpoint.
+
+Again, should the distinction between the apocryphal and canonical books
+of the Old Testament be emphasized as it is by many? Should a sharp line
+be put between the two, as though the one class, with the period it
+belonged to, were characterized by the errors and anachronisms of its
+history; the other by simplicity and accuracy; the one, by books written
+under fictitious names; the other, by the power to distinguish truth from
+falsehood or by honesty of purpose? Should the one be a sign of the want
+of truthfulness and discernment; the other, of religious simplicity? Can
+this aggregation of the Apocrypha over against the Hagiographa, serve the
+purpose of a just estimate? Hardly so; for some of the latter, such as
+Esther and Ecclesiastes, cannot be put above Wisdom, 1st Maccabees,
+Judith, Baruch, or Ecclesiasticus. The doctrine of immortality, clearly
+expressed in the Book of Wisdom, is not in Ecclesiastes; neither is God
+once named in the Book of Esther as author of the marvelous deliverances
+which the chosen people are said to have experienced. The history narrated
+in 1st Maccabees is more credible than that in Esther. It is therefore
+misleading to mark off all the apocryphal works as _human_ and all the
+canonical ones as _divine_. The divine and the human elements in man are
+too intimately blended to admit of such separation. The best which he
+produces partakes of both. The human element still permeates them as long
+as God speaks through man; and He neither dictates nor speaks otherwise.
+In the attributes claimed for the canonical books no rigid line can be
+drawn. It may be that the inspiration of their authors differed in degree;
+that the writer of Ecclesiastes, for example, was more philosophical than
+Jesus, son of Sirach; but different degrees of inspiration belong to the
+canonical writers themselves. Undue exaltation of the Hebrew canon does
+injustice to the wider Alexandrian one. Yet some still speak of "the pure
+Hebrew canon," identifying it with that of the Church of England. We admit
+that history had become legendary, that it was written in an oratorical
+style by the Alexandrian Jews, and was used for didactic purposes as in
+Tobit and Judith. Gnomic poetry had survived in the book of Sirach;
+prophecy, in Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah, though here the language
+is already prosaic. Imitation is too observable in the matter and manner
+of the Apocrypha. They have parallels, however, among the Hagiographa,
+which originated in an age when the genuine breath of prophetic
+inspiration had ceased; when history and prophecy had degenerated; so that
+the transition from Esther and Malachi to Judith and Baruch, as also from
+Proverbs to Wisdom, is not great.
+
+The _Talmudic_ canon is generally adopted at the present day. It was not,
+however, universally received even by the Jews; for Esther was omitted out
+of it by those from whom Melito got his catalogue in Palestine; while
+Sirach was annexed to it as late as the beginning of the 4th century.
+Baruch was also added in several Jewish circles, doubtless on account of
+its supposed authorship. Thus "the pure Hebrew canon" was not one and the
+same among all Jews; and therefore the phrase is misleading. Neither is it
+correct to say that it is the only canon distinctly recognized during the
+first four centuries, unless the usage of the early fathers be set over
+against their _assumed_ contrary judgment; nor can all who followed the
+Alexandrian canon be pronounced uncritical, including Origen himself. A
+stereotyped canon of the Old Testament, either among Jews or Christians of
+the first four centuries, which excluded all the apocryphal books and
+included all the canonical ones, cannot be shown. And in regard to "the
+critical judgment" of Jews and Christians in that period it is arbitrary
+to suppose that such as adopted the present canonical books alone were
+more discerning than others. They were more traditional and conservative;
+their discriminating faculty not corresponding to the degree of their
+reliance on the past.
+
+The aim of the inquirer should be to find from competent witnesses--from
+contemporaneous or succeeding writers of trustworthy character--the authors
+and ages of the biblical books. When evidence of this kind is not
+available as often happens, the only resource is the internal. The
+external evidence in favor of the canon is all but exhausted, and nothing
+of importance can be added to it now. Its strength has been brought out;
+its weakness has not been equally exhibited. The problem resolves itself
+into an examination of internal characteristics, which may be strong
+enough to modify or counterbalance the external. The latter have had an
+artificial preponderance in the past; henceforward they must be regulated
+by the internal. The main conclusion should be drawn from the contents of
+the books themselves. And the example of Jews and Christians, to whom we
+owe the Bible canon, shows that _classification_ is necessary. This is
+admitted both by Roman Catholic writers and orthodox Protestants. A
+gloss-writer on what is usually called the "decree of Gratian," _i.e._,
+the Bolognese canonist of the 12th century, remarks about the canonical
+books, "all may be received but may not be held in the same estimation."
+John Gerhard speaks of a _second order_, containing the books of the New
+Testament, about whose authors there were some doubts in the Church;(388)
+and Quenstedt similarly specifies _proto-canonical_ and
+_deutero-canonical_ New Testament books, or those of the first and second
+order.(389) What are degrees or kinds of inspiration assumed by many, but
+a tacit acknowledgment of the fact that books vary in intrinsic value as
+they are more or less impregnated with divine truth or differ in the
+proportion of the eternal and temporal elements which commingle in every
+revealed religion? Doubtless the authors from whom the separate books
+proceeded, if discoverable, should be regarded; the inspiration of an
+Isaiah is higher than that of a Malachi, and an apostle is more
+authoritative than an evangelist; but the authors are often unknown.
+Besides, the process of redaction through which many of the writings
+passed, hinders an exact knowledge of authorship. In these circumstances
+the books themselves must determine the position they should occupy in the
+estimation of those who are looking at records of the past to help their
+spiritual life. And if it be asked, What principle should lie at the basis
+of a thorough classification? the answer is, the _normative element_
+contained in the sacred books. This is the characteristic which should
+regulate classification. The time when a book appeared, its author, the
+surrounding circumstances that influenced him, are of less consequence
+than its bearing upon the spiritual education of mankind. The extent of
+its adequacy to promote this end determines the rank. Such books as embody
+the indestructible essence of religion with the fewest accidents of time,
+place and nature--which present conditions not easily disengaged from the
+imperishable life of the soul, deserve the first rank. Whatever Scriptures
+express ideas consonant with the nature of God as a holy, loving, just and
+good Being--as a benevolent Father not willing the destruction of any of
+his children; the Scriptures presenting ideas of Him consistent with pure
+reason and man's highest instincts, besides such as set forth our sense of
+dependence on the infinite; the books, in short, that contain a revelation
+from God with least admixture of the human conditions under which it is
+transmitted--these belong to the highest class. If they lead the reader
+away from opinion to practice, from dogma to life, from non-doing to
+obedience to the law of moral duty, from the notion that everything in
+salvation has been done for him to the keeping of the commandments, from
+particularist conceptions about the divine mercy to the widest belief of
+its overshadowing presence--such books of Scripture are in that same
+proportion to be ranked among the best. In regard to the Old Testament,
+conformity to Christ's teaching will determine rank; or, which is
+tantamount, conformity to that pure reason which is God's natural
+revelation in man; a criterion which assigns various ranks to such
+Scriptures as appeared among a Semite race at a certain stage of its
+development. In the New Testament, the words and precepts of Jesus have a
+character of their own, though it is very difficult to select them from
+the gospels. The supposition that the apostles' productions possess a
+higher authority than those of their disciples, is natural. But the
+immediate followers of Christ did not all stand on one platform. Differing
+from one another even in important principles, it is possible, if not
+certain, that some of their disciples' composition may be of higher value.
+The spirit of God may have wrought within the apostles generally with
+greater power and clearness than in other teachers; but its operation is
+conditioned not merely by outward factors but by individual idiosyncrasy;
+so that one who had not seen the Lord and was therefore not an apostle
+proper, may have apprehended his mind better than an immediate disciple.
+Paul stood above the primitive apostles in the extent to which he fathomed
+the pregnant sayings of Jesus and developed their latent germs. Thus the
+normative element--that which determines the varying degrees of authority
+belonging to the New Testament--does not lie in apostolic authorship but
+internal worth; in the clearness and power with which the divine Spirit
+enabled men to grasp the truth. By distinguishing the _temporal_ and the
+_eternal_ in christianity, the writings necessarily rise or sink in
+proportion to these elements. The _eternal_ is the essence and gem of
+revealed truth. Perfectibility belongs only to the _temporal_; it cannot
+be predicated of the _eternal_.
+
+The multitudinous collection of books contained in the Bible is not
+pervaded by unity of purpose or plan, so as to make a good classification
+easy. Least of all is it dominated by such substantial unity as has been
+connected with one man; for the conception of a Messiah was never the
+national belief of Judaism, but a notion projected by prophets into the
+future to comfort the people in times of disaster; the forecasting of
+aspirations doomed to disappointment. From the collection presenting
+various degrees of intellectual and moral development, it is difficult to
+see a sufficient reason for some being canonized to the exclusion of
+better works which were relegated to the class of the _apocryphal_.
+
+Mr. Jones's(390) statement that the primitive Christians are proper judges
+to determine what book is canonical, requires great modification, being
+too vague to be serviceable; for "primitive Christians" is a phrase that
+needs to be defined. How far do they extend? How much of the first and
+second centuries do they cover? Were not the primitive Christians divided
+in their beliefs? Did the Jewish and the Pauline ones unite in accepting
+the same writings? Not for a considerable time, until the means of
+ascertaining the real authors of the books and the ability to do so were
+lacking.
+
+As to the Old Testament, the Palestinian Jews determined the canonical
+books by gradually contracting the list and stopping it at a time when
+their calamities throwing them back on the past for springs of hope, had
+stiffened them within a narrow traditionalism; but their brethren in
+Egypt, touched by Alexandrian culture and Greek philosophy, received later
+productions into their canon, some of which at least are of equal value
+with Palestinian ones. In any case, the degree of authority attaching to
+the Biblical books grew from less to greater, till it culminated in a
+divine character, a sacredness rising even to infallibility. Doubtless the
+Jews of Palestine distinguished the canonical from the apocryphal or
+deutero-canonical books on grounds satisfactory to themselves; but their
+judgment was not infallible. A senate of Rabbis under the old dispensation
+might err, as easily as a synod of priests under the new. Though they may
+have been _generally_ correct, it must not be assumed that they were
+_always_ so. Their discernment may be commended without being magnified.
+The general feeling of leaning upon the past was a sound one, for the best
+times of Judaism had departed, and with them the most original effusions;
+yet the wave of Platonism that passed over Alexandria could not but
+quicken even the conservative mind of the Jew. Greek thought blended with
+echoes of the past, though in dulled form. Still a line had to be drawn in
+the national literature; and it was well drawn on the whole. The feeling
+existed that the collection must be closed with works of a certain period
+and a certain character; and it was closed accordingly, without preventing
+individuals from putting their private opinions over against authority,
+and dissenting.
+
+At the present day a new arrangement is necessary; but where is the
+ecclesiastical body bold enough to undertake it? And if it were attempted
+or carried out by non-ecclesiastical parties, would the churches approve
+or adopt the proceeding? We venture to say, that if some books be
+separated from the collection and others put in their place--if the
+classification of some be altered, and their authority raised or
+lowered--good will be done; the Bible will have a fairer degree of normal
+power in doctrine and morals, and continue to promote spiritual life.
+Faith in Christ precedes faith in books. Unless criticism be needlessly
+negative it cannot remove this time-honored legacy from the position it is
+entitled to, else the spiritual consciousness of humanity will rebel.
+While the subject is treated reverently, and the love of truth overrides
+dogmatic prejudices, the canon will come forth in a different form from
+that which it has had for centuries--a form on which faith may rest without
+misgiving.
+
+The canon was a work of divine providence, because history, in a religious
+view, necessarily implies the fact. It was a work of inspiration, because
+the agency of the Holy Spirit has always been with the people of God as a
+principle influencing their life. It was not, however, the result of a
+_special_ or _peculiar_ act of divine inspiration at any one time, but of
+a gradual illuminating process, shaped by influences more or less active
+in the divine economy.
+
+The canonical authority of Scripture does not depend on any church or
+council. The early church may be cited as a _witness_ for it; that is all.
+Canonical authority lies in Scripture itself, and is inherent in the books
+so far as they contain a declaration of the divine will. Hence, there is
+truth in the statement of old theologians that the authority of Scripture
+is from God alone. It was the early church indeed that made the canon,
+selecting the books which appeared to have been written by apostles or
+apostolic men, and carrying over to them authority from alleged
+authenticity more than internal value. But the latter is the real index of
+authority; and God is the fountain from whom spiritual endowments
+proceed.(391) The _canonicity_ of the books is a distinct question from
+that of their _authenticity_. The latter is a thing of historic criticism;
+the former of doctrinal belief. Their ecclesiastical authority rests on
+outward attestation; their normal, on faith and feeling.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+    1 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+_    2 Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, pp 3-68.
+
+    3 Clement. Hom. _ap. Coteler_, vol. i. p. 608.
+
+_    4 Stromata_, vi. 15, p. 803, ed. Potter.
+
+_    5 Adv. H�res._, i. 95.
+
+_    6 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., v. 24.
+
+_    7 De pr�script. H�reticorum_, chs. 12, 13.
+
+_    8 Comment._ in _Mat._ iii. p. 916; ed. Delarue.
+
+    9 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+_   10 Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum historiam petinentia_, ed. Dupin,
+      p. 168.
+
+   11 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+   12 At the end of the _Iambi ad Seleucum_, on the books of the New
+      Testament, he adds, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PSI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+_   13 Prologus galeatus_ in ii. Reg.
+
+_   14 Expos. in Symb. Apost._, 37, p. 374, ed. Migne.
+
+   15 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+   16 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} and {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+   17 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   18 Such as {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   19 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} or {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   20 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+_   21 Orat. de Ordin._, vol. ii. p. 44.
+
+   22 {~HEBREW LETTER GIMEL~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER ZAYIN~}. The Jews applied the word _genuzim_ to books withdrawn from
+      public use, whose contents were thought to be out of harmony with
+      the doctrinal or moral views of Judaism when the canon was closed.
+      See F�rst's _Der Kanon des alten Testaments_, p. 127, note; and
+      Geiger's _Urschrift_, p. 201.
+
+   23 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   24 H. E. Il. 23, III. 3-16.
+
+_   25 Stromata_, lib. iii. p. 1134, ed. Migne.
+
+_   26 Prolog. ad Cant., opp._, vol. iii. p. 36.
+
+   27 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PSI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+   28 See Suicer's _Thesaurus_, _s.v._
+
+   29 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, libri ecclesiastici.
+
+   30 In his epistle to Laeta he uses the epithet in its customary sense,
+      of books unauthentic, not proceeding from the authors whose names
+      they bear. _Opp._ vol. i. p. 877, ed. Migne.
+
+   31 Num. xxi. 14.
+
+   32 Joshua x. 12, 13; 2 Sam. i. 18.
+
+   33 2 Sam. viii. 16; 1 Kings iv. 3.
+
+   34 Isaiah, xl.-lxvi.
+
+   35 Chap. xiv. 23-50, &c. See Hilgenfeld's _Messias Jud�rorum_, p. 107.
+
+   36 See Buxtorf's _Tiberias_, chap. x., p. 88, &c.; and Herzfeld's
+      _Geschichte des Volkes Israel_, vol. i. p. 380, &c. Zw�lfter
+      Excursus.
+
+   37 Chapter i.
+
+   38 {~HEBREW LETTER AYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~} {~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER DALET~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}. Does this mean _for, instead of_, as Bloch understands it?
+      Waehner inserts, to fill up the sense, "some of which, however, were
+      composed by;" but this is far-fetched. See _Antiquitates Ebr�orum_,
+      p. 13.
+
+   39 Fol. 15, 1.
+
+   40 {~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER HET~}{~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}.
+
+_   41 Studien zur Geschichte der Sammlung der althebr�ischen Literatur_,
+      p. 127, &c.
+
+   42 vii. 12, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}, not {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH OXIA~}.
+
+   43 That the Scribes always adhered to the prohibition to write no
+      religious laws and ordinances cannot be held, even in the face of
+      the Talmudic saying, {~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER HET~}{~HEBREW LETTER KAF~} {~HEBREW LETTER HE~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~}{~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER HE~} {~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER RESH~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL PE~} {~HEBREW LETTER HET~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER RESH~}{~HEBREW LETTER HE~} (writers of Halacoth are
+      like a burner of the law). This may apply to the late scribes or
+      bookmen, not to the earlier. The greater part of Geiger's
+      _Urschrift_ is based on the opposite idea. As the reverence for
+      former scholars increased, the Talmudic saying might be accepted.
+      See _Temura_, 14 b.
+
+   44 Chapter ix. 2.
+
+   45 Chapter ii. 13.
+
+   46 Antiq. xii. 10, 1.
+
+   47 Josephus's Antiq., xiii. 5, 8; 1 Maccab., xii. 35.
+
+   48 1 Maccab., xiii. 36.
+
+   49 Sota, 24 a.
+
+   50 {~HEBREW LETTER MEM~}{~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~}, Nehemiah viii. 3.
+
+   51 Talmudic tradition, which attributes the redaction of the book to
+      the men of the great synagogue who are said to have acted under the
+      influence of the divine spirit, separates the three apocryphal
+      pieces from the rest; but this arose from the desire of
+      discountenancing the idea that the work consists of romance and
+      legend. Such later tradition took curious ways of justifying the
+      canonicity of Daniel and the redaction of it by the great synagogue,
+      _ex gr._, the assumption that the second part arose out of a series
+      of unconnected _Megiloth_ which were not reduced to chronological
+      order. Still the Midrash maintains that Daniel, or the person
+      writing in his name, was no prophet, like Haggai, Zechariah, and
+      Malachi, but a man of visions, an _apocalyptist_. It was a general
+      belief, that _visions_ had come into the place of _prophecy_ when
+      the book appeared. The Greek translation could not have been long
+      after the original, because it is used in the First Book of
+      Maccabees. The interval between the Hebrew and the Greek was
+      inconsiderable. The translator not only departed from, but added to,
+      the original, inserting such important pieces as the Prayer of
+      Azarias, the Song of the Three Children, the history of Susanna, and
+      that of Bel and the Dragon. Whether any of these had been written
+      before is uncertain. Most of the traditions they embody were
+      probably reduced to writing by the translator, and presented in his
+      peculiar style. The assertion, that Josephus was unacquainted with
+      these additions is hazardous, since the way in which he speaks of
+      Daniel's fame (Antiq. x. 11, 7), and especially of _the books_ he
+      wrote ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}), supposes some relation to them. Elsewhere he
+      speaks of _one book_ (x. 10, 4; xi. 8, 5), where he may have thought
+      of the canonical part.
+
+   52 {~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER TAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER SAMEKH~}, translated by the Greek {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, hagiographa.
+
+   53 It has been thought that the phrase {~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER AYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER MEM~}{~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER TAV~} in the ninth verse
+      alludes to the great council or synagogue. This conjecture is
+      plausible on various grounds. The reasons for attributing the
+      epilogue to a later time than the writer of the book appear to be
+      stronger than those assigning it to the original author. The 13th
+      and 14th verses in particular, are unlike Coheleth.
+
+   54 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}; {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}. The younger Sirach does
+      not use {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~}, which would have been a proper translation of
+      _c'tubim_. Does not this {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} imply the non-application of the
+      specific title _c'tubim_ to the hagiographa at that time, and
+      therefore the idea that the third canon was still open?
+
+_   55 Contra Apion_, i. 8.
+
+   56 In Maaser Sheni, Sota 24. 1, the duumvirate or suggoth, consisting
+      of the president, Nasi, and vice-president, Ab-beth-din, are
+      referred to Hyrcanus's creation. Zunz affirms that it originated in
+      the time of Simon, son of Mattathias, 142 B.C.
+
+   57 Antiq., xiv., 9.
+
+_   58 Der gerichtliche Beweis_, p. 68.
+
+   59 The Sanhedrim _properly so called_ ceased under R. Judah I.,
+      Ha-Nasi, when the council of seventy members which sat at Sepphoris
+      before his patriarchate, transferred its privileges to him, on his
+      removal to that place. The court was then merged in the patriarch.
+
+   60 {~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER ZAYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~} literally concealed, withdrawn from public use.
+
+   61 See F�rst's _Der Kanon des alten Testaments, u.s.w._ pp. 147, 148.
+
+_   62 Tract. Sabbat._ ch. i.
+
+   63 Because of its profane spirit and Epicurean ideas; see Adoyot v. 3.
+
+   64 Yadayim v. 3.
+
+   65 See Graetz's _Kohelet_, pp. 162, 163.
+
+   66 The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth apocryphal, because its
+      statements are contradictory. And why have they not declared it
+      apocryphal? Because it begins with words of the law, and ends with
+      words of the law, for it opens with the words "What advantage has
+      man in all his labor wherewith he labors under the sun?" &c.,
+      &c.--Sabbat. 30 b.
+
+      So also in the Midrash: "The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth
+      apocryphal," &c., &c.--Vayyikra rabba 161 b.
+
+   67 R. Simeon ben Asai said, "I have received it from the mouth of the
+      72 elders in the day that R. Eleasar ben Asaria was appointed elder,
+      that the Song of Songs and Coheleth pollute the hands."--Yadayim v.
+      3.
+
+   68 This language was based on a figurative interpretation of the Song.
+      One who said, "Whoever reads such writings as Sirach and the later
+      books loses all part in everlasting life," can have no weight. He
+      outheroded the Palestinian tradition respecting the Jewish
+      productions of later origin, which merely affirms that they "do not
+      pollute the hands."--(_Toss. Yadayim_, c. 2)
+
+_   69 Studien zur Geschichte, u. s. w._, p. 150, &c.
+
+   70 Geiger's _Urschrift_, p. 288.
+
+   71 See De Goeje in the _Theologisch Tijdschriff Jaargang II._ (1868) p.
+      179, &c.
+
+   72 Zunz's _Die gottesdienstlichen Vortr�ge_, pp. 101, 102.
+
+   73 V. 20, p. 124, ed. Ueltzen.
+
+   74 Dillmann, in the _Jahrb�cher f�r deutsche Theologie, dritter Band_,
+      p. 422.
+
+   75 In his _Antiq._, x. 4, 5, and xi. 1-5.
+
+   76 iv. 6, sec. 3, and vi. 2, sec. 1.
+
+   77 xi. 8, sec. 5.
+
+   78 Article "Kanon" in Herzog's _Encyklop�die_, vol. vii., p. 253; and
+      the same author's _Prolegomena zur Theologie des alt. Test._, pp.
+      91, 92.
+
+   79 See Abulfatach's _Annal. Samar._, p. 102, 9, &c.
+
+   80 Kirschbaum, Weisse, and Noack.
+
+_   81 Einleitung in das alte Testament_, vol. i. p. 133.
+
+_   82 De vita contemplativa_, Opp. Tom. ii., P. 475, ed. Mangey.
+
+   83 See Credner's _Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, p. 124.
+
+_   84 De mens. et pond._, chapters 22, 23, vol. ii. p. 180, ed. Petav.
+
+_   85 Baba Bathra_, fol. 14, 2.
+
+   86 See _F�rst, Der Kanon u. s. w. p._ 14, &c.
+
+_   87 Studien zur Geschichte der alttestamentliche Literatur, u. s. w._,
+      p. 18, etc.
+
+   88 Hody _De Bibliorum textibus originalibus_, p. 644.
+
+   89 Hody gives lists of the order in which the books stand in some early
+      printed editions and in a few MSS., p. 645.
+
+_   90 Die Apokryphen, u. s. w._, p. 14, &c.
+
+_   91 Studien und Kritiken_ for 1853, p. 267, &c.
+
+_   92 A Scholastical History of the Canon_, p. 22.
+
+   93 See Rothe, _Zur Dogmatik, Studien u. Kritiken_ for 1860, p. 67, &c.
+      The apostle's argument rests on the occurrence of the singular
+      (_seed_, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}) in Genesis xvii. 8 (LXX.), not the plural (_seeds_,
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}); though the plural of the corresponding Hebrew word could
+      not have been used, because it has a different signification.
+      Grammatical inaccuracy is made the basis of a certain theological
+      interpretation. Those who wish to see a specimen of labored
+      ingenuity unsuccessfully applied to the justification of St. Paul's
+      argument in this passage, may consult Tholuck's _Das alte Testament
+      in neuem Testament_, p. 63, etc. Vierte Auflage. (Epist. to the
+      Galatians iii. 16.)
+
+   94 Died 202 A.D.
+
+_   95 Advers. Hares._, v. 35, referring to Baruch iv. 36, and v. p. 335,
+      ed. Massuet.
+
+_   96 Ibid._, iv., 26, referring to Daniel xiii. 20 in the Septuagint.
+
+   97 Died 220A.D.
+
+_   98 P�dagog._ vi. 3.
+
+_   99 Stromata_, ii. 23.
+
+_  100 Stromata_, iv. 16.
+
+_  101 Ibid._, ii. 7.
+
+_  102 Ex Script. prophet. eclogae_, c. 1.
+
+_  103 Stromateis_, ii. 15.
+
+  104 Died 264 A.D.
+
+_  105 De Natura; Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae_, vol. iv. p. 356.
+
+_  106 Fragment. Nicet._, in _Reliq. Sacrae_, vol. ii. p. 404.
+
+_  107 Ibid._, p. 407.
+
+_  108 Ibid._, p. 406.
+
+_  109 Epistola ad. Dionys. Roman_, in _Reliq. Sacr._, vol. iii. p. 195.
+
+_  110 Reliq. Sacr._, vol. ii. p. 408.
+
+  111 Died 220 A.D.
+
+_  112 Advers. Valentinianos._ ch. 2.
+
+_  113 De Exhortatione Castitatis_, ch. 2.
+
+_  114 Contra Gnosticos_, ch. 8.
+
+_  115 De Habitu Muliebri_, ch. 3.
+
+_  116 Epist._ 55, p. 110, ed. Fell.
+
+_  117 De Orat. Domin._ p. 153.
+
+_  118 De Exhortat. Martyrii_, ch. 12, p. 182.
+
+_  119 De Mortal_, p. 161.
+
+_  120 De Orat. Domin._, p. 141.
+
+_  121 Testim._ iii. 4, p. 62.
+
+_  122 De Lapsis_, p. 133, &c.
+
+_  123 Adv. Noel._ v.
+
+  124 See Migne's edition, p. 689, &c.
+
+  125 Died after 171.
+
+_  126 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 26.
+
+  127 Died 254, A.D.
+
+_  128 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 25.
+
+_  129 Comment. in Joann._ tom. xxxii. ch. 14, ed. Huet. p, 409.
+
+_  130 Contra Cels._ iii. 72; vol. i. p. 494, ed. Delarue.
+
+_  131 In Exodus_, Hom. vi. i; Levit. Hom. v. 2.
+
+_  132 In Levit._, Hom. xii. 4.
+
+_  133 In Lukam_, Hom. 21.
+
+_  134 De Oratione_, ii. p. 215.
+
+_  135 Opp. ed_ Delarue, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  136 Died 311.
+
+_  137 Convivium decem virginum_, in Combefis's Auctarium bibliothecae
+      Graecorum patrum, p. 69.
+
+_  138 Ibid._, p. 69.
+
+_  139 Ibid._, p. 109.
+
+  140 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}. _Ap._ Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.
+
+  141 Davidson's _Introduction to the Study of the N. Testam._ vol. x. p.
+      388.
+
+_  142 Explanatio in Epist. ad Titum_, vol. iv. p. 407, ed. Benedict.
+
+_  143 Die Valentinianische Gnosis und die heilige Schrift_, p. 75.
+
+  144 A good deal of manipulation has been needlessly employed for the
+      purpose of placing these heretics as early as possible; but nothing
+      definite can be extracted from Iren�us's notices of them.
+      Hippolytus's use of the present tense, in speaking of them, renders
+      it probable that they were nearly his contemporaries.
+
+  145 See the Indexes to Duncker and Schneidewin's edition.
+
+_  146 Bibliotheca_, cod. 232.
+
+  147 It is an unfounded assumption that Paul cited the passage by "mere
+      accident;" on the contrary, he gives it as canonical, with "as it is
+      written" (1 Corinth. ii. 9). It may be that the Gnostics are
+      referred to as using the objectionable passage; but it is special
+      pleading _to limit_ it to them, when Paul has expressly used the
+      same, deriving it either from Isaiah lxiv. 4, or some unknown
+      document; just as it is special pleading to identify {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}
+      standing beside {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}, with _the New Testament_. The
+      word excludes Paul's Epistles from the canon; nor is there any
+      evidence to the contrary, as has been alleged, in the two Syriac
+      epistles attributed to Clement, which Wetstein published. Comp.
+      _Eusebius's H. E._ iv. 22, _Photius's Bibliotheca_, 232. Apologists
+      have labored to prove Hegesippus an orthodox Catholic Christian,
+      like Iren�us; but in vain. He was a Jewish Christian of moderate
+      type, holding intercourse with Pauline Christians at the time when
+      the Catholic Church was being formed.
+
+  148 See _Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift_ for 1875-1878.
+
+  149 There is {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} instead of the Septuagint's and Mark's (Tischend.)
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}.
+
+_  150 Geschichte Jesu von Nazara_, vol. 1, p. 144.
+
+  151 See Vision ii, 3, 4, with the prolegomena of De Gebhardt: and
+      Harnack, p. lxxiii.
+
+  152 See Holtzmann in Hilgenfeld's _Zeitschrift_ for 1875, p. 40, &c.
+
+  153 Epist. ch. iv.
+
+  154 Chapter xii. pp. 30, 31, ed. 2, Hilgenfeld.
+
+  155 See Chapter xv. end, with Hilgenfeld's note, _Barnabae epistula ed._
+      _altera_, pp. 118, 119.
+
+_  156 Epis._ p. 13 ed. Hilgenfeld.
+
+_  157 Zeitschrift f�r wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1871, P. 336, etc.
+
+  158 Chapters xvi. and iv. In the former the reference is to Enoch
+      lxxxix. 56, 66, 67, but the latter is not in the present book of
+      Enoch, though Hilgenfeld thinks he has discovered it in lxxxix.
+      61-64 and xc. 17. (_Dillmann's Das Buch Henoch_, pp. 61, 63). Was
+      another apocryphal Jewish book current in the time of Barnabas,
+      under the name of Enoch; or did he confound one document with
+      another, misled by the Greek translation of an apocalyptic work
+      which had fallen into discredit? See Hilgenfeld's _Barnabae
+      Epistula_, ed. 2 pp. 77, 78.
+
+  159 Chapter xi.
+
+_  160 Hist. Eccles._ iii. 39.
+
+  161 A small body of literature originating in the fragment of Papias
+      preserved by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. iii, 39, 1-4) has appeared;
+      though it is difficult to obtain satisfactory conclusions. Not only
+      have Weiffenbach and Leimbach written treatises on the subject, but
+      other scholars have entered into it more or less fully,--Zahn,
+      Steitz, Riggenbach, Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Keim, Martens, Loman,
+      Holtzmann, Hausrath, Tietz, and Lightfoot. The fragment is not of
+      great weight in settling the authenticity of the four gospels.
+      Indirectly indeed it throws some light on the connection of two
+      evangelists with written memoirs of the life of Jesus; but it rather
+      suggests than solves various matters of importance. It is tolerably
+      clear that the gospels, if such they may be called, of which he
+      speaks as written by Matthew and Mark, were not identical with the
+      works now existing under the names of these evangelists; and that no
+      safe conclusion can be drawn from Papias's silence about John's and
+      Luke's as not then in existence. Neither the present gospels nor any
+      other had been converted into _Scripture_; since he regarded oral
+      traditions as more credible than written memoirs. Those who hold
+      that the presbyter John was none other than the apostle, Eusebius
+      having misunderstood the fragment and made a different John from the
+      apostle, as well as the critics who deduce from the fragment the
+      fact that John suffered martyrdom in Palestine, have not established
+      these conclusions. Papias refers to the material he got for
+      explaining the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, rather than the source whence they were drawn.
+      But whether he learnt directly from the elders, or indirectly as the
+      preposition ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~}) would seem to indicate, and whether the sentence
+      beginning with "What Andrew," &c., ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~} {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}.) stands in
+      apposition to the "words of the elders," ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}) or not, are things uncertain.
+
+_  162 Epist. ad Philadelph._, ch. 5 See Hefele's note on the passage. The
+      other well-known passage in chapter viii. is too uncertain in
+      reading and meaning to be adduced here.
+
+  163 Chapter iii.
+
+  164 To the Ephesians, chapter xii.
+
+_  165 Epist. ad Romanos_, iv.
+
+_  166 Testam. Benj._ 11, p. 201, ed. Sinker.
+
+_  167 Zeitschrift f�r wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1875, p. 490, _et
+      seq._
+
+  168 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}. Sec. 103. Here "the
+      apostles" are not necessarily Matthew and John. Apocryphal gospels
+      then current bore the name of apostles or their attendants,--of
+      Peter, James, Nicodemus, Matthias, &c.
+
+  169 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}.
+      Dial. cum Tryph., 106. Here the pronoun {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} probably refers to
+      Peter. And the expression "his memoirs" can hardly mean Mark's
+      gospel, since Jerome is the first that calls it such.
+
+_  170 Dialogus_, part ii., p. 315, ed. Thirlby. Comp. on Justin,
+      Tjeenk-Willink's _Justinus Martyr in zijne Verhouding tot Paulus_.
+
+_  171 Apolog._ i. 97, ed. Thirlby.
+
+_  172 Hieronymi Prooem._ in _Epist. ad Titum._
+
+  173 Comp. chap. xii., where {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~} is applied to the apostolic epistles;
+      a title they did not receive so early as the age of Polycarp. Zahn
+      himself admits this.
+
+  174 Chapter xiv. 2.
+
+  175 Chapter ii. 4.
+
+  176 See _Clementis Romani ad Corinthios quae discuntur epistulae, ed. de
+      Gebhardt et Harnack_, 2., sec. 10, Prolegomena.
+
+_  177 Legat. pro Christ._ II, 12.
+
+_  178 Ibid._ 33.
+
+  179 Chapter xviii.
+
+_  180 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., iv. 23.
+
+_  181 Ap_. Euseb. H. E., v. 1, p. 144, ed. Bright.
+
+  182 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}. _Ad Autolycum_, iii. 14, p. 1141, ed Migne.
+
+_  183 Ibid._, ii. 22.
+
+  184 Epist. 151, ad Algasiam.
+
+  185 See Overbeck's _Studien zur Geschichte der alten Kirche, Abhandlung_
+      I., in which the date of the letter is brought down till after
+      Constantine. Surely this is too late.
+
+  186 Davidson's _Introduction to the Study of the New Testament_, vol.
+      ii. p. 508, &c.
+
+  187 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+  188 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+_  189 Adves. H�res._, iv. 20, 2.
+
+_  190 Stromateis_, ii. 6, p. 965, ed. Migne.
+
+_  191 Ibid._, iv. 17, p. 1312.
+
+_  192 Ibid._, i. 29, p. 928.
+
+_  193 De Oratione_, cap. 12.
+
+_  194 De Pudicitia_, cap. 10-20.
+
+  195 G. of St. Paul's epistles, a MS. of the ninth century according to
+      Tischendorf.
+
+  196 See Anger's _Ueber den Laodicener Brief_, 1843.
+
+_  197 Fertur etiam ad Laudecences alia ad Alexandrinos Pauli nomine
+      fincte ad hesem Marcionis el alia plura qu� in Catholicam ecclesiam
+      recepi non potest._ Perhaps a comma should be put after _nomine_,
+      and _fincte_ joined to what follows, to the _alia plura_ said to be
+      forged in the interest of Marcion.
+
+_  198 Quarti evangeliorum Johannis ex discipulis cohortantibus
+      condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit conjejunate mihi odie triduo
+      el quid cuique fuerit revelatum alterutrum nobis ennarremus eadem
+      nocte revelatum Andre� ex apostolis ut recogniscentibus cunctis
+      Johannis suo nomine cuncta discriberet._
+
+  199 It is printed and largely commented on by Credner in his _Geschichte
+      des neutestamentlichen Kanon_ edited by Volkmar, p. 141, &c., and by
+      Westcott _On the Canon_, Appendix C, p. 466, 2d edition. Many others
+      have explained it; especially Hilgenfeld.
+
+  200 About A.D. 190.
+
+_  201 Euseb._ H. E. vi. 12.
+
+  202 Tischendorf edited the Pauline epistles from this MS. Lipsi�, 1852.
+
+  203 Died 254 A.D.
+
+  204 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI AND YPOGEGRAMMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  205 In one place, however, he calls it _very useful and divinely
+      inspired_. _Comment. in ep. ad Roman._, xvi. 14.
+
+  206 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  207 Ap. Euseb, _Hist. Eccles._, vi. 25; iii. 25, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  208 See Euseb. _H. E._ vi. 25. _Comment. in Malth._, iii. p. 463;
+      _Ibid._, p. 814; _Comment. in ep. ad Roman._, iv. p. 683; _in
+      Matth._, iii. p. 644; _Homil._ viii. _in Numb._, ii. p. 294; _Contra
+      Cels._, i. 63, p. 378; _De Principiis pr�f._, i. p. 49. _Opp._, ed.
+      Delarue.
+
+  209 Died 340 A.D.
+
+_  210 Hist. Eccles._, iii. 25; also 31, 39; vi. 13, 14.
+
+  211 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  212 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  213 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI~}; {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} (iii. 31).
+
+  214 This last with the qualification {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}. In another place he
+      states that it was rejected by some, and therefore it is also along
+      with the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} or {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  215 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}.
+
+  216 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  217 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}. _Hist. Eccles._, ii. 23. Christophorson, Schmid, and Hug
+      think that Eusebius gave the opinion of others in this word: but it
+      is more likely that he gave his own, as Valesius thinks. See the
+      note in Schmid's _Historia antiqua et vindicatio Canonis, &c._, p.
+      358.
+
+_  218 Ibid._, vi. 14.
+
+  219 See Weber's _Beitr�ge zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons_,
+      p. 142, &c.
+
+  220 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}. _Hist. Eccles._, iii. 16.
+
+_  221 Adversus H�res_, iii., II, 8.
+
+_  222 Adv. Marc._ iv. 5.
+
+_  223 De pr�script. h�ret._ c. 36.
+
+_  224 De pr�script. h�ret._ c. 32.
+
+_  225 Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles._ ii. 15 and vi. 14.
+
+_  226 Ignatius von Antiochien_, 1873; and Prolegomena to the _Patrum
+      Apostolicorum opera_, by de Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, Fasciculus,
+      ii.
+
+_  227 Geschichte des neutest. Kanon_, p. 217, &c.
+
+  228 See _Constit. Apostol._, p. 67, ed Ueltzen.
+
+  229 Died 386 A.D.
+
+_  230 Catech._, iv. 22, pp. 66, 67, ed. Milles.
+
+_  231 Ibid._, xi. p. 142.
+
+_  232 Ibid._, vi. p. 80.
+
+_  233 Ibid._, ix. pp. 115, 122.
+
+_  234 Ibid._, ix. p. 115.
+
+_  235 Ibid._, ii. p. 31.
+
+_  236 Ibid._, xvi. p. 239.
+
+  237 Athanasii _Opp._ ed. Benedict. i. 2, pp. 962, 963.
+
+_  238 Orat. contra Arianos_, ii. 35, vol. i. 503, ed. Benedict.
+
+_  239 Ibid._, ii. 42, i. p. 510.
+
+_  240 Ibid._, ii. 79, i. p. 546.
+
+_  241 Epist. ad episcop. �gypt._, &c., i. 1, p. 272.
+
+_  242 Contra Arian._, i. 12, i. p. 416.
+
+_  243 Apolog. contra Arianos_, ii. vol. i. p. 133.
+
+_  244 Praepar Evan._, i. 9.
+
+_  245 Ibid._, xi. 14.
+
+_  246 Ibid._, xii. 18.
+
+_  247 Ibid._, vi. 11.
+
+_  248 Demon. Evang._, vi. 19.
+
+  249 Died 379 A.D.
+
+_  250 Homil. in princip. proverb. Opp._ ed. Garnier altera, vol. ii. p.
+      140.
+
+_  251 Constitutiones Monast._, c. iii. 2. _Ibid._, p. 779.
+
+_  252 Adv. Eunom_, vol. i. p. 417.
+
+_  253 De Spiritu Sancto_, c. viii. vol. iii. p. 23.
+
+_  254 In Princip. Proverb_, vol. ii. p. 152.
+
+  255 Died 389 A.D.
+
+_  256 Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.
+
+  257 Gregorii Nazianzeni, _Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.
+
+  258 Died 395 A.D.
+
+  259 Iambi ad Seleucum; in Greg. Naz. _Opp._ ii. p. 194.
+
+  260 Died 403 A.D.
+
+  261 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}. _Adv. H�res_, i. p. 19. See _H�res_, iii. tom. i. p. 941.
+      De ponder. et mensur. 23.
+
+_  262 Advers. H�res_, lib. i., tom. 2 ed. Petav. Paris, 1662, p. 72.
+
+_  263 Ibid._, lib. ii. tom. ii. p. 781.
+
+_  264 Ibid._, lib. ii. tom. i. p. 580.
+
+_  265 Ibid._, lib, ii. tom. i. p. 481.
+
+_  266 Ibid._, lib. i. tom. ii. p. 157.
+
+_  267 H�res_, xxx. 15.
+
+  268 Died 392 A.D.
+
+  269 Enarrat. in ep. S. Petri secundam, p. 1774 ed Migne.
+
+  270 Died  407 A.D.
+
+  271 See Montfaucon in his edition of Chrysostom's Works, vol. vi. pp.
+      364, 365, ed. Paris, 1835.
+
+  272 Expos. in Psalm cix. 7. See also xi. 1 in Genes, where Wisdom xiv. 3
+      is cited.
+
+  273 Expos. in Psalm xlix. 3.
+
+  274 De Lazaro, ii. 4.
+
+  275 Died 392 A.D.
+
+_  276 De Trinitate_, iii. 2. p. 792 ed. Migne.
+
+  277 Fragmenta in Epist. 2 ad Corinthios, when Baruch, iii. 3, is quoted
+      like Psalm 101, p. 1697.
+
+  278 De Spirit. sanct. i. p. 1033.
+
+  279 Died 428 A.D.
+
+  280 See Leontius Byzantinus contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos, lib. iii.
+      in _Gallandi Bibliotheca_, xii. p. 690. Comp. Fritzsche _De Theodori
+      Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis_, Hal�, 1836.
+
+  281 Died 444 A.D.
+
+  282 Contra Julian, i. p. 541, ed. Migne.
+
+_  283 Ibid._, p. 815.
+
+_  284 Ibid._, p. 921.
+
+  285 In Isaim, ed. Migne, p. 93.
+
+  286 P. 859, vol. i.
+
+  287 P. 910, vol. i., ed. Migne.
+
+  288 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  289 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  290 Died 430 A.D.
+
+  291 The forty-four books are, 5 of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 4 Kings,
+      2 Chronicles, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, 2 Maccabees, Ezra,
+      Nehemiah, Psalms, 3 of Solomon, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 12 Prophets,
+      4 greater do. _De Doctrina Christiana_ ii. 8.
+
+_  292 Contra Gaudent._ i. 38. _Opp._ Paris, 1837, vol. ix. p. 1006.
+
+_  293 De Doctr. Christ._ ii. 8. _Civitat. Dei._ xviii. 20, 1.
+
+_  294 De Praesdest. Sanct._ i. 11.
+
+_  295 Retractt._ i. 10.
+
+_  296 De Peccat. merit._ i. 50; _Opp._ vol. x. p. 137, ed. Migne.
+
+_  297 Mansi_, tom. iii. p. 924.
+
+_  298 Ibid._, p. 891.
+
+  299 Died 420 A.D.
+
+_  300 Prologus galeatus in Libros Regum. Epist. ad Paulinum._
+
+  301 In Herbst's _Einleit._, _erster Theil_, p. 37.
+
+_  302 Opp._ ed. Benedict., Vol. IV., pp. 679, 684, 750.
+
+  303 Ep. ad Dardan. _Opp._ vol. i. P. 1103, ed. Migne.
+
+  304 See _Onomastica Sacra_; Comment. in Ep. ad Philem; De Viris illustr.
+
+  305 Died 368 A.D.
+
+  306 Prolog. in Psalm., _Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. i. p. 241.
+
+_  307 De Trinitate_ iv. 16.
+
+_  308 Ex. Op. Hist. Fragmentum_, iii. vol. ii. p. 672 ed. Migne.
+
+  309 In cxxvii. Psalm.
+
+  310 In Psalm cxxvi. 6.
+
+  311 In Psalm lxviii. 19, and _De Trinitate_, iv. 42.
+
+_  312 Ibid._, iv. 8.
+
+  313 Died about 370 A.D.
+
+_  314 De Schismate Donatist_, iii. 3.
+
+_  315 Ibid._, ii. 25.
+
+  316 Died about 370 A.D.
+
+_  317 De non parcendo_, &c., ed. Coleti, p. 190.
+
+_  318 Ibid._, p. 236.
+
+_  319 Ibid._, p. 187.
+
+_  320 Pro Athanasio_, lib. i. p. 98.
+
+_  321 Ibid._, p. 105.
+
+_  322 Ibid._, lib. ii. pp. 127, 128.
+
+  323 Died 397 A.D.
+
+_  324 De Spiritu Sancto_ iii. 18.
+
+_  325 De bono mortis_ viii.
+
+  326 In Psalm cxviii., Sermo. 118, 2.
+
+_  327 De Spirit. Sancto._ iii., vi. 39.
+
+_  328 Liber de Tobia_.
+
+  329 Died 410 A.D.
+
+_  330 Expos. in Symbol. Apostol._, pp. 373, 374, ed. Migne.
+
+  331 Died about 387 A.D.
+
+  332 De H�res. chs. 60 and 61, in Galland, vii. pp. 424, 425.
+
+  333 Apud Mansi, iii. pp. 1040, 1041.
+
+  334 Credner's _Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, p. 151, &c., and Thiel's
+      _Epistol� Romanorum Pontificum genuinae_, tom. i.
+
+  335 Mansi iv. p. 430.
+
+_  336 Opp. Gr�c._, tom. ii. P. 327, ed. Rom. 1746.
+
+_  337 Ibid._, tom. i. p. 101.
+
+  338 Tom. iii. p. 60.
+
+  339 Galland, xii. p. 79, &c.
+
+  340 See Dillmann in Ewald's _Jahrb�cher_, v. p. 144, &c.
+
+  341 Died 599 A.D.
+
+  342 See Credner's _Zur Gesch. des Kanons_, p. 97, &c.
+
+  343 Died 891 A.D.
+
+_  344 Nomocanon, Titulus III._, cap. 2, vol. iv. pp. 1050, 1051 ed.
+      Migne.
+
+  345 See Codd. 113, 126.
+
+  346 Died 754 A.D.
+
+  347 Died 636 A.D.
+
+_  348 Etymolog._ vi. 1.
+
+  349 Died  604 A.D.
+
+  350 Died 912 A.D.
+
+  351 Died 735 A.D.
+
+  352 Died 804 A.D.
+
+  353 Died 856 A.D.
+
+  354 Died 1141 A.D.
+
+  355 Died 1156 A.D.
+
+  356 Died 1182 A.D.
+
+  357 1270 A.D.
+
+  358 Died 1263 A.D.
+
+  359 Died 1384 A.D.
+
+  360 Died 1340 A.D.
+
+  361 See Hody, p. 648, &c.
+
+  362 Chemnitz calls seven books of the New Testament _apocryphos_,
+      because of their uncertain authorship (see _Examen Concilii
+      Tridentini_, p. 45, &c.)
+
+  363 See Tholuck's _Kommentar zum Briefe an die Hebr�er, zweite Auflage_,
+      pp. 55, 86.
+
+  364 Carlstadt's treatise is reprinted in Credner's _Zur Geschichte des
+      Kanons_.
+
+  365 Werke, edited by Schuler and Schulthess, vol. ii. p. 169.
+
+_  366 Ep. ad. Valdenses_, 1530, _apud. Sculteti annal. evang. renovat
+      decas secunda_, pp. 313, 314.
+
+_  367 Ibid._
+
+  368 Hug says that his copy of Widmanstad's edition had the Acts
+      immediately following the Gospels.
+
+  369 Epist. ad Paulinum.
+
+  370 Hom. vii. in Josua.
+
+  371 De Bibliorum textibus originalibus, &c., p. 654.
+
+_  372 Ibid._, p. 664.
+
+  373 See Zacagni's _Collectanea monumentorum veterum Praefat_, p. lxxi.,
+      &c.
+
+  374 See Volkmar's _Anhang_ to _Crednet's Geschichte des N. T. Kanon_, p.
+      341, &c.; and Hody _De Bibliorum textibus originalibus_, p. 644, &c.
+
+_  375 Niemeyer's Collectio Confessionum_, p. 468.
+
+_  376 Ibid._, p. 330.
+
+_  377 Ibid._, pp. 361, 362.
+
+  378 See Herzog's _Die Romanischen Waldenser_, p. 55, &c.; and his
+      programm _De origine et pristino statu Waldensium_, &c., pp. 17, 40,
+      41.
+
+  379 Leger's _Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises_, vol. i., p. 112, &c.
+
+  380 The reason given for their being added as a separate appendix is
+      that they are cited by some fathers and found in some Latin Bibles.
+
+  381 Kimmel's _Monumenta fidei eccles. orient_, part i. p. 467.
+
+  382 Died 791 A.D.
+
+_  383 Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des Canons_, 4 parts, Halle,
+      1771-1775.
+
+  384 See Toland's _Nazarenus_, p. 25, &c., second edition; and Morgan's
+      _Moral Philosopher_, vol. i. p. 56, &c.
+
+  385 For example, "Moses is dead; his rule went out when Christ came--he
+      is of no further service here.... We are willing to regard him as a
+      teacher, but we will not regard him as our lawgiver, _unless he
+      agree with the New Testament and the law of nature_." _S�mmtliche
+      Schriften_, ed. Walch. dritter Theil., pp. 7, 8.
+
+  386 Such as Calovius, Chemnitz, John Gerhard, W. Lyser, Quenstedt,
+      Brochmand, Hollaz, &c. Melancthon also makes no important
+      distinction between the two Testaments in his _Loci theologici_.
+      Calvin's theology was derived from the Old Testament more than the
+      New.
+
+  387 His full sayings are collected in Bretschneider's _Luther an unsere
+      Zeit_, pp. 186-224; and in Krause's _Opuscula theologica_, pp.
+      205-241.
+
+_  388 Loci Theologici_ Tom. i. pp. 186, 187, ed. Cotta, 1762.
+
+_  389 Theologia Didactico-polemica_, p. 340.
+
+  390 See Jones's new and full method of settling the canonical authority
+      of the New Testament, Vol. I., Part i., chap. 5. page 52, ed. 1726.
+
+  391 Ecclesia sua autoritate nullum librum facit canonicum, quippe
+      canonica scripturae autoritas est a solo Deo, &c. Gerhard's _Loci
+      Theologici_, tom. i. p. 4, ed. Cotta. Autoritas scriptur� quoad nos
+      nihil allud est, quam manifestatio et cognitio unic� illius divin�
+      et summ� autoritatis, qu� scriptum est interna et insita. Ecclesia
+      igitur non confert scriptur� novam aliquam autoritatem quoad nos,
+      sed testificatione sua ad agnitionem illius; veritatis nos deducit.
+      Concedimus, ecclesiam esse scriptur� sacr� _testem, custodem,
+      vindicem, praeconem, et interpretem_; sed negarnus, ex eo effici,
+      quod autoritas scriptur� sive simpliciter sive quoad nos ab ecclesia
+      pendeat et quidem unice, pendeat.--_Ibid._, tomus secundus, p. 39,
+      ed. Cotta.
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
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+
+<div lang="en" class="tei tei-text" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 2.00em" xml:lang="en">
+  <div class="tei tei-front" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 2.00em">
+    <div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      <div id="pgheader" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em">The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Canon of the Bible by Samuel Davidson</p></div><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost
+          and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it,
+          give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project
+          Gutenberg License <a href="#pglicense" class="tei tei-ref">included with this
+          eBook</a> or online at <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license" class="tei tei-xref">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a></p></div><pre class="pre tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">Title: The Canon of the Bible
+
+Author: Samuel Davidson
+
+Release Date: September 29, 2009 [Ebook #30132]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
+</pre></div>
+    </div>
+    <div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      
+    </div>
+
+    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Canon of the Bible:</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Its Formation, History, And Fluctuations</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">By</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Samuel Davidson, D.D.</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Of Halle, And LL.D.</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">From the Third Revised and Enlarged Edition.</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">New York</p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Peter Eckler Publishing Co.</p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">1877</p>
+    </div>
+    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1>
+      <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc"><li><a href="#toc1">Preface.</a></li><li><a href="#toc3">Chapter I. Introductory.</a></li><li><a href="#toc5">Chapter II. The Old Testament Canon From Its Beginning
+To Its Close.</a></li><li><a href="#toc7">Chapter III. The Samaritan And Alexandrian Canons.</a></li><li><a href="#toc9">Chapter IV. Number And Order Of The Separate Books.</a></li><li><a href="#toc11">Chapter V. Use Of The Old Testament By The First Christian
+Writers, And By The Fathers Till The Time Of
+Origen.</a></li><li><a href="#toc13">Chapter VI. The New Testament Canon In The First
+Three Centuries.</a></li><li><a href="#toc15">Chapter VII. The Bible Canon From The Fourth Century To The Reformation.</a></li><li><a href="#toc17">Chapter VIII. Order Of The New Testament Books.</a></li><li><a href="#toc19">Chapter IX. Summary Of The Subject.</a></li><li><a href="#toc21">Chapter X. The Canon In The Confession Of Different
+Churches.</a></li><li><a href="#toc23">Chapter XI. The Canon From Semler To The Present Time,
+With Reflections On Its Readjustment.</a></li><li><a href="#toc25">Footnotes</a></li></ul>
+    </div>
+
+  </div>
+<div class="tei tei-body" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pageiii">[pg iii]</span><a name="Pgiii" id="Pgiii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a>
+<a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Preface.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The substance of the present work was written toward the
+close of the year 1875 for the new edition of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Encyclopaedia
+Britannica</span></span>. Having been abridged and mutilated, contrary to
+the author's wishes, before its publication there, he resolved to
+print it entire. With that view it has undergone repeated revision
+with enlargement in different parts, and been made as
+complete as the limits of an essay appeared to allow. As nothing
+of importance has been knowingly omitted, the writer hopes
+it will be found a comprehensive summary of all that concerns
+the formation and history of the Bible canon. The place occupied
+by it was vacant. No English book reflecting the processes
+of results of recent criticism, gives an account of the
+canon in both Testaments. Articles and essays upon the subject
+there are; but their standpoint is usually apologetic not scientific,
+traditional rather than impartial, unreasonably conservative
+without being critical. The topic is weighty, involving the consideration
+of great questions, such as the inspiration, authenticity,
+authority, and age of the Scriptures. The author has tried
+to handle it fairly, founding his statements on such evidence as
+seemed convincing, and condensing them into a moderate compass.
+If the reader wishes to know the evidence, he may find it
+in the writer's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Introductions to the Old and New Testaments</span></span>,
+where the separate books of Scripture are discussed; and in the
+late treatises of other critics. While his expositions are capable
+of expansion, it is believed that they will not be easily shaken.
+He commends the work to the attention of all who have an interest
+in the progress of theology, and are seeking a foundation
+for their faith less precarious than books however venerable.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It has not been the writer's purpose to chronicle phases of
+opinion, or to refute what he believes to be error in the newest
+hypotheses about the age, authority, and composition of the
+books. His aim has been rather to set forth the most correct
+view of the questions involved in a history of the canon, whether
+it be more or less recent. Some may think that the latest or
+most current account of such questions is the best; but that is
+not his opinion. Hence, the fashionable belief that much of the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pageiv">[pg iv]</span><a name="Pgiv" id="Pgiv" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Pentateuch, the Book of Leviticus wholly, with large parts of
+Exodus and Numbers, in a word, that all the laws relating to
+divine worship, with most of the chronological tables or statistics,
+belong to Ezra, who is metamorphosed in fact into the first
+Elohist, is unnoticed. Hence, also, the earliest gospel is not
+declared to be Mark's. Neither has the author ventured to place
+the fourth gospel at the end of the first century, as Ewald and
+Weitzsäcker do, after the manner of the old critics; or with
+Keim so early as 110-115 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Many evince a restless anxiety to find something novel; and
+to depart from well-established conclusions for the sake of originality.
+This shows a morbid state of mind. Amid the feverish
+outlook for discoveries and the slight regard for what is safe,
+conservatism is a commendable thing. Some again desire to return,
+as far as they can, to orthodoxy, finding between that extreme
+and rationalism a middle way which offers a resting-place
+to faith. The numerous changes which criticism presents are
+not a symptom of soundness. The writer is far indeed from
+thinking that every question connected with the books of Scripture
+is finally settled; but the majority undoubtedly are, though
+several already fixed by great scholars continue to be opened up
+afresh. He does not profess to adopt the phase of criticism
+which is fashionable at the moment; it is enough to state what
+approves itself to his judgment, and to hold it fast amid the contrarieties
+of conjecture or the cravings of curiosity. Present
+excrescences or aberrations of belief will have their day and
+disappear. Large portions of the Pentateuch will cease to be
+consigned to a post-exile time, and the gospels of Matthew and
+Luke will again be counted the chief sources of Mark's. It will
+also be acknowledged that the first as it now exists, is of much
+later origin than the fall of Jerusalem. Nor will there be so
+great anxiety to show that Justin Martyr was acquainted with
+the fourth gospel, and owed his Logos-doctrine chiefly to it.
+The difference of ten or twenty years in the date of a gospel will
+not be considered of essential importance in estimating its
+character.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The present edition has been revised throughout and several
+parts re-written. The author hopes that it will be found still
+more worthy of the favor with which the first was received.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg 009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a>
+<a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter I. Introductory.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+As introductory to the following dissertation, I shall explain
+and define certain terms that frequently occur
+in it, especially <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">canon</span></span>,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphal</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ecclesiastical</span></span>, and the like.
+A right apprehension of these will make the observations
+advanced respecting the canon and its formation plainer.
+The words have not been taken in the same sense by all, a
+fact that obscures their sense. They have been employed
+more or less vaguely by different writers. Varying ideas
+have been attached to them.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Greek original of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">canon</span></span><a id="noteref_1" name="noteref_1" href="#note_1"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1</span></span></a>
+means primarily a straight
+rod or pole; and metaphorically, what serves to keep a
+thing upright or straight, a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">rule</span></span>. In the New Testament it
+occurs in Gal. vi. 16 and 2 Cor. x. 13, 15, 16, signifying in
+the former, a measure; in the latter, what is measured, a
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">district</span></span>. But we have now to do with its ecclesiastical use.
+There are three opinions as to the origin of its application
+to the writings used by the church. According to Toland,
+Whiston, Semler, Baur, and others, the word had originally
+the sense of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">list</span></span> or
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">catalogue</span></span> of books publicly read in
+Christian assemblies. Others, as Steiner, suppose that since
+the Alexandrian grammarians applied it to collections of
+Old Greek authors as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">models</span></span>
+of excellence or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">classics</span></span>, it
+meant <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">classical</span></span> (canonical)
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">writings</span></span>. According to a third
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg 010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+opinion, the term included from the first the idea of a regulating
+principle. This is the more probable, because the
+same idea lies in the New Testament use of the noun, and
+pervades its applications in the language of the early
+Fathers down to the time of Constantine, as Credner has
+shown.<a id="noteref_2" name="noteref_2" href="#note_2"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2</span></span></a> The <span class="tei tei-q">“canon of the church”</span> in the Clementine
+homilies;<a id="noteref_3" name="noteref_3" href="#note_3"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">3</span></span></a> the <span class="tei tei-q">“ecclesiastical
+canon,”</span><a id="noteref_4" name="noteref_4" href="#note_4"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">4</span></span></a> and <span class="tei tei-q">“the canon of
+the truth,”</span> in Clement and Irenæus;<a id="noteref_5" name="noteref_5" href="#note_5"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">5</span></span></a> the <span class="tei tei-q">“canon”</span> of the
+faith in Polycrates,<a id="noteref_6" name="noteref_6" href="#note_6"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">6</span></span></a> the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">regula fidei</span></span>
+of Tertullian,<a id="noteref_7" name="noteref_7" href="#note_7"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">7</span></span></a> and the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">libri regulares</span></span>
+of Origen,<a id="noteref_8" name="noteref_8" href="#note_8"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">8</span></span></a>
+imply a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">normative principle</span></em>. But
+we cannot assent to Credner's view of the Greek word for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">canon</span></span>
+being an abbreviation of <span class="tei tei-q">“Scriptures of canon,”</span><a id="noteref_9" name="noteref_9" href="#note_9"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">9</span></span></a> equivalent to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripturæ legis</span></span> in Diocletian's
+Act<a id="noteref_10" name="noteref_10" href="#note_10"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">10</span></span></a>—a view too
+artificial, and unsanctioned by usage.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is true that the word <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">canon</span></span> was employed by Greek
+writers in the sense of a mere <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">list</span></span>; but when it was transferred
+to the Scripture books, it included the idea of a regulative
+and normal power—a list of books forming a rule or
+law, because the newly-formed Catholic Church required a
+standard of appeal in opposition to the Gnostics with their
+arbitrary use of sacred writings. There is a lack of evidence
+on behalf of its use before the books of the New Testament
+had been paralleled with those of the Old in authority and
+inspiration.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The earliest example of its application to a catalogue of
+the Old or New Testament books occurs in the Latin translation
+of Origen's homily on Joshua, where the original
+seems to have been <span class="tei tei-q">“canon.”</span><a id="noteref_11" name="noteref_11" href="#note_11"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">11</span></span></a>
+The word itself is certainly
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name="Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+in Amphilochius,<a id="noteref_12" name="noteref_12" href="#note_12"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">12</span></span></a>
+as well as in Jerome,<a id="noteref_13" name="noteref_13" href="#note_13"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">13</span></span></a> and Rufinus.<a id="noteref_14" name="noteref_14" href="#note_14"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">14</span></span></a> As
+the Latin translation of Origen has <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">canonicus</span></span>
+and <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">canonizatus</span></span>,
+we infer that he used <span class="tei tei-q">“canonical,”</span><a id="noteref_15" name="noteref_15" href="#note_15"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">15</span></span></a>
+opposed as it is to <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphus</span></span> or
+<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">secretus</span></span>. The first occurrence of
+<span class="tei tei-q">“canonical”</span> is in the fifty-ninth canon of the Council of Laodicea, where
+it is contrasted with two other Greek words.<a id="noteref_16" name="noteref_16" href="#note_16"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">16</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Canonized</span></span>
+books,”</span><a id="noteref_17" name="noteref_17" href="#note_17"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">17</span></span></a> is first used in Athanasius's 39th
+festal epistle. The kind of rule which the earliest fathers attributed to the
+Scriptures can only be conjectured; it is certain that they
+believed the Old Testament books to be a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">infallible
+guide</span></em>. But the New Testament was not so considered
+till towards the close of the second century when the conception
+of a Catholic Church was realized. The latter collection
+was not called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></span>, or put on a par with the
+Old Testament as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sacred</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">inspired</span></span>, till
+the time of Theophilus of Antioch (about 180 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>)
+Hence, Irenæus applies the epithets <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">divine</span></span> and
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">perfect</span></span> to the Scriptures; and Clement
+of Alexandria calls them <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">inspired</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+When distinctions were made among the Biblical writings
+other words<a id="noteref_18" name="noteref_18" href="#note_18"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">18</span></span></a>
+were employed, synonymous with <span class="tei tei-q">“canonized.”</span><a id="noteref_19" name="noteref_19" href="#note_19"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">19</span></span></a>
+The canon was thus a catalogue of writings forming
+a rule of truth, sacred, divine, revealed by God for the
+instruction of men. The rule was perfect for its purpose.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The word apocryphal<a id="noteref_20" name="noteref_20" href="#note_20"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">20</span></span></a>
+is used in various senses, which it is
+difficult to trace chronologically. Apocryphal books are,—
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+1st, Such as contain <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">secret</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">mysterious</span></em> things, books of
+the higher wisdom. It is thus applied to the Apocalypse
+by Gregory of Nyssa.<a id="noteref_21" name="noteref_21" href="#note_21"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">21</span></span></a> Akin to this is the second meaning.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg 012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+2nd, Such as were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">kept secret</span></em> or withdrawn from public use.
+In this sense the word corresponds to the Hebrew
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">ganuz</span></span>.<a id="noteref_22" name="noteref_22" href="#note_22"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">22</span></span></a>
+So Origen speaking of the story of Susanna. The opposite
+of this is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read in public</span></em>,<a id="noteref_23" name="noteref_23" href="#note_23"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">23</span></span></a>
+a word employed by Eusebius.<a id="noteref_24" name="noteref_24" href="#note_24"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">24</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+3rd, It was used of the secret books of the heretics by
+Clement<a id="noteref_25" name="noteref_25" href="#note_25"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">25</span></span></a> and Origen,<a id="noteref_26" name="noteref_26" href="#note_26"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">26</span></span></a> with the accessory idea of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">spurious</span></em>,
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">pseudepigraphical</span></em>,<a id="noteref_27" name="noteref_27" href="#note_27"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">27</span></span></a>
+in opposition to the canonical writings
+of the Catholic Church. The book of Enoch and similar
+productions were so characterized.<a id="noteref_28" name="noteref_28" href="#note_28"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">28</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+4th, Jerome applied it to the books in the Septuagint
+which are absent from the Hebrew canon, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, to the books
+which were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> in the church, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ecclesiastical</span></em>
+ones<a id="noteref_29" name="noteref_29" href="#note_29"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">29</span></span></a> occupying
+a rank next to the canonical. In doing so he had
+respect to the corresponding Hebrew epithet. This was a
+misuse of the word <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphal</span></span>, which had a prejudicial effect
+on the character of the books in after-times.<a id="noteref_30" name="noteref_30" href="#note_30"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">30</span></span></a> The word,
+which he did not employ in an injurious sense, was adopted
+from him by Protestants after the Reformation, who gave it
+perhaps a sharper distinction than he intended, so as to imply
+a contrast somewhat disparaging to writings which were
+publicly read in many churches and put beside the canonical
+ones by distinguished fathers. The Lutherans have adhered
+to Jerome's meaning longer than the Reformed; but the
+decree of the Council of Trent had some effect on both.
+The contrast between the canonical and apocryphal writings
+was carried to its utmost length by the Westminster divines,
+who asserted that the former are inspired, the latter not.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a>
+<a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter II. The Old Testament Canon From Its Beginning
+To Its Close.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The first important part of the Old Testament put together
+as a whole was the Pentateuch, or rather, the
+five books of Moses and Joshua. This was preceded by
+smaller documents, which one or more redactors embodied in
+it. The earliest things committed to writing were probably
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the ten words</span></span> proceeding from Moses himself, afterwards enlarged
+into the ten commandments which exist at present
+in two recensions (Exod. xx., Deut. v.) It is true that we
+have the oldest form of the decalogue from the Jehovist not
+the Elohist; but that is no valid objection against the antiquity
+of the nucleus, out of which it arose. It is also
+probable that several legal and ceremonial enactments belong,
+if not to Moses himself, at least to his time; as also
+the Elohistic list of stations in Numbers xxxiii. To the
+same time belongs the song of Miriam in Exodus xv.,
+probably consisting of a few lines at first, and subsequently
+enlarged; with a triumphal ode over the fall of Heshbon
+(Numbers xxi. 27-30). The little poetical piece in Numbers
+xxi. 17, 18, afterwards misunderstood and so taken literally,
+is post-Mosaic.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+During the unsettled times of Joshua and the Judges there
+could have been comparatively little writing. The song of
+Deborah appeared, full of poetic force and fire. The period
+of the early kings was characterized not only by a remarkable
+development of the Hebrew people and their consolidation
+into a national state, but by fresh literary activity.
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id="Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Laws were written out for the guidance of priests and
+people; and the political organization of the rapidly growing
+nation was promoted by poetical productions in which
+spiritual life expressed its aspirations. Schools of prophets
+were instituted by Samuel, whose literary efforts tended to
+purify the worship. David was an accomplished poet,
+whose psalms are composed in lofty strains; and Solomon
+may have written a few odes. The building of the temple,
+and the arrangements connected with its worship, contributed
+materially to a written legislation.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+During this early and flourishing period appeared the book
+of the Wars of Jehovah,<a id="noteref_31" name="noteref_31" href="#note_31"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">31</span></span></a>
+a heroic anthology, celebrating
+warlike deeds; and the book of Jashar,<a id="noteref_32" name="noteref_32" href="#note_32"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">32</span></span></a> also poetical.
+Jehoshaphat is mentioned as court-annalist to David and
+Solomon.<a id="noteref_33" name="noteref_33" href="#note_33"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">33</span></span></a>
+Above all, the Elohists now appeared, the first
+of whom, in the reign of Saul, was author of annals, beginning
+at the earliest time which were distinguished by genealogical
+and chronological details as well as systematic
+minuteness, by archaic simplicity, and by legal prescriptions
+more theoretical than practical. The long genealogical
+registers with an artificial chronology and a statement of
+the years of men's lives, the dry narratives, the precise accounts
+of the gradual enlargement of divine laws, the copious
+description of the tabernacle and the institution of divine
+worship, are wearisome, though pervaded by a theoretic interest
+which looks at everything from a legal point of view.
+A second or junior Elohist was less methodical and more
+fragmentary, supplying additional information, furnishing
+new theocratic details, and setting forth the relation of Israel
+to heathen nations and to God. In contrast with his predecessor,
+he has great beauty of description, which is
+exemplified in the account of Isaac's sacrifice and the history
+of Joseph; in picturesque and graphic narratives interspersed
+with few reflections. His parallels to the later writer
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg 015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+commonly called the Jehovist, are numerous. The third
+author, who lived in the time of Uzziah, though more mythological
+than the Elohists, was less formal. His stand-point
+is prophetic. The third document incorporated with the Elohistic
+ones formed an important part of the whole, exhibiting
+a vividness which the first lacked; with descriptions of
+persons and things from another stand-point. The Jehovist
+belonged to the northern kingdom; the Elohists were of
+Judah.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The state of the nation after Rehoboam was unfavorable
+to literature. When the people were threatened and attacked
+by other nations, divided among themselves in worship and
+all higher interests, rent by conflicting parties, the theocratic
+principle which was the true bond of union could not
+assert itself with effect. The people were corrupt; their
+religious life debased. The example of the kings was
+usually prejudicial to political healthiness. Contact with
+foreigners as well as with the older inhabitants of the land,
+hindered progress. In these circumstances the prophets
+were the true reformers, the advocates of political liberty,
+expositors of the principles that give life and stability to a
+nation. In Judah, Joel wrote prophetic discourses; in
+Israel, Amos and Hosea. Now, too, a redactor put together
+the Elohistic and Jehovistic documents, making various
+changes in them, adding throughout sentences or words
+that seemed desirable, and suppressing what was unsuited
+to his taste. Several psalm-writers enriched the national
+literature after David. Learned men at the court of Hezekiah
+recast and enlarged (Proverbs xxv.-xxix.) the national
+proverbs, which bore Solomon's name because the
+nucleus of an older collection belonged to that monarch.
+These literary courtiers were not prophets, but rather scribes.
+The book of Job was written, with the exception of Elihu's
+later discourses, which were not inserted in it till after the
+return from Babylon; and Deuteronomy, with Joshua, was
+added to the preceding collection in the reign of Manasseh.
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg 016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+The gifted author of Deuteronomy, who was evidently imbued
+with the prophetic spirit, completed the Pentateuch,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the five books
+of Moses and Joshua, revising the Elohist-Jehovistic
+work, and making various additions and alterations.
+He did the same thing to the historical books of
+Judges, Samuel, and Kings; which received from him their
+present form. Immediately before and during the exile
+there were numerous authors and compilers. New psalms
+appeared, more or less national in spirit. Ezekiel, Jeremiah
+and others prophesied; especially an unknown seer who
+described the present condition of the people, predicting
+their coming glories and renovated worship in strains of far-reaching
+import.<a id="noteref_34" name="noteref_34" href="#note_34"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">34</span></span></a>
+This great prophet expected the regeneration
+of the nation from the pious portion of it, the
+prophets in particular, not from a kingly Messiah as Isaiah
+did; for the hopes resting on rulers out of David's house
+had been disappointed. His aspirations turned to spiritual
+means. He was not merely an enthusiastic seer with comprehensive
+glance, but also a practical philosopher who set
+forth the doctrine of the innocent suffering for the guilty;
+differing therein from Ezekiel's theory of individual reward
+and punishment in the present world—a theory out of harmony
+with the circumstances of actual life. The very
+misfortunes of the nation, and the signs of their return,
+excited within the nobler spirits hopes of a brighter future,
+in which the flourishing reign of David should be surpassed
+by the universal worship of Jehovah. In consequence of
+their outward condition, the prophets of the exile were
+usually writers, like Ezekiel, not public speakers; and their
+announcement of glad tidings could only be transmitted
+privately from person to person. This explains in part the
+oblivion into which their names fell; so that the author or
+redactor of Jeremiah l., li.; the author of chapters xiii.-xiv.
+23, xxi. 1-10, xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv., xxxv., inserted in Isaiah;
+and, above all, the Babylonian Isaiah, whom Hitzig improbably
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+identifies with the high-priest Joshua, are unknown.
+After the return from Babylon the literary spirit manifested
+itself in the prophets of the restoration—Haggai, Zechariah,
+and Malachi—who wrote to recall their countrymen to a
+sense of religious duties; though their ideas were borrowed
+in part from older prophets of more original genius. The
+book of Esther appeared, to make the observance of the
+purim feast, which was of Persian origin, more general in
+Palestine. The large historical work comprising the books
+of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, was compiled partly out
+of materials written by Ezra and Nehemiah, partly out of
+older historical records which formed a portion of the national
+literature. Several temple-psalms were also composed;
+a part of the present book of Proverbs; Ecclesiastes,
+whose tone and language betray its late origin; and Jonah,
+whose diction puts its date after the Babylonian captivity.
+The Maccabean age called forth the book of Daniel and
+various psalms. In addition to new productions there was
+an inclination to collect former documents. To Zechariah's
+authentic prophecies were added the earlier ones contained
+in chapters ix.-xiv.; and the Psalms were gradually brought
+together, being made up into divisions at different times;
+the first and second divisions proceeding from one redactor,
+the third from another, the fourth and fifth from a still
+later. Various writings besides their own were grouped
+around the names of earlier prophets, as was the case with
+Isaiah and Jeremiah.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The literature is more indebted for its best constituents to
+the prophetic than to the priestly order, because the prophets
+were preachers of repentance and righteousness whose
+great aim was to make Israel a Jehovah-worshipping nation
+to the exclusion of other gods. Their utterances were
+essentially ethical and religious; their pictures of the future
+subjective and ideal. There was silently elaborated in their
+schools a spiritual monotheism, over against the crude
+polytheism of the people generally—a theocratic ideal inadequately
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg 018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+apprehended by gross and sensuous Israel—Jehovism
+simple and sublime amid a sacerdotal worship which
+left the heart impure while cleansing the hands. Instead of
+taking their stand upon the law, with its rules of worship,
+its ceremonial precepts and penalties against transgressors,
+the prophets set themselves above it, speaking slightingly
+of the forms and customs which the people took for the
+whole of religion. To the view of such as were prepared to
+receive a faith that looked for its realization to the future,
+they helped to create a millennium, in which the worship of
+Jehovah alone should become the basis of a universal religion
+for humanity. In addition to the prophetic literature
+proper, they wrote historical works also. How superior
+this literature is to the priestly, appears from a comparison
+of the Kings and Chronicles. The subjective underlies the
+one; the objective distinguishes the other. Faith in Jehovah,
+clothed, it may be in sensible or historical forms,
+characterizes the one; reference of an outward order to a
+divine source, the other. The sanctity of a people under
+the government of a righteous God, is the object of the one;
+the sanctity of institutions, that of the other. Even when
+the prophets wrote history, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the facts</span></em> are subordinate to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the
+belief</span></em>. Subjective purposes colored their representation
+of real events.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+To them we are indebted for the Messianic idea, the hope
+of a better time in which their high ideal of the theocracy
+should be realized. With such belief in the future, with
+pious aspirations enlivening their patriotism, did they comfort
+and encourage their countrymen. The hope, general
+or indefinite at first, was afterwards attached to the house of
+David, out of which a restorer of the theocracy was expected,
+a king pre-eminent in righteousness, and marvelously
+gifted. It was not merely a political but a religious hope,
+implying the thorough purification of the nation, the extinction
+of idolatry, the general spread and triumph of true
+religion. The pious wishes of the prophets, often repeated,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+became a sort of doctrine, and contributed to sustain the
+failing spirit of the people. The indefinite idea of a golden
+age was commoner than that of a personal prince who
+should reign in equity and peace. Neither was part of the
+national faith, like the law, or the doctrine of sacrifice; and
+but a few of the prophets portrayed a king, in their description
+of the period of ideal prosperity.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The man who first gave public sanction to a portion of the
+national literature was Ezra, who laid the foundation of a
+canon. He was the leader in restoring the theocracy after
+the exile, <span class="tei tei-q">“a ready scribe in the law of Moses, who had
+prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord and to teach
+in Israel statutes and judgments.”</span> As we are told that he
+brought the book of the law of Moses before the congregation
+and read it publicly, the idea naturally arises that he
+was the final redactor of the Pentateuch, separating it from
+the historical work consisting of Joshua and the subsequent
+writings, of which it formed the commencement. Such was
+the first canon given to the Jewish Church after its reconstruction—ready
+for temple service as well as synagogue
+use. Henceforward the Mosaic book became an authoritative
+guide in spiritual, ecclesiastical, and civil matters, as
+we infer from various passages in Ezra and Nehemiah and
+from the chronicler's own statements in the book bearing
+his name. The doings of Ezra with regard to the Scriptures
+are deduced not only from what we read of him in the Biblical
+book that bears his name, but also from the legend in
+the fourth book of Ezdras,<a id="noteref_35" name="noteref_35" href="#note_35"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">35</span></span></a> where it is related that he dictated
+by inspiration to five ready writers ninety-four books;
+the first twenty-four of which he was ordered to publish
+openly that the worthy and unworthy might read, but reserved
+the last seventy for the wise. Though the twenty-four
+books of the Old Testament cannot be attributed to
+him, the fact that he copied and wrote portions need not be
+questioned. He edited <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the law</span></em>, making the first canon or
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name="Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+collection of books, and giving it an authority which it had
+not before. Talmudic accounts associate with him the men
+of the great synagogue. It is true that they are legendary,
+but there is a foundation of fact beneath the fanciful superstructure.
+As to Ezra's treatment of the Pentateuch, or his
+specific mode of redaction, we are left for the most part to
+conjecture. Yet it is safe to affirm that he added;—making
+new precepts and practices either in place of or beside older
+ones. Some things he removed as unsuited to the altered
+circumstances of the people; others he modified. He threw
+back later enactments into earlier times. It is difficult to
+discover all the parts that betray his hand. Some elaborate
+priestly details show his authorship most clearly. If his
+hand be not visible in Leviticus, chap. xvii.-xxvi.; a writer
+not far removed from his time is observable; Ezekiel or
+some other. It is clear that some of the portion (xxv. 19-22;
+xxvi. 3-45) is much later than the Elohists, and belongs
+to the exile or post-exile period. But great difficulty
+attaches to the separation of the sources here used; even
+after Kayser's acute handling of them. It is also perceptible
+from Ezekiel xx. 25, 26, that the clause in Exodus xiii. 15,
+<span class="tei tei-q">“but all the first-born of my children I redeem,”</span> was
+added after the exile, since the prophet shows his unacquaintance
+with it. The statute that all which openeth the
+womb should be burnt in sacrifice to Jehovah, appeared inhuman
+not only to Ezekiel, but to Ezra or his associates in
+re-editing the law; and therefore the clause about the redemption
+of every first-born male was subjoined. Ezra, a
+second Moses in the eyes of the later Jews, did not scruple
+to refer to Moses what was of recent origin, and to deal
+freely with the national literature. Such was the first
+canon—that of Ezra the priest and scribe.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The origin of the great synagogue is noticed in Ezra x.
+16, and described more particularly in Nehemiah viii.-x.,
+the members being apparently enumerated in x. 1-27; at
+least the Megila Jer. (i. 5) and Midrash Ruth (§ 3) speak
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id="Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of an assembly of eighty-five elders, who are probably found
+in the last passage. One name, however, is wanting, for
+only eighty-four are given; and as Ezra is not mentioned
+among them, the conjecture of Krochmal that it has dropped
+out of x. 9, may be allowed. Another tradition gives the
+number as one hundred and twenty, which may be got by
+adding the <span class="tei tei-q">“chief of the fathers”</span> enumerated in Ezra viii.
+1-14 to the hundred and two heads of families in Ezra ii. 2-58.
+Whether the number was the same at the commencement
+as afterwards is uncertain. Late Jewish writers,
+however, such as Abarbanel, Abraham ben David, Ben
+Maimun, &amp;c., speak as if it consisted of the larger number
+at the beginning; and have no scruple in pronouncing Ezra
+president, rather than Nehemiah.<a id="noteref_36" name="noteref_36" href="#note_36"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">36</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The oldest extra-biblical mention of the synagogue, is in
+the Mishnic treatise <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pirke Aboth</span></span>, where it is said, <span class="tei tei-q">“Moses
+received the laws from Mount Sinai, and delivered it to
+Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders to the prophets, and
+the prophets delivered it to the men of the great synagogue.
+These last spake these words: <span class="tei tei-q">‘Be slow in judgment; appoint
+many disciples; make a hedge for the law.’</span> ”</span><a id="noteref_37" name="noteref_37" href="#note_37"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">37</span></span></a> In the
+Talmudic <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baba Bathra</span></span>, their biblical doings are described:
+<span class="tei tei-q">“Moses wrote his book, the section about Balaam and job.
+Joshua wrote his book and eight verses of the law. Samuel
+wrote his book and judges and Ruth. David wrote the
+book of Psalms <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">by</span></em> (?)<a id="noteref_38" name="noteref_38" href="#note_38"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">38</span></span></a> ten elders, by Adam the first man,
+by Melchizedek, by Abraham, by Moses, by Heman, by
+Jeduthun, by Asaph, and the three sons of Korah. Jeremiah
+wrote his book, the books of Kings and Lamentations.
+Hezekiah and his friends wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, Canticles,
+and Coheleth; the men of the great synagogue, Ezekiel, the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name="Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+twelve prophets, Daniel and Esther. Ezra wrote his own
+book and the genealogies of Chronicles down to himself.”</span><a id="noteref_39" name="noteref_39" href="#note_39"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">39</span></span></a> This passage has its obscurities. What is meant by the
+verb <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">write</span></em>!<a id="noteref_40" name="noteref_40" href="#note_40"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">40</span></span></a> Does it mean
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">composition</span></em> and then something
+else; the former in the first part of the passage, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">editing</span></em>
+in the second? Rashi explains it of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">composition</span></em> throughout,
+which introduces absurdity. The most obvious interpretation
+is that which understands the verb of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">writing</span></em> in one
+place, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">editing</span></em> in the second. But it is improbable that
+the author should have used the same word in different
+senses, in one and the same passage. Bloch<a id="noteref_41" name="noteref_41" href="#note_41"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">41</span></span></a> understands it of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">copying</span></em> or
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">writing out</span></em>, a sense that suits the procedure of
+the men of the great synagogue in regard to Ezekiel, the
+twelve prophets, &amp;c., but is inapplicable to Moses, Joshua,
+Samuel, David, Jeremiah, &amp;c. It is probable enough that
+the synagogue scribes put into their present form and made
+the first authorized copies of the works specified. The
+Boraitha, however, is not clear, and may only express the
+opinion of a private individual in a confused way. Simon
+the Just is said to have belonged to the remnants of the
+synagogue. As Ezra is called <span class="tei tei-q">“a ready scribe,”</span> and his
+labors in connection with the law were important, he may
+have organized a body of literary men who should work in
+harmony, attending, among other things, to the collection
+and preservation of the national literature; or they may
+have been an association of patriotic men who voluntarily
+rallied round the heads of the new state, to support them in
+their fundamental reforms. The company of scribes mentioned
+in 1 Maccabees does not probably relate to it.<a id="noteref_42" name="noteref_42" href="#note_42"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">42</span></span></a> A
+succession of priests and scribes, excited at first by the reforming
+zeal of one whom later Jews looked upon as a
+second Moses, labored in one department of literary work
+till the corporation ceased to exist soon after, if not in the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+time of Simon, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, from about 445
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> till about 200; for
+we identify the Simon celebrated in Sirach l. 1-26 with
+Simon II., son of the high-priest Onias II., <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> 221-202;
+not with Simon I., son and successor of the high-priest
+Onias I., <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> 310-291. Josephus's opinion, indeed, is contrary;
+but leading Jewish scholars, such as Zunz, Herzfeld,
+Krochmal, Derenbourg, Jost, and Bloch differ from him.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+To the great synagogue must be referred the compilation
+of the second canon, containing Joshua, Judges with Ruth,
+Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah with Lamentations, Ezekiel
+and the twelve minor prophets. It was not completed prior
+to 300 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>, because the book of Jonah was not written before.
+This work may be called a historical parable composed
+for a didactic purpose, giving a milder, larger view of Jehovah's
+favor than the orthodox one, that excluded the
+Gentiles. Ruth, containing an idyllic story with an unfinished
+genealogy attached, meant to glorify the house of
+David, and presenting a kindred spirit towards a people
+uniformly hated, was appended to Judges; but was subsequently
+transferred to the third canon. It was written
+immediately after the return from the Babylonian captivity;
+for the Chaldaising language points to this date, notwithstanding
+the supposed archaisms discovered in it by some.
+In like manner, the Lamentations, originally added to Jeremiah,
+were afterwards put into the later or third canon.
+Joshua, which had been separated from the five books of
+Moses with which it was closely joined at first, formed, with
+the other historical portion (Judges, Samuel, Kings), the
+proper continuation of Ezra's canon. The prophets included
+the three greater and twelve minor. With Isaiah's authentic
+oracles were incorporated the last twenty-seven chapters,
+belonging for the most part to an anonymous prophet of the
+exile, besides several late pieces inserted in the first thirty-nine
+chapters. Men of prophetic gifts wrote in the name of
+distinguished prophets, and put their productions with those
+of the latter, or adapted and wrote them over after their own
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name="Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+fashion. The fiftieth and fifty-first chapters of Jeremiah
+show such over-writing. To Zechariah's authentic oracles
+were attached chapters ix.-xiv., themselves made up of two
+parts (ix.-xi., xii.-xiv.) belonging to different times and
+authors prior to the destruction of the Jewish state by the
+Babylonians.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The character of the synagogue's proceedings in regard
+to the books of Scripture can only be deduced from the conduct
+of Ezra himself, as well as the prevailing views and
+wants of the times. The scribes who began with Ezra, seeing
+how he acted, would naturally follow his example, not hesitating to
+revise the text <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in substance</span></em> as well as form.<a id="noteref_43" name="noteref_43" href="#note_43"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">43</span></span></a>
+They did not refrain from changing what had been written,
+or from inserting fresh matter. Some of their novelties can
+be discerned even in the Pentateuch. Their chief work,
+however, related to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">form</span></em> of the text. They put into a
+proper form and state the text of the writings they studied,
+perceiving less need for revising the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">matter</span></em>. What they did
+was in good faith, with honest intention.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The prophetic canon ended with Malachi's oracles. And
+it was made sometime after he prophesied, because the
+general consciousness that the function ceased with him required
+a considerable period for its growth. The fact that
+it included Jonah and Ruth brings the completion after 300
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>, as already stated. There are no definite allusions to it
+till the second century <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> Daniel speaks of a passage in
+Jeremiah being in <span class="tei tei-q">“the books”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“writings;”</span><a id="noteref_44" name="noteref_44" href="#note_44"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">44</span></span></a> and the
+prologue of Jesus Sirach presupposes its formation. Such
+was the second canon, which had been made up gradually
+(444-290 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>)
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name="Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Another view of the collection in question has been taken
+by various scholars. According to a passage in the second
+book of Maccabees, the second canon originated with Nehemiah,
+who <span class="tei tei-q">“gathered together the acts of the kings and the
+prophets and (psalms) of David, and the epistles of the
+kings concerning the holy gifts.”</span><a id="noteref_45" name="noteref_45" href="#note_45"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">45</span></span></a> These words are obscure.
+They occur in a letter purporting to be sent by the Sanhedrim
+at Jerusalem to the Jews in Egypt, which contains
+apocryphal things; a letter which assigns to Nehemiah the
+merit of various arrangements rather belonging to Ezra. It
+is difficult to understand the meaning of <span class="tei tei-q">“the epistles of the
+kings concerning the offerings.”</span> If they were the documents
+of heathen or Persian kings favorable to the rebuilding
+of Jerusalem and its temple, would they not have been
+rejected from a collection of sacred books belonging to the
+chosen people? They might perhaps have been adopted
+had they been interwoven with the holy books themselves,
+like portions of Ezra and Nehemiah; but they could not
+have formed a distinct part of the national literature, because
+they were foreign and heathen. Again, <span class="tei tei-q">“the psalms of
+David”</span> cannot have existed in the time of Nehemiah, if the
+phrase includes the whole collection. It may perhaps refer
+to the first three divisions of the book, as Herzfeld thinks;
+but these contain many odes which are not David's; while
+earlier ones belong to the last two divisions of the Psalm-book.
+In like manner, <span class="tei tei-q">“the prophets”</span> could not all have
+belonged to this canon; neither Malachi, who was later, nor
+Jonah. The account will not bear strict examination, and
+must be pronounced apocryphal. Nehemiah was a statesman,
+not a priest or scribe; a politician, not a literary man.
+It is true that he may have had assistants, or committed the
+work to competent hands; but this is conjectural. The account
+of his supposed canon hardly commends itself by inherent
+truthfulness or probability, though it is accepted by
+Ewald and Bleek.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+When the great synagogue ceased, there was an interval
+during which it is not clear whether the sacred books were
+neglected, except by private individuals; or whether they
+were studied, copied, and collected by a body of scribes.
+Perhaps the scribes and elders of the Hasmonæan time were
+active at intervals in this department. The institution of
+a senate by Judas Maccabaeus is supposed to be favored by
+2 Maccabees (chapter i. 10-ii. 18); but the passage furnishes
+poor evidence of the thing. Judas is there made to
+write to Egypt in the year of the Seleucidae 188, though he
+died thirty-six years before, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, 152. Other places have
+been added as corroborative, viz., 2 Maccab. iv. 44, xi. 27;
+1 Maccab. vii. 33. Some go so far as to state that Jose ben
+Joeser was appointed its first president at that time. The
+Midrash in Bereshith Rabba (§ 65) makes him one of the
+sixty Hassidim who were treacherously murdered by Alcimus;
+but this is neither in the first book of the Maccabees
+(chapter vii.) nor in Josephus,<a id="noteref_46" name="noteref_46" href="#note_46"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">46</span></span></a> and must be pronounced
+conjectural. It is impossible to fix the exact date of Jose
+ben Joeser in the Hasmonean period. Pirke Aboth leaves
+it indefinite. Jonathan, Judas Maccabaeus's successor,
+when writing to the Lacedaemonians, speaks of the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">gerusia</span></span>
+or senate as well as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the people</span></em> of the Jews; whence we learn
+that the body existed as early as the time of Judas.<a id="noteref_47" name="noteref_47" href="#note_47"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">47</span></span></a> Again,
+Demetrius writes to Simon, as also to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the elders</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nation</span></em>
+of the Jews.<a id="noteref_48" name="noteref_48" href="#note_48"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">48</span></span></a>
+After Jonathan and Simon, it may have been
+suspended for a while, in consequence of the persecution
+and anarchy prevailing in Judea; till the great Sanhedrim
+at Jerusalem succeeded it, under Hyrcanus I. Though the
+traces of a senate in the Maccabaean epoch are slight, the
+Talmud countenances its existence.<a id="noteref_49" name="noteref_49" href="#note_49"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">49</span></span></a> We believe that it was
+earlier than Judas Maccabaeus. Of its constitution nothing
+is known; but it was probably aristocratic. The Hasmonean
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg 027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+prince would naturally exert a commanding influence
+over it. The great synagogue had been a kind of democratic
+council, consisting of scribes, doctors or teachers, and
+priests.<a id="noteref_50" name="noteref_50" href="#note_50"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">50</span></span></a>
+Like their predecessors of the great synagogue,
+the Hasmonæan elders revised the text freely, putting into
+it explanatory or corrective additions, which were not always
+improvements. The way in which they used the book of
+Esther, employing it as a medium of Halachite prescription,
+shows a treatment involving little idea of sacredness attaching
+to the Hagiographa.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+We are aware that the existence of this body is liable to
+doubt, and that the expressions belonging to it in Jewish
+books, whether elders or <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">gerusia</span></span>, have been applied to
+the great synagogue or to the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, or even
+to the elders of any little town or hamlet; but it is difficult
+to explain all on that hypothesis, without attributing confusion
+to the places where they occur. If the body in
+question be not allowed, an interval of about sixty years
+elapsed between the great synagogue and the Sanhedrim, during
+which the hagiographical writings were comparatively
+neglected, though literary activity did not cease. No authoritative
+association, at least, dealt with them. This is improbable.
+It is true that we read of no distinguished teachers in
+the interval, except Antigonus of Socho, disciple of Simon
+the Just; but the silence can hardly weigh against a reasonable
+presumption. One thing is clear, viz., that Antigonus
+did not reach down to the time of the first pair that presided
+over the Sanhedrim.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The contents of the third canon, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Psalms, Proverbs,
+Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah,
+Chronicles, the formation of which we assign to the Hasmonæan
+gerusia, were multifarious, differing widely from
+one another in age, character, and value—poetical, prophetic,
+didactic, historical. Such as seemed worthy of preservation,
+though they had not been included in the second canon,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name="Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+were gathered together during the space of an hundred and
+fifty years. The oldest part consisted of psalms supposed
+to belong to David. The first psalm, which contains within
+itself traces of late authorship, was prefixed as an introduction
+to the whole collection now put into the third canon.
+Next to the Psalms were Proverbs, Job, Canticles, which,
+though non-prophetic and probably excluded on that account
+from the second canon, must have existed before the
+exile. Enriched with the latest additions, they survived the
+national disasters, and claimed a place next to the Psalms.
+They were but a portion of the literature current in and
+after the 5th century <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>, as may be inferred from the epilogue
+to Ecclesiastes, and the Wisdom of Sirach. The
+historical work compiled by the chronicle-writer was separated,
+Ezra being put first as the most important part, and
+referring also to the church of the 6th and 5th centuries
+whose history had not been written. The Chronicles themselves
+were placed last, being considered of less value than
+the first part, as they contained the summary of a period
+already described, though with numerous adaptations to
+post-exile times. The youngest portion consisted of the
+book of Daniel, not written till the Maccabean period (between
+170 and 160 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>);<a id="noteref_51" name="noteref_51" href="#note_51"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">51</span></span></a>
+and probably of several Psalms
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name="Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+(44, 60, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83, 89, 110, 118) which were inserted
+in different places of the collection to make the whole
+number 150. These late odes savor of the Maccabean time;
+and are fitly illustrated by the history given in the first
+book of Maccabees. The list continued open; dominated by
+no stringent principle of selection, and with a character
+somewhat indefinite. It was called <span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, writings<a id="noteref_52" name="noteref_52" href="#note_52"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">52</span></span></a> a
+general epithet suited to the contents.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Several books put into the third canon,—as Job, Proverbs,
+the greater number of the Psalms, &amp;c.,—existed when the
+second was made. But the latter collection was pre-eminently
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">prophetic</span></em>; and it was that idea of the origin and
+contents of the books in it which regulated its extent.
+Bloch's supposition that the parts of the third collection then
+existing were not looked upon as holy, but merely as productions
+embodying human wisdom, and were therefore
+excluded, is improbable. We do not think that an alteration
+of opinion about them in the course of a century or
+more, by which they became divine and holy instead of
+human, is a satisfactory explanation. The Psalms of David
+and the book of Job must have been as highly esteemed in
+the period of the great synagogue's existence as they were
+at a later time. Other considerations besides the divinity
+and holiness of books contributed to their introduction into
+a canon. Ecclesiastes was taken into the third collection
+because it was attributed to Solomon. The Song of Songs
+was understood allegorically,—a fact which, in addition to
+its supposed Solomonic authorship, determined its adoption.
+And even after their canonical reception, whether by the
+great synagogue or another body, the character of books
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+was canvassed. It was so with Ecclesiastes, in spite of the
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">supposed</span></em> sanction it got from the great synagogue contained
+in the epilogue, added, as some think, by that body to attest
+the sacredness of the book.<a id="noteref_53" name="noteref_53" href="#note_53"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">53</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+While the third canon was being made, the soferim, as
+the successors of the prophets, were active as before; and
+though interpretation was their chief duty, they must have
+revised and corrected the sacred books to some extent. We
+need not hesitate to allow that they sometimes arranged
+parts, and even added matter of their own. In the time of the
+canon's entire preparation, they and the priests, with writers
+and scholars generally, redacted the national literature, excluding
+or sanctioning such portions of it as they thought fit.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+At this time appeared the present five-fold partition of the
+Psalms, preceded as it had been by other divisions, the last
+of which was very similar to the one that became final.
+Several inscriptions and historical notices were prefixed.
+The inscriptions, however, belong to very different times,
+their historical parts being usually older than the musical;
+and date from the first collection to the period of the Hasmonean
+college, when the final redaction of the entire
+Psalter took place. Those in the first three books existed
+at the time when the latter were made up; those in the last
+two were prefixed partly at the time when the collections
+themselves were made, and partly in the Maccabean age.
+How often they are out of harmony with the poems themselves,
+needs no remark. They are both traditional and
+conjectural.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The earliest attestation of the third canon is that of the
+prologue to Jesus Sirach (130 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>), where not only
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the law
+and the prophets</span></em> are specified, but <span class="tei tei-q">“the other books of the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031">[pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+fathers,”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“the rest of the books.”</span><a id="noteref_54" name="noteref_54" href="#note_54"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">54</span></span></a> No information is
+given as to its extent, or the particular books included.
+They may have been for the most part the same as the
+present ones. The passage does not show that the third list
+was closed. The better writings of the fathers, such as
+tended to learning and wisdom, are not excluded by the
+definite article. In like manner, neither Philo nor the New
+Testament gives exact information as to the contents of the
+division in question. Indeed, several books, Canticles,
+Esther, Ecclesiastes, are unnoticed in the latter. The argument
+drawn from Matthew xxiii. 35, that the Chronicles
+were then the last book of the canon, is inconclusive; as
+the Zechariah there named was probably different from the
+Zechariah in 2 Chronicles xxiv. None of these witnesses
+proves that the third canon was finally closed.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+A more definite testimony respecting the canon is given
+by Josephus towards the end of the first century <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q">“For
+we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us, ...
+but only twenty-two books, which contain the
+records of all the past times; which are justly believed to
+be divine. And of them five belong to Moses....
+But as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of
+Artaxerxes, king of Persia, the prophets who were after
+Moses wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen
+books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God
+and precepts for the conduct of human life. It is true our
+history has been written since Artaxerxes very particularly,
+but has not been esteemed of the like authority with the
+former by our forefathers, because there has not been an
+exact succession of prophets since that time: and how
+firmly we have given credit to these books of our own nation
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg 032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as
+have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to
+add anything to them, to take anything from them, or to
+make any change in them; but it has become natural to all
+Jews immediately and from their very birth, to esteem these
+books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and if occasion
+be, willingly to die for them.”</span><a id="noteref_55" name="noteref_55" href="#note_55"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">55</span></span></a> This list
+agrees with our present canon, showing that the Palestinian
+Jews were tolerably unanimous as to the extent of the collection.
+The thirteen prophets include Job; the four lyric
+and moral books are Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and
+Canticles.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is not likely that the Hasmonæan senate had a long existence.
+It was replaced by the Sanhedrim, a more definite
+and state institution, intended as a counter-balance to the
+influence of the Hasmonæan princes. The notices of the
+latter reach no further back than Hyrcanus I., <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, about
+135 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span><a id="noteref_56" name="noteref_56" href="#note_56"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">56</span></span></a>
+Josephus speaks of it under Hyrcanus II.<a id="noteref_57" name="noteref_57" href="#note_57"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">57</span></span></a> It
+cannot be referred to an earlier period than Hyrcanus I.
+Frankel<a id="noteref_58" name="noteref_58" href="#note_58"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">58</span></span></a> indeed, finds a notice of it in 2 Chronicles xix. 8,
+11; but the account there is indistinct, and refers to the
+great synagogue. The compiler having no certain information
+about what was long past, transfers the origin of the
+court he speaks of to Jehoshaphat, in order to glorify the
+house of David. It is impossible to date the Sanhedrim,
+with Frankel, in the Grecian era, in which case it must have
+been dissolved during the Maccabean insurrection, and
+afterwards reconstructed; it was not constituted till about
+130 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> Whether it was modeled after the great synagogue
+or the Hasmonæan senate, is uncertain. The idea of it may
+have been suggested by the latter rather than the former,
+for its basis was aristocratic. The Hasmonæan <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">gerusia</span></span>
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+must have been less formal and definite than the Sanhedrim;
+though the latter arose before the family ceased to be in
+power, and differed materially from its predecessor. It continued
+from 130 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> till
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 180, surviving the terrible
+disasters of the nation.<a id="noteref_59" name="noteref_59" href="#note_59"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">59</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The closing of the third canon cannot be assigned, with
+Bloch, to the great synagogue. If the college ceased with
+or before Simon, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, about 200-192, and the work of Daniel
+did not appear till about 170 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>, twenty years at least
+intervened between the extinction of the great synagogue
+and Daniel's book. This holds good, whether we assume,
+with Krochmal, the synagogue's <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">redaction</span></em> of the work,—more
+correctly the putting together of the independent parts
+of which <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">it is said</span></em> to be composed; or equally so, if the taking
+of it into the canon as a book already completed, be attributed
+to the same body. But we are unable to see that
+Krochmal's reasoning about the synagogue putting Daniel's
+work together and one of the members writing the book of
+Esther is probable.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In like manner, Maccabean psalms are adverse to the
+hypothesis that the great synagogue completed the third
+canon. In consequence of these late productions, it is impossible
+to assert that the men of the synagogue were the
+redactors of the Psalter as it is. It is true that the collection
+was made before the Chronicles and many other books
+of the hagiographical canon; but the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">complete</span></em> Psalter did
+not appear till the Maccabean period. The canon, however,
+was not considered to be finally closed in the first century
+before and the next after Christ. There were doubts about
+some portions. The book of Ezekiel gave offence, because
+some of its statements seemed to contradict the law. Doubts
+about others were of a more serious nature; about Ecclesiastes,
+the Canticles, Esther, and the Proverbs. The first
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+was impugned because it had contradictory passages and a
+heretical tendency; the second, because of its worldly and
+sensual tone; Esther for its want of religiousness; and
+Proverbs on account of inconsistencies. This scepticism
+went far to procure the exclusion of the suspected works
+from the canon, and their relegation to the class of the
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">genuzim</span></span>.<a id="noteref_60" name="noteref_60" href="#note_60"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">60</span></span></a>
+But it did not prevail. Hananiah, son of Hezekiah,
+son of Garon, about 32 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>, is said to have reconciled
+the contradictions and quieted the doubts.<a id="noteref_61" name="noteref_61" href="#note_61"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">61</span></span></a>
+But these traces of resistance to the fixity of the canon were not the last.
+They reappeared about <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 65, as we learn from the
+Talmud,<a id="noteref_62" name="noteref_62" href="#note_62"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">62</span></span></a>
+when the controversy turned mainly upon the canonicity
+of Ecclesiastes, which the school of Shammai, who had
+the majority, opposed; so that the book was probably excluded.<a id="noteref_63" name="noteref_63" href="#note_63"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">63</span></span></a>
+The question emerged again at a later synod at
+Jabneh or Jamnia, when R. Eleasar ben Asaria was chosen
+patriarch, and Gamaliel the second, deposed. Here it was
+decided, not unanimously however, but by a majority of
+Hillelites, that Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs <span class="tei tei-q">“pollute
+the hands,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, belong properly to the
+Hagiographa.<a id="noteref_64" name="noteref_64" href="#note_64"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">64</span></span></a> This
+was about 90 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span><a id="noteref_65" name="noteref_65" href="#note_65"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">65</span></span></a>
+Thus the question of the canonicity of
+certain books was discussed at two synods.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Passages in the Talmud have been adduced to show that
+the Shammaite objections to the canonicity of Ecclesiastes
+<span class="tei tei-q">“were overruled by the positive declaration from the 72
+elders, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">being a testimony anterior to the Christian era</span></em> that
+Coheleth is canonical; but they do not support the opinion.”</span><a id="noteref_66" name="noteref_66" href="#note_66"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">66</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg 035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+<span class="tei tei-q">“The sages”</span> referred to in the treatise Sabbat and elsewhere
+is a vague expression, resting apparently on no historic
+tradition—a mere opinion of comparatively late date. If it
+refer to the Jerusalem synod <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 65, the Hillelites were
+simply outnumbered there by the Shammaites. The matter
+was debated hastily, and determined for the time by a
+majority. But the synod at Jamnia consisted of 72 persons;
+and a passage in the treatise Yadayim refers to it.<a id="noteref_67" name="noteref_67" href="#note_67"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">67</span></span></a> The
+testimony of the 72 elders to whom R. Simeon ben Asai
+here alludes, so far from belonging to an anti-christian era,
+belongs to a date about 90 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> And the fact that the synod
+at Jamnia took up again a question already debated at
+Jerusalem <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 65, proves that no final settlement of the
+canon had taken place before. The canon was virtually
+settled at Jamnia, where was confirmed what R. Akiba said
+of the Canticles in his usual extravagant way: <span class="tei tei-q">“No day in
+the whole history of the world is of so much worth as the
+one in which the Song of Songs was given to Israel; for all
+the Scriptures are holy; but the Song of Songs is most
+holy.”</span><a id="noteref_68" name="noteref_68" href="#note_68"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">68</span></span></a>
+As the Hagiographa were not read in public, with
+the exception of Esther, opinions of the Jewish rabbins
+might still differ about Canticles and Ecclesiastes, even
+after the synod of Jamnia.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In opposition to these remarks, it is strenuously argued
+by Bloch that neither the passage in the Mishnic treatise
+Yadayim, nor any other, refers to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical character</span></em> of
+the books to which Jewish elders raised several objections.
+But his arguments are more vehement than valid. Anxious
+to assign the final settlement of the entire canon to an
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg 036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+authoritative body like the great synagogue, he affirms that
+all parties were united in opinion about the time of Christ,—Assiim,
+Perushim, and Zeddukim; Shammaites and Hillelites.
+But it requires more than his ingenuity to explain
+away the meaning of Yadayim 3, 5, Adoyot v. 3, Sabbat 1.
+To what did such diversity of opinion relate, if not to the
+canonical character of the books? A specific answer to the
+question is not given by the learned writer,<a id="noteref_69" name="noteref_69" href="#note_69"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">69</span></span></a> who is too eager
+in his endeavor to attribute the settlement of the third canon
+to the great synagogue, and to smooth away all diversities
+of opinion about several books, after that time, as if none
+could afterwards question the authoritative settlement by
+that body. He will not even allow a wider canon to the
+Alexandrian Jews than that of their Palestinian brethren,
+though he cannot but admit that the former read and highly
+esteemed various apocryphal books because of their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">theocratic</span></em>
+character. Surely the practical use of writings is an evidence
+of their canonicity as strong as theoretical opinions.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The doubts about several books to which we have alluded,
+some of which Hananiah is said to have resolved in his old
+age, imply a diligent study of the national literature, if not
+a revision of the text; and the Tannaite college at Jabneh
+must have cared for the same things, as it had to deal with
+similar objections. After the last canon was made more
+than a century anterior to the Christian era, the text was
+not considered inviolate by the learned Jews; it received
+subsequent modifications and interpolations. The process
+of redaction had not ceased before the time of Christ. This
+was owing, among other causes, to the state of parties
+among the Jews, as well as the intrusion of Greek literature
+and culture, whose influence the Palestinian Jews themselves
+were not able altogether to withstand. When Jeremiah
+accused the Scribes of falsifying the law by their
+lying pen (viii. 8), it may be inferred that the same process
+took place afterwards; that offensive things were removed,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg 037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and alterations made continuously down to the close of the
+canon, and even after. The corrections consisted of additions
+and changes of letters, being indicated in part by the
+most ancient versions and the traditions of the Jews themselves
+who often knew what stood in the text at first, and
+why it was altered. They are also indicated by the nature
+of the passage itself viewed in the light of the state of religion
+at the time. Here, sober judgment must guard against
+unnecessary conjectures. Some changes are apparent, as
+the plural <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">oaks</span></em> in Genesis xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1, Deuteronomy
+xi. 30, for the singular <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">oak</span></em>; and the plural <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">gods</span></em> in
+Exodus xxxii. 4, for the singular <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">god</span></em>. So 2 Sam. Vii. 23,
+(comp. 1 Chron. xvii. 21, and LXX);<a id="noteref_70" name="noteref_70" href="#note_70"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">70</span></span></a> and Deuteronomy
+xxxii. 8,<a id="noteref_71" name="noteref_71" href="#note_71"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">71</span></span></a> have been altered. Popper and Geiger have
+probably assumed too much correction on the part of the
+Scribes and others; though they have drawn attention to
+the subject in the spirit of original criticism.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Jewish literature began to degenerate after the captivity,
+and it continued to do so. It leaned upon the past more and
+more, having an external and formal character with little
+of the living soul. The independence of their religious
+literature disappeared with the national independence of the
+Jews; and the genius of the people was too exclusive to receive
+much expansion from the spirit of nations with whom
+they came in contact. In such circumstances, amid the
+general consciousness of present misfortune which the hope
+of a brighter future could not dispel, and regretful retrospects
+of the past tinged with ideal splendor, the exact time
+of drawing a line between books that might be included in
+the third division of the canon must have been arbitrary.
+In the absence of a normal principle to determine selection,
+the productions were arbitrarily separated. Not that they
+were badly adjusted. On the contrary, the canon as a whole
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+was settled wisely. Yet the critical spirit of learned Jews
+in the future could not be extinguished by anticipation.
+The canon was not really settled for all time by a synodical
+gathering at Jamnia; for Sirach was added to the Hagiographa
+by some rabbins about the beginning of the 4th
+century;<a id="noteref_72" name="noteref_72" href="#note_72"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">72</span></span></a>
+while Baruch circulated long in Hebrew, and was
+publicly read on the day of atonement in the third century,
+according to the Apostolic constitutions.<a id="noteref_73" name="noteref_73" href="#note_73"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">73</span></span></a> These two books
+were in high repute for a considerable time, possessing a
+kind of canonical credit even among the learned Jews of
+Palestine. Rab, Jochanan, Elasar, Rabba bar Mare, occasionally
+refer to Sirach in the way in which the
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span> were
+quoted: the writer of Daniel used Baruch; and the translator
+of Jeremiah put it into Greek.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+If it be asked on what principle books were admitted into
+the canon, a single answer does not suffice. One and the
+same criterion did not determine the process at all times.
+The leading principle with which the first canon-makers set
+out was to collect all the documents of Hebrew antiquity.
+This seems to have guided Ezra, if not the great synagogue
+after him. The nation, early imbued with the theocratic
+spirit and believing itself the chosen of God, was favorably
+inclined towards documents in which that standpoint was
+assumed. The legal and ethical were specially valued.
+The prophetic claimed a divine origin; the lyric or poetic
+touched and elevated the ideal faculty on which religion
+acts. But the leading principle which actuated Ezra and
+the great synagogue was gradually modified, amid the growing
+compass of the national literature and the consciousness
+that prophecy ceased with Malachi. When the latest part
+of the canon had to be selected from a literature almost contemporaneous,
+regard was had to such productions as resembled
+the old in spirit. Orthodoxy of contents was the
+dominant criterion. But this was a difficult thing, for various
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name="Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+works really anonymous, though wearing the garb of
+old names and histories, were in existence, so that the
+boundary of the third part became uncertain and fluctuating.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The principle that actuated Ezra in making the first canon
+was a religious and patriotic one. From his treatment of
+the oldest law books we infer that he did not look upon
+them as inviolable. Venerable they were, and so far sacred;
+but neither perfect nor complete for all time. In his view
+they were not unconditionally authoritative. Doubtless
+they had a high value as the productions of inspired lawgivers
+and men of a prophetic spirit; but the redaction to
+which he submitted them shows no superstitious reverence.
+With him <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">holy</span></em> were not identical. Nor does
+the idea of an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">immediate, divine</span></em> authority appear to have
+dominated the mind of the great synagogue in the selection
+of books. Like Ezra, these scholars reverenced the productions
+of the prophets, poets, and historians to whom their
+countrymen were indebted in the past for religious or political
+progress; but they did not look upon them as the
+offspring of unerring wisdom. How could they, while
+witnessing repetitions and minor contradictions in the books
+collected?
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The same remarks apply to the third canon. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Direct divinity</span></em>
+of origin was not the criterion which determined the
+reception of a book into it; but the character and authorship
+of the book. Did it breathe the old spirit, or proceed
+from one venerated for his wisdom? Was it like the old
+orthodox productions; or did it bear the name of one renowned
+for his piety and knowledge of divine things? The
+stamp of antiquity was necessary in a certain sense; but the
+theocratic spirit was the leading consideration. Ecclesiastes
+was admitted because it bore the name of Solomon; and
+Daniel's apocalyptic writings, because veiled under the name
+of an old prophet. New psalms were taken in because of
+their association with much older ones in the temple service.
+Yet the first book of Maccabees was excluded, though written
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+in Hebrew. It is still more remarkable that Sirach was
+put among the external productions; but this was owing
+not so much to its recent origin, for it is older than the book
+of Daniel, as to its being an apparent echo of the Proverbs,
+and therefore unnecessary. Yet it was long after assigned
+to the Hagiographa, and quoted as such by several rabbis.
+Baruch was also left out, though it is as old as Daniel, if
+not older; and professes to have been written by Jeremiah's
+friend, in Babylon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+That redactors dealt freely with the text of the second
+and third canons especially, without a superstitious belief
+in its sacredness, is apparent from the double recension
+which existed when the Egyptian Jews translated the books
+into Greek. If the one that formed the basis of the Alexandrian
+version be less correct than the Palestinian in the
+majority of instances, it is still superior in many. The
+differences between them, often remarkable, prove that those
+who had most to do with the books did not guard them as
+they would have done had they thought them infallibly inspired.
+Palestinians and Alexandrians subjected the text
+to redaction; or had suffered it to fall into a state inconsistent
+with the assumption of its supernatural origin. At a
+much later period, the Masoretes reduced to one type all existing
+copies of their Scriptures, introducing an uniformity
+imperatively demanded in their opinion by multiplied discrepancies.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Whatever divine character the reflecting attributed to the
+canonical books, it must have amounted to the same thing as
+that assigned to human attributes and physical phenomena—a
+divinity resulting from the over-leaping of second
+causes, in the absence of inductive philosophy. Here the
+imperfection conditioned by the nature of the created cannot
+be hid. Yet the books may be truly said to have contained
+the word of God.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Of the three divisions, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Law</span></em> or Pentateuch was most
+highly venerated by the Jews. It was the first translated
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+into Greek; and in Philo's view was inspired in a way
+peculiar to itself. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">The Prophets</span></em>, or second division, occupied
+a somewhat lower place in their estimation, but were read
+in the public services as the law had been before. The
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>,
+or third division, was not looked upon as equal to the
+Prophets in importance: only the five Megiloth were publicly
+read. The three parts of the collection present the
+three gradations of sanctity which the books assumed successively
+in Israelite estimation. A certain reverence was
+attached to all as soon as they were made canonical; but
+the reverence was not of equal height, and the supposed
+authority was proportionally varied.<a id="noteref_74" name="noteref_74" href="#note_74"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">74</span></span></a> The consciousness
+of prophetism being extinct soon after the return from
+Babylon, was a genuine instinct. With the extinction of
+the Jewish state the religious spirit almost evaporated.
+The idealism which the old prophets proclaimed in contrast
+with the symbolic religion of the state gave place to the
+forms and an attachment to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">written</span></em> law. Religion came
+to be a thing of the understanding, the subject of learned
+treatment; and its essence was reduced to dogmas or precepts.
+Thus it ceased to be a spiritual element in which
+the heart had free scope for its highest aspirations. In
+addition to all, a foreign metaphysical theology, the Persian
+doctrine of spirits, was introduced, which seemed to enlarge
+the sphere of speculation, but really retarded the free exercise
+of the mind. As the external side of religion had been
+previously directed to the performance of good works, this
+externality was now determined by a written law. Even
+the prophetism that appeared after the restoration was little
+more than an echo of the past, falling in with an outward
+and written legalism. The literature of the people deteriorated
+in quality, and prophecy became <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">apocalypse</span></em>. In such
+circumstances the advent of a new man was needed to restore
+the free life of religion in higher power. Christ appeared
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+in the fullness of time to do this effectually by proclaiming
+the divine Fatherhood, and founding a worship <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in spirit and
+in truth</span></em>. Rising above the symbolic wrappings of the
+Mosaic religion, and relying upon the native power of the
+spirit itself, he showed how man may mount up to the
+throne of God, adoring the Supreme without the intervention
+of temple, sacrifice, or ceremony.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+When the three divisions were united, the ecclesiastical
+respect which had gathered round the law and the prophets
+from ancient times began to be transferred to the
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>. A
+belief in their sanctity increased apace in the 1st century
+before the Christian era, so that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sacredness</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonicity</span></em>
+were almost identical. The doubts of individuals, it is true,
+were still expressed respecting certain books of the
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>,
+but they had no perceptible effect upon the current opinion.
+The sanctity attaching to the last division as well as the
+others did not permit the total displacement of any part.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The passage in Josephus already quoted shows the state
+of the canon about <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 100. According to it, he considered
+it to have been closed at the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus,
+whom he identifies with the Ahasuerus of Esther, 464-424
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span> The books were divine, so that none dared to add to,
+subtract from, or alter them. To him the canon was something
+belonging to the venerable past, and inviolable. In
+other words, all the books were peculiarly sacred. Although
+we call scarcely think this to be his private opinion merely,
+it is probably expressed in exaggerated terms, and hardly
+tallies with his use of the third Esdras in preference to the
+canonical texts.<a id="noteref_75" name="noteref_75" href="#note_75"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">75</span></span></a> His authority, however, is small. Bloch's
+estimate of it is too high. It is utterly improbable that
+Josephus's opinion was universally held by the Jews in his
+day. His division of the books is peculiar: five Mosaic,
+thirteen historical, four containing religious songs and rules
+of life. It appears, indeed, that as he had the same twenty-two
+books we now have, Ruth was still attached to Judges,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and Lamentations to Jeremiah; but his credit is not on a
+par with that of a Jew who adhered to his countrymen in
+the time of their calamity. He wrote for the Romans. One
+who believed that Esther was the youngest book in the
+canon, who looked upon Ecclesiastes as Solomon's, and
+Daniel as an exile production, cannot be a competent judge.
+In his time the historical sense of the book of Daniel was
+misapprehended; for after the Grecian dynasty had fallen
+without the fulfillment of the Messianic prophecy connected
+with it, the Roman empire was put into its place. Hence various allusions in
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The History of the Jewish Wars</span></span>.<a id="noteref_76" name="noteref_76" href="#note_76"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">76</span></span></a> The passage in the
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Antiquities</span></span>,<a id="noteref_77" name="noteref_77" href="#note_77"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">77</span></span></a> about Alexander the Great and
+the priests in the Temple at Jerusalem is apocryphal. In
+any case, Josephus does not furnish a genuine list of the
+canonical books any more than Philo. The Pharisaic view
+of his time is undoubtedly given, that the canon was then
+complete and sacred. The decision proceeded from that
+part of the nation who ruled both over school and people,
+and regained supremacy after the destruction of the temple;
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, from the Pharisee-sect to which Josephus belonged. It
+was a conclusion of orthodox Judaism. With true critical
+instinct, Spinoza says that the canon was the work of the
+Pharisees. The third collection was undoubtedly made
+under their influence.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The origin of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">threefold</span></em> division of the canon is not, as
+Oehler supposes,<a id="noteref_78" name="noteref_78" href="#note_78"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">78</span></span></a> a reflection of the different stages of religious
+development through which the nation passed, as if
+the foundation were the Law, the ulterior tendency in its
+objective aspect the Prophets, and its subjective aspect the
+Hagiographa. The books of Chronicles and others refute
+this arbitrary conception. The triplicity lies in the manner
+in which the books were collected. Men who belonged to
+different periods and possessed different degrees of culture,
+worked successively in the formation of the canon; which
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+arose out of the circumstances of the times, and the subjective
+ideas of those who made it.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The places of the separate books within the first division
+or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Torah</span></span>, were determined by the succession of the historical
+events narrated. The second division naturally begins with
+Moses's successor, Joshua. Judges, Samuel, and Kings
+follow according to the regular chronology. To the former
+prophets, as Joshua—Kings were called, the latter were attached,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; succeeded by the
+twelve minor prophets, arranged for the most part according
+to their times, though the length of individual prophecies
+and similarity of contents also influenced their position.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The arrangement of books in the third division depended
+on their age, character, and authors. The Psalms were put
+first, because David was supposed to be the author of many,
+and on account of their intrinsic value in promoting the
+religious life of the people. After the Psalms came the
+three poetical works attributed to Solomon, with the book
+of Job among them,—Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The book of Esther followed, since it was intended to
+further the observance of the Purim feast; with the late
+book of Daniel. The position of Daniel among the
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>
+arises solely from the fact of its posterior origin to the
+prophetic writings, not excepting the book of Jonah itself;
+and the attempt to account for its place in the third division
+on the ground of its predominant subjectivity is based on
+the unfounded assumption that the objective state of religion
+is represented in the second division and the subjective
+in the third. Had the book existed before 400 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span>, it
+would doubtless have stood in the second division. But the
+contents themselves demonstrate its date; contemporary
+history being wrapped in a prophetic form. Having some
+affinity to Esther as regards heathenism and Greek life, the
+book was put next to the latter. To Ezra and Nehemiah,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg 045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+which were adopted before the other part of the Chronicle book
+and separated from it, were added the so-called Chronicles.
+Such was the original succession of the third division
+or <span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>;
+but it did not remain unaltered. For the use
+of the synagogue, the five Megiloth were put together; so
+that Ruth, which was originally appended to Judges, and
+the Lamentations affixed at first to Jeremiah's prophecies,
+were taken out of the second and put into the third canon.
+This caused a separation of Canticles and Ecclesiastes. The
+new arrangement was made for liturgical purposes.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a>
+<a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter III. The Samaritan And Alexandrian Canons.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Samaritan canon consists of the Pentateuch alone.
+This restricted collection is owing to the fact, that
+when the Samaritans separated from the Jews and began
+their worship on Gerizim, no more than the Mosaic writings
+had been invested by Ezra with canonical dignity.
+The hostile feeling between the rivals hindered the reception
+of books subsequently canonized. The idea of their
+having the oldest and most sacred part in its entirety satisfied
+their spiritual wants. Some have thought that the
+Sadducees, who already existed as a party before the Maccabean
+period, agreed with the Samaritans in rejecting all
+but the Pentateuch; yet this is doubtful. It is true that
+the Samaritans themselves say so;<a id="noteref_79" name="noteref_79" href="#note_79"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">79</span></span></a> and that some of the
+church fathers, Origen, Jerome, and others agree; but little
+reliance can be put on the statement. The latter, perhaps,
+confounded the Samaritans and Sadducces. It is also noteworthy
+that Christ in refuting the Sadducees appeals to the
+Pentateuch alone; yet the conclusion, that he did so because
+of their admitting no more than that portion does not follow.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Alexandrian canon differed from the Palestinian.
+The Greek translation commonly called the Septuagint contains
+some later productions which the Palestinian Jews did
+not adopt, not only from their aversion to Greek literature
+generally, but also from the recent origin of the books, perhaps
+also their want of prophetic sanction. The closing
+line of the third part in the Alexandrian canon was more or
+less fluctuating—capable of admitting recent writings appearing
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg 047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+under the garb of old names and histories, of
+embracing religious subjects; while the Palestinian collection
+was pretty well determined, and all but finally settled.
+The judgment of the Alexandrians was freer than that of
+their brethren in the mother country. They had even
+separated in a measure from the latter, by erecting a temple
+at Leontopolis; and their enlargement of the canon was
+another step of divergence. Nor had they the criterion of
+language for the separation of canonical and uncanonical;
+both classes were before them in the same tongue. The enlarged
+canon was not formally sanctioned; it had not the
+approval of the Sanhedrim; yet it was to the Alexandrians
+what the Palestinian one was to the Palestinians. If Jews
+who were not well acquainted with Hebrew, used the
+apocryphal and canonical books alike, it was a matter of
+feeling and custom; and if those who knew the old language
+better, adhered to the canonical more closely, it was a matter
+of tradition and language. The former set little value on
+the prevalent consciousness of the race that the spirit of
+prophecy was extinct; their view of the Spirit's operation
+was larger. The latter clung to the past with all the more
+tenacity that the old life of the nation had degenerated.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Alexandrian Jews opened their minds to Greek culture
+and philosophy, appropriating new ideas, and explaining
+their Scriptures in accordance with wider conceptions of
+the divine presence; though such adaptation turned aside
+the original sense. Consciously or unconsciously they were
+preparing Judaism in some degree to be the religion of
+humanity. But the Rabbins shut out those enlarging influences,
+confining their religion within the narrow traditions
+of one people. The process by which they conserved
+the old belief helped to quench its spirit, so that it became
+an antique skeleton, powerless beside the new civilization
+which had followed the wake of Alexander's conquests.
+Rabbinical Judaism proved its incapacity for regenerating
+the world; having no affinity for the philosophy of second
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+causes, or for the exercise of reason beneath the love of a
+Father who sees with equal eye as God of all. Its isolation
+nourished a sectarian tendency. Tradition, having no creative
+power like revelation, had taken the place of it; and it
+could not ward off the senility of Judaism; for its creations
+are but feeble echoes of prophetic utterances, weak imitations
+of poetic inspiration or of fresh wisdom. They are of
+the understanding rather than the reason. The tradition
+which Geiger describes as the life-giving soul of Judaism—the
+daughter of revelation, enjoying the same rights with
+her mother—a spiritual power that continues ever to work—an
+emanation from the divine Spirit—is not, indeed, the
+thing which has stiffened Judaism into Rabbinism; but
+neither is it tradition proper; it is reason working upon
+revelation, and moulding it into a new system. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Such tradition</span></em>
+serves but to show the inability of genuine Judaism to
+assimilate philosophic thought. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Rationalizing</span></em> should not
+be styled the operation of tradition.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The truth of these remarks is evident from a comparison
+of two books, exemplifying Alexandrian and Palestinian
+Judaism respectively. The Wisdom of Solomon shows the
+enlarging effect of Greek philosophy. Overpassing Jewish
+particularism, it often approaches Christianity in doctrine
+and spirit, so that some<a id="noteref_80" name="noteref_80" href="#note_80"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">80</span></span></a> have even assumed a Christian
+origin for it. The Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach has not
+the doctrine of immortality. Death is there an eternal
+sleep, and retribution takes place in this life. The Jewish
+theocracy is the centre of history; Israel the elect people;
+and all wisdom is embodied in the law. The writer is shut
+up within the old national ideas, and leans upon the writings
+in which they are expressed. Thus the Hagiographical
+canon of Judea, conservative as it is, and purer in a
+sense, presents a narrower type than the best specimens of
+the Alexandrian one. The genial breath of Aryan culture
+had not expanded its Semitism.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The identity of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons
+must be abandoned, notwithstanding the contrary arguments
+of Eichhorn and Movers. It is said, indeed, that Philo
+neither mentions nor quotes the Greek additions; but neither
+does he quote several canonical books. According to Eichhorn,
+no fewer than eight of the latter are unnoticed by
+him.<a id="noteref_81" name="noteref_81" href="#note_81"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">81</span></span></a> Besides, he had peculiar views of inspiration, and
+quoted loosely from memory. Believing as he did in the
+inspiration of the Greek version as a whole, it is difficult to
+think that he made a distinction between the different parts
+of it. In one passage he refers to the sacred books of the
+Therapeutae, a fanatical sect of Jews in Egypt, as <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">laws</span></em>,
+oracles <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">of prophets, hymns</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">other books</span></em> by which knowledge
+and piety are increased and perfected,”</span><a id="noteref_82" name="noteref_82" href="#note_82"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">82</span></span></a> but this presents
+little information as to the canon of the Egyptian Jews
+generally; for it is precarious argumentation to say with
+Herbst that they prove a twofold canon. Even if the Alexandrian
+and Palestinian canons be identical, we cannot be
+sure that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the other books</span></em> which the Therapeutae read as holy
+besides the law, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the prophets and hymns</span></em>, differed from the
+hagiographa, and so constituted another canon than the
+general Egyptian one. It is quite possible that the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hymns</span></em>
+mean the Psalms; and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the other books</span></em>, the rest of the hagiographa.
+The argument for the identity of the two canons
+deduced from 4 Esdras xiv. 44, &amp;c., as if the twenty-four
+open books were distinguished from the other writings dictated
+to Ezra, is of no force, because verisimilitude required
+that an Egyptian Jew himself must make Ezra conform to
+the old Palestinian canon. It is also alleged that the grandson
+of Jesus Sirach, who translated his grandfather's work
+during his abode in Egypt, knew no difference between the
+Hebrew and Greek canon, though he speaks of the Greek
+version; but he speaks as a Palestinian, without having
+occasion to allude to the difference between the canonical
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page050">[pg 050]</span><a name="Pg050" id="Pg050" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+books of the Palestinian and Egyptian Jews. The latter
+may have reckoned the apocryphal writings in the third
+division; and therefore the translator of Jesus Sirach could
+recognize them in the ordinary classification. The mention
+of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">three</span></em> classes is not opposed to their presence in the third.
+The general use of an enlarged canon in Egypt cannot be
+denied, though it was somewhat loose, not regarded as a
+completed collection, and without express rabbinical sanction.
+If they did not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">formally</span></em> recognize a canon of their
+own, as De Wette says of them, they had and used one
+larger than the Palestinian, without troubling themselves
+about a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">formal</span></em> sanction for it by a body of Rabbis at Jerusalem
+or elsewhere. Their canon was not identical with
+that of the Palestinians, and all the argumentation founded
+upon Philo's non-quotation of the apocryphal books, fails to
+prove the contrary. The very way in which apocryphal are
+inserted among canonical books in the Alexandrian canon,
+shows the equal rank assigned to both. Esdras first and
+second succeed the Chronicles; Tobit and Judith are between
+Nehemiah and Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon and
+Sirach follow Canticles; Baruch succeeds Jeremiah; Daniel
+is followed by Susanna and other productions of the same
+class; and the whole closes with the three books of Maccabees.
+Such is the order in the Vatican MS.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The threefold division of the canon, indicating three
+stages in its formation, has continued. Josephus, indeed,
+gives another, based on the nature of the separate books,
+not on MSS. We learn nothing from him of its history,
+which is somewhat remarkable, considering that he did not
+live two centuries after the last work had been added. The
+account of the canon's final arrangement was evidently
+unknown to him.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a>
+<a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter IV. Number And Order Of The Separate Books.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The number of the books was variously estimated.
+Josephus gives twenty-two, which was the usual number
+among Christian writers in the second, third, and fourth
+centuries, having been derived perhaps from the letters of
+the Hebrew alphabet. Origen, Jerome, and others have it.
+It continued longest among the teachers of the Greek
+Church, and is even in Nicephorus's stichometry.<a id="noteref_83" name="noteref_83" href="#note_83"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">83</span></span></a> The
+enumeration in question has Ruth with Judges, and Lamentations
+with Jeremiah. In Epiphanius<a id="noteref_84" name="noteref_84" href="#note_84"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">84</span></span></a> the number twenty-seven
+is found, made by taking the alphabet enlarged with
+the five final letters, and dividing Samuel, Kings, and
+Chronicles into two books each. This is probably an ingenious
+combination belonging to the father himself. The
+Talmud has twenty-four,<a id="noteref_85" name="noteref_85" href="#note_85"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">85</span></span></a> a number which did not originate
+in the Greek alphabet, else the Palestinian Jews would not
+have adopted it. The synagogue did not fix it officially.
+After the Pentateuch and the former prophets, which are in
+the usual order, it gives Jeremiah as the first of the later,
+succeeded by Ezekiel and Isaiah with the twelve minor
+prophets. The Talmud knows no other reason for such an
+order than that it was made according to the contents of
+the prophetic books, not according to the times of the
+writers. This solution is unsatisfactory. It is more probable
+that chronology had to do with the arrangement.<a id="noteref_86" name="noteref_86" href="#note_86"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">86</span></span></a>
+After the anonymous collection or second part of Isaiah
+had been joined to the first or authentic prophecies, the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg 052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+lateness of these oracles brought Isaiah into the third place
+among the greater prophets. The Talmudic order of the
+Hagiographa is Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra, Chronicles.
+Here Ruth precedes the Psalter, coming as near the former
+prophets as possible; for it properly belongs to them, the
+contents associating it with the Judges' time. The Talmudic
+order is that usually adopted in German MSS. What
+is the true estimate of it? Is it a proper Talmudic regulation?
+Perhaps not, else the Hebrew MSS. of the French
+and Spanish Jews would not so readily have departed from
+it. Bloch supposes that Baba Bathra, which gives the
+arrangement of the books, is one of the apocryphal Boraithas
+that proceeded from an individual teacher and had no binding
+authority.<a id="noteref_87" name="noteref_87" href="#note_87"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">87</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Masoretic arrangement differs from the Talmudic in
+putting Isaiah before Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The Hagiographa
+are, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations,
+Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (with Nehemiah),
+Chronicles.<a id="noteref_88" name="noteref_88" href="#note_88"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">88</span></span></a> This is usually adopted in Spanish MSS. But
+MSS. often differ arbitrarily, because transcribers did not
+consider themselves bound to any one arrangement.<a id="noteref_89" name="noteref_89" href="#note_89"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">89</span></span></a> According
+to some, a very old testimony to the commencing
+and concluding books of the third division is given by the
+New Testament (Luke xxiv. 44; Matthew xxiii. 35), agreeably
+to which the Psalms were first and the Chronicles last;
+but this is inconclusive.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Alexandrian translators, as we have seen already,
+placed the books differently from the Palestinian Jews. In
+their version Daniel comes after Ezekiel, so that it is put
+beside the greater prophets. Was this done by Jews or
+Christians? Perhaps by the latter, who put it between the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name="Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+greater and lesser prophets, or in other words, out of the
+third into the second division, because of dogmatic grounds,
+and so effaced a trace of the correct chronology. Little importance,
+however, can be attached to the order of the
+books in the Septuagint; because the work was done at
+different times by different persons. But whatever may
+have been the arrangement of the parts when the whole
+was complete, we know that it was disturbed by Protestants
+separating the apocryphal writings and putting them
+all together.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg 054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a>
+<a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter V. Use Of The Old Testament By The First Christian
+Writers, And By The Fathers Till The Time Of
+Origen.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The writings of the New Testament show the authors'
+acquaintance with the apocryphal books. They have
+expressions and ideas derived from them. Stier collected
+one hundred and two passages which bear some resemblance
+to others in the Apocrypha;<a id="noteref_90" name="noteref_90" href="#note_90"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">90</span></span></a> but they needed sifting, and
+were cut down to a much smaller number by Bleek. They
+are James i. 19, from Sirach v. 11 and iv. 29; 1 Peter i. 6, 7,
+from Wisdom iii. 3-7; Hebrews xi. 34, 35, from 2 Maccabees
+vi. 18-vii. 42; Hebrews i. 3, from Wisdom vii. 26, &amp;c.;
+Romans i. 20-32, from Wisdom xiii.-xv.; Romans ix. 21,
+from Wisdom xv. 7; Eph. vi. 13-17, from Wisdom v. 18-20; 1 Cor. ii. 10, &amp;c., from
+Judith viii. 14. Others are less probable.<a id="noteref_91" name="noteref_91" href="#note_91"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">91</span></span></a>
+When Bishop Cosin says, that <span class="tei tei-q">“in all the New
+Testament we find not any one passage of the apocryphal
+books to have been alleged either by Christ or His apostles
+for the confirmation of their doctrine,”</span><a id="noteref_92" name="noteref_92" href="#note_92"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">92</span></span></a> the argument,
+though based on fact, is scarcely conclusive; else Esther,
+Canticles, Ecclesiastes, and other works might be equally
+discredited. Yet it is probable that the New Testament
+writers, though quoting the Septuagint much more than the
+original, were disinclined to the additional parts of the
+Alexandrian canon. They were Palestinian themselves, or
+had in view Judaisers of a narrow creed. Prudential
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+motives, no less than a predisposition in favor of the old
+national canon, may have hindered them from expressly citing
+any apocryphal production. The apostle Paul and
+probably the other writers of the New Testament, believed
+in the literal inspiration of the Biblical books, for he uses
+an argument in the Galatian epistle which turns upon the
+singular or plural of a noun.<a id="noteref_93" name="noteref_93" href="#note_93"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">93</span></span></a> And as the inspiration of
+the Septuagint translation was commonly held by the Christians
+of the early centuries, it may be that the apostles and
+evangelists made no distinction between its parts. Jude
+quotes Enoch, an apocryphal work not in the Alexandrian
+canon; so that he at least had no rigid notions about the
+difference of canonical and uncanonical writings. Still we
+know that the compass of the Old Testament canon was
+somewhat unsettled to the Christians of the first century, as
+it was to the Hellenist Jews themselves. It is true that the
+Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms were universally recognized
+as authoritative; but the extent of the third division
+was indefinite, so that the non-citation of the three books
+respecting which there was a difference of opinion among
+the Jews may not have been accidental. Inasmuch, however,
+as the Greek-speaking Jews received more books than
+their Palestinian brethren, the apostles and their immediate
+successors were not wholly disinclined to the use of the apocryphal
+productions. The undefined boundary of the canon
+facilitated also the recognition of all primitive records of
+the new Revelation.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The early fathers, who wrote in Greek, used the Greek
+Bible, as almost all of them were ignorant of Hebrew. Thus
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg 056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+restricted; they naturally considered its parts alike, citing
+apocryphal and canonical in the same way. Accordingly,
+Irenæus<a id="noteref_94" name="noteref_94" href="#note_94"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">94</span></span></a>
+quotes Baruch under the name of <span class="tei tei-q">“Jeremiah the
+prophet;”</span><a id="noteref_95" name="noteref_95" href="#note_95"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">95</span></span></a> and the additions to Daniel as <span class="tei tei-q">“Daniel the
+prophet.”</span><a id="noteref_96" name="noteref_96" href="#note_96"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">96</span></span></a> Clement of Alexandria<a id="noteref_97" name="noteref_97" href="#note_97"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">97</span></span></a> uses the apocryphal
+books like the canonical ones, for explanation and proof indiscriminately.
+He is fond of referring to Baruch, which
+he cites upwards of twenty-four times in the second book of
+his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pædagogus</span></span>, and in a manner to show that he esteemed
+it as highly as many other parts of the Old Testament. A passage from Baruch
+is introduced by the phrase,<a id="noteref_98" name="noteref_98" href="#note_98"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">98</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“the divine Scripture says;”</span> and
+another from Tobit by<a id="noteref_99" name="noteref_99" href="#note_99"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">99</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“Scripture
+has briefly signified this, saying.”</span> Assuming that
+Wisdom was written by Solomon, he uses it as canonical and inspired,
+designating it <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine</span></em>.<a id="noteref_100" name="noteref_100" href="#note_100"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">100</span></span></a> Judith he cites with other books of the Old
+Testament<a id="noteref_101" name="noteref_101" href="#note_101"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">101</span></span></a>; and the Song
+of the three children in the furnace is used as
+Scripture.<a id="noteref_102" name="noteref_102" href="#note_102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">102</span></span></a> Ecclesiasticus also is so
+treated.<a id="noteref_103" name="noteref_103" href="#note_103"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">103</span></span></a>
+Dionysius of Alexandria<a id="noteref_104" name="noteref_104" href="#note_104"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">104</span></span></a> cites
+Ecclesiasticus (xvi. 26), introducing the passage with <span class="tei tei-q">“hear
+divine oracles.”</span><a id="noteref_105" name="noteref_105" href="#note_105"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">105</span></span></a> The same book is elsewhere cited, chapters
+xliii. 29, 30<a id="noteref_106" name="noteref_106" href="#note_106"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">106</span></span></a>
+and i. 8. 9.<a id="noteref_107" name="noteref_107" href="#note_107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">107</span></span></a>
+So is Wisdom, vii. 15<a id="noteref_108" name="noteref_108" href="#note_108"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">108</span></span></a>
+and 25.<a id="noteref_109" name="noteref_109" href="#note_109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">109</span></span></a>
+Baruch (iii. 12-15) is also quoted.<a id="noteref_110" name="noteref_110" href="#note_110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">110</span></span></a> The fathers
+who wrote in Latin used some of the old Latin versions of
+which Augustine speaks; one of them, and that the oldest
+probably dating soon after the middle of the second century,
+being known to us as the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Itala</span></span>. As this was made from the
+Septuagint, it had the usual apocryphal books. Jerome's
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+critical revision or new version did not supplant the old
+Latin till some time after his death. Tertullian<a id="noteref_111" name="noteref_111" href="#note_111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">111</span></span></a> quotes the
+Wisdom of Solomon expressly as Solomon's;<a id="noteref_112" name="noteref_112" href="#note_112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">112</span></span></a> and introduces Sirach by <span class="tei tei-q">“as it is
+written.”</span><a id="noteref_113" name="noteref_113" href="#note_113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">113</span></span></a> He cites Baruch as Jeremiah.<a id="noteref_114" name="noteref_114" href="#note_114"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">114</span></span></a>
+He also believes in the authenticity of the book of Enoch, and defends it as
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em> at some length.<a id="noteref_115" name="noteref_115" href="#note_115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">115</span></span></a> Cyprian often
+cites the Greek additions to the Palestinian canon. He introduces Tobit
+with the words <span class="tei tei-q">“as it is written,”</span><a id="noteref_116" name="noteref_116" href="#note_116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">116</span></span></a> or
+<span class="tei tei-q">“divine Scripture teaches, saying;”</span><a id="noteref_117" name="noteref_117" href="#note_117"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">117</span></span></a> and Wisdom with,
+<span class="tei tei-q">“the Holy Spirit shows by Solomon.”</span><a id="noteref_118" name="noteref_118" href="#note_118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">118</span></span></a> Ecclesiasticus is
+introduced with, <span class="tei tei-q">“it is written;”</span><a id="noteref_119" name="noteref_119" href="#note_119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">119</span></span></a> and Baruch with, <span class="tei tei-q">“the
+Holy Spirit teaches by Jeremiah.”</span><a id="noteref_120" name="noteref_120" href="#note_120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">120</span></span></a> 1 and 2 Maccabees are
+used as Scripture;<a id="noteref_121" name="noteref_121" href="#note_121"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">121</span></span></a> as are the additions to Daniel.<a id="noteref_122" name="noteref_122" href="#note_122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">122</span></span></a> The
+African fathers follow the Alexandrian canon without scruple.
+Hippolytus of Rome (about <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 220), who wrote in
+Greek, quotes Baruch as Scripture;<a id="noteref_123" name="noteref_123" href="#note_123"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">123</span></span></a> and interprets the additions
+to Daniel, such as Susanna, as Scripture likewise.<a id="noteref_124" name="noteref_124" href="#note_124"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">124</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Melito of Sardis<a id="noteref_125" name="noteref_125" href="#note_125"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">125</span></span></a>
+made it his special business to inquire
+among the Palestinian Jews about the number and names
+of their canonical books; and the result was the following
+list:—the five books of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four
+books of Kings, two of Chronicles, the Psalms of David, the
+Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, Job,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, the twelve in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel,
+Ezra.<a id="noteref_126" name="noteref_126" href="#note_126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">126</span></span></a> Here Ezra includes Nehemiah; and Esther is absent,
+because the Jews whom he consulted did not consider
+it canonical.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Origen's<a id="noteref_127" name="noteref_127" href="#note_127"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">127</span></span></a>
+list does not differ much from the Palestinian
+one. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name="Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+first and second, Samuel, Chronicles, come Ezra first and
+second, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah with Lamentations and the epistle, Daniel, Ezekiel,
+Job, Esther. Besides these there are the Maccabees, which are inscribed
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sarbeth Sarbane el</span></span>.<a id="noteref_128" name="noteref_128" href="#note_128"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">128</span></span></a> The twelve prophets
+are omitted in the Greek; but the mistake is rectified in
+Rufinus's Latin version, where they follow Canticles, as in
+Hilary and Cyril of Jerusalem. It is remarkable that Baruch
+is given, and why? Because Origen took it from the
+MSS. of the Septuagint he had before him, in which the
+epistle is attributed to Jeremiah. But the catalogue had no
+influence upon his practice. He followed the prevailing
+view of the extended canon. Sirach is introduced by <span class="tei tei-q">“for
+this also <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">is written</span></em>”</span>;<a id="noteref_129" name="noteref_129" href="#note_129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">129</span></span></a>
+the book of Wisdom is cited as a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine
+word</span></em>;<a id="noteref_130" name="noteref_130" href="#note_130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">130</span></span></a> the writer is called a
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">prophet</span></em>;<a id="noteref_131" name="noteref_131" href="#note_131"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">131</span></span></a> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Christ</span></em> is represented
+as speaking in it <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">through Solomon</span></em>;<a id="noteref_132" name="noteref_132" href="#note_132"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">132</span></span></a> and Wisdom vii. 17 is adduced
+as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the word of Christ himself</span></em>.<a id="noteref_133" name="noteref_133" href="#note_133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">133</span></span></a> Tobit is cited
+as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>.<a id="noteref_134" name="noteref_134" href="#note_134"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">134</span></span></a> His view of the additions to the books of
+Daniel and Esther, as well as his opinion about Tobit, are
+sufficiently expressed in the epistle to Africanus, so that
+scattered quotations from these parts of Scripture can be
+properly estimated. Of the history of Susanna he ventures to say that the
+Jews withdrew it on purpose from the people.<a id="noteref_135" name="noteref_135" href="#note_135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">135</span></span></a>
+He seems to argue in favor of books used and read in
+the churches, though they may be put out of the canon by
+the Jews. As divine Providence had preserved the sacred
+Scriptures, no alteration should be made in the ecclesiastical
+tradition respecting books sanctioned by the churches
+though they be external to the Hebrew canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Most of the writings of Methodius, Bishop of Tyre<a id="noteref_136" name="noteref_136" href="#note_136"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">136</span></span></a> are
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg 059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+lost, so that we know little of his opinions respecting the
+books of Scripture. But it is certain that he employed the
+Apocrypha like the other writings of the Old Testament.
+Thus Sirach (xviii. 30 and xix. 2) is quoted in the same
+way as the Proverbs.<a id="noteref_137" name="noteref_137" href="#note_137"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">137</span></span></a> Wisdom (iv. 1-3) is cited,<a id="noteref_138" name="noteref_138" href="#note_138"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">138</span></span></a> and Baruch (iii. 14).<a id="noteref_139" name="noteref_139" href="#note_139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">139</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a>
+<a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VI. The New Testament Canon In The First
+Three Centuries.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The first Christians relied on the Old Testament as their
+chief religious book. To them it was of divine origin
+and authority. The New Testament writings came into
+gradual use, by the side of the older Jewish documents, according
+to the times in which they appeared and the names
+of their reputed authors. The Epistles of Paul were the
+earliest written; after which came the Apocalypse, the
+Epistle to the Hebrews, and other documents, all in the first
+century. After the first gospel had undergone a process of
+translation, re-writing, and interpolation, from the Aramaic
+basis, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the discourses</span></em>,<a id="noteref_140" name="noteref_140" href="#note_140"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">140</span></span></a>
+of which Papias of Hierapolis speaks,
+until the traces of another original than the Greek were all
+but effaced; it appeared in its present form early in the
+second century. Soon after, that of Luke was composed,
+whose prevailing Pauline tendency was not allowed to suppress
+various features of a Jewish Essene type. The second
+gospel, which bears evidences of its derivation from the
+other synoptists, was followed by the fourth. The last
+document was the so-called second Epistle of Peter. It is
+manifest that tradition assumed various forms after the
+death of Jesus; that legend and myth speedily surrounded
+His sacred person; that the unknown writers were influenced
+by the peculiar circumstances in which they stood
+with respect to Jewish and Gentile Christianity; and that
+their uncritical age dealt considerably in the marvelous.
+That the life of the great Founder should be overlaid with
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name="Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+extraneous materials, is special matter for regret. However
+conscientious and truth-loving they may have been, the reporters
+were unequal to their work. It is also remarkable
+that so many of them should be unknown; productions being
+attached to names of repute to give them greater
+currency.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+When Marcion came from Pontus to Rome (144 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>,)
+he brought with him a Scripture-collection consisting of
+ten Pauline epistles. With true critical instinct he did not
+include those addressed to Timothy and Titus, as also the
+epistle to the Hebrews. The gospel of Marcion was Luke's
+in an altered state. From this and other facts we conclude
+that external parties were the first who carried out the idea
+of collecting Christian writings, and of putting them either
+beside or over against the sacred books of the Old Testament,
+in support of their systems. As to Basilides (125
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>), his supposed quotations from the New Testament in
+Hippolytus are too precarious to be trusted.<a id="noteref_141" name="noteref_141" href="#note_141"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">141</span></span></a> Testimonies
+to the <span class="tei tei-q">“acknowledged”</span> books of the New Testament as
+Scripture have been transferred from his followers to himself;
+so that his early witness to the canon breaks down.
+It is inferred from statements in Origen and Jerome that he
+had a gospel of his own somewhat like St. Luke's, but extra-canonical.
+His son Isidore and succeeding disciples used
+Matthew's gospel. Jerome says that Marcion and Basilides
+denied the Pauline authorship of the epistle to the Hebrews
+and the pastoral ones.<a id="noteref_142" name="noteref_142" href="#note_142"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">142</span></span></a> It is also doubtful whether
+Valentinus's (140-166 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) alleged citations from the New
+Testament can be relied upon. The passages of this kind ascribed
+to him by the fathers belong in a great measure to his
+disciples. The fragment of a letter preserved by Clement
+of Alexandria in the second book of the Stromata, has been
+thought to contain references to the gospels of Matthew and
+Luke; but the fact is doubtful. Nor has Henrici proved
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+that Valentinus used John's gospel.<a id="noteref_143" name="noteref_143" href="#note_143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">143</span></span></a> But his followers,
+including Ptolemy (180 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) and Heracleon
+(185-200 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>), quote the Gospels and
+other portions of the New Testament.<a id="noteref_144" name="noteref_144" href="#note_144"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">144</span></span></a>
+From Hippolytus's account of the Ophites, Peratæ,
+and Sethians, we infer that the Christian writings were
+much employed by them. They rarely cite an apocryphal
+work. More than one hundred and sixty citations from the
+New Testament have been gathered out of their writings.<a id="noteref_145" name="noteref_145" href="#note_145"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">145</span></span></a>
+We may admit that these Ophites and Peratæ were of early
+origin, the former being the oldest known of the Gnostic
+parties; but there is no proof that the acquaintance with
+the New Testament which Hippolytus attributes to them
+belongs to the first rather than the second half of the second
+century. The early existence of the sect does not show an
+early citation of the Christian books by it, especially of
+John's gospel; unless its primary were its last stage. Later
+and earlier Ophites are not distinguished in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Philosophumena</span></span>.
+Hence there is a presumption that the author had the
+former in view, which is favored by no mention of them occurring
+in the <span class="tei tei-q">“Adversus omnes Hæreses”</span> usually appended
+to Tertullian's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Præscriptiones Hæreticorum</span></span>, and by Irenæus's
+derivation of their heresy from that of Valentinus. The
+latter father does not even speak of the Peratæ. Clement
+of Alexandria is the first who alludes to them. The early
+heretics were desirous of confirming their peculiar opinions
+by the writings current among Catholic Christians, so that
+the formation of a canon by them began soon after the commencement
+of the second century, and continued till the
+end of it; contemporaneously with the development of a
+Catholic Church and its necessary adjunct a Catholic canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+No New Testament canon, except a partial and unauthoritative
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page063">[pg 063]</span><a name="Pg063" id="Pg063" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+one, existed till the latter half of the second century,
+that is, till the idea of a Catholic church began to be entertained.
+The living power of Christianity in its early
+stages had no need of books for its nurture. But in the
+development of a church organization the internal rule of
+consciousness was changed into an external one of faith.
+The Ebionites or Jewish Christians had their favorite Gospels
+and Acts. The gospel of Matthew was highly prized
+by them, existing as it did in various recensions, of which
+the gospel according to the Hebrews was one. Other documents,
+such as the Revelation of John; and the preaching
+of Peter, a Jewish-Christian history subsequently re-written
+and employed in the Clementine Recognitions and Homilies,
+were also in esteem. Even so late as 175-180 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>, Hegesippus,
+a Jewish Christian, does not seem to have had a
+canon consisting of the four gospels and Paul's Epistles, but
+appeals to <span class="tei tei-q">“the law and the prophets and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Lord</span></em>,”</span> so
+that his leading principle was, the identity of Jesus's words
+with the Old Testament; agreeably to the tenets of the
+party he belonged to. The source whence he drew the words
+of Jesus was probably the Gospel according to the Hebrews,
+a document which we know he used, on the authority of
+Eusebius. He does not refer to Paul except by implication in a passage given in
+Photius from Stephen Gobar,<a id="noteref_146" name="noteref_146" href="#note_146"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">146</span></span></a> where
+he says that such as used the words <span class="tei tei-q">“Eye hath not seen,
+nor ear heard,”</span> &amp;c., falsified the Divine Scriptures and the
+Lord's words, <span class="tei tei-q">“Blessed are your eyes for they see,”</span> &amp;c.
+As Paul quoted the condemned language, he is blamed.<a id="noteref_147" name="noteref_147" href="#note_147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">147</span></span></a>
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page064">[pg 064]</span><a name="Pg064" id="Pg064" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Though he knew Paul's epistles, he does not look upon
+them as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">authoritative</span></em>. He betrays no acquaintance with the
+fourth gospel; for the question, <span class="tei tei-q">“What is the door to
+Jesus?”</span> does not presuppose the knowledge of John x. 2,
+7, 9. Nösgen has failed to prove Hegesippus's Jewish descent;
+and Holtzmann's mediating view of him is incorrect.<a id="noteref_148" name="noteref_148" href="#note_148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">148</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Clementine Homilies (161-180 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) used the four
+canonical gospels even the fourth (which is somewhat
+singular in a writer who denies the deity of Christ), and assigned
+it to the apostle John. The gospel according to the
+Egyptians was also employed. Paul's epistles were rejected
+of course, as well as the Acts; since the apostle of the Gentiles
+was pointed at in Simon Magus, whom Peter refutes.
+It is, therefore, obvious that a collection of the New Testament
+writings could make little progress among the Ebionites
+of the second century. Their reverence for the law
+and the prophets hindered another canon. Among the
+Gentile Christians the formation of a canon took place more
+rapidly, though Judaic influences retarded it even there.
+After Paul's epistles were interchanged between churches,
+a few of them would soon be put together. A collection of
+this kind is implied in 2 Peter iii. 16. The pastoral epistles,
+which show their dependence on the authentic Pauline ones,
+with those of Peter, presuppose a similar collection; which
+along with the Synoptists, existed before the fourth gospel.
+The Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews were obnoxious
+to the Pauline churches, as Paul's letters were to the
+Jewish-Christian ones. Hence the former were outside the
+Pauline collections.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The apostolic fathers quote from the Old Testament,
+which was sacred and inspired to them. They have scarcely
+any express citations from the New Testament. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Allusions</span></em>
+occur, especially to the epistles.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page065">[pg 065]</span><a name="Pg065" id="Pg065" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The first Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (about
+120 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>), implies acquaintance with several of the epistles,
+with those to the Corinthians, Romans, Hebrews, and perhaps
+others. Two passages have also been adduced as
+derived from the gospels of Matthew and Luke, viz., in
+chapters xiii. 2 and xlvi. 8; but probably some other source
+supplied them, such as oral tradition. It has also been
+argued that the quotation in the fifteenth chapter, <span class="tei tei-q">“The
+Scripture says somewhere, This people honoreth me with
+their lips, but their heart is far from me,”</span> comes from Mark
+vii. 6 in which it varies from the Hebrew of Isaiah xxix.
+13, as well as the Septuagint version. Clement therefore, so
+it is said, quotes the Old Testament through the medium of
+the gospels (Matthew xv. 8, Mark vii. 6). But the argument
+is inconclusive because the words agree closely enough
+with the Septuagint to render the supposition very probable
+that they are a memorized citation from it. As they stand,
+they coincide exactly neither with Mark nor the Septuagint.<a id="noteref_149" name="noteref_149" href="#note_149"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">149</span></span></a>
+Thus we dissent from the opinion of Gebhardt and Harnack.
+Wherever <span class="tei tei-q">“Scripture”</span> is cited, or the expression <span class="tei tei-q">“it is
+written”</span> occurs, the Old Testament is meant.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Hermas (about 140 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) seems to have used the epistle
+to the Ephesians and perhaps that to the Hebrews, as well
+as the epistle of James; but there is great uncertainty about
+the matter, for there is no <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">express</span></em> or certain quotation from
+any part of the New Testament. The writer often alludes
+to words of Jesus, found in Matthew's gospel, so that he may
+have been acquainted with it. Keim<a id="noteref_150" name="noteref_150" href="#note_150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">150</span></span></a> and others have discovered
+references to the fourth gospel; but they are invalid.
+There is no allusion to the Acts in vis. iv. 2, 4. The only
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em> cited is the apocryphal book
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eldat and Modat</span></span>, now
+lost.<a id="noteref_151" name="noteref_151" href="#note_151"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">151</span></span></a> The writer seems to have known several Jewish
+Apocalypses.<a id="noteref_152" name="noteref_152" href="#note_152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">152</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page066">[pg 066]</span><a name="Pg066" id="Pg066" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Barnabas (about 119 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) has but one quotation from the
+New Testament, if, indeed, it be such. Apparently, Matthew
+xx. 16 or xxii. 14 is introduced by <span class="tei tei-q">“as it is written,”</span> showing
+that the gospel was considered <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>.<a id="noteref_153" name="noteref_153" href="#note_153"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">153</span></span></a> This is the
+earliest trace of canonical authority being transferred from
+the Old Testament to Christian writings. But the citation
+is not certain. The original may be 4 Esdras, viii. 3; and
+even if the writer took the words from Matthew's gospel, it
+is possible that he used <span class="tei tei-q">“it is written”</span> with reference to
+their prototype in the Old Testament. Of such interchanges,
+examples occur in writers of the second century; and it is
+the more probable that this is one, from the fact that 4
+Esdras is elsewhere considered a prophet and referred to in
+the same way as Ezekiel.<a id="noteref_154" name="noteref_154" href="#note_154"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">154</span></span></a> Barnabas's citation of a gospel
+as canonical is wholly improbable, since even Justin, thirty
+years after, never quotes the New Testament writings as
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>. The thing would be anomalous and opposed to
+the history of the first half of the second century. When
+these post-apostolic productions appeared, the New Testament
+writings did not stand on the same level with the Old,
+and were not yet esteemed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sacred</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inspired</span></em> like the Jewish
+Scriptures. The Holy Spirit was thought to dwell in
+all Christians, without being confined to a few writers; and
+his influence was the common heritage of believers. There
+are evidences of Barnabas's acquaintance with the Epistles
+to the Romans and Corinthians; nor is it improbable that
+he knew the canonical gospel of Matthew, though one passage
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">appears</span></em> to contradict Matthew xxviii. 10, &amp;c., without
+necessarily implying ignorance of what lies in it, viz., that
+the ascension of Jesus took place on the day of his resurrection.<a id="noteref_155" name="noteref_155" href="#note_155"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">155</span></span></a>
+Strangely enough, Keim thinks that the writer had
+John's gospel before him; but this opinion is refuted by the
+end of Barnabas's fifth chapter.<a id="noteref_156" name="noteref_156" href="#note_156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">156</span></span></a> Holtzmann has ably disposed
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page067">[pg 067]</span><a name="Pg067" id="Pg067" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of the considerations adduced by Keim.<a id="noteref_157" name="noteref_157" href="#note_157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">157</span></span></a> Barnabas
+quotes the book of Enoch as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>;<a id="noteref_158" name="noteref_158" href="#note_158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">158</span></span></a> and an apocryphal
+prophecy is introduced with, <span class="tei tei-q">“another prophet says.”</span><a id="noteref_159" name="noteref_159" href="#note_159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">159</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+As far as we can judge from Eusebius's account of
+Papias<a id="noteref_160" name="noteref_160" href="#note_160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">160</span></span></a> (about 150 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>), that writer knew nothing of a
+New Testament canon. He speaks of Matthew and Mark;
+but it is most probable that he had documents which either
+formed the basis of our present Matthew and Mark, or were
+taken into them and written over.<a id="noteref_161" name="noteref_161" href="#note_161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">161</span></span></a> According to Andreas
+of Cæsarea he was acquainted with the Apocalypse of John;
+while Eusebius testifies to his knowledge of 1 Peter and 1
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page068">[pg 068]</span><a name="Pg068" id="Pg068" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+John. But he had no conception of canonical authority attaching
+to any part of the New Testament. His language
+implies the opposite, in that he prefers unwritten tradition
+to the gospel he speaks of. He neither felt the want nor
+knew the existence of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inspired</span></em> gospels.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+We need not notice the three short Syriac epistles attributed
+to Ignatius, as we do not believe them to be his, but of
+later origin. Traces of later ideas about the canonicity of
+the New Testament appear in the shorter Greek recension
+of the Ignatian epistles (about 175 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>)
+There <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Gospel</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Apostles</span></em>
+are recognized as the constituents of the
+book.<a id="noteref_162" name="noteref_162" href="#note_162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">162</span></span></a> The writer also used the Gospel according to the
+Hebrews, for there is a quotation from it in the epistle to
+the Smyrnians.<a id="noteref_163" name="noteref_163" href="#note_163"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">163</span></span></a>
+The second part of the collection seems to
+have wanted the epistle to the Ephesians.<a id="noteref_164" name="noteref_164" href="#note_164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">164</span></span></a> The two leading
+parties, long antagonistic, had now become united; the apostles Peter and
+Paul being mentioned together.<a id="noteref_165" name="noteref_165" href="#note_165"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">165</span></span></a> In the
+Testaments of the twelve patriarchs (about 170 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>),
+Paul's life is said to be described in <span class="tei tei-q">“holy books,”</span>
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, his
+own epistles and the Acts.<a id="noteref_166" name="noteref_166" href="#note_166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">166</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Justin Martyr (150 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) knew the first and third of the
+synoptic gospels. His use of Mark's does not appear. His
+knowledge of the fourth is denied by many, and zealously
+defended by others. Thoma finds proofs that Justin knew
+it well, and used it freely as a text-book of gnosis, without
+recognizing it as the historical work of an apostle; an
+hypothesis encumbered with difficulties.<a id="noteref_167" name="noteref_167" href="#note_167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">167</span></span></a> Whatever be said
+about Justin's acquaintance with this gospel; its existence
+before 140 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> is incapable either of decisive or probable
+proof; and this father's Logos-doctrine is less developed
+than the Johannine, because it is encumbered with the notion
+of miraculous birth by a virgin. The Johannine
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page069">[pg 069]</span><a name="Pg069" id="Pg069" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+authorship has receded before the tide of modern criticism;
+and though this tide is arbitrary at times, it is here irresistible.
+Apologists should abstain from strong assertions on
+a point so difficult, as that each <span class="tei tei-q">“gospel is distinctly recognized
+by him;”</span> for the noted passage in the dialogue with
+Trypho does not support them.<a id="noteref_168" name="noteref_168" href="#note_168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">168</span></span></a> It is pretty certain that
+he employed an extra-canonical gospel, the so-called gospel
+of the Hebrews. This Petrine document may be referred
+to in a passage which is unfortunately capable of a double
+interpretation.<a id="noteref_169" name="noteref_169" href="#note_169"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">169</span></span></a> He had also the older Acts of Pilate. Paul's
+epistles are never mentioned, though he doubtless knew
+them. Having little sympathy with Paulinism he attached
+his belief much more to the primitive apostles. The Apocalypse,
+1 Peter, and 1 John he esteemed highly; the epistle
+to the Hebrews and the Acts he treated in the same way as
+the Pauline writings. Justin's canon, as far as divine authority
+and inspiration are concerned, was the Old Testament.
+He was merely on the threshold of a divine canon
+made up of primitive Christian writings, and attributed no
+exclusive sanctity to those he used because they were not
+to him the only source of doctrine. Even of the Apocalypse he says, <span class="tei tei-q">“A man among us
+named John, &amp;c., wrote it.”</span><a id="noteref_170" name="noteref_170" href="#note_170"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">170</span></span></a>
+In his time none of the gospels had been canonized, not
+even the synoptists, if, indeed, he knew them all. Oral
+tradition was the chief fountain of Christian knowledge, as
+it had been for a century. In his opinion this tradition was
+embodied in writing; but the documents in which he looked
+for all that related to Christ were not the gospels alone.
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page070">[pg 070]</span><a name="Pg070" id="Pg070" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+He used others freely, not looking upon any as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inspired</span></em>,
+for that idea could arise only when a selection was made
+among the current documents. He regarded them all as
+having been written down from memory, and judged them
+by criteria of evidence conformable to the Old Testament
+Scriptures. Though lessons out of Gospels (some of our
+present ones and others), as also out of the prophets, were read in assemblies
+on the first day of the week,<a id="noteref_171" name="noteref_171" href="#note_171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">171</span></span></a> the act of
+converting the Christian writings into <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em> was posterior;
+for the mere reading of a gospel in churches on Sunday
+does not prove that it was considered divinely authoritative;
+and the use of the epistles, which formed the second and
+less valued part of the collection, must still have been
+limited.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Justin's disciple, Tatian (160-180 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>),
+wrote a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Diatessaron</span></span>
+or harmony of the gospels, which began, according to
+Ephrem Syrus, with John i. 1; but our knowledge of it is
+uncertain. The author omitted the genealogies of Jesus
+and everything belonging to His Davidic descent. He
+seems also to have put into it particulars derived from
+extra-canonical sources such as the Gospel according to the
+Hebrews. Doubtless he was acquainted with Paul's writings,
+as statements made in them are quoted; but he dealt
+freely with them according to Eusebius, and even rejected several epistles,
+probably first and second Timothy.<a id="noteref_172" name="noteref_172" href="#note_172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">172</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In Polycarp's epistle (about 160 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>), which is liable to
+strong suspicions of having been written after the death of
+the bishop,<a id="noteref_173" name="noteref_173" href="#note_173"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">173</span></span></a> there are reminiscences of the synoptic gospels;
+and most of Paul's epistles as well as I Peter were used by
+the writer. But the idea of canonical authority, or a peculiar
+inspiration belonging to these writings, is absent.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The author of the second Clementine epistle (about 150-160)
+had not a New Testament canon made up of the four
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page071">[pg 071]</span><a name="Pg071" id="Pg071" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+gospels and epistles. His <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em> was the Old Testament,
+to which is applied the epithet <span class="tei tei-q">“the Books”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“the Bible;”</span>
+and the words of Christ. <span class="tei tei-q">“The Apostles”</span> immediately subjoined
+to <span class="tei tei-q">“the Books,”</span> does not mean the New Testament,
+or a special collection of the apostolic epistles, as has been
+supposed.<a id="noteref_174" name="noteref_174" href="#note_174"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">174</span></span></a>
+The preacher employed a gospel or gospels as
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>; perhaps those of Matthew and Luke, not the
+whole documents, but the parts containing the words of
+Christ.<a id="noteref_175" name="noteref_175" href="#note_175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">175</span></span></a>
+He also used the Gospel of the Egyptians as an
+authoritative document, and quoted his sources freely. With
+the Johannine writings he seems to have been unacquainted.<a id="noteref_176" name="noteref_176" href="#note_176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">176</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Athenagoras of Athens wrote an apology addressed to
+Marcus Aurelius (176 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>). In it he uses written and unwritten
+tradition, testing all by the Old Testament which
+was his only authoritative canon. He makes no reference to
+the Christian documents, but adduces words of Jesus with
+the verb <span class="tei tei-q">“he says.”</span> It is not clear whether he quoted
+from the Synoptics; perhaps the passages which are parallel
+to Matthew v. 44, 45, 46,<a id="noteref_177" name="noteref_177" href="#note_177"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">177</span></span></a> and Mark x. 6,<a id="noteref_178" name="noteref_178" href="#note_178"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">178</span></span></a> were taken
+from these; but the matter is somewhat uncertain. His
+treatise on the resurrection appeals to a passage in one of
+Paul's epistles.<a id="noteref_179" name="noteref_179" href="#note_179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">179</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Dionysius of Corinth ( 170 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) complains of the falsification
+of his writings, but consoles himself with the fact
+that the same is done to the <span class="tei tei-q">“Scriptures of the Lord,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
+the gospels containing the Lord's words; or rather the two
+parts of the early collection, <span class="tei tei-q">“the gospel”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“the apostle”</span>
+together; which agrees best with the age and tenor of his
+letters.<a id="noteref_180" name="noteref_180" href="#note_180"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">180</span></span></a> If such be the meaning, the collection is put on a
+par with the Old Testament, and regarded as inspired.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the second epistle of Peter (about <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 170) Paul's
+epistles are regarded as Scripture (iii. 16.) This seems to
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page072">[pg 072]</span><a name="Pg072" id="Pg072" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+be the earliest example of the canonizing of any New Testament
+portion. Here a brotherly recognition of the Gentile
+apostle and his productions takes the place of former opposition.
+A false interpretation of his epistles is even supposed
+to have induced a departure from primitive apostolic Christianity.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The letter of the churches at Vienne and Lyons (177 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>)
+has quotations from the epistles to the Romans, Philippians,
+1 Timothy, 1 Peter, Acts, the gospels of Luke and John, the Apocalypse. The last
+is expressly called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>.<a id="noteref_181" name="noteref_181" href="#note_181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">181</span></span></a>
+This shows a fusion of the two original tendencies, the
+Petrine and Pauline; and the formation of a Catholic church
+with a common canon of authority. Accordingly, the two
+apostles, Peter and Paul, are mentioned together.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Theophilus of Antioch (180 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) was familiar with the
+gospels and most of Paul's epistles, as also the Apocalypse.
+Passages are cited from Paul as <span class="tei tei-q">“the divine word.”</span><a id="noteref_182" name="noteref_182" href="#note_182"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">182</span></span></a> He
+ascribes the fourth gospel to John, calling him an inspired
+man, like the Old Testament prophets.<a id="noteref_183" name="noteref_183" href="#note_183"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">183</span></span></a> We also learn
+from Jerome that he commented on the gospels put together
+by way of harmony.<a id="noteref_184" name="noteref_184" href="#note_184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">184</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The author of the epistle to Diognetus (about 200 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>)
+shows his acquaintance with the gospels and Paul's epistles;
+but he never cites the New Testament by way of proof.
+Words are introduced into his discourse, in passing and
+from memory.<a id="noteref_185" name="noteref_185" href="#note_185"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">185</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The conception of a Catholic <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canon</span></em> was realized about the
+same time as that of a Catholic <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">church</span></em>. One hundred and
+seventy years from the coming of Christ elapsed before the
+collection assumed a form that carried with it the idea of
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">holy</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inspired</span></em>.<a id="noteref_186" name="noteref_186" href="#note_186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">186</span></span></a> The way in which it was done was by
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page073">[pg 073]</span><a name="Pg073" id="Pg073" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+raising the apostolic writings higher and higher till they
+were of equal authority with the Old Testament, so that the
+church might have a rule of appeal. But by lifting the
+Christian productions up to the level of the old Jewish ones,
+injury was done to that living consciousness which feels
+the opposition between spirit and letter; the latter writings
+tacitly assuming or keeping the character of a perfect rule
+even as to form. The Old Testament was not brought
+down to the New; the New was raised to the Old. It is
+clear that the earliest church fathers did not use the books
+of the New Testament as sacred documents clothed with
+divine authority, but followed for the most part, at least till
+the middle of the second century, apostolic tradition orally
+transmitted. They were not solicitous about a canon circumscribed
+within certain limits.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the second half, then, of the second century there was
+a canon of the New Testament consisting of two parts called
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the gospel</span></em><a id="noteref_187" name="noteref_187" href="#note_187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">187</span></span></a>
+and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the apostle</span></em>.<a id="noteref_188" name="noteref_188" href="#note_188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">188</span></span></a>
+The first was complete, containing
+the four gospels alone; the second, which was incomplete,
+contained the Acts of the Apostles and epistles, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
+thirteen letters of Paul, one of Peter, one of John, and the
+Revelation. How and where this canon originated is uncertain.
+Its birthplace may have been Asia Minor, like
+Marcion's; but it may have grown about the same time in
+Asia Minor, Alexandria, and Western Africa. At all events,
+Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian agree in
+recognizing its existence.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Irenæus had a canon which he adopted as apostolic. In
+his view it was of binding force and authoritative. This
+contained the four gospels, the Acts, thirteen epistles of
+Paul, the first epistle of John, and the Revelation. He had
+also a sort of appendix or deutero-canon, which he highly
+esteemed without putting it on a par with the received collection,
+consisting of John's second epistle, the first of Peter,
+and the Shepherd of Hermas. The last he calls
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>.<a id="noteref_189" name="noteref_189" href="#note_189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">189</span></span></a>
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page074">[pg 074]</span><a name="Pg074" id="Pg074" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+The epistle to the Hebrews, that of Jude, James's, second
+Peter, and third John he ignored.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Clement's collection was more extended than Irenæus'.
+His appendix or deutero-canon included the epistle to the
+Hebrews, 2 John, Jude, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Shepherd
+of Hermas, the Epistles of Clement and Barnabas. He
+recognized no obligatory canon, distinct and of paramount
+authority. But he separated the New Testament writings
+by their traditionally apostolic character and the degree of
+importance attached to them. He did not attach the modern
+idea of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em> in opposition to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">non-canonical</span></em>, either to the
+four gospels or any other part of the New Testament.
+Barnabas is cited as an apostle.<a id="noteref_190" name="noteref_190" href="#note_190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">190</span></span></a> So is the Roman
+Clement.<a id="noteref_191" name="noteref_191" href="#note_191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">191</span></span></a>
+The Shepherd of Hermas is spoken of as
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine</span></em>.<a id="noteref_192" name="noteref_192" href="#note_192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">192</span></span></a> Thus the
+line of the Homologoumena is not marked off even to the
+same extent as in Irenæus.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Tertullian's canon consisted of the gospels, Acts, thirteen
+epistles of Paul, the Apocalypse, and 1 John. As an appendix
+he had the epistle to the Hebrews, that of Jude, the
+Shepherd of Hermas, 2 John probably, and 1 Peter. This
+deutero-canon was not regarded as authoritative. No trace
+occurs in his works of James' epistle, 2 Peter, and 3 John. He used the Shepherd,
+calling it <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>,<a id="noteref_193" name="noteref_193" href="#note_193"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">193</span></span></a> without implying,
+however, that he put it on a par with the usually acknowledged
+canonical writings; but after he became a
+Montanist, he repudiated it as the apocryphal Shepherd of
+adulterers, <span class="tei tei-q">“put among the apocryphal and false, by every
+council of the churches.”</span><a id="noteref_194" name="noteref_194" href="#note_194"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">194</span></span></a> It was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">not</span></em>, however, reckoned
+among the spurious and false writings, either at Rome or
+Carthage, in the time of Tertullian. It was merely placed
+outside the universally received works by the western
+churches of that day.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+These three fathers did not fix the canon absolutely. Its
+limits were still unsettled. But they sanctioned most of the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page075">[pg 075]</span><a name="Pg075" id="Pg075" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+books now accepted as divine, putting some extra-canonical
+productions almost on the same level with the rest, if not in
+theory, at least in practice.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon of Muratori is a fragmentary list which was
+made towards the end of the second century (170 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>).
+Its birthplace is uncertain, though there are traces of
+Roman origin. Its translation from the Greek is assumed,
+but that is uncertain. It begins with the four gospels in
+the usual order, and proceeds to the Acts, thirteen epistles
+of Paul, the epistles of John, that of Jude, and the Apocalypse.
+The epistle to the Hebrews, 1 and 2 Peter, 1 John
+and James are not named. The Apocalypse of Peter is also
+mentioned, but as not universally received. Of the Shepherd
+of Hermas, it is stated that it may be read in the
+Church. The epistle <span class="tei tei-q">“to the Laodiceans”</span> may either be
+that to the Ephesians, which had such superscription in
+Marcion's canon, or less probably the supposititious epistle
+mentioned in the codex Boernerianus,<a id="noteref_195" name="noteref_195" href="#note_195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">195</span></span></a> after that to Philemon,
+and often referred to in the middle ages.<a id="noteref_196" name="noteref_196" href="#note_196"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">196</span></span></a> That <span class="tei tei-q">“to
+the Alexandrians”</span> is probably the epistle to the Hebrews;
+though this has been denied without sufficient reason. According
+to the usual punctuation, both are said to have been
+forged in Paul's name, an opinion which may have been
+entertained among Roman Christians about 170 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> The
+Epistle to the Hebrews was rejected in the west, and may
+have been thought a supposititious work in the interests of Paulinism, with some
+reason because of its internal character,<a id="noteref_197" name="noteref_197" href="#note_197"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">197</span></span></a>
+which is at least semi-Pauline, though its Judaistic
+basis is apparent. The story about the origin of the fourth
+gospel with its apostolic and episcopal attestation, evinces
+a desire to establish the authenticity of a work which had
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page076">[pg 076]</span><a name="Pg076" id="Pg076" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+not obtained universal acceptance at the time.<a id="noteref_198" name="noteref_198" href="#note_198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">198</span></span></a> It is difficult
+to make out the meaning in various places; and there
+is considerable diversity of opinion among expositors of the
+document.<a id="noteref_199" name="noteref_199" href="#note_199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">199</span></span></a> In accord with these facts we
+find Serapion bishop of the church at Rhossus, in Cilicia,<a id="noteref_200" name="noteref_200" href="#note_200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">200</span></span></a> allowing the
+public use of the gospel of Peter;<a id="noteref_201" name="noteref_201" href="#note_201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">201</span></span></a> which shows that there
+was no exclusive gospel-canon at the end of the second century,
+at least in Syria. The present canon had not then
+pervaded the churches in general.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+What is the result of an examination of the Christian
+literature belonging to the second century? Is it that a
+canon was then fixed, separating some books from others
+by a line so clear, that those on one side of it were alone
+reckoned inspired, authoritative, of apostolic origin or sanction;
+while those on the other were considered uninspired,
+unauthoritative, without claim to apostolicity, unauthentic?
+Was the separation between them made on any clear principle
+or demarcation? It cannot be said so. The century
+witnessed no such fact, but merely the incipient efforts to
+bring it about. The discriminating process was begun, not
+completed. It was partly forced upon the prominent advocates
+of a policy which sought to consolidate the Jewish and
+Gentile-Christian parties, after the decline of their mutual
+antagonism, into a united church. They were glad to
+transfer the current belief in the infallible inspiration of the
+Old Testament, to selected Christian writings, as an effective
+means of defence against those whom they considered outside
+a new organization—the Catholic Church.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The stichometrical list of the Old and New Testament
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page077">[pg 077]</span><a name="Pg077" id="Pg077" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Scriptures in the Latin of the Clermont MS. (D), was that
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> in the African Church in the third century. It is
+peculiar. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth,
+and the historical books, follow Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Wisdom, Sirach, the twelve minor prophets,
+the four greater; three books of the Maccabees, Judith,
+Esdras, Esther, Job, and Tobit. In the New Testament,
+the four gospels, Matthew, John, Mark, Luke, are succeeded
+by ten epistles of Paul, two of Peter, the epistle of James,
+three of John, and that of Jude. The epistle to the Hebrews
+(characterized as that of Barnabas), the Revelation of John,
+Acts of the Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Acts of
+Paul, the Revelation of Peter, follow. The last three constitute
+a sort of appendix; and the number of their verses
+is given. It is possible that the carelessness of a transcriber
+may have caused some of the singularities observable in this
+list; such as the omission of the epistles to the Philippians
+and Thessalonians; but the end shows a freer idea of books
+fit for reading than what was usual even at that early time
+in the African Church.<a id="noteref_202" name="noteref_202" href="#note_202"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">202</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In Syria a version of the New Testament for the use of
+the church was made early in the third century. This work,
+commonly called the Peshito, wants 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John,
+Jude, and the Apocalypse. It has, however, all the other
+books, including the epistle of James and that to the Hebrews.
+The last two were received as apostolic.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Towards the middle of the third century, Origen's<a id="noteref_203" name="noteref_203" href="#note_203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">203</span></span></a> testimony
+respecting the Canon is of great value. He seems to
+have distinguished three classes of books—authentic ones,
+whose apostolic origin was generally admitted, those not authentic,
+and a middle-class not generally recognized or in regard
+to which his own opinion wavered. The first contained
+those already adopted at the beginning of the century both
+in the East and West, with the Apocalypse, and the epistle
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page078">[pg 078]</span><a name="Pg078" id="Pg078" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+to the Hebrews <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">so far as it contains Pauline ideas</span></em>;<a id="noteref_204" name="noteref_204" href="#note_204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">204</span></span></a> to the
+second belongs the Shepherd of Hermas, though he sometimes
+hesitated a little about it,<a id="noteref_205" name="noteref_205" href="#note_205"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">205</span></span></a> the epistle of Barnabas, the
+Acts of Paul, the gospel according to the Hebrews, the
+gospel of the Egyptians, and the preaching of Peter;<a id="noteref_206" name="noteref_206" href="#note_206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">206</span></span></a>
+to the third, the epistle of James, that of Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3
+John.<a id="noteref_207" name="noteref_207" href="#note_207"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">207</span></span></a> The separation of the
+various writings is not formally
+made, nor does Origen give a list of them. His
+classification is gathered from his works; and though its
+application admitted of considerable latitude, he is cautious
+enough, appealing to the tradition of the church, and throwing
+in qualifying expressions.<a id="noteref_208" name="noteref_208" href="#note_208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">208</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Canon of Eusebius<a id="noteref_209" name="noteref_209" href="#note_209"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">209</span></span></a>
+is given at length in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ecclesiastical
+History</span></span>.<a id="noteref_210" name="noteref_210" href="#note_210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">210</span></span></a> He divides the books into three classes, containing
+those writings <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generally received</span></em>,<a id="noteref_211" name="noteref_211" href="#note_211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">211</span></span></a> those
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">controverted</span></em>,<a id="noteref_212" name="noteref_212" href="#note_212"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">212</span></span></a>
+and the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">heretical</span></em>.<a id="noteref_213" name="noteref_213" href="#note_213"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">213</span></span></a> The first has the four gospels, the
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, 1 John, 1 Peter, the Apocalypse.<a id="noteref_214" name="noteref_214" href="#note_214"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">214</span></span></a>
+The second class is subdivided into two, the first
+corresponding to Origen's <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">mixed</span></em><a id="noteref_215" name="noteref_215" href="#note_215"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">215</span></span></a> or
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">intermediate</span></em> writings,
+the second to his <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">spurious</span></em><a id="noteref_216" name="noteref_216" href="#note_216"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">216</span></span></a>
+ones. The former subdivision
+contains the epistle of James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John;
+the latter, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of
+Peter, the epistle of Barnabas, the Doctrines of the Apostles,
+the Apocalypse of John, the gospel according to the Hebrews.
+The third class has the gospels of Peter, of Thomas, the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page079">[pg 079]</span><a name="Pg079" id="Pg079" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+traditions of Matthias, the Acts of Peter, Andrew, and John.
+The subdivisions of the second class are indefinite. The
+only distinction which Eusebius puts between them is that
+of ecclesiastical use. Though he classes as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">spurious</span></em> the
+Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas, the doctrines of the Apostles, the Apocalypse
+of John, the gospel according to the Hebrews, and
+does not apply the epithet to the epistle of James, the 2 of
+Peter, 2 and 3 John; he uses of James's in one place the
+verb <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to be counted spurious</span></em>.<a id="noteref_217" name="noteref_217" href="#note_217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">217</span></span></a> In like manner he speaks of the Apocalypse of Peter and the epistle of
+Barnabas as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">controverted</span></em>.<a id="noteref_218" name="noteref_218" href="#note_218"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">218</span></span></a>
+The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">mixed</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">spurious</span></em> of Origen are vaguely
+separated by Eusebius; both come under the general head
+of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">controverted</span></em>; for after specifying them separately he
+sums up, <span class="tei tei-q">“all these will belong to the class of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">controverted</span></em>,”</span>
+the very class already described as containing
+<span class="tei tei-q">“books well known and recognized by most,”</span> implying also
+that they were read in the churches.<a id="noteref_219" name="noteref_219" href="#note_219"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">219</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is somewhat remarkable that Eusebius does not mention
+the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians in this list.
+But he speaks of it in another place as a production whose
+authenticity was generally acknowledged,<a id="noteref_220" name="noteref_220" href="#note_220"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">220</span></span></a> and of its public
+use in most churches both formerly and in his own time.
+This wide-spread reading of it did not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">necessarily</span></em> imply
+canonicity; but the mode in which Eusebius characterizes
+it, and its extensive use in public, favor the idea that in
+many churches it was almost put on equality with the productions
+commonly regarded as authoritative. The canonical
+list was not fixed immovably in the time of Eusebius.
+Opinions about books varied, as they had done before.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The testimony of Eusebius regarding the canon, important
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page080">[pg 080]</span><a name="Pg080" id="Pg080" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+as it is, has less weight because of the historian's
+credulity. One who believed in the authenticity of Abgar's
+letters to Christ, and in the canon of the four gospels at the
+time of Trajan, cannot take rank as a judicious collector or
+sifter of facts.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+About 332 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> the Emperor Constantine entrusted
+Eusebius with the commission to make out a complete collection
+of the sacred Christian writings for the use of the
+Catholic Church. How this order was executed we are not
+told. But Credner is probably correct in saying that the
+code consisted of all that is now in the New Testament
+except the Revelation. The fifty copies which were made
+must have supplied Constantinople and the Greek Church
+for a considerable time with an authoritative canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Eusebius's catalogue agrees in substance with that of
+Origen's. The historian followed ecclesiastical tradition.
+He inquired diligently into the prevailing opinions of the
+Christian churches and writers, with the views held by
+others before and contemporaneously with himself, but
+could not attain to a decided result. His hesitation stood
+in the way of a clear, firm, view of the question. The tradition
+respecting certain books was still wavering, and he
+was unable to fix it. Authority fettered his independent
+judgment. That he was inconsistent and confused does
+not need to be shown.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The exact principles that guided the formation of a canon
+in the earliest centuries cannot be discovered. Strictly
+speaking there were none. Definite grounds for the reception
+or rejection of books were not apprehended. The
+choice was determined by various circumstances, of which
+apostolic origin was the chief, though this itself was
+insufficiently attested; for if it be asked whether all the New
+Testament writings proceeded from the authors whose
+names they bear, criticism cannot reply in the affirmative.
+The example and influence of churches to which the writings
+had been first addressed must have acted upon the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page081">[pg 081]</span><a name="Pg081" id="Pg081" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+reception of books. Above all, individual teachers here and
+there saw the necessity of meeting heretics with their own
+weapons, in their own way, with <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">apostolic records</span></em> instead of
+oral tradition. The circumstances in which the orthodox
+were placed led to this step, effecting a bond of union whose
+need must have been felt while each church was isolated
+under its own bishop and the collective body could not take
+measures in common. Writings of more recent origin would
+be received with greater facility than such as had been in circulation
+for many years, especially if they professed to come
+from a prominent apostle. A code of apostolic writings, divine
+and perfect like the Old Testament, had to be presented
+as soon as possible against Gnostic and Manichæan heretics
+whose doctrines were injurious to objective Christianity;
+while the multiplication of apocryphal works threatened to
+overwhelm genuine tradition with a heap of superstition.
+The Petrine and Pauline Christians, now amalgamated to a
+great extent, agreed in hastening the canon-process.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The infancy of the canon was cradled in an uncritical
+age, and rocked with traditional ease. Conscientious care
+was not directed from the first to the well-authenticated
+testimony of eye-witnesses. Of the three fathers who contributed
+most to its early growth, Irenæus was credulous
+and blundering; Tertullian passionate and one-sided; and
+Clement of Alexandria, imbued with the treasures of Greek
+wisdom, was mainly occupied with ecclesiastical ethics.
+Irenæus argues that the gospels should be four in number,
+neither more nor less, because there are four universal winds
+and four quarters of the world. The Word or Architect of
+all things gave the gospel in a fourfold shape. According
+to this father, the apostles were fully informed concerning
+all things, and had a perfect knowledge, after their Lord's
+ascension. Matthew wrote his gospel while Peter and Paul were preaching
+in Rome and founding the church.<a id="noteref_221" name="noteref_221" href="#note_221"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">221</span></span></a> Such
+assertions show both ignorance and exaggeration.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page082">[pg 082]</span><a name="Pg082" id="Pg082" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Tertullian affirms that the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">tradition of the apostolic churches</span></em>
+guarantees the four gospels,<a id="noteref_222" name="noteref_222" href="#note_222"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">222</span></span></a> and refers his readers to the
+churches of Corinth, Philippi, Ephesus, &amp;c., for the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">authentic
+epistles</span></em> of Paul.<a id="noteref_223" name="noteref_223" href="#note_223"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">223</span></span></a> What is this but the rhetoric of an enthusiast?
+In like manner he states that bishops were appointed
+by the apostles, and that they existed from that time downward,
+the succession originating so early.<a id="noteref_224" name="noteref_224" href="#note_224"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">224</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Clement contradicts himself in making Peter authorize
+Mark's gospel to be read in the churches; while in another
+place he says that the apostle neither <span class="tei tei-q">“forbad nor encouraged
+it.”</span><a id="noteref_225" name="noteref_225" href="#note_225"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">225</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The three fathers of whom we are speaking, had neither
+the ability nor the inclination to examine the genesis of
+documents surrounded with an apostolic halo. No analysis
+of their authenticity and genuineness was seriously attempted
+either by them or by the men of their time. In its
+absence, custom, accident, taste, practical needs directed the
+tendency of tradition. All the rhetoric employed to throw
+the value of their testimony as far back as possible, even
+up to or at least very near the apostle John is of the vaguest
+sort. Appeals to the continuity of tradition and of church
+doctrine, to the exceptional veneration of these fathers for
+the gospels, to their opinions being formed earlier than the
+composition of the works in which they are expressed, possess
+no force. The ends which the fathers in question had
+in view, their polemic motives, their uncritical, inconsistent
+assertions, their want of sure data, detract from their testimony.
+Their decisions were much more the result of pious
+feeling biased by the theological speculations of the times,
+than the conclusions of a sound judgment. The very arguments
+they use to establish certain conclusions show weakness
+of perception. What are the manifestations of spiritual
+feeling, compared with the results of logical reasoning?
+Are they more trustworthy than the latter? Certainly not,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page083">[pg 083]</span><a name="Pg083" id="Pg083" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+at least in relation to questions of evidence. It is true that
+their testimony has a value; but it is one proportionate to
+the degree of credibility attaching to witnesses circumstanced
+as they were, whose separation of canonical from
+uncanonical gospels, or rather their canonizing of certain
+writings apart from others, and their claiming of inspiration
+for the authors of the former, must be judged by the reasonableness
+of the thing itself, in connection with men of their
+type. The second century abounded in pseudonymous
+literature; and the early fathers, as well as the churches,
+were occupied with other things than the sifting of evidence
+connected with writings considerably prior to their own
+time. The increase of such apocryphal productions, gospels,
+acts, and apocalypses among the heretical parties stimulated
+the orthodox bishops and churches to make an authentic
+collection; but it increased the difficulties of the task.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Textual criticism has been employed to discredit the true
+dates of the present gospels; and the most exaggerated descriptions
+have been given of the frequent transcription of
+the text and its great corruption in the second century.
+The process of corruption in the course of frequent transcription
+has been transferred even to the first century. It
+is true that the gospels at the end of that century exhibited
+a text which bears marks of transcription, interpolation,
+and addition; but they were not the complete works as we
+have them now, being then but in progress, except the
+fourth. The assumption that <span class="tei tei-q">“advanced corruption”</span> existed
+in the present text of the synoptists as early as the
+first century is gratuitous; unless the process by which
+they were gradually built up is so called. No attempt to
+get a long history behind the canonical gospels at the close
+of the first century out of <span class="tei tei-q">“advanced corruption”</span> can be
+successful. It is attested by no Christian writer of the
+century; and those in the first half of the second, both heretical
+and orthodox, did themselves treat the text in a
+manner far short of its implied infallibility. The various
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page084">[pg 084]</span><a name="Pg084" id="Pg084" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+readings with which they had to do, do not carry up <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the canonical
+gospels</span></em> far into the first century. The transcription,
+enlargement, and interpolation of the materials which make
+up the body of them, must not be identified with the corruption
+of their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">completed texts</span></em>, in order that the latter may be
+relegated to an early period; for the synoptists did not
+come forth full-blown, each from the hand of a single person.
+The old Latin version or versions used by Tertullian and
+the interpreter of Irenæus, have been pressed into the same
+service, but in vain.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In like manner the Curetonian Syriac version of the gospels
+has been put as early as possible into the second
+century, though it can hardly have been prior to the very
+close of it, or rather to the beginning of the third. Here
+the strong assertions of apologetic writers have been freely
+scattered abroad. But the evidence in favor of the authors
+traditionally assigned to the gospels and some of the epistles,
+is still uncertain. A wide gap intervenes between eye-witnesses
+of the apostles or apostolic men that wrote the sacred
+books, and the earliest fathers who assert such authorship.
+The traditional bridge between them is a precarious one. As
+the chasm cannot be filled by adequate external evidence,
+we are thrown back on the internal character of the works
+themselves. One thing appears from the early corruption
+of the sacred records spoken of by Irenæus, Origen, and
+others, that they were not regarded with the veneration
+necessarily attaching to infallible documents. Their being
+freely handled excludes the idea of rigid canonization. The
+men who first canonized them had no certain knowledge of
+their authors. To them, that knowledge had been obscured
+or lost; though a sagacious criticism might have arrived at
+the true state of the question even in their day.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the sub-apostolic age Ebionitism passed into Catholicism,
+Jewish into Pauline Christianity, the mythical and
+marvelous into the dogmatic, the traditional into the historic,
+the legendary into the literary. The conflict of parties
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page085">[pg 085]</span><a name="Pg085" id="Pg085" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+within the sphere of Christianity gave rise to productions
+of various tendencies which reflected the circumstances out
+of which they arose. These were accepted or rejected by
+the churches according to the prevailing opinions of the
+persons composing the churches. Common usage led to
+the authorization of some; others were neglected. The
+state of the second century in its beliefs, credulity, idiosyncracies
+of prominent teachers, antagonistic opinions and
+mystic speculations, throws a light upon the New Testament
+writings and especially on the formation of the canon, which
+explains their genesis. Two things stand out most clearly,
+the comparatively late idea of a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em> New Testament
+literature; and the absence of critical principles in determining
+it. The former was not entertained till the latter part
+of the second century. The conception of canonicity and
+inspiration attaching to New Testament books did not exist
+till the time of Irenæus.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+When it is asked, to whom do we owe the canon? the
+usual answer is, to the Church. This is true only in a
+sense. The unity attributed to Christians before Irenæus
+and Tertullian, consisted in their religious consciousness.
+It was subjective. The idea of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the church</span></em> was that of inward
+fellowship—the fellowship of the spirit rather than an
+outward organism. The preservation of the early Christian
+writings was owing, in the first instance, to the congregations
+to whom they were sent, and the neighboring ones
+with whom such congregations had friendly connection.
+The care of them devolved on the most influential teachers,—on
+those who occupied leading positions in the chief
+cities, or were most interested in apostolic writings as a
+source of instruction. The Christian books were mostly in
+the hands of the bishops. In process of time the canon was
+the care of assemblies or councils. But it had been made
+before the first general council by a few leading fathers towards
+the end of the second century in different countries.
+The formation of a Catholic Church and of a canon was
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page086">[pg 086]</span><a name="Pg086" id="Pg086" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+simultaneous. The circumstances in which the collection
+originated were unfavorable to the authenticity of its materials,
+for tradition had been busy over them and their
+authors. Instead of attributing the formation of the canon
+to the Church, it would be more correct to say that the
+important stage in it was due to three teachers, each working
+separately and in his own way, who were intent upon
+the creation of a Christian society which did not appear in
+the apostolic age,—a visible organization united in faith,—where
+the discordant opinions of apostolic and sub-apostolic
+times should be finally merged. The canon was not the
+work of the Christian Church so much as of the men who
+were striving to form that Church, and could not get beyond
+the mould received by primitive Christian literature.
+The first mention of a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Catholic Church</span></em> occurs in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
+Martyrdom of Polycarp</span></span>, an epistle that cannot be dated earlier than
+160 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>, and may perhaps be ten years later. But though
+the idea is there, its established use is due to Irenæus, Tertullian,
+and Cyprian. The expression has a different and
+narrow sense in the seven Ignatian epistles which we believe
+to be supposititious and later than Justin. Neither the
+three epistles published in Syriac by Cureton, nor the seven
+Greek ones enumerated by Eusebius are authentic; though
+Zahn has tried to prove the latter such, dating them <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>
+144. His arguments, however, are far from convincing;
+and the whole story of<a id="noteref_226" name="noteref_226" href="#note_226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">226</span></span></a> Ignatius's martyrdom at Rome
+rather than Antioch is still doubtful; for the circumstances
+under which he is said to have been dragged to Rome, and
+his writing letters to the churches by the way, are highly
+improbable. The testimony of Malalas that Ignatius suffered
+at Antioch in December, 115, in the presence of Trajan,
+may be quite as good as that of Chrysostom and the Syriac
+monthly calendar on which Zahn relies so confidently. The
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page087">[pg 087]</span><a name="Pg087" id="Pg087" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+fact of the priority of the last two to Malalas is of little
+weight as evidence. The main point is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the locality</span></em> in which
+Ignatius suffered; which Malalas, himself a native of Antioch
+and a historian, ought to have known better than
+Chrysostom, because he copied preceding historians.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is necessary to be precise on this subject because some
+speak of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the church</span></em> as though it were contemporary with
+the apostles themselves, or at least with their immediate
+disciples; and proceed to argue that dissensions arose soon
+after <span class="tei tei-q">“within the church”</span> rendering an appeal to the written
+word necessary. When the authority of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">traditional
+teaching</span></em> gave way to that of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a written rule</span></em>, a change came
+over the condition of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the church</span></em>. Such a view tends to mislead.
+There were dissensions among the earliest Christians.
+The apostles themselves were by no means unanimous.
+Important differences of belief divided the Jewish and Gentile
+Christians from the beginning. The types of Christian
+truth existing from the first gradually coalesced about the
+middle of the second century; when heretics, especially the
+Gnostics, appeared so formidable that a catholic church was
+developed. Along with this process, and as an important
+element in it, the writings of apostles and apostolic men
+were uncritically taken from tradition and elevated to the
+rank of divine documents. It was not the rise of new dissensions
+<span class="tei tei-q">“within the church”</span> which led to the first formation
+of a Christian canon; rather did the new idea of <span class="tei tei-q">“a
+catholic church”</span> require a standard of appeal in apostolic
+writings, which were now invested with an authority that
+did not belong to them from the beginning.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Origen was the first who took a somewhat scientific view
+of the relative value belonging to the different parts of the
+biblical collection. His examination of the canon was
+critical. Before him the leading books had been regarded
+as divine and sacred, the source of doctrinal and historic
+truth. From this stand-point he did not depart. With him
+ecclesiastical tradition was a prevailing principle in the recognition
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page088">[pg 088]</span><a name="Pg088" id="Pg088" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of books belonging of right to the New Testament
+collection. He was also guided by the inspiration of the
+authors; a criterion arbitrary in its application, as his own
+statements show. In his time, however, the collection was
+being gradually enlarged; his third class. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the mixed</span></em>,
+approaching reception into the first. But amid all the fluctuations
+of opinion to which certain portions of the New
+Testament were subject, and the unscientific procedure both
+of fathers and churches in the matter, though councils had
+not met to discuss it, and vague tradition had strengthened
+with time, a certain spiritual consciousness manifested itself
+throughout the East and West in the matter of the
+canon. Tolerable unanimity ensued. The result was a
+remarkable one, and calls for our gratitude, notwithstanding
+its defects. Though the development was pervaded by no
+critical or definite principle, it ended in a canon which has
+maintained its validity for centuries.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is sometimes said that the history of the canon should
+be sought from definite catalogues, not from isolated quotations.
+The latter are supposed to be of slight value, the
+former to be the result of deliberate judgment. This remark
+is more specious than solid. In relation to the Old
+Testament, the catalogues given by the fathers, as by Melito
+and Origen, rest solely on the tradition of the Jews; apart
+from which they have no independent authority. As none
+except Jerome and Origen knew Hebrew, their lists of the
+Old Testament books are simply a reflection of what they
+learned from others. If they deviate in practice from their
+masters by quoting as Scripture other than the canonical
+books, they show their judgment over-riding an external
+theory. The very men who give a list of the Jewish books
+evince an inclination to the Christian and enlarged canon.
+So Origen says, in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epistle to Africanus</span></span>, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the
+churches use Tobit.”</span> In explaining the prophet Isaiah,
+Jerome employs Sirach vi. 6, in proof of his view, remarking
+that the apocryphal work is in the Christian catalogue.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page089">[pg 089]</span><a name="Pg089" id="Pg089" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In like manner Epiphanius, in a passage against Aetius,
+after referring to the books of Scripture, adds, <span class="tei tei-q">“as well as
+the books of Wisdom, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the Wisdom of Solomon and of
+Jesus, son of Sirach; finally, all the other books of Scripture.”</span>
+In another place he gives the canon of the Jews
+historically, and excludes the apocryphal Greek books; here
+he includes some of the latter. We also learn from Jerome
+that Judith was in the number of the books reckoned up by
+the Nicene Council. Thus the fathers who give catalogues
+of the Old Testament show the existence of a Jewish and a
+Christian canon in relation to the Old Testament; the latter
+wider than the former; their private opinion being more
+favorable to the one, though the other was historically
+transmitted. In relation to the New Testament, the synods
+which drew up lists of the sacred books show the view of
+some leading father like Augustine, along with what custom
+had sanctioned. In this department no member of the
+synod exercised his critical faculty; a number together
+would decide such questions summarily. Bishops proceed
+in the track of tradition or authority.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page090">[pg 090]</span><a name="Pg090" id="Pg090" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc15" id="toc15"></a>
+<a name="pdf16" id="pdf16"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VII. The Bible Canon From The Fourth Century To The Reformation.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It will now be convenient to treat of the two Testaments
+together, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the canon of the Bible</span></em>. The canons
+of both have been considered separately to the end of the third
+century; they may be henceforward discussed together.
+We proceed, therefore, to the Bible-canon of the fourth
+century, first in the Greek Church and then in the Latin.
+The Council of Laodicea (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 363), at which there was a
+predominant semiarian influence, forbad the reading of all
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">non-canonical</span></em> books. The 59th canon enacts, that <span class="tei tei-q">“private
+psalms must not be read in the Church, nor uncanonized
+books; but only the canonical ones of the New and Old
+Testament.”</span> The 60th canon proceeds to give a list of
+such. All the books of the Old Testament are enumerated,
+but in a peculiar order, somewhat like the Septuagint one.
+With Jeremiah is specified <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baruch</span></span>, then the Lamentations
+and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epistle</span></span>. The prophets are last; first the minor, next
+the major and Daniel. In the New Testament list are the
+usual seven Catholic epistles, and fourteen of Paul, including
+that to the Hebrews. The Apocalypse alone is wanting.
+Credner has proved that this 60th canon is not original, and
+of much later date.<a id="noteref_227" name="noteref_227" href="#note_227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">227</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Apostolic Constitutions give a kind of canon like that
+in the 59th of Laodicea. After speaking of the books of
+Moses, Joshua, Judges, Kings, Chronicles, those belonging
+to the return from the captivity, those of Job, Solomon, the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page091">[pg 091]</span><a name="Pg091" id="Pg091" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+sixteen prophets, and the Psalms of David; our Acts, the
+epistles of Paul, and the four gospels are mentioned. It is
+remarkable that the Catholic epistles are not given. That
+they are indicated under Acts is altogether improbable.
+The Antiochian Church of that time doubted or denied the
+apostolicity of these letters, as is seen from Theodore, Cosmas,
+and others. Hence, their absence from these Constitutions,
+which are a collection belonging to different times; the
+oldest portion not earlier perhaps than the third century.<a id="noteref_228" name="noteref_228" href="#note_228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">228</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Cyril of Jerusalem, who took part in the Council of
+Laodicea,<a id="noteref_229" name="noteref_229" href="#note_229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">229</span></span></a>
+gives a list <span class="tei tei-q">“of the divine Scriptures.”</span> The
+books of the Old Testament are twenty-two, and the arrangement
+is nearly that which is in the English Bible. With
+Jeremiah is associated <span class="tei tei-q">“Baruch and the Epistle.”</span> All the
+New Testament books are given except the Apocalypse.
+The list agrees very nearly with that of Eusebius, by taking
+the latter's <span class="tei tei-q">“controverted”</span> writings into the class of the
+<span class="tei tei-q">“generally received.”</span><a id="noteref_230" name="noteref_230" href="#note_230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">230</span></span></a> The writer insists on the necessity
+of unity in the Church upon the subject, and forbids the
+reading of writings not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generally received</span></em>. None but these
+are allowed. Yet he refers to Baruch (iii. 36-38) as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the
+prophet;</span></em><a id="noteref_231" name="noteref_231" href="#note_231"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">231</span></span></a> and in adducing the testimonies of the prophets
+for the existence of the Holy Spirit, the last he gives is Daniel xiii. 41, 45.
+Sirach iii. 21, 22 is cited;<a id="noteref_232" name="noteref_232" href="#note_232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">232</span></span></a> Wisdom is
+quoted as Solomon's (xiii. 5);<a id="noteref_233" name="noteref_233" href="#note_233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">233</span></span></a> the song of the three children
+is used (verse 55)<a id="noteref_234" name="noteref_234" href="#note_234"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">234</span></span></a> with verses 27, 29;<a id="noteref_235" name="noteref_235" href="#note_235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">235</span></span></a> and Daniel
+(xiii. 22, 45) is quoted.<a id="noteref_236" name="noteref_236" href="#note_236"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">236</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In Athanasius's festal epistle (365 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>) the archbishop
+undertakes <span class="tei tei-q">“to set forth in order, the books that are canonical
+and handed down and believed to be divine.”</span> His list
+of the Old Testament nearly agrees with Cyril's, except
+that Esther is omitted and Ruth counted separately, to
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page092">[pg 092]</span><a name="Pg092" id="Pg092" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+make out the twenty-two books. He adds, <span class="tei tei-q">“there are other
+books not canonical, designed by the fathers to be read by
+those just joining us and wishing to be instructed in the
+doctrine of piety;”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the Wisdom of Solomon and the
+Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther and Judith and Tobit, and
+the Doctrine of the Apostles so called, and the Shepherd;
+<span class="tei tei-q">“those being <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em>, and these being <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em>, let there be
+no mention of apocryphal writings,”</span> &amp;c. The New Testament list is the same
+as Cyril's, with the addition of the Apocalypse.<a id="noteref_237" name="noteref_237" href="#note_237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">237</span></span></a>
+He quotes several of the apocryphal books in the
+same way as he does the canonical. Thus he introduces Judith (viii. 16)
+with <span class="tei tei-q">“the Scripture said;”</span><a id="noteref_238" name="noteref_238" href="#note_238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">238</span></span></a> and Baruch (iii. 12)
+is cited as if it were Scripture.<a id="noteref_239" name="noteref_239" href="#note_239"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">239</span></span></a> Wisdom (vi. 26)
+has the epithet Scripture applied to it.<a id="noteref_240" name="noteref_240" href="#note_240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">240</span></span></a> Sirach (xv. 9) is introduced with
+<span class="tei tei-q">“what is said by the Holy Spirit.”</span><a id="noteref_241" name="noteref_241" href="#note_241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">241</span></span></a> Baruch
+(iv. 20, 22) and Daniel (xiii. 42) are referred to in the same
+way as Isaiah.<a id="noteref_242" name="noteref_242" href="#note_242"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">242</span></span></a> Tobit (ii. 7) has <span class="tei tei-q">“it is written”</span> prefixed
+to it.<a id="noteref_243" name="noteref_243" href="#note_243"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">243</span></span></a> Canonical and apocryphal are mentioned together;
+and similar language applied to them.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Eusebius of Caesarea cites Wisdom as a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine
+oracle</span></em>;<a id="noteref_244" name="noteref_244" href="#note_244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">244</span></span></a>
+and after adducing several passages from Proverbs, subjoining
+to them others from the same book with the introductory
+formula <span class="tei tei-q">“these are also said to be the same writers,”</span> he concludes with
+<span class="tei tei-q">“such is the scripture.”</span><a id="noteref_245" name="noteref_245" href="#note_245"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">245</span></span></a> Sirach is cited as Solomon's along with
+various passages from Proverbs.<a id="noteref_246" name="noteref_246" href="#note_246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">246</span></span></a> After quoting Baruch, he says, <span class="tei tei-q">“there is no need to appeal
+to the divine voices, which clearly confirm our
+proposition.”</span><a id="noteref_247" name="noteref_247" href="#note_247"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">247</span></span></a>
+The additions to Daniel are also treated as
+Scripture.<a id="noteref_248" name="noteref_248" href="#note_248"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">248</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Basil of Caesarea<a id="noteref_249" name="noteref_249" href="#note_249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">249</span></span></a>
+had a canon agreeing with that of
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page093">[pg 093]</span><a name="Pg093" id="Pg093" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Athanasius. Along with the usual books reckoned as belonging
+to the canon, he used the apocryphal productions of the Old
+Testament. Thus the book of Wisdom (i. 4)<a id="noteref_250" name="noteref_250" href="#note_250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">250</span></span></a> is
+quoted by him. So are Sirach (xx. 2);<a id="noteref_251" name="noteref_251" href="#note_251"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">251</span></span></a> Baruch,
+(iii. 36)<a id="noteref_252" name="noteref_252" href="#note_252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">252</span></span></a>
+called Jeremiah's; Judith (ix. 4);<a id="noteref_253" name="noteref_253" href="#note_253"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">253</span></span></a> and Daniel (xiii.
+50).<a id="noteref_254" name="noteref_254" href="#note_254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">254</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Gregory of Nazianzus<a id="noteref_255" name="noteref_255" href="#note_255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">255</span></span></a> puts his list into a poetical form.
+In the Old Testament it agrees with Athanasius's exactly,
+except that he mentions none but the canonical books.
+Like Athanasius, he omits Esther. In the New Testament
+he deviates from Athanasius, by leaving out the Apocalypse,
+which he puts among the spurious.<a id="noteref_256" name="noteref_256" href="#note_256"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">256</span></span></a> He does not ignore
+the apocryphal books of the Old Testament, but quotes
+Daniel xiii. 5.<a id="noteref_257" name="noteref_257" href="#note_257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">257</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Amphilochius of Iconium<a id="noteref_258" name="noteref_258" href="#note_258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">258</span></span></a> gives a metrical catalogue of
+the Biblical books. The canon of the Old Testament is the
+usual one, except that he says of Esther at the end, <span class="tei tei-q">“some
+judge that Esther should be added to the foregoing.”</span> He
+notices none of the apocryphal books. His New Testament
+canon agrees with the present, only he excludes the Apocalypse
+as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">spurious</span></em>; which is given as the judgment of the
+majority. He alludes to the doubts that existed as to the
+epistle to the Hebrews, but regards it as Pauline; and to
+the number of the catholic epistles (seven or three).<a id="noteref_259" name="noteref_259" href="#note_259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">259</span></span></a> The
+concluding words show that no list was universally received
+at that time.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Epiphanius<a id="noteref_260" name="noteref_260" href="#note_260"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">260</span></span></a>
+follows Athanasius in his canon. As to
+the number of the Old Testament books, he hesitates between
+twenty-two and twenty-seven; but the contents are
+the same. At the end of the twenty-seven books of the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page094">[pg 094]</span><a name="Pg094" id="Pg094" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+New Testament, Wisdom and Sirach are mentioned as <span class="tei tei-q">“divine writings;”</span>
+elsewhere they are characterized as <span class="tei tei-q">“doubtful.”</span><a id="noteref_261" name="noteref_261" href="#note_261"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">261</span></span></a>
+His practice shows his sentiments clearly enough,
+when Sirach (vii. 1) is introduced with <span class="tei tei-q">“the Scripture”</span>
+testifies<a id="noteref_262" name="noteref_262" href="#note_262"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">262</span></span></a>; vii. 9 is elsewhere
+quoted<a id="noteref_263" name="noteref_263" href="#note_263"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">263</span></span></a>;
+Wisdom (i. 4) is cited as Solomon's;<a id="noteref_264" name="noteref_264" href="#note_264"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">264</span></span></a> Baruch (iii. 36) is introduced with,
+<span class="tei tei-q">“as the Scripture says,”</span><a id="noteref_265" name="noteref_265" href="#note_265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">265</span></span></a> and Daniel (xiii. 42) is quoted
+with, <span class="tei tei-q">“as it is written.”</span><a id="noteref_266" name="noteref_266" href="#note_266"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">266</span></span></a> He mentions the fact that the epistles of Clement
+of Rome were read in the churches.<a id="noteref_267" name="noteref_267" href="#note_267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">267</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Didymus of Alexandria<a id="noteref_268" name="noteref_268" href="#note_268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">268</span></span></a>
+speaks against 2 Peter that it is
+not in the canons.<a id="noteref_269" name="noteref_269" href="#note_269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">269</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Chrysostom<a id="noteref_270" name="noteref_270" href="#note_270"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">270</span></span></a>
+does not speak of the canon; but in the
+New Testament he never quotes the last four catholic epistles
+or the Apocalypse. All the other parts he uses throughout
+his numerous works,<a id="noteref_271" name="noteref_271" href="#note_271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">271</span></span></a> including the Apocrypha. Thus
+he introduces Wisdom (xvi. 28) with <span class="tei tei-q">“Scripture says.”</span><a id="noteref_272" name="noteref_272" href="#note_272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">272</span></span></a> He quotes Baruch (iii. 36, 38);<a id="noteref_273" name="noteref_273" href="#note_273"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">273</span></span></a> and Sirach (iv. 1.).<a id="noteref_274" name="noteref_274" href="#note_274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">274</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Didymus of Alexandria<a id="noteref_275" name="noteref_275" href="#note_275"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">275</span></span></a>
+cites Baruch (iii. 35) as Jeremiah,<a id="noteref_276" name="noteref_276" href="#note_276"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">276</span></span></a>
+and treats it like the Psalms.<a id="noteref_277" name="noteref_277" href="#note_277"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">277</span></span></a> Daniel (xiii. 45) is
+also quoted.<a id="noteref_278" name="noteref_278" href="#note_278"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">278</span></span></a>
+He says of Peter's Second Epistle that it is
+not in the canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Theodore of Mopsuestia<a id="noteref_279" name="noteref_279" href="#note_279"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">279</span></span></a>
+was much freer than his contemporaries
+in dealing with the books of Scripture. It
+seems that he rejected Job, Canticles, Chronicles, and the
+Psalm-inscriptions; in the New Testament the epistle of
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page095">[pg 095]</span><a name="Pg095" id="Pg095" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+James, and others of the catholic ones. But Leontius's account
+of his opinions cannot be adopted without suspicion.<a id="noteref_280" name="noteref_280" href="#note_280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">280</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon of Cyril of Alexandria<a id="noteref_281" name="noteref_281" href="#note_281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">281</span></span></a> does not differ from
+Athanasius's. Like other writers of the Greek Church in
+his day he uses along with the canonical the apocryphal
+books of the Old Testament. He quotes 1 (iii.) Esdras (iv.
+36) with <span class="tei tei-q">“inspired Scripture says.”</span><a id="noteref_282" name="noteref_282" href="#note_282"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">282</span></span></a> Wisdom (vii. 6) is introduced with, <span class="tei tei-q">“according
+to that which is written.”</span><a id="noteref_283" name="noteref_283" href="#note_283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">283</span></span></a> In another place it has the prefix <span class="tei tei-q">“for it is written”</span>
+(i. 7);<a id="noteref_284" name="noteref_284" href="#note_284"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">284</span></span></a>
+and is treated as Scripture (ii. 12).<a id="noteref_285" name="noteref_285" href="#note_285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">285</span></span></a> Sirach (i. 1) is cited.<a id="noteref_286" name="noteref_286" href="#note_286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">286</span></span></a>
+Baruch also (iii. 35-37) is introduced with, <span class="tei tei-q">“another of the
+holy prophets said.”</span><a id="noteref_287" name="noteref_287" href="#note_287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">287</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The catalogues of the Old Testament contained in the
+manuscripts B, C, and א need not be given, as they are
+merely codices of the Septuagint, and have or had the books
+canonical and apocryphal belonging to that version. The
+list of the New Testament books in B is like that of Athanasius.
+Imperfect at the end, the MS. must have had at
+first the Epistles to Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and the
+Apocalypse. C (cod. Ephraemi rescriptus) has fragments
+of the New Testaments, which show that it had originally
+all the present books in the same order as Athanasius's.
+א or the Sinaitic manuscript has the Epistle of Barnabas
+and the Shepherd of Hermas, in addition to the New
+Testament.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The progress made by the Greek Church of the fourth
+and former part of the fifth century, in its conception of
+the canon seems to be, that the idea of ecclesiastical settlement,
+or public, legal, definitive establishment was attached
+to the original one. A writing was considered canonical
+when a well-attested tradition put it among those composed
+by inspired men, apostles or others; and it had on that
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page096">[pg 096]</span><a name="Pg096" id="Pg096" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+account a determining authority in matters of faith. Books
+which served as a rule of faith and were definitively set
+forth by the Church as divinely authoritative, were now
+termed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em>. The canon consisted of writings settled
+or determined by ecclesiastical law.<a id="noteref_288" name="noteref_288" href="#note_288"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">288</span></span></a> Such was the idea
+added to the original acceptation of canon. To canonical
+were opposed apocryphal writings, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">heretical</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fabricated</span></em>
+ones; while an intermediate class consisted of those
+read in the churches, which were useful, but not decisive in
+matters of belief. Another advance in the matter of the
+canon at this period was the general adoption of the Hebrew
+canon, with a relegation of the Greek additions in the Septuagint
+to the class <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">publicly read</span></em>.<a id="noteref_289" name="noteref_289" href="#note_289"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">289</span></span></a> Yet doubts about the
+reception of Esther into the number of the canonical books
+were still entertained, though it was one of the Jewish
+canon; doubtless on account of its want of harmony with
+Christian consciousness. And the catholic epistles which
+had been doubted before, Jude, James, Second Peter, were
+now generally received. But there was a division of opinion
+about the Apocalypse.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+We come to the period of the Latin, corresponding to that
+of the Greek Church which has just been noticed. Augustine<a id="noteref_290" name="noteref_290" href="#note_290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">290</span></span></a>
+gave great attention to the subject, laboring to establish
+a complete canon, the necessity of which was generally
+felt. According to him the Scriptures which were received
+and acknowledged by all the churches of the day should be
+canonical. Of those not universally adopted, such as are
+received by the majority and the weightier of the churches
+should be preferred to those received by the fewer and less
+important churches. In his enumeration of the forty-four
+books of the Old Testament, he gives, after Chronicles,
+other histories <span class="tei tei-q">“which are neither connected with the order”</span>
+specified in the preceding context, <span class="tei tei-q">“nor with one another,”</span>
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, the two books of the Maccabees,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page097">[pg 097]</span><a name="Pg097" id="Pg097" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and Esdras. Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, he thinks,
+should be numbered among the prophets, as deserving of
+authority and having a certain likeness to Solomon's writings.<a id="noteref_291" name="noteref_291" href="#note_291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">291</span></span></a>
+He says of the Maccabees that this <span class="tei tei-q">“Scripture has
+been received by the Church not uselessly, if it be read or
+heard soberly.”</span><a id="noteref_292" name="noteref_292" href="#note_292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">292</span></span></a>
+The famous passage in the treatise on
+Christian doctrine, where he enumerates the whole canon,
+is qualified by no other; for though he knew the distinction
+between the canonical books of the Palestinian Jews and
+the so-called apocryphal ones, as well as the fact of some
+New Testament writings not being received universally, he
+thought <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">church-reception</span></em> a sufficient warrant for canonical
+authority. Hence, he considered the books of the Maccabees
+canonical, because so received by the Church; while
+he says of Wisdom and Sirach that they merited <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">authoritative</span></em>
+reception and numbering among the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">prophetic</span></em>
+Scriptures.<a id="noteref_293" name="noteref_293" href="#note_293"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">293</span></span></a>
+Of the former in particular he speaks strongly in one place,
+asserting that it is worthy to be venerated by all Christians
+as of divine authority.<a id="noteref_294" name="noteref_294" href="#note_294"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">294</span></span></a> But he afterwards retracted his opinion of
+the canonical authority of Sirach.<a id="noteref_295" name="noteref_295" href="#note_295"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">295</span></span></a> He raises,
+not lowers, the authority of the so-called apocryphal books
+which he mentions. He enumerates all the New Testament
+books, specifying the Pauline epistles as fourteen, and so
+reckoning that to the Hebrews as the apostle's; but he
+speaks of it elsewhere as an epistle about which some were
+uncertain, professing that he was influenced to admit it as canonical by the
+authority of the Oriental churches.<a id="noteref_296" name="noteref_296" href="#note_296"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">296</span></span></a> In
+various places he speaks hesitatingly about its Pauline
+authorship.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page098">[pg 098]</span><a name="Pg098" id="Pg098" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In 393, the African bishops held a council at Hippo where
+the canon was discussed. The list of the canonical Scripture
+given includes, besides the Palestinian one, Wisdom,
+Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and the two books of Maccabees.
+The New Testament canon seems to have agreed exactly with our
+present one.<a id="noteref_297" name="noteref_297" href="#note_297"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">297</span></span></a> The Council of Carthage
+(397) repeated the statute of its predecessor, enumerating
+the same books of the Bible as canonical.<a id="noteref_298" name="noteref_298" href="#note_298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">298</span></span></a> Augustine was
+the animating spirit of both councils, so that they may be
+taken as expressing his views on the subject.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Jerome<a id="noteref_299" name="noteref_299" href="#note_299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">299</span></span></a>
+gives a list of the twenty-two canonical books of
+the Old Testament, the same as that of the Palestinian Jews,
+remarking that some put Ruth and Lamentations among
+the Hagiographa, so making twenty-four books. All besides
+should be put among the Apocrypha. Wisdom, Sirach,
+Judith, Tobit, the Shepherd are not in the canon. The two books of Maccabees
+he regarded in the same light.<a id="noteref_300" name="noteref_300" href="#note_300"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">300</span></span></a> But
+though Jerome's words imply the apocryphal position of
+these extra-canonical books, he allows of their being read in
+public for the edification of the people, not to confirm the
+authority of doctrines; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, they belong to <span class="tei tei-q">“the ecclesiastical
+books”</span> of Athanasius. His idea of <span class="tei tei-q">“apocryphal”</span> is
+wider and milder than that of some others in the Latin
+Church. It has been conjectured by Welte,<a id="noteref_301" name="noteref_301" href="#note_301"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">301</span></span></a>
+that the conclusions
+of the African councils in 393 and 397 influenced
+Jerome's views of the canon, so that his later writings allude
+to the apocryphal works in a more favorable manner than
+that of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prologus galeatus</span></span> or the preface to Solomon's
+books. One thing is clear, that he quotes different passages
+from the Apocrypha along with others from the Hebrew
+canon. In his letter to Eustochius, Sirach iii. 33 (Latin)
+comes between citations from Matthew and Luke; and is introduced
+by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">which is written</span></em>, in a letter to Pammachius; and
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page099">[pg 099]</span><a name="Pg099" id="Pg099" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+xxii. 6 has <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine Scripture</span></em> applied to
+it.<a id="noteref_302" name="noteref_302" href="#note_302"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">302</span></span></a> Ruth, Esther,
+and Judith are spoken of as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">holy volumes</span></em>. The practice of
+Jerome differed from his theory; or rather he became less
+positive, and altered his views somewhat with the progress
+of time and knowledge. As to the New Testament, he gives
+a catalogue of all that now belongs to it, remarking of the
+epistle to the Hebrews and of the Apocalypse that he adopts
+both on the authority of ancient writers, not of present custom.
+His opinion about them was not decided.<a id="noteref_303" name="noteref_303" href="#note_303"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">303</span></span></a> In another
+work he gives the Epistle of Barnabas at the end of the
+canonical list. He also states the doubts of many respecting
+the Epistle to Philemon, and about 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and
+3 John. According to him the first Epistle of Clement of
+Rome was publicly read in some churches.<a id="noteref_304" name="noteref_304" href="#note_304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">304</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Hilary of Poitiers<a id="noteref_305" name="noteref_305" href="#note_305"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">305</span></span></a>
+seems to have followed Origen's catalogue.
+He gives twenty-two books, specifying <span class="tei tei-q">“the epistle”</span>
+of Jeremiah; and remarks that some added Tobit and
+Judith, making twenty-four, after the letters of the Greek
+alphabet. He cites Wisdom and Sirach as <span class="tei tei-q">“prophets.”</span><a id="noteref_306" name="noteref_306" href="#note_306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">306</span></span></a>
+In the New Testament he never quotes James, Jude, 2 and
+3 John, nor 2 Peter. 2 Maccabees (vii. 28) is introduced
+with <span class="tei tei-q">“according to the prophet;”</span><a id="noteref_307" name="noteref_307" href="#note_307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">307</span></span></a> Sirach (xxxi. 1) is introduced
+with <span class="tei tei-q">“nor do they hear the Lord saying;”</span><a id="noteref_308" name="noteref_308" href="#note_308"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">308</span></span></a>
+Wisdom is cited as Solomon's (viii. 2);<a id="noteref_309" name="noteref_309" href="#note_309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">309</span></span></a> Judith (xvi. 3) is
+cited;<a id="noteref_310" name="noteref_310" href="#note_310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">310</span></span></a>
+so is Baruch (iii. 36);<a id="noteref_311" name="noteref_311" href="#note_311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">311</span></span></a> and Daniel xiii.
+42.<a id="noteref_312" name="noteref_312" href="#note_312"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">312</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Optatus of Mela<a id="noteref_313" name="noteref_313" href="#note_313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">313</span></span></a> has the usual canonical books, but
+omits the epistle to the Hebrews. He uses the apocrypha
+without scruple, introducing Sirach (iii. 30) with <span class="tei tei-q">“it is
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page100">[pg 100]</span><a name="Pg100" id="Pg100" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+written;”</span><a id="noteref_314" name="noteref_314" href="#note_314"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">314</span></span></a> and Wisdom (i. 13) with <span class="tei tei-q">“it is written in
+Solomon.”</span><a id="noteref_315" name="noteref_315" href="#note_315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">315</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Lucifer of Cagliari<a id="noteref_316" name="noteref_316" href="#note_316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">316</span></span></a> uses the apocrypha equally with the
+canonical books. Thus 1 Maccabees (i. 43) is quoted as
+<span class="tei tei-q">“holy Scripture.”</span><a id="noteref_317" name="noteref_317" href="#note_317"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">317</span></span></a>
+So is 2 Maccab. (vi. 1).<a id="noteref_318" name="noteref_318" href="#note_318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">318</span></span></a> Judith (ix. 2) is cited,<a id="noteref_319" name="noteref_319" href="#note_319"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">319</span></span></a> as are also Wisdom (xvii. 1, 2);<a id="noteref_320" name="noteref_320" href="#note_320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">320</span></span></a> Tobit (iv.
+6);<a id="noteref_321" name="noteref_321" href="#note_321"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">321</span></span></a> and Daniel (xiii.
+20).<a id="noteref_322" name="noteref_322" href="#note_322"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">322</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Ambrose of Milan<a id="noteref_323" name="noteref_323" href="#note_323"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">323</span></span></a>
+had the same canon as most of the
+Westerns in his time. With some others, he considered the
+Epistle to the Hebrews to have been written by St. Paul.
+In the Old Testament he used the apocryphal books pretty freely. Wisdom
+(vii. 22) is cited as authoritative Scripture.<a id="noteref_324" name="noteref_324" href="#note_324"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">324</span></span></a>
+Sirach (xi. 30) is also cited as Scripture.<a id="noteref_325" name="noteref_325" href="#note_325"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">325</span></span></a> Baruch
+(iv. 19) is quoted;<a id="noteref_326" name="noteref_326" href="#note_326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">326</span></span></a> Daniel (xiii. 44, 45) is treated as
+Scripture and prophetic;<a id="noteref_327" name="noteref_327" href="#note_327"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">327</span></span></a> and Tobit is expounded like any
+other book of Scripture.<a id="noteref_328" name="noteref_328" href="#note_328"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">328</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Rufinus<a id="noteref_329" name="noteref_329" href="#note_329"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">329</span></span></a>
+enumerates the books of the Old and New
+Testaments which <span class="tei tei-q">“are believed to be inspired by the Holy
+Spirit itself, according to the tradition of our ancestors, and
+have been handed down by the Churches of Christ.”</span> All
+the books of the Hebrew canon and of the New Testament
+are specified. After the list he says, <span class="tei tei-q">“these are they which
+the fathers included in the canon, by which they wished to
+establish the assertion of our faith.”</span> He adds that there
+are other books not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em>, but <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ecclesiastical</span></em>—the
+Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Tobit, Judith, and the books of the
+Maccabees. Besides the usual New Testament works, he
+speaks of the Shepherd of Hermas, and the <span class="tei tei-q">“Judgment of
+Peter”</span> as read in the churches, but not as authoritative in
+matters of faith.<a id="noteref_330" name="noteref_330" href="#note_330"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">330</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page101">[pg 101]</span><a name="Pg101" id="Pg101" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Philastrius<a id="noteref_331" name="noteref_331" href="#note_331"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">331</span></span></a> of Brescia gives some account of the Scriptures
+and their contents in his time. The canonical
+Scriptures, which alone should be read in the Catholic
+Church, are said to be the law and the prophets, the gospels,
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, and seven others, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, two of
+Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James. Of
+the Old Testament apocrypha he asserts that they ought to
+be read for the sake of morals by the perfect, but not by all.
+He speaks of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">heretics</span></em> who reject John's gospel and the
+Apocalypse. Respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews which
+is omitted in his canon, he speaks at large, but not very
+decidedly, affirming that some attributed its authorship to
+Barnabas, or Clement of Rome, or Luke. <span class="tei tei-q">“They wish to
+read the writings of the blessed apostle, and not rightly
+perceiving some things in the epistle, it is not therefore
+read by them in the church. Though read by some, it is
+not read to the people in the church; nothing but Paul's
+thirteen epistles, and that to the Hebrews sometimes.”</span><a id="noteref_332" name="noteref_332" href="#note_332"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">332</span></span></a>
+The influence of the East upon the West appears in the
+statements of this father upon the subject. He had several
+canonical lists before him; one at least from an Oriental-Arian
+source, which explains some assertions, particularly
+his omission of the Apocalypse.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Innocent I. of Rome wrote to Exsuperius (405 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>),
+bishop of Toulouse, giving a list of the canonical books.
+Besides the Hebrew canon, he has Wisdom and Sirach;
+Tobit, Judith, the two Maccabees. The New Testament
+list is identical with the present. He also refers to pseudepigraphical
+writings which ought not only to be rejected
+but condemned.<a id="noteref_333" name="noteref_333" href="#note_333"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">333</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+A canonical list appears in three different forms bearing
+the names of Damasus (366-384), Gelasius I. (492-496),
+and Hormisdas (514-523). According to the first, the books
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page102">[pg 102]</span><a name="Pg102" id="Pg102" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of the Old Testament are arranged in three orders. In the
+first are the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four Kings,
+two Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
+Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus; in the second, all the prophets,
+including Baruch; in the third, Job, Tobit, Judith, Esther,
+Esdras, two Maccabees. The New Testament books are the
+four gospels, fourteen epistles of Paul, the Apocalypse, and
+Acts, with seven Catholic epistles.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+That which is called the Decree of Gelasius is almost
+identical with the preceding. It wants Baruch and Lamentations.
+It has also two Esdrases instead of one. In the
+New Testament the epistle to the Hebrews is absent.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Hormisdas-form has the Lamentations of Jeremiah:
+and in the New Testament the Epistle to the Hebrews.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The MSS. of these lists present some diversity; and
+Credner supposes the Damasus-list a fiction. But Thiel has
+vindicated its authenticity. It is possible that some interpolations
+may exist in the last two; the first, which is the
+shortest, may well belong to the time of Damasus.<a id="noteref_334" name="noteref_334" href="#note_334"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">334</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In 419 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> another council at Carthage, at which Augustine
+was present, repeated the former list of books with a
+single alteration, viz., fourteen epistles of Paul (instead of
+thirteen).<a id="noteref_335" name="noteref_335" href="#note_335"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">335</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The preceding notices and catalogues show a general desire
+in the Western Church to settle the canon. The two
+most influential men of the period were Augustine and
+Jerome, who did not entirely agree. Both were unfitted for
+a critical examination of the topic. The former was a
+gifted spiritual man, lacking learning and independence.
+Tradition dominated all his ideas about the difficult or disputed
+books. He did not enter upon the question scientifically,
+on the basis of certain principles; but was content
+to take refuge in authority—the prevailing authority of
+leading churches. His judgment was weak, his sagacity
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page103">[pg 103]</span><a name="Pg103" id="Pg103" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+moderate, and his want of many-sidedness hindered a critical
+result. Jerome, again, was learned but timid, lacking
+the courage to face the question fairly or fundamentally;
+and the independence necessary to its right investigation.
+Belonging as he did to both churches, he recommended the
+practice of the one to the other. He, too, was chiefly influenced
+by tradition; by Jewish teachers in respect to the
+Old Testament, and by general custom as to the New. The
+question was not susceptible of advancement under such
+manipulation; nor could it be settled on a legitimate basis.
+Compared with the eastern Church, the western accepted a
+wider canon of the Old Testament, taking some books into
+the class of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em> which the former put among those
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to be read</span></em>. In regard to the New Testament, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> the Catholic
+epistles and even the Apocalypse were received. The
+African churches and councils generally adopted this larger
+canon, because the old Latin version or versions of the
+Bible current in Africa were daughters of the Septuagint.
+If the Latins apparently looked upon the Greek as the
+original itself, the apocryphal books would soon get rank
+with the canonical. Yet the more learned fathers, Jerome,
+Rufinus and others, favored the Hebrew canon in distinguishing
+between <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ecclesiastical</span></em> books. The
+influence of the Eastern upon the Western Church is still
+visible, though it could not extinguish the prevailing desire
+to include the disputed books. The Greek view was
+to receive nothing which had not apparently a good attestation
+of divine origin and apostolic authority; the Latin was
+to exclude nothing hallowed by descent and proved by
+custom. The former Church looked more to the sources of
+doctrine; the latter to those of edification. The one desired
+to contract those sources, so as not to be too rich; the other
+to enlarge the springs of edification, not to be too poor.
+Neither had the proper resources for the work, nor a right
+perception of the way in which it should be set about; and
+therefore they were not fortunate in their conclusions, differing
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page104">[pg 104]</span><a name="Pg104" id="Pg104" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+as they did in regard to points which affect the
+foundation of a satisfactory solution.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Notwithstanding the numerous endeavors both in the
+East and West to settle the canon during the 4th and 5th
+centuries, it was not finally closed. The doubts of individuals
+were still expressed; and succeeding ages testified to
+the want of universal agreement respecting several books.
+The question, however, was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">practically</span></em> determined. No
+material change occurred again in the absolute rejection or
+admission of books. With some fluctuations, the canon
+remained very much as it was in the 4th and 5th centuries.
+Tradition shaped and established its character. General
+usage gave it a permanency which it was not easy to disturb.
+No definite principles guided the course of its formation,
+or fixed its present state. It was dominated first
+and last by circumstances and ideas which philosophy did
+not actuate. Its history is mainly objective. Uncritical at
+its commencement, it was equally so in the two centuries
+which have just been considered.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The history of the canon in the Syrian church cannot be
+traced with much exactness. The Peshito version had only
+the Hebrew canonical books at first; most of the apocryphal
+were rendered from the Greek and added in the Nestorian
+recension. In the New Testament it wanted four of the
+catholic epistles and the Apocalypse. Ephrem (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 378)
+uses all the books in our canon, the apocryphal as well as
+the canonical. The former are cited by him in the same
+way as the latter. Sirach ii. 1 is quoted with <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">as the Scripture
+says</span></em>;<a id="noteref_336" name="noteref_336" href="#note_336"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">336</span></span></a> and Wisdom iv. 7 with <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">it is
+written</span></em>.<a id="noteref_337" name="noteref_337" href="#note_337"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">337</span></span></a> Daniel
+xiii. 9, belonging to the Greek additions, is also cited with
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">as it is written</span></em>.<a id="noteref_338" name="noteref_338" href="#note_338"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">338</span></span></a> It should be observed that the quotations
+given are all from Ephrem's Greek, not Syriac, works; and
+that suspicions have been raised about the former being
+tampered with. The Syrian version of the New Testament
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page105">[pg 105]</span><a name="Pg105" id="Pg105" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+made by Polycarp at the request of Philoxenus of Mabug,
+had the four catholic epistles wanting in the Peshito. It
+had also the two epistles of Clement to the Corinthians, if
+we may judge by the Harclean recension, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 616; for a
+MS. in the Cambridge University Library contains those
+epistles immediately after the Catholic ones, and before
+those of St. Paul; so that they are put on an equality
+with the canonical writings. The Apocalypse is wanting.
+Junilius, (though an African bishop about 550 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>), says
+that he got his knowledge from a Persian of the name of
+Paulus who received his education in the school of Nisibis.
+He may, therefore, be considered a witness of the opinions
+of the Syrian church at the beginning of the 6th century.
+Dividing the biblical books into those of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">perfect</span></em>, those of
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">intermediate</span></em>, and those of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">no authority</span></em>, he makes the first
+the canonical; the second, those added to them by many
+(plures); the third, all the rest. In the first list he puts
+Ecclesiasticus. Among the second he puts 1 and 2 Chronicles,
+Job, Ezra and Nehemiah, Judith, Esther, 1 and 2
+Maccabees; and in the New Testament, James, 2 Peter,
+Jude, 2 and 3 John. He also says that the Apocalypse of
+John is much doubted by the Orientals. In the third list
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, books of no authority added by some (quidam) to the
+canonical, are put Wisdom and Canticles.<a id="noteref_339" name="noteref_339" href="#note_339"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">339</span></span></a> The catalogue
+is confused, and erroneous at least in one respect, that
+Jerome is referred to, as sanctioning the division given of
+the Old Testament books; for neither he nor the Jews
+agree with it.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon of the Abyssinian church seems to have had
+at first all the books in the Septuagint, canonical and apocryphal
+together, little distinction being made between them.
+Along with the contents of the Greek Bible there were
+Enoch, 4 Esdras, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Jubilees, Asseneth,
+&amp;c. That of the New Testament agrees with the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page106">[pg 106]</span><a name="Pg106" id="Pg106" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+present Greek one. At a later period in the Arabic age a
+list was made and constituted the legal one for the use of
+the church, having been derived from the Jacobite canons
+of the apostles. This gives, in the Old Testament, the
+Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Judith, Kings, Chronicles,
+Ezra and Nehemiah, Esther, Tobit, two books of Maccabees,
+Job, Psalms, five books of Solomon, minor and
+greater prophets. The Wisdom of Sirach (for teaching
+children) and the book of Joseph ben Gorion, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, that of
+the Maccabees, are external. The New Testament has
+four gospels, Acts, seven apostolic epistles, fourteen of
+Paul, and the Revelation of John. Later catalogues vary
+much, and are often enlarged with the book of Enoch, 4
+Esdras, the Apocalypse of Isaiah, &amp;c. The canon of the
+Ethiopic church was fluctuating.<a id="noteref_340" name="noteref_340" href="#note_340"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">340</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon of the Armenians had at first the Palestinian
+books of the Old Testament, twenty-two in number, and
+the usual New Testament ones, except the Apocalypse. It
+was made from the Syriac in the fifth century by Sahak
+and Mesrob. The deutero-canonical books and additions
+were appended, after the disciples of those two men who
+had been sent by them into different places, brought back
+authentic copies of the Greek Bible from the patriarch
+Maximian, by which the version already made was interpolated
+and corrected; as it was subsequently corrected by
+others despatched to Alexandria and Athens, who, however,
+did not return till their teachers were dead. The MSS. of
+this version were afterwards interpolated from the Vulgate;
+Oskan himself translating for his edition (which was the
+first printed one, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 1666), Sirach, 4 Esdras and the
+Epistle of Jeremiah from the Latin. The book of Revelation
+does not seem to have been translated till the eighth
+century. Zohrab's critical edition (1805) has Judith, Tobit,
+the three books of Maccabees, Wisdom, and the Epistle of
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page107">[pg 107]</span><a name="Pg107" id="Pg107" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Baruch among the canonical books; and in an appendix,
+the fourth book of Esdras, the prayer of Manasseh, the
+Epistle of the Corinthians to Paul and his answer, the Rest
+(end) of the apostle and evangelist John, the prayer of
+Euthalius. Like the edition of Oskan, this has all the
+deutero-canonical books, which were derived from the Septuagint,
+and incorporated by the first translators with their
+original version. Another edition published at St. Petersburgh
+(1817), for the use of the Jacobite Church, has the
+prayer of Manasses and 4 Esdras after the Apocalypse.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Georgian version consisted of the books and additions
+in the Greek translation from which it was made.
+The New Testament has the canonical books in the usual
+order. Jesus Sirach and two books of the Maccabees (2d
+and 3d) were not in the Georgian MS. used by Prince Arcil
+for the edition of 1743, but were rendered out of the
+Russian. The Moscow Bible printed under the direction
+and at the cost of Arcil, Bacchar and Wakuset, is the authorized
+edition of the Georgian Christians.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Bible canon of the Eastern church in the middle
+ages shows no real advance. Endeavors were made to remove
+the uncertainty arising from the existence of numerous
+lists; but former decisions and decrees of councils were
+repeated instead of a new, independent canon. Here belongs
+the catalogue in the Alexandrian MS., of the fifth century,
+which is peculiar. After the prophets come Esther, Tobit,
+Judith, Ezra and Nehemiah, 4 Maccabees, Psalms, Job,
+Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, the all-virtuous Wisdom,
+the Wisdom of Jesus of Sirach. In the New Testament,
+the Apocalypse is followed by two epistles of Clement.
+The list was probably made in Egypt. That of Anastasius
+Sinaita,<a id="noteref_341" name="noteref_341" href="#note_341"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">341</span></span></a>
+patriarch of Antioch, is similar to Nicephorus's
+Stichometry, which we shall mention afterwards. Baruch
+is among the canonical books; Esther among the antilegomena.
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page108">[pg 108]</span><a name="Pg108" id="Pg108" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+The Apocalypse is unnoticed. The 85th of the
+Apostolic canons gives a list of the Old and New Testament
+books, in which the usual canonical ones of the former are
+supplemented by Judith and 3 Maccabees; those of the
+latter by the two epistles of Clement, with the Apostolic
+constitutions. This catalogue cannot be put earlier than
+the fifth or sixth century, and is subject to the suspicion of
+having been interpolated. We have also Nicephorus's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stichometry</span></span> (806-815;)<a id="noteref_342" name="noteref_342" href="#note_342"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">342</span></span></a> of which we may remark that Baruch
+is among the canonical books of the Old Testament; while
+the Revelation is put with the Apocalypse of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas and the Gospel according to the Hebrews,
+among the antilegomena of the New Testament. It
+is also surprising that the Apocalypse of Peter and the
+Gospel according to the Hebrews are not among the Apocrypha,
+where Clement's epistles with the productions of
+Ignatius, Polycarp, and Hermas appear. The list is probably
+older than that of the Antioch patriarch Anastasius
+Sinaita. Cosmas Indicopleustes (535) never mentions the
+seven Catholic epistles of the New Testament or the Apocalypse.
+The Trullan council (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 692) adopts the eighty-five
+Apostolic canons, rejecting, however, the Apostolic
+Constitutions. Photius, patriarch of Constantinople,<a id="noteref_343" name="noteref_343" href="#note_343"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">343</span></span></a> follows
+the eighty-fifth Apostolical canon of the Trullan
+Council.<a id="noteref_344" name="noteref_344" href="#note_344"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">344</span></span></a> But in his
+Bibliotheca<a id="noteref_345" name="noteref_345" href="#note_345"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">345</span></span></a> he speaks differently
+regarding the epistles of Clement, and does not treat them
+as canonical. Though the first was thought worthy to be
+read in public, the second was rejected as spurious; and his
+own opinion was not altogether favorable to them. John
+of Damascus;<a id="noteref_346" name="noteref_346" href="#note_346"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">346</span></span></a>
+the second Nicene council (787); the Synopsis
+divinæ Scripturæ Vet. et Novi Test. (about 1000);
+Zonaras (about 1120); Alexius Aristenus (about 1160);
+and Nicephorus Callistus (1330), call for no remark.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page109">[pg 109]</span><a name="Pg109" id="Pg109" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the Western church of the Middle Ages, diversity of
+opinion respecting certain books continued. Though the
+views of Augustine were generally followed, the stricter
+ones of Jerome found many adherents. The canon was
+fluctuating, and the practice of the churches in regard to it
+somewhat lax. Here belong Cassiodorus (about 550); the
+list in the Codex Amiatinus (about 550); Isidore of Seville<a id="noteref_347" name="noteref_347" href="#note_347"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">347</span></span></a>
+who, after enumerating three classes of Old Testament
+books gives a fourth not in the Hebrew canon. Here he
+specifies Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, 1 and 2
+Maccabees, saying that the church of Christ puts them among the divine books,
+honors and highly esteems them.<a id="noteref_348" name="noteref_348" href="#note_348"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">348</span></span></a>
+There are also the fourth council of Toledo (632); Gregory
+the Great<a id="noteref_349" name="noteref_349" href="#note_349"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">349</span></span></a>
+Notker Labeo;<a id="noteref_350" name="noteref_350" href="#note_350"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">350</span></span></a>
+Ivo (about 1092); Bede;<a id="noteref_351" name="noteref_351" href="#note_351"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">351</span></span></a>
+Alcuin;<a id="noteref_352" name="noteref_352" href="#note_352"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">352</span></span></a>
+Rabanus Maurus;<a id="noteref_353" name="noteref_353" href="#note_353"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">353</span></span></a>
+Hugo de St Victor;<a id="noteref_354" name="noteref_354" href="#note_354"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">354</span></span></a>
+Peter of Clugny;<a id="noteref_355" name="noteref_355" href="#note_355"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">355</span></span></a>
+John of Salisbury;<a id="noteref_356" name="noteref_356" href="#note_356"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">356</span></span></a>
+Thomas Aquinas;<a id="noteref_357" name="noteref_357" href="#note_357"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">357</span></span></a> Hugo
+de St Cher;<a id="noteref_358" name="noteref_358" href="#note_358"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">358</span></span></a>
+Wycliffe;<a id="noteref_359" name="noteref_359" href="#note_359"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">359</span></span></a> Nicolaus
+of Lyra,<a id="noteref_360" name="noteref_360" href="#note_360"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">360</span></span></a> &amp;c.,
+&amp;c. Several of these, as Hugo de St Victor, John of Salisbury,
+Hugo de St Cher, and Nicolaus of Lyra, followed Jerome in
+separating the canonical and apocryphal books of the Old
+Testament.<a id="noteref_361" name="noteref_361" href="#note_361"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">361</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Reformers generally returned to the Hebrew canon,
+dividing off the additional books of the Septuagint or those
+attached to the Vulgate. These they called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphal</span></em>,
+after Jerome's example. Though considered of no authority
+in matters of doctrine, they were pronounced useful and
+edifying. The principal reason that weighed with the Reformers
+was, that Christ and the apostles testified to none
+of the Septuagint additions.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Besides the canonical books of the Old Testament, Luther
+translated Judith, Wisdom, Tobit, Sirach, Baruch, 1 and 2
+Maccabees, the Greek additions to Esther and Daniel, with
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page110">[pg 110]</span><a name="Pg110" id="Pg110" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+the Prayer of Manasseh. His judgment respecting several
+of these is expressed in the prefaces to them. With regard
+to 1 Maccabees, he thinks it almost equal to the other books
+of Holy Scripture, and not unworthy to be reckoned among
+them. Of Wisdom, he says, he was long in doubt whether
+it should be numbered among the canonical books; and of
+Sirach that it is a right good book proceeding from a wise
+man. But he speaks unfavorably of several other apocryphal
+productions, as of Baruch and 2 Maccabees. It is
+evident, however, that he considered all he translated of
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">some</span></em> use to the Christian Church. He thought that the
+book of Esther should not belong to the canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Luther's judgment respecting some of the New Testament
+books was freer than most Protestants now are disposed
+to approve. He thought the epistle to the Hebrews
+was neither Paul's nor an apostle's, but proceeded from an
+excellent and learned man who may have been the disciple
+of apostles. He did not put it on an equality with the
+epistles written by apostles themselves. The Apocalypse
+he considered neither apostolic nor prophetic, but put it almost
+on the same level with the 4th book of Esdras, which
+he spoke elsewhere of tossing into the Elbe. This judgment
+was afterwards modified, not retracted. James's epistle
+he pronounced unapostolic, <span class="tei tei-q">“a right strawy epistle.”</span>
+In like manner, he did not believe that Jude's epistle proceeded
+from an apostle. Considering it to have been taken
+from 2 Peter, and not well extracted either, he put it lower
+than the supposed original. The Reformer, as also his
+successors, made a distinction between the books of the
+New Testament similar to that of the Old; the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generally
+received</span></em> (homologoumena) and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">controverted</span></em> books (antilegomena);
+but the Calvinists afterwards obliterated it, as
+the Roman Catholics at the Council of Trent did with the
+old Testament.<a id="noteref_362" name="noteref_362" href="#note_362"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">362</span></span></a> The epistle to the Hebrews, those of Jude
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page111">[pg 111]</span><a name="Pg111" id="Pg111" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and James, with the Apocalypse, belong to the latter class.
+The distinction in question proceeded from genuine critical
+tact on the part of the early Lutheran Church which had
+canonical and deutero-canonical writings even in the New
+Testament collection. Nor did the Reformers consider it a
+dangerous thing to bring the fact before the people. To
+make it palpable, Luther attached continuous numbers to
+the first twenty-three books of his version, bringing the
+four antilegomena after these, without numbers; and this
+mode of marking the difference continued till the middle of
+the 17th century.<a id="noteref_363" name="noteref_363" href="#note_363"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">363</span></span></a> Luther was right in assigning a greater
+or less value to the separate writings of the New Testament,
+and in leaving every one to do the same. He relied on
+their internal value more than tradition; taking the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">word
+of God</span></em> in a deeper and wider sense than its coincidence
+with the Bible.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Bodenstein of Carlstad examined the question of canonicity
+more thoroughly than any of his contemporaries, and
+followed out the principle of private judgment in regard to
+it. He divides the biblical books into three classes—1.
+Books of the highest dignity, viz., the Pentateuch and
+the Gospels; 2. Books of the second dignity, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the works
+termed prophetic by the Jews, and the fifteen epistles
+universally received; 3. Books of the third and lowest authority,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the Jewish Hagiographa and the seven Antilegomena
+epistles of the New Testament. Among the
+Apocrypha he makes two classes—such as are out of the
+canon to the Hebrews yet hagiographical (Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus,
+Judith, Tobit, the two Maccabees), and those that
+are clearly apocryphal and to be rejected (third and fourth
+Esdras, Baruch, Prayer of Manasseh, a good part of the third
+chapter of Daniel, and the last two chapters of Daniel.)<a id="noteref_364" name="noteref_364" href="#note_364"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">364</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page112">[pg 112]</span><a name="Pg112" id="Pg112" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Zwingli asserts that the Apocalypse is not a biblical
+book.<a id="noteref_365" name="noteref_365" href="#note_365"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">365</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Oecolampadius says—<span class="tei tei-q">“We do not despise Judith, Tobit,
+Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, the last two Esdras, the three Maccabees,
+the last two chapters of Daniel, but we do not attribute to them
+divine authority with those others.”</span><a id="noteref_366" name="noteref_366" href="#note_366"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">366</span></span></a> As
+to the books of the New Testament he would not compare
+the Apocalypse, James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John
+with the rest.<a id="noteref_367" name="noteref_367" href="#note_367"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">367</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Calvin did not think that Paul was the author of the
+epistle to the Hebrews, or that 2 Peter was written by the
+apostle himself; but both in his opinion are canonical.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page113">[pg 113]</span><a name="Pg113" id="Pg113" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc17" id="toc17"></a>
+<a name="pdf18" id="pdf18"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VIII. Order Of The New Testament Books.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+I. The arrangement of the various parts comprising the
+New Testament was fluctuating in the second century;
+less so in the third. In the fourth century the order which
+the books had commonly assumed in Greek MSS. and
+writers was; the Gospels, the Acts, the Catholic Epistles,
+the Pauline, and the Apocalypse. This sequence appears
+in the Vatican, Sinaitic, Alexandrian and Ephrem (C)
+MSS.; Cyril of Jerusalem, in the 60th Canon of the Laodicean
+Council, Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, &amp;c.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+II. Another order prevailed in the Latin Church, viz.,
+the Gospels, the Acts, the Epistles of Paul, the Catholic
+Epistles, and the Apocalypse. This appears in Melito,
+Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augustine, Jerome,
+the Vulgate, the Councils of Carthage, held in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>
+397 and 419; and is now the usual arrangement.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Within the limits of the two general arrangements just
+mentioned, there were many variations. Thus we find in
+relation to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the gospels</span></em>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+III. (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; in the MSS. of
+the old Italic marked <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">d</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ff</span></span>, and in
+the cod. argenteus of Ulfila's Gothic version.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) Matthew, John, Mark, Luke; in the council of Ephesus
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 431, Cyril of Alexandria, Theodoret, the stichometry
+of the Clermont MS. Such was the usual order in the
+Greek Church of the fifth century.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">c</span></span>) Mark is put first, followed by Matthew; in the fragment
+of a Bobbian MS. of the Itala at Turin marked <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">k</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page114">[pg 114]</span><a name="Pg114" id="Pg114" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">d</span></span>) Matthew, Mark, John, Luke; in the Curetonian
+Syriac gospels. They are mentioned in the same order in
+Origen's I. Homily on Luke.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The reason of the order in, (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>)
+and (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) lies in apostleship.
+The works of apostles precede those of evangelists.
+The established sequence, which is already sanctioned by
+Irenæus and Origen, has respect to the supposed dates of
+the gospels. Clement of Alexandria says that ancient tradition
+supposed those gospels having the genealogies to
+have been written before the others.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+IV. As to the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Acts of the Apostles</span></span>, not only is this work
+put immediately after the gospels, which is the order in the
+Muratorian canon, but we find it in other positions.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Acts; in the Sinaitic MS.,
+the Peshito,<a id="noteref_368" name="noteref_368" href="#note_368"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">368</span></span></a> Jerome,<a id="noteref_369" name="noteref_369" href="#note_369"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">369</span></span></a>
+and Epiphanius.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Catholic Epistles, Acts;
+in Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent
+I., Eugenius IV., and the Spanish Church generally.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">c</span></span>) Gospels, Pauline, Catholic Epistles, Apocalypse,
+Acts; in the stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+V. As to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the Epistles of Paul</span></span>, besides the place they now
+occupy in our Bibles, they sometimes follow the gospels
+immediately.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) Gospels, Pauline Epistles; the Sinaitic MS., Jerome,
+Epiphanius, Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore,
+Innocent I., Eugenius IV., the stichometry of the
+Clermont MS.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) The usual order of the Greek Church is, Gospels,
+Acts, Catholic Epistles, Pauline, &amp;c., as in Cyril of Jerusalem,
+the Laodicean Council (60), Athanasius, Leontius
+of Byzantium, the MSS. A. B., but not א. The critical
+Greek Testaments of Lachmann and Tischendorf adopt
+this order.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page115">[pg 115]</span><a name="Pg115" id="Pg115" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">c</span></span>) They are placed last of all in a homily attributed to
+Origen, but this does not necessarily show that father's
+opinion.<a id="noteref_370" name="noteref_370" href="#note_370"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">370</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">d</span></span>) They stand first of all in a Gallican
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sacramentarium</span></span>
+cited by Hody.<a id="noteref_371" name="noteref_371" href="#note_371"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">371</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+VI. With respect to the order of the individual epistles,
+the current one has been thought as old as Tertullian and
+Clement of Alexandria. But the proof of this is precarious.
+It appears in the fourth century, and may have been prior
+to that. It is in Epiphanius, who supposes that the arrangement
+was the apostle's own. Not only was it the
+prevalent one in the Greek Church, but also in the Latin
+as we see from the codex Amiatinus, and the Vulgate MSS.
+generally. It rests upon the extent of the epistles and the
+relative importance of the localities in which the believers
+addressed resided.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) Marcion had but ten Pauline epistles in the following
+order: Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1 and 2
+Thessalonians, the Laodiceans, (Ephesians), Colossians,
+Philemon, Philippians.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) 1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians,
+Galatians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Romans, Philemon,
+Titus, 1 and 2 Timothy, to the Laodiceans, the Alexandrians
+(the Epistle to the Hebrews); in the Muratorian
+canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">c</span></span>) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians,
+Thessalonians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon,
+Hebrews; in Augustine, and several MSS. of the
+Vulgate in England.<a id="noteref_372" name="noteref_372" href="#note_372"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">372</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">d</span></span>) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Thessalonians,
+Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon,
+Hebrews; in the so-called decree of Gelasius in the
+name of Hormisdas, in Labbe's text. But here different
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page116">[pg 116]</span><a name="Pg116" id="Pg116" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+MSS. vary in regard to the position of the Thessalonian
+epistles.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+VII. The Laodicean letter was inserted either before the
+pastoral epistles, as in several MSS. of the Vulgate in England;
+or before the Thessalonian epistles preceding them;
+or at the end of the Epistle to the Hebrews, as in a MS. of
+the Latin Bible at Lembeth. Its insertion in copies of the
+Vulgate was owing to the authority of Gregory the Great,
+who looked upon it as authentic.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+VIII. The position of the Epistle to the Hebrews usually
+was either before the pastoral epistles, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, immediately
+after those to the Thessalonians; or after the pastoral ones
+and Philemon. The former method was generally adopted
+in the Greek Church from the fourth century. The latter
+prevailed in the Latin Church from Augustine onward.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) Pauline epistles to churches (the last being the
+second to the Thessalonians), Hebrews, Timothy, Titus,
+Philemon; in the MSS. א, A. B. C. H., Athanasius, Epiphanius;
+Euthalius,<a id="noteref_373" name="noteref_373" href="#note_373"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">373</span></span></a> Theodoret. Jerome mentions it after the
+epistles of Paul to the seven churches as an eighth excluded
+by the majority, and proceeds to specify the pastoral ones.
+But Amphilochius and Ebedjesu the Syrian have the western
+order, viz., the following—
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) Pauline Epistles, Hebrews (following immediately
+that to Philemon); in Augustine and the Vulgate version
+generally. It is so in the canons of the councils at Hippo
+and Carthage (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 393 and 397), and in the MSS. D. and
+G., in Isidore of Spain, and the council of Trent.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+IX. With respect to the order of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Catholic Epistles</span></span>,
+which were not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> adopted into the canon till the end of
+the fourth century; Eusebius putting all except 1 John and
+1 Peter among the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">antilegomena</span></em>; while Jerome, and the
+council of Carthage (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 397) admit them unreservedly;
+the usual order, viz., James, 1 and 2 Peter, John, Jude, prevailed
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page117">[pg 117]</span><a name="Pg117" id="Pg117" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+in the Eastern Church. It is in the Peshito or old
+Syriac version, Eusebius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius,
+the 60th of the Laodicean canons, Athanasius, Gregory of
+Nazianzus, Amphilochius, the stichometry of Nicephorus,
+the MSS. א. A. B. C., and most Greek MS. But the 76th
+of the Apostolic canons has Peter, John, James and Jude.
+The canon, however, is comparatively late.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) Peter, John, Jude, James; in Philastrius of Brescia.
+If we may rely on Cassiodorus's account of Augustine, the
+African father followed the same arrangement.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) Peter, James, Jude, John; in Rufinus.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">c</span></span>) Peter, John, James, Jude; in the councils of Carthage,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 397, 419, Cassiodorus, and a Gallican Sacramentarium.
+The Vulgate and council of Trent follow this
+arrangement.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">d</span></span>) John, Peter, Jude, James; in the list given by Innocent
+I., and the third council of Toledo.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Eastern church naturally set the Epistle of James,
+who was Bishop of Jerusalem, at the head of the others;
+while the Western put Peter, the Bishop of Rome, in the
+same place.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+X. The Revelation varied little in position.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>) In the decree of Galasius, according to its three recensions,
+the Revelation follows Paul's epistles, preceding
+those of John and the other Catholic ones.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) In D or the Clermont MS. it follows the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Catholic</span></em>
+epistles, and precedes the Acts; which last is thrown to the
+end of all the books, as if it were an appendix to the writings
+of the apostles.<a id="noteref_374" name="noteref_374" href="#note_374"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">374</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page118">[pg 118]</span><a name="Pg118" id="Pg118" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc19" id="toc19"></a>
+<a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter IX. Summary Of The Subject.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a</span></span>)
+In relation to the Old Testament, the prevailing tendency
+in the Greek Church was to follow the Palestinian
+canon. Different lists appeared from time to time in which
+the endeavor there to exclude apocryphal, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, spurious
+works, was apparent. In addition to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonical</span></em>, a class
+of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ecclesiastical</span></em> books was judged fit for reading in the
+Church,—a class intermediate between the canonical and
+apocryphal. The distinction between the canonical and
+ecclesiastical writings appears in Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius,
+Epiphanius, &amp;c. The Latin Church showed a
+disposition to elevate the ecclesiastical books of the Greek
+Church to the rank of the canonical, making the line between
+the two indistinct; as we see from the acts of the
+councils at Hippo and Carthage, in the end of the fourth
+and beginning of the fifth century, where Augustine's, influence
+was predominant. But notwithstanding this deviation
+from the stricter method of the Greeks, learned men
+like Jerome adhered to the Palestinian canon, and even
+styled the ecclesiastical books <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphal</span></em>, transferring the
+epithet from one class to another. Hilary and Rufinus also
+followed the Greek usage.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+During the sixth and following centuries, it cannot be
+said that the canon of the Greek Church was definitely
+closed, notwithstanding the decrees of councils and references
+to older authorities. Opinions still varied about
+certain books, such as Esther; though the Palestinian list
+was commonly followed. During the same period, the enlarged
+canon of the Alexandrian Jews, which went far to
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page119">[pg 119]</span><a name="Pg119" id="Pg119" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+abolish the distinction between the canonical and deutero-canonical
+books, prevailed in the West, at least in practice;
+though some followed the shorter one, sanctioned as it had
+been by Jerome. As both lists existed, no complete or
+final settlement of the question was reached in the Latin
+Church. Neither in the East nor in the West was the canon
+of the Old Testament really closed; for though the stricter
+principle of separation prevailed in theory, it was not
+carried out in practice consistently or universally. The
+two men most influential about the canon were Jerome and
+Augustine; the one representing its Palestinian, the other
+its Alexandrian type. After them no legal or commanding
+voice fixed either, to the absolute exclusion of its rival.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">b</span></span>) The charge of Constantine to Eusebius to make out
+a list of writings for the use of the Church and its performance
+may be considered as that which first put the subject
+on a broad and permanent basis. Its consequences were
+important. If it cannot be called the completion or close
+of the New Testament canon, it determined it largely.
+Eusebius made a Greek Bible containing the usual books,
+except the Revelation. Though the historian of the church
+was not well fitted for the task, being deficient in critical
+ability and trammeled by tradition, he doubtless used his
+best judgment. Hence, about the year 337, the Constantinian
+Church received a Bible which had an influential origin.
+No binding authority indeed attached to the list of the
+Christian books it presented; but it had weight in the Greek
+Church. It did not prevent different opinions, nor deter
+individuals from dissent. Thus Athanasius, who disliked
+Eusebius and his party, issued a list of the sacred writings
+which included the Revelation. The canon of the Laodicean
+Council (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 363) agreed with the Constantine one.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+That variations still existed in the Eastern Church is
+shown by the lists which vied with one another in precedence.
+The apostolic canons adopted the seven general
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page120">[pg 120]</span><a name="Pg120" id="Pg120" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+epistles, while the apostolic constitutions excluded them.
+The Alexandrian MS. added to the ordinary books of the
+New Testament, Clement's two epistles; and Cosmas Indicopleustes
+omitted the general epistles as well as the Apocalypse.
+At length the Council of Constantinople, usually
+called the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Trullan</span></span>
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 692), laid down positions that fixed
+the canon for the Greek Church. The endeavor in it was
+to attain to a conclusion which should unite East and West.
+This council did not enumerate the separate books, but referred
+to older authorities, to the eighty-five canons of the
+apostles, the decrees of the synods of Laodicea, Ephesus,
+Carthage, and others; to Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus,
+Amphliochius of Iconium, Cyril of Alexandria, Gennadius,
+&amp;c. After the fourth century there was a general desire to
+fall back on apostolic times, to appeal to the Church, to ascertain
+the opinion of synods or assemblies; in a word, to
+rely on authority.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Less discrepancy and activity were manifested about the
+canon in the Western Church. Here the chief doubts were
+directed to the epistle to the Hebrews and the seven general
+ones. The former was early excluded, and continued to be
+so even in the time of Jerome. The latter were adopted
+much sooner. The impulse given by Constantine to determine
+the books of Scripture re-acted on the West, where
+the Church considered it its own privilege. Augustine's
+influence contributed much to the settlement of the question.
+The synods of Hippo (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 393) and of Carthage
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 397) received the epistle to the Hebrews and the
+seven general ones, thus fixing the New Testament canon
+as it now is. In 419 the African bishops, in the presence
+of a Papal delegate, repeated their former decision. After
+the West Goths joined the Catholic Church in the sixth
+century, the Romish and Spanish Churches gave prominence
+to the fact of accepting both the Apocalypse and the epistle
+to the Hebrews. The canon of the West was now virtually
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page121">[pg 121]</span><a name="Pg121" id="Pg121" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+closed; the fourth Council of Toledo (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 632) at which
+Isidore was present, agreeing with the Augustinian list,
+ratified as that list had been by Innocent the First. The
+reception of the epistle to the Hebrews was facilitated by the
+objections of the Arians and Semiarians; while opposition
+to the Priscillianists in Spain strengthened adherence to the
+traditional canon. Augustine and the Trullan Council fixed
+the number of the New Testament books as they are now.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+With regard to the Bible canon in general, we see that
+councils had weight when they enumerated the sacred
+books; that prominent teachers delivered their opinion on
+the subject with effect, and that tradition contributed to one
+result; but no general council closed the canon once for all,
+till that of Trent promulgated its decrees. This body, however,
+could only settle the subject for Romanists, since,
+while the right of private judgment is exercised, no corporation
+can declare some books inspired and others not,
+some authoritative in matters of faith, others not, without
+presumption. Though the present Bible canon rests upon
+the judgment of good and learned men of different times, it
+can never be finally or infallibly settled, because the critical
+powers of readers differ, and all do not accept church
+authority with unhesitating assent.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is the way of men to defer unduly to the opinions expressed
+by synods and councils, especially if they be propounded
+dogmatically; to acquiesce in their decisions with
+facility rather than institute independent inquiry. This is
+exemplified in the history of the canon, where the fallibility
+of such bodies in determining canonicity is conspicuous.
+It is so in the general reception of the book of Esther, while
+the old poem, the Song of Songs, was called in question at
+the synod of Jamnia; in the omission of the Revelation
+from the canonical list by many belonging to the Greek
+Church, while the epistles to Timothy and Titus were received
+as St. Paul's from the beginning almost universally.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page122">[pg 122]</span><a name="Pg122" id="Pg122" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc21" id="toc21"></a>
+<a name="pdf22" id="pdf22"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter X. The Canon In The Confession Of Different
+Churches.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The second Helvetic Confession (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 1566) speaks of
+the apocryphal books of the Old Testament as those
+which the ancients wished to be read in the churches, but
+not as authoritative in matters of faith.<a id="noteref_375" name="noteref_375" href="#note_375"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">375</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Gallic Confession (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 1559) makes a distinction
+between canonical and other books, the former being the
+rule and norm of faith, not only by the consent of the
+Church, but much more by the testimony and intrinsic persuasion
+of the Spirit, by whose suggestions we are taught
+to distinguish them from other ecclesiastical books, which,
+though useful, are not of the kind that any article of faith
+can be constituted by them.<a id="noteref_376" name="noteref_376" href="#note_376"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">376</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Belgic Confession (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 1561) makes a distinction
+between the sacred and apocryphal books. The latter may
+be read by the Church, but no doctrine can be derived from
+them. In the list of New Testament books given there are
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fourteen</span></em> epistles of Paul.<a id="noteref_377" name="noteref_377" href="#note_377"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">377</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon of the Waldenses must have coincided at first
+with that of the Roman Church; for the Dublin MS. containing
+the New Testament has attached to it the Book of
+Wisdom and the first twenty-three chapters of Sirach; while
+the Zurich codex of the New Testament has marginal
+references to the Apocrypha; to Judith, Tobit, 4 Esdras,
+Wisdom, Sirach, and Susanna. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nobla Leyczon</span></span> containing
+a brief narration of the contents of the Old and New
+Testaments confirms this opinion. It opposes, however,
+the old law to the new, making them antagonistic. The
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page123">[pg 123]</span><a name="Pg123" id="Pg123" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+historical document containing the articles of <span class="tei tei-q">“The Union
+of the Valleys,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 1571, separates indeed the canonical
+and apocryphal books, purporting to be founded on a Confession
+of Faith as old as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 1120; but the latter is
+mythical, as appears from a comparison of it with the epistle
+which the legates of the Waldensians gave to Œcolampadius.
+The articles of that <span class="tei tei-q">“Union”</span> are copied from
+Morel's account of his transactions with Œcolampadius and
+Bucer in 1530. The literature of this people was altered by
+Hussite influences and the Reformation; so that though
+differing little from the Romanists at first except in ecclesiastical
+discipline, they diverged widely afterwards by
+adopting the Protestant canon and doctrines.<a id="noteref_378" name="noteref_378" href="#note_378"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">378</span></span></a> Hence, the
+Confession issued in 1655 enumerates as Holy Scripture
+nothing but the Jewish Palestinian canon, and the usual
+books of the New Testament.<a id="noteref_379" name="noteref_379" href="#note_379"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">379</span></span></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon of the Anglican Church (1562), given in the
+sixth article of religion, defines holy Scripture to be <span class="tei tei-q">“those
+canonical books of the Old and New Testament, of whose
+authority was never any doubt in the Church.”</span> After giving
+the names and number of the canonical books, the article
+prefaces the apocryphal ones with, <span class="tei tei-q">“And the other books
+(as Hierome saith) the Church doth read for example of
+life and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply
+them to establish any doctrine? Such are these following,”</span>
+&amp;c., &amp;c. At the end it is stated that <span class="tei tei-q">“all the books of the
+New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive
+and account them canonical.”</span> The article is ambiguous.
+If the canonical books enumerated are those meant
+in the phrase <span class="tei tei-q">“of whose authority was never any doubt in
+the Church,”</span> the statement is incorrect. If a distinction is
+implied between the canonical books and such canonical
+ones as have never been doubted in the Church, the meaning
+is obscure. In either case the language is not explicit.
+</p>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page124">[pg 124]</span><a name="Pg124" id="Pg124" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Scottish or Westminster Confession of Faith gives a
+list of all the books of the Old and New Testaments as the
+Word of God written; adding that those called the apocrypha
+are not of divine inspiration, and no part of the canon,—of
+no authority in the Church, nor to be approved or
+made use of otherwise than human writings.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Roman Catholic canon was finally determined at the
+Council of Trent (1546), which adopted all the books in the
+Vulgate as sacred and canonical, without distinction. Third
+and fourth Esdras, third Maccabees, and the prayer of
+Manasseh were not included; though the first and last appeared
+in the original Clementine edition of 1592, but apart
+from the canonical books. They are not in the Sixtine
+edition of 1590.<a id="noteref_380" name="noteref_380" href="#note_380"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">380</span></span></a> A council at Florence in 1441 had set the
+example which was followed at Trent. But this stringent
+decree did not prevent individual Catholics from making a
+distinction between the books, in assuming a first and second
+canon or proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books; as
+did Sixtis Senensis, B. Lamy, Anton a matre Dei, Jahn,
+and others; though it is hardly consistent with orthodox
+Catholicism or the view of those who passed the decree.
+When the writings are said to be of different authority—some
+more, others less—the intent of the council is violated.
+The Vatican council (1870) confirmed the Tridentine
+decree respecting the canon.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The Greek Church, after several ineffectual attempts to
+uphold the old distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical
+books by Metrophanes Critopulus patriarch of
+Alexandria in 1625, and Cyril Lucaris patriarch of Constantinople
+(1638 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span>),<a id="noteref_381" name="noteref_381" href="#note_381"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">381</span></span></a> came to the same decision with the
+Romish, and canonized all the apocrypha. This was done
+at a Jerusalem synod under Dositheus in 1672.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page125">[pg 125]</span><a name="Pg125" id="Pg125" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc23" id="toc23"></a>
+<a name="pdf24" id="pdf24"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter XI. The Canon From Semler To The Present Time,
+With Reflections On Its Readjustment.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Semler<a id="noteref_382" name="noteref_382" href="#note_382"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">382</span></span></a>
+was the most conspicuous scholar after the
+Reformation who undertook to correct the prevailing
+ideas respecting the canon. Acquainted with the works of
+Toland and Morgan, he adopted some of their views, and
+prosecuted his inquiries on their lines chiefly in relation to
+the New Testament. He had no definite principles to guide
+him, but judged books chiefly by their christian value and
+use to the Church. Though his views are sometimes one-sided
+and his essays ill-digested, he placed the subject in
+new lights, and rendered a service to truth which bore
+abundant fruit in after years.<a id="noteref_383" name="noteref_383" href="#note_383"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">383</span></span></a> He dealt tradition severe
+blows, and freed theology from the yoke of the letter. He
+was followed by his disciple Corrodi, by G. L. Oeder, J. D.
+Michaelis, Herder, Lessing, and Eichhorn,—most of whom
+recommended their views by a freshness of style which
+Semler did not command. The more recent works of Gesenius,
+De Wette, Zunz, Ewald, Hitzig, Geiger and Herzfeld
+have contributed to form a juster opinion of the true position
+which the books of the Bible occupy.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the New Testament, the writings of F. C. Baur have
+opened up a new method of investigating the canon, which
+promises important and lasting results. Proceeding in the
+track of Semler, he prosecuted his researches into primitive
+Christianity with great acuteness and singular power of
+combination. Though his separation of Petrine and Pauline
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page126">[pg 126]</span><a name="Pg126" id="Pg126" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+christianity is not new, he has applied it in ways which
+neither Toland nor Morgan was competent to manage.
+These writers perceived the difference between the leading
+principle of the twelve and that of Paul, they had some far-seeing
+glimpses of the origin and differences of the New
+Testament writings,<a id="noteref_384" name="noteref_384" href="#note_384"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">384</span></span></a> but they propounded them in an
+unsystematic way along with untenable conjectures. It was
+reserved for the Tübingen professor to elaborate the hypothesis
+of an Ebionite or primitive christianity in contra-distinction
+from a Pauline, applying it to the origin and
+constitution of christian literature; in a word, to use a
+<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">tendenz-kritik</span></span>
+for opening up the genius of the sacred
+writings as well as the stages of early christianity out of
+which they arose. The head of the Tübingen school, it is
+true, has carried out the antagonism between the Petrine
+and Pauline christians too rigorously, and invaded the
+authenticity of the sacred writings to excess; for it is hazardous
+to make a theory extremely stringent to the comparative
+neglect of modifying circumstances, which, though
+increasing the difficulty of criticism, contribute to the
+security of its processes. Yet he has properly emphasized
+internal evidence; and many of his conclusions about the
+books will stand. He has thrown much light on the original
+relations of parties immediately after the origin of
+Christianity, and disturbed an organic unity of the New
+Testament which had been merely <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">assumed</span></em> by traditionalists.
+The best Introductions to the New Testament must accept
+them to some extent. The chief characteristic of the school
+is the application of historic criticism to the genesis of the
+New Testament writings, irrespective of tradition—a striving
+to discover the circumstances or tendencies out of which
+the books originated. Baur's
+<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">tendenz</span></span>-principle judiciously
+applied cannot but produce good results.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+We have seen that sound critical considerations did not
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page127">[pg 127]</span><a name="Pg127" id="Pg127" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+regulate the formation of the three collections which made
+up the entire canon of the Old Testament. Had it been so,
+the Pentateuch would not have been attributed to Moses.
+Neither would a number of latter prophecies have been accepted
+as Isaiah's and incorporated with the prophet's
+authentic productions. All the Proverbs, the book of Ecclesiastes,
+and the Song of Songs would not have been
+assigned to Solomon; Jonah would have been separated
+from the prophets, and Daniel must have had a later position
+in the Hagiographa. We cannot, therefore, credit the
+collectors or editors of the books with great critical sagacity.
+But they did their best in the circumstances, preserving invaluable
+records of the Hebrew people. In like manner, it
+has appeared, that the ecclesiastics to whom we owe the
+New Testament collection were not sharp-sighted in the
+literature with which they had to do. It is true that well-founded
+doubts were entertained by the early Christians
+about several portions, such as the second Epistle of Peter,
+the Epistle to the Hebrews, &amp;c., but the Revelation was
+needlessly discredited. They accepted without hesitation
+the pastoral epistles as Pauline, but doubted some of the
+Catholic Epistles, which bear the impress of authenticity
+more strongly, such as James. It is therefore incorrect to
+say that 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, James, Jude, Epistle to the
+Hebrews, and the Apocalypse <span class="tei tei-q">“have been received into the
+canon on evidence less complete”</span> than that belonging to
+the others. The very general admission of the fourth gospel
+as the apostle John's, is a curious example of facile
+traditionalism. Biblical criticism, however, scarcely existed
+in the first three centuries. It is for us to set the subject in
+another light, because our means of judging are superior.
+If the resources of the early fathers were inadequate to
+the proper sifting of a copious literature, they should be
+mildly judged.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The question of the canon is not settled. It is probably
+the work of successive inquirers to set it on a right basis,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page128">[pg 128]</span><a name="Pg128" id="Pg128" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and adjust the various parts in a manner consistent with
+historic criticism, sound reason, and religion. The absolute
+and relative worth of books; the degrees in which they
+regulate ethics and conduct; their varying values at the
+times of their first appearance and our own; their places in
+the general history of human progress—all these must be
+determined before the documents of Judaism and Christianity
+be classified aright. Their present arrangement is
+external. Based on no interior principle, it furnishes little
+help toward a thorough investigation of the whole. Those
+who look upon the question as historical and literary take
+a one-sided view. It has a theological character also. It
+needs the application, not only of historic criticism, but the
+immediate consciousness belonging to every Christian. The
+two Testaments should be separated, and their respective
+positions assigned to each—the Old having been preparatory
+to the New. Should it be said bluntly, as it is in the 7th
+Article of the Anglican Church, that the Old is not contrary
+to the New Testament? Luther at least expressed his
+opinion of the difference between them pretty clearly;<a id="noteref_385" name="noteref_385" href="#note_385"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">385</span></span></a>
+though the theologians of Germany after him evinced a desire
+to minimise the difference.<a id="noteref_386" name="noteref_386" href="#note_386"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">386</span></span></a> Should the general
+opinion of the Protestant Church that the authority of the Old
+Testament is not subordinate to that of the New, be rigidly
+upheld? According to one aspect of the former it may be
+so, viz., its prophetic and theological aspect, that in which
+it is brought into close union with the latter; the essence
+of the one being foreshadowed or implied in the other, as
+Justin Martyr supposed. And this view has never lost
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page129">[pg 129]</span><a name="Pg129" id="Pg129" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+supporters, who by the help of double senses, types, and
+symbols, with assumed prediction of the definite and distant
+future, transform the old dispensation into an outline picture
+of the new; taking into it a body of divinity which is alien
+from its nature. According to another aspect, viz., the
+moral and historical, the equality can scarcely be allowed.
+Schleiermacher is right in saying that the Old Testament
+seems to be nothing but a superfluous authority for doctrine;
+an opinion coinciding with that of the early Socinians, who
+held that it has a historical, not a dogmatic, value. Only
+such of our pious emotions as are of a general nature are
+accurately reflected in the Old Testament; and all that is
+most decidedly Jewish is of least value to christians. The
+alleged coincidence of the Old Testament with the New
+must be modified by the doctrine of development. It has
+been fostered by types and prophecies supposed to refer to
+christian times; by the assumed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">dictation</span></em> of all Scripture by
+the Holy Spirit; by fancied references of the one dispensation
+to the other; by the confounding of a Jewish Messiah
+sketched in various prophets, with Jesus Christ, as if the
+latter had not changed, exalted and purified the Messianic
+idea to suit his sublime purposes of human regeneration.
+The times and circumstances in which the Old Testament
+Scriptures appeared, the manners, usages, civilization, intellectual
+and moral stage of the Semitic race combine to
+give them a lower position than that of the New Testament
+books which arose out of a more developed perception
+of the relations between God and men. Spiritual apprehension
+had got beyond Jewish particularism, especially
+in the case of the apostle Paul, who gave the new religion
+a distinct vitality by severing it from its Jewish
+predecessor.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The agreement of the New Testament books with themselves
+must be modified by the same doctrine of development.
+Jewish and Pauline christianity appear in different works,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page130">[pg 130]</span><a name="Pg130" id="Pg130" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+necessarily imparting a difference of views and expression;
+or they are blended in various degrees, as in the epistles to
+the Hebrews and the first of Peter. Hence, absolute harmony
+cannot be looked for. If the standpoints of the writers
+were so diverse, how can their productions coincide? The
+alleged coincidence can only be intersected with varieties
+proportioned to the measures in which the authors possessed
+the Spirit of God. These varieties affect the matter as well
+as the manner of the writings. It is therefore unphilosophical
+to treat the Bible as a whole which was dictated
+by the Spirit and directed to one end. Its uniformity is
+chequered with variety; its harmony with disagreement.
+It is a bundle of books; a selection from a wider literature,
+reflecting many diversities of religious apprehension. After
+the two Testaments have been rightly estimated according
+to their respective merits, the contents of each should be
+duly apportioned—internal evidence being the test of their
+relative importance, irrespective of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a priori</span></span> assumptions.
+Their traditional origin and authority must be subordinated
+to the inherent value they bear, or the conformity of the
+ideas to the will of God. The gradual formation of both
+canons suggests an analysis of the classes into which they
+came to be put; for the same canonical dignity was not attributed
+by the Jews to the books contained in the three
+divisions; and the controverted writings of the New Testament
+found gradual recognition very slowly. Luther made
+important distinctions between the canonical books;<a id="noteref_387" name="noteref_387" href="#note_387"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">387</span></span></a> and
+Carlstadt put the Antilegomena of the New Testament on
+a par with the Hagiographa of the Old.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the Old Testament the three classes or canons have
+been generally estimated by the Jews according to their respective
+antiquity; though the sacrificial worship enjoined
+in the Pentateuch never formed an essential part of the
+Jewish religion; the best prophets having set small value
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page131">[pg 131]</span><a name="Pg131" id="Pg131" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+upon it. The pure monotheistic doctrine of these last writers,
+chiefly contained in the second canon, lifts that class up
+to the highest rank; yet the Decalogue in the Pentateuch
+is sufficient to stamp the first canon with great worth. It
+must be confessed, however, that the Mosaic law was meagre,
+in the domain of pure ethics; and that it promoted
+among the people a slavish spirit of positivism by laying
+more stress on acts than dispositions, and insisting on small
+regulations. For this reason, the prophets combated its
+narrow externality. The three canons were regarded with
+a degree of veneration corresponding to the order in which
+they stand. To apportion their respective values to the
+individual parts of them is a difficult task.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+As to the New Testament writings, we think that some
+of them might conveniently occupy the position of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">deutero-canonical</span></em>,
+equivalent to those of the Old Testament having
+that title. We allude to 2 and 3 John, Jude, James, 2 Peter,
+the Revelation. It is true that a few of these were prior in
+time to some of the universally-received gospels or epistles;
+but time is not an important factor in a good classification.
+Among the Pauline epistles themselves, classification might
+be adopted; for the pastoral letters are undoubtedly post-Pauline,
+and inferior to the authentic ones. In classifying
+the New Testament writings, three things might be considered—the
+reception they met with from the first, their
+authenticity, above all, their internal excellence. The
+subject is not easy, because critics are not universally
+agreed about the proper rank and authenticity of a few
+documents. The Epistle to the Colossians, for example,
+creates perplexity; that to the Ephesians is less embarrassing,
+its post-Pauline origin being tolerably clear.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+What is wanted is a rational historic criticism to moderate
+the theological hypothesis with which the older Protestants
+set out, the supernatural inspiration of the books, their internal
+inseparability, and their direct reference to the work
+of salvation. It must be allowed that many points are independent
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page132">[pg 132]</span><a name="Pg132" id="Pg132" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of dogmatics; and that the right decision in things
+historical may be reached apart from any ecclesiastical
+standpoint.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Again, should the distinction between the apocryphal and
+canonical books of the Old Testament be emphasized as it
+is by many? Should a sharp line be put between the two,
+as though the one class, with the period it belonged to, were
+characterized by the errors and anachronisms of its history;
+the other by simplicity and accuracy; the one, by books
+written under fictitious names; the other, by the power to
+distinguish truth from falsehood or by honesty of purpose?
+Should the one be a sign of the want of truthfulness and
+discernment; the other, of religious simplicity? Can this
+aggregation of the Apocrypha over against the Hagiographa,
+serve the purpose of a just estimate? Hardly so; for
+some of the latter, such as Esther and Ecclesiastes, cannot
+be put above Wisdom, 1st Maccabees, Judith, Baruch, or
+Ecclesiasticus. The doctrine of immortality, clearly expressed
+in the Book of Wisdom, is not in Ecclesiastes;
+neither is God once named in the Book of Esther as author
+of the marvelous deliverances which the chosen people are
+said to have experienced. The history narrated in 1st
+Maccabees is more credible than that in Esther. It is therefore
+misleading to mark off all the apocryphal works as
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">human</span></em> and all the canonical ones as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">divine</span></em>. The divine and
+the human elements in man are too intimately blended to
+admit of such separation. The best which he produces
+partakes of both. The human element still permeates them
+as long as God speaks through man; and He neither dictates
+nor speaks otherwise. In the attributes claimed for
+the canonical books no rigid line can be drawn. It may be
+that the inspiration of their authors differed in degree; that
+the writer of Ecclesiastes, for example, was more philosophical
+than Jesus, son of Sirach; but different degrees of
+inspiration belong to the canonical writers themselves.
+Undue exaltation of the Hebrew canon does injustice to the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page133">[pg 133]</span><a name="Pg133" id="Pg133" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+wider Alexandrian one. Yet some still speak of <span class="tei tei-q">“the pure
+Hebrew canon,”</span> identifying it with that of the Church of
+England. We admit that history had become legendary,
+that it was written in an oratorical style by the Alexandrian
+Jews, and was used for didactic purposes as in Tobit and
+Judith. Gnomic poetry had survived in the book of Sirach;
+prophecy, in Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah, though
+here the language is already prosaic. Imitation is too observable
+in the matter and manner of the Apocrypha. They
+have parallels, however, among the Hagiographa, which
+originated in an age when the genuine breath of prophetic
+inspiration had ceased; when history and prophecy had
+degenerated; so that the transition from Esther and Malachi
+to Judith and Baruch, as also from Proverbs to Wisdom, is
+not great.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Talmudic</span></em> canon is generally adopted at the present
+day. It was not, however, universally received even by
+the Jews; for Esther was omitted out of it by those from
+whom Melito got his catalogue in Palestine; while Sirach
+was annexed to it as late as the beginning of the 4th century.
+Baruch was also added in several Jewish circles,
+doubtless on account of its supposed authorship. Thus
+<span class="tei tei-q">“the pure Hebrew canon”</span> was not one and the same among
+all Jews; and therefore the phrase is misleading. Neither
+is it correct to say that it is the only canon distinctly recognized
+during the first four centuries, unless the usage of
+the early fathers be set over against their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">assumed</span></em> contrary
+judgment; nor can all who followed the Alexandrian canon
+be pronounced uncritical, including Origen himself. A
+stereotyped canon of the Old Testament, either among Jews
+or Christians of the first four centuries, which excluded all
+the apocryphal books and included all the canonical ones,
+cannot be shown. And in regard to <span class="tei tei-q">“the critical judgment”</span>
+of Jews and Christians in that period it is arbitrary
+to suppose that such as adopted the present canonical
+books alone were more discerning than others. They were
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page134">[pg 134]</span><a name="Pg134" id="Pg134" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+more traditional and conservative; their discriminating
+faculty not corresponding to the degree of their reliance
+on the past.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The aim of the inquirer should be to find from competent
+witnesses—from contemporaneous or succeeding writers of
+trustworthy character—the authors and ages of the biblical
+books. When evidence of this kind is not available as
+often happens, the only resource is the internal. The external
+evidence in favor of the canon is all but exhausted,
+and nothing of importance can be added to it now. Its
+strength has been brought out; its weakness has not been
+equally exhibited. The problem resolves itself into an examination
+of internal characteristics, which may be strong
+enough to modify or counterbalance the external. The
+latter have had an artificial preponderance in the past;
+henceforward they must be regulated by the internal. The
+main conclusion should be drawn from the contents of the
+books themselves. And the example of Jews and Christians,
+to whom we owe the Bible canon, shows that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">classification</span></em>
+is necessary. This is admitted both by Roman
+Catholic writers and orthodox Protestants. A gloss-writer
+on what is usually called the <span class="tei tei-q">“decree of Gratian,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the
+Bolognese canonist of the 12th century, remarks about the
+canonical books, <span class="tei tei-q">“all may be received but may not be held
+in the same estimation.”</span> John Gerhard speaks of a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">second
+order</span></em>, containing the books of the New Testament, about whose authors there
+were some doubts in the Church;<a id="noteref_388" name="noteref_388" href="#note_388"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">388</span></span></a> and
+Quenstedt similarly specifies <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">proto-canonical</span></em> and
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">deutero-canonical</span></em>
+New Testament books, or those of the first and
+second order.<a id="noteref_389" name="noteref_389" href="#note_389"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">389</span></span></a> What are degrees or kinds of inspiration
+assumed by many, but a tacit acknowledgment of the fact
+that books vary in intrinsic value as they are more or less
+impregnated with divine truth or differ in the proportion of
+the eternal and temporal elements which commingle in
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page135">[pg 135]</span><a name="Pg135" id="Pg135" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+every revealed religion? Doubtless the authors from whom
+the separate books proceeded, if discoverable, should be regarded;
+the inspiration of an Isaiah is higher than that of
+a Malachi, and an apostle is more authoritative than an
+evangelist; but the authors are often unknown. Besides,
+the process of redaction through which many of the writings
+passed, hinders an exact knowledge of authorship.
+In these circumstances the books themselves must determine
+the position they should occupy in the estimation of those
+who are looking at records of the past to help their spiritual
+life. And if it be asked, What principle should lie at the
+basis of a thorough classification? the answer is, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">normative
+element</span></em> contained in the sacred books. This is the
+characteristic which should regulate classification. The
+time when a book appeared, its author, the surrounding
+circumstances that influenced him, are of less consequence
+than its bearing upon the spiritual education of mankind.
+The extent of its adequacy to promote this end determines
+the rank. Such books as embody the indestructible essence
+of religion with the fewest accidents of time, place and
+nature—which present conditions not easily disengaged
+from the imperishable life of the soul, deserve the first
+rank. Whatever Scriptures express ideas consonant with
+the nature of God as a holy, loving, just and good Being—as
+a benevolent Father not willing the destruction of any
+of his children; the Scriptures presenting ideas of Him
+consistent with pure reason and man's highest instincts,
+besides such as set forth our sense of dependence on the
+infinite; the books, in short, that contain a revelation from
+God with least admixture of the human conditions under
+which it is transmitted—these belong to the highest class.
+If they lead the reader away from opinion to practice,
+from dogma to life, from non-doing to obedience to the
+law of moral duty, from the notion that everything in salvation
+has been done for him to the keeping of the commandments,
+from particularist conceptions about the divine
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page136">[pg 136]</span><a name="Pg136" id="Pg136" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+mercy to the widest belief of its overshadowing presence—such
+books of Scripture are in that same proportion to be
+ranked among the best. In regard to the Old Testament,
+conformity to Christ's teaching will determine rank; or,
+which is tantamount, conformity to that pure reason which
+is God's natural revelation in man; a criterion which assigns
+various ranks to such Scriptures as appeared among
+a Semite race at a certain stage of its development. In the
+New Testament, the words and precepts of Jesus have a
+character of their own, though it is very difficult to select
+them from the gospels. The supposition that the apostles'
+productions possess a higher authority than those of their
+disciples, is natural. But the immediate followers of
+Christ did not all stand on one platform. Differing from
+one another even in important principles, it is possible, if
+not certain, that some of their disciples' composition may
+be of higher value. The spirit of God may have wrought
+within the apostles generally with greater power and
+clearness than in other teachers; but its operation is conditioned
+not merely by outward factors but by individual
+idiosyncrasy; so that one who had not seen the Lord and
+was therefore not an apostle proper, may have apprehended
+his mind better than an immediate disciple. Paul stood
+above the primitive apostles in the extent to which he
+fathomed the pregnant sayings of Jesus and developed
+their latent germs. Thus the normative element—that
+which determines the varying degrees of authority belonging
+to the New Testament—does not lie in apostolic authorship
+but internal worth; in the clearness and power
+with which the divine Spirit enabled men to grasp the
+truth. By distinguishing the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">temporal</span></em> and the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eternal</span></em>
+in christianity, the writings necessarily rise or sink in
+proportion to these elements. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eternal</span></em> is the essence
+and gem of revealed truth. Perfectibility belongs only
+to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">temporal</span></em>; it cannot be predicated of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eternal</span></em>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The multitudinous collection of books contained in the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page137">[pg 137]</span><a name="Pg137" id="Pg137" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Bible is not pervaded by unity of purpose or plan, so as to
+make a good classification easy. Least of all is it dominated
+by such substantial unity as has been connected with
+one man; for the conception of a Messiah was never the
+national belief of Judaism, but a notion projected by
+prophets into the future to comfort the people in times of
+disaster; the forecasting of aspirations doomed to disappointment.
+From the collection presenting various degrees
+of intellectual and moral development, it is difficult to see
+a sufficient reason for some being canonized to the exclusion
+of better works which were relegated to the class of
+the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphal</span></em>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Mr. Jones's<a id="noteref_390" name="noteref_390" href="#note_390"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">390</span></span></a> statement that the primitive
+Christians are proper judges to determine what book is canonical, requires
+great modification, being too vague to be serviceable; for
+<span class="tei tei-q">“primitive Christians”</span> is a phrase that needs to be defined.
+How far do they extend? How much of the first
+and second centuries do they cover? Were not the primitive
+Christians divided in their beliefs? Did the Jewish
+and the Pauline ones unite in accepting the same writings?
+Not for a considerable time, until the means of ascertaining
+the real authors of the books and the ability to do so
+were lacking.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+As to the Old Testament, the Palestinian Jews determined
+the canonical books by gradually contracting the list and
+stopping it at a time when their calamities throwing them
+back on the past for springs of hope, had stiffened them
+within a narrow traditionalism; but their brethren in Egypt,
+touched by Alexandrian culture and Greek philosophy,
+received later productions into their canon, some of which
+at least are of equal value with Palestinian ones. In any
+case, the degree of authority attaching to the Biblical
+books grew from less to greater, till it culminated in a
+divine character, a sacredness rising even to infallibility.
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page138">[pg 138]</span><a name="Pg138" id="Pg138" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Doubtless the Jews of Palestine distinguished the canonical
+from the apocryphal or deutero-canonical books on grounds
+satisfactory to themselves; but their judgment was not infallible.
+A senate of Rabbis under the old dispensation
+might err, as easily as a synod of priests under the new.
+Though they may have been <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generally</span></em> correct, it must not
+be assumed that they were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">always</span></em> so. Their discernment
+may be commended without being magnified. The general
+feeling of leaning upon the past was a sound one, for the
+best times of Judaism had departed, and with them the
+most original effusions; yet the wave of Platonism that
+passed over Alexandria could not but quicken even the
+conservative mind of the Jew. Greek thought blended
+with echoes of the past, though in dulled form. Still a
+line had to be drawn in the national literature; and it was
+well drawn on the whole. The feeling existed that the
+collection must be closed with works of a certain period
+and a certain character; and it was closed accordingly,
+without preventing individuals from putting their private
+opinions over against authority, and dissenting.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+At the present day a new arrangement is necessary; but
+where is the ecclesiastical body bold enough to undertake
+it? And if it were attempted or carried out by non-ecclesiastical
+parties, would the churches approve or adopt
+the proceeding? We venture to say, that if some books be
+separated from the collection and others put in their place—if
+the classification of some be altered, and their authority
+raised or lowered—good will be done; the Bible will
+have a fairer degree of normal power in doctrine and
+morals, and continue to promote spiritual life. Faith in
+Christ precedes faith in books. Unless criticism be needlessly
+negative it cannot remove this time-honored legacy
+from the position it is entitled to, else the spiritual consciousness
+of humanity will rebel. While the subject is
+treated reverently, and the love of truth overrides dogmatic
+prejudices, the canon will come forth in a different form
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page139">[pg 139]</span><a name="Pg139" id="Pg139" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+from that which it has had for centuries—a form on which
+faith may rest without misgiving.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canon was a work of divine providence, because
+history, in a religious view, necessarily implies the fact.
+It was a work of inspiration, because the agency of the
+Holy Spirit has always been with the people of God as a
+principle influencing their life. It was not, however, the
+result of a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">special</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">peculiar</span></em> act of divine inspiration at any
+one time, but of a gradual illuminating process, shaped by
+influences more or less active in the divine economy.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The canonical authority of Scripture does not depend on
+any church or council. The early church may be cited as
+a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">witness</span></em> for it; that is all. Canonical authority lies in
+Scripture itself, and is inherent in the books so far as they
+contain a declaration of the divine will. Hence, there is
+truth in the statement of old theologians that the authority
+of Scripture is from God alone. It was the early church
+indeed that made the canon, selecting the books which appeared
+to have been written by apostles or apostolic men,
+and carrying over to them authority from alleged authenticity
+more than internal value. But the latter is the real
+index of authority; and God is the fountain from whom
+spiritual endowments proceed.<a id="noteref_391" name="noteref_391" href="#note_391"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">391</span></span></a>
+The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">canonicity</span></em> of the books
+is a distinct question from that of their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">authenticity</span></em>. The
+latter is a thing of historic criticism; the former of doctrinal
+belief. Their ecclesiastical authority rests on outward
+attestation; their normal, on faith and feeling.
+</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-back" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
+  <div id="footnotes" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+    <a name="toc25" id="toc25"></a>
+    <a name="pdf26" id="pdf26"></a>
+    <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Footnotes</span></h1>
+    <dl class="tei tei-list-footnotes"><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1" name="note_1" href="#noteref_1">1.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">κανών.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2" name="note_2" href="#noteref_2">2.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zur Geschichte des Kanons</span></span>,
+pp 3-68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_3" name="note_3" href="#noteref_3">3.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clement. Hom. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ap.
+Coteler</span></span>, vol. i. p. 608.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_4" name="note_4" href="#noteref_4">4.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stromata</span></span>,
+vi. 15, p. 803, ed. Potter.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_5" name="note_5" href="#noteref_5">5.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adv.
+Hæres.</span></span>, i. 95.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_6" name="note_6" href="#noteref_6">6.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap.</span></span> Euseb.
+H. E., v. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_7" name="note_7" href="#noteref_7">7.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De præscript. Hæreticorum</span></span>,
+chs. 12, 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_8" name="note_8" href="#noteref_8">8.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Comment.</span></span> in
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Mat.</span></span> iii. p. 916; ed. Delarue.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_9" name="note_9" href="#noteref_9">9.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">γραφαὶ
+κανόνος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_10" name="note_10" href="#noteref_10">10.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum
+historiam petinentia</span></span>, ed. Dupin, p. 168.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_11" name="note_11" href="#noteref_11">11.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">κανών.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_12" name="note_12" href="#noteref_12">12.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At the end of the
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Iambi ad Seleucum</span></span>, on the books of the New
+Testament, he adds, οὐτος ἀψευδέστατος κανὼν ἄν εἴη τῶν θεοπνεύστων γραφῶν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_13" name="note_13" href="#noteref_13">13.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prologus galeatus</span></span>
+in ii. Reg.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_14" name="note_14" href="#noteref_14">14.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Expos. in
+Symb. Apost.</span></span>, 37, p. 374, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_15" name="note_15" href="#noteref_15">15.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">κανονικός.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_16" name="note_16" href="#noteref_16">16.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἰδιωτικός and
+ἀκανόνιστος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_17" name="note_17" href="#noteref_17">17.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κανονιζόμενα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_18" name="note_18" href="#noteref_18">18.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Such as ἐνδιάθηκα, ὡρισμένα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_19" name="note_19" href="#noteref_19">19.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">κανονιζόμενα
+or κεκανονισμένα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_20" name="note_20" href="#noteref_20">20.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἀπόκρυφος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_21" name="note_21" href="#noteref_21">21.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orat. de Ordin.</span></span>,
+vol. ii. p. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_22" name="note_22" href="#noteref_22">22.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">גנז.
+The Jews applied the word <span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">genuzim</span></span>
+to books withdrawn from public use, whose contents were thought to be out of harmony
+with the doctrinal or moral views of Judaism when the canon was
+closed. See Fürst's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Der Kanon des alten Testaments</span></span>, p. 127, note;
+and Geiger's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Urschrift</span></span>, p. 201.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_23" name="note_23" href="#noteref_23">23.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">δεδημοσιευμένα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_24" name="note_24" href="#noteref_24">24.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">H. E. Il. 23, III. 3-16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_25" name="note_25" href="#noteref_25">25.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stromata</span></span>, lib. iii. p. 1134, ed.
+Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_26" name="note_26" href="#noteref_26">26.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prolog. ad Cant.,
+opp.</span></span>, vol. iii. p. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_27" name="note_27" href="#noteref_27">27.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">νόθος, ψευδεπίγραφος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_28" name="note_28" href="#noteref_28">28.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Suicer's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Thesaurus</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">s.v.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_29" name="note_29" href="#noteref_29">29.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Βιβλία ἀναγινωσκόμενα, libri ecclesiastici.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_30" name="note_30" href="#noteref_30">30.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In
+his epistle to Laeta he uses the epithet in its customary sense, of
+books unauthentic, not proceeding from the authors whose names
+they bear. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> vol. i. p. 877, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_31" name="note_31" href="#noteref_31">31.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Num. xxi. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_32" name="note_32" href="#noteref_32">32.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Joshua x.
+12, 13; 2 Sam. i. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_33" name="note_33" href="#noteref_33">33.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">2 Sam. viii. 16; 1 Kings iv. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_34" name="note_34" href="#noteref_34">34.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isaiah, xl.-lxvi.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_35" name="note_35" href="#noteref_35">35.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chap. xiv. 23-50,
+&amp;c. See Hilgenfeld's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Messias Judærorum</span></span>,
+p. 107.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_36" name="note_36" href="#noteref_36">36.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Buxtorf's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tiberias</span></span>, chap. x., p. 88, &amp;c.; and
+Herzfeld's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte
+des Volkes Israel</span></span>, vol. i. p. 380, &amp;c. Zwölfter Excursus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_37" name="note_37" href="#noteref_37">37.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter
+i.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_38" name="note_38" href="#noteref_38">38.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">על ידי.
+Does this mean <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for, instead of</span></em>, as Bloch understands it?
+Waehner inserts, to fill up the sense, <span class="tei tei-q">“some of which, however, were
+composed by;”</span> but this is far-fetched. See
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Antiquitates Ebræorum</span></span>,
+p. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_39" name="note_39" href="#noteref_39">39.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fol.
+15, 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_40" name="note_40" href="#noteref_40">40.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">פחכ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_41" name="note_41" href="#noteref_41">41.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Studien
+zur Geschichte der Sammlung der althebräischen Literatur</span></span>,
+p. 127, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_42" name="note_42" href="#noteref_42">42.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">vii. 12,
+συναγωγὴ γραμματέων, not ἡ συναγωγή.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_43" name="note_43" href="#noteref_43">43.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That the
+Scribes always adhered to the prohibition to write no religious
+laws and ordinances cannot be held, even in the face of the
+Talmudic saying, כוחכ הילכוה כשורף חורה (writers of Halacoth are like
+a burner of the law). This may apply to the late scribes or bookmen,
+not to the earlier. The greater part of Geiger's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Urschrift</span></span>
+is based on the opposite idea. As the reverence for former scholars increased,
+the Talmudic saying might be accepted. See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Temura</span></span>, 14 b.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_44" name="note_44" href="#noteref_44">44.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter
+ix. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_45" name="note_45" href="#noteref_45">45.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter
+ii. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_46" name="note_46" href="#noteref_46">46.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Antiq.
+xii. 10, 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_47" name="note_47" href="#noteref_47">47.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Josephus's
+Antiq., xiii. 5, 8; 1 Maccab., xii. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_48" name="note_48" href="#noteref_48">48.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">1 Maccab., xiii. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_49" name="note_49" href="#noteref_49">49.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sota, 24
+a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_50" name="note_50" href="#noteref_50">50.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">מבינים, Nehemiah viii. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_51" name="note_51" href="#noteref_51">51.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Talmudic
+tradition, which attributes the redaction of the book to
+the men of the great synagogue who are said to have acted under the
+influence of the divine spirit, separates the three apocryphal pieces
+from the rest; but this arose from the desire of discountenancing the
+idea that the work consists of romance and legend. Such later tradition
+took curious ways of justifying the canonicity of Daniel and the
+redaction of it by the great synagogue, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ex gr.</span></span>, the assumption that
+the second part arose out of a series of unconnected
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">Megiloth</span></span> which
+were not reduced to chronological order. Still the Midrash maintains
+that Daniel, or the person writing in his name, was no prophet, like
+Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, but a man of visions, an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">apocalyptist</span></em>.
+It was a general belief, that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">visions</span></em> had come into the place of
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">prophecy</span></em> when the book appeared. The Greek translation could not have
+been long after the original, because it is used in the First Book of
+Maccabees. The interval between the Hebrew and the Greek was inconsiderable.
+The translator not only departed from, but added to,
+the original, inserting such important pieces as the Prayer of Azarias,
+the Song of the Three Children, the history of Susanna, and that of
+Bel and the Dragon. Whether any of these had been written before
+is uncertain. Most of the traditions they embody were probably reduced
+to writing by the translator, and presented in his peculiar style.
+The assertion, that Josephus was unacquainted with these additions is
+hazardous, since the way in which he speaks of Daniel's fame (Antiq.
+x. 11, 7), and especially of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the books</span></em> he wrote (τὰ βιβλία), supposes
+some relation to them. Elsewhere he speaks of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one book</span></em> (x. 10, 4;
+xi. 8, 5), where he may have thought of the canonical part.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_52" name="note_52" href="#noteref_52">52.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">פתוביס,
+translated by the Greek ἁγιόγραφα, hagiographa.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_53" name="note_53" href="#noteref_53">53.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It has
+been thought that the phrase פעלי אמפות in the ninth verse
+alludes to the great council or synagogue. This conjecture is plausible
+on various grounds. The reasons for attributing the epilogue to
+a later time than the writer of the book appear to be stronger than
+those assigning it to the original author. The 13th and 14th verses
+in particular, are unlike Coheleth.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_54" name="note_54" href="#noteref_54">54.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">τὰ
+ἀλλα πάτρια βιβλία; τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν βιβλίων. The younger Sirach
+does not use γραφαὶ, which would have been a proper translation of
+<span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>.
+Does not this ἀλλα imply the non-application of the specific
+title <span lang="he" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="he"><span style="font-style: italic">c'tubim</span></span>
+to the hagiographa at that time, and therefore the idea
+that the third canon was still open?</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_55" name="note_55" href="#noteref_55">55.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contra Apion</span></span>,
+i. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_56" name="note_56" href="#noteref_56">56.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Maaser Sheni,
+Sota 24. 1, the duumvirate or suggoth, consisting
+of the president, Nasi, and vice-president, Ab-beth-din, are referred
+to Hyrcanus's creation. Zunz affirms that it originated in the time of
+Simon, son of Mattathias, 142 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">b.c.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_57" name="note_57" href="#noteref_57">57.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Antiq., xiv., 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_58" name="note_58" href="#noteref_58">58.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Der gerichtliche Beweis</span></span>,
+p. 68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_59" name="note_59" href="#noteref_59">59.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Sanhedrim
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">properly so called</span></em> ceased under R. Judah I., Ha-Nasi,
+when the council of seventy members which sat at Sepphoris before
+his patriarchate, transferred its privileges to him, on his removal
+to that place. The court was then merged in the patriarch.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_60" name="note_60" href="#noteref_60">60.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ננוזים
+literally concealed, withdrawn from public use.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_61" name="note_61" href="#noteref_61">61.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Fürst's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Der Kanon des alten Testaments, u.s.w.</span></span> pp. 147, 148.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_62" name="note_62" href="#noteref_62">62.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tract. Sabbat.</span></span> ch. i.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_63" name="note_63" href="#noteref_63">63.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Because
+of its profane spirit and Epicurean ideas; see Adoyot v. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_64" name="note_64" href="#noteref_64">64.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Yadayim v. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_65" name="note_65" href="#noteref_65">65.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Graetz's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Kohelet</span></span>, pp. 162, 163.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_66" name="note_66" href="#noteref_66">66.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
+sages wished to pronounce Coheleth apocryphal, because its
+statements are contradictory. And why have they not declared it
+apocryphal? Because it begins with words of the law, and ends with
+words of the law, for it opens with the words <span class="tei tei-q">“What advantage has
+man in all his labor wherewith he labors under the sun?”</span> &amp;c.,
+&amp;c.—Sabbat. 30 b.
+</p>
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+So also in the Midrash: <span class="tei tei-q">“The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth
+apocryphal,”</span> &amp;c., &amp;c.—Vayyikra rabba 161 b.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_67" name="note_67" href="#noteref_67">67.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">R. Simeon
+ben Asai said, <span class="tei tei-q">“I have received it from the mouth of
+the 72 elders in the day that R. Eleasar ben Asaria was appointed
+elder, that the Song of Songs and Coheleth pollute the hands.”</span>—Yadayim
+v. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_68" name="note_68" href="#noteref_68">68.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This language was
+based on a figurative interpretation of the Song.
+One who said, <span class="tei tei-q">“Whoever reads such writings as Sirach and the
+later books loses all part in everlasting life,”</span> can have no weight.
+He outheroded the Palestinian tradition respecting the Jewish productions
+of later origin, which merely affirms that they <span class="tei tei-q">“do not pollute
+the hands.”</span>—(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Toss. Yadayim</span></span>, c. 2)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_69" name="note_69" href="#noteref_69">69.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Studien
+zur Geschichte, u. s. w.</span></span>, p. 150, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_70" name="note_70" href="#noteref_70">70.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Geiger's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Urschrift</span></span>, p. 288.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_71" name="note_71" href="#noteref_71">71.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See De Goeje in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Theologisch
+Tijdschriff Jaargang II.</span></span> (1868)
+p. 179, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_72" name="note_72" href="#noteref_72">72.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Zunz's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Die
+gottesdienstlichen Vorträge</span></span>, pp. 101, 102.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_73" name="note_73" href="#noteref_73">73.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 20, p. 124,
+ed. Ueltzen.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_74" name="note_74" href="#noteref_74">74.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dillmann, in
+the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Jahrbücher für deutsche Theologie, dritter Band</span></span>,
+p. 422.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_75" name="note_75" href="#noteref_75">75.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Antiq.</span></span>,
+x. 4, 5, and xi. 1-5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_76" name="note_76" href="#noteref_76">76.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">iv. 6,
+sec. 3, and vi. 2, sec. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_77" name="note_77" href="#noteref_77">77.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">xi. 8, sec.
+5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_78" name="note_78" href="#noteref_78">78.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Article <span class="tei tei-q">“Kanon”</span> in Herzog's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Encyklopædie</span></span>, vol. vii., p. 253; and
+the same author's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prolegomena zur Theologie des alt.
+Test.</span></span>, pp. 91, 92.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_79" name="note_79" href="#noteref_79">79.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Abulfatach's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Annal. Samar.</span></span>, p. 102, 9, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_80" name="note_80" href="#noteref_80">80.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Kirschbaum, Weisse,
+and Noack.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_81" name="note_81" href="#noteref_81">81.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Einleitung in das alte Testament</span></span>,
+vol. i. p. 133.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_82" name="note_82" href="#noteref_82">82.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De vita
+contemplativa</span></span>, Opp. Tom. ii., P. 475, ed. Mangey.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_83" name="note_83" href="#noteref_83">83.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Credner's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zur Geschichte des Kanons</span></span>, p. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_84" name="note_84" href="#noteref_84">84.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De mens. et
+pond.</span></span>, chapters 22, 23, vol. ii. p. 180, ed. Petav.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_85" name="note_85" href="#noteref_85">85.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baba Bathra</span></span>,
+fol. 14, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_86" name="note_86" href="#noteref_86">86.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Fürst, Der Kanon u. s. w. p.</span></span> 14, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_87" name="note_87" href="#noteref_87">87.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Studien zur Geschichte der
+alttestamentliche Literatur, u. s. w.</span></span>,
+p. 18, etc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_88" name="note_88" href="#noteref_88">88.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hody <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Bibliorum textibus
+originalibus</span></span>, p. 644.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_89" name="note_89" href="#noteref_89">89.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hody gives
+lists of the order in which the books stand in some
+early printed editions and in a few MSS., p. 645.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_90" name="note_90" href="#noteref_90">90.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Die Apokryphen,
+u. s. w.</span></span>, p. 14, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_91" name="note_91" href="#noteref_91">91.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Studien
+und Kritiken</span></span> for 1853, p. 267, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_92" name="note_92" href="#noteref_92">92.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A
+Scholastical History of the Canon</span></span>, p. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_93" name="note_93" href="#noteref_93">93.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Rothe, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zur
+Dogmatik, Studien u. Kritiken</span></span> for 1860, p. 67, &amp;c.
+The apostle's argument rests on the occurrence of the singular
+(<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">seed</span></em>, σπέρμα) in Genesis xvii. 8 (LXX.), not the plural
+(<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">seeds</span></em>, σπέρματα);
+though the plural of the corresponding Hebrew word could not have
+been used, because it has a different signification. Grammatical inaccuracy
+is made the basis of a certain theological interpretation. Those
+who wish to see a specimen of labored ingenuity unsuccessfully applied
+to the justification of St. Paul's argument in this passage, may
+consult Tholuck's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Das alte Testament
+in neuem Testament</span></span>, p. 63, etc.
+Vierte Auflage. (Epist. to the Galatians iii. 16.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_94" name="note_94" href="#noteref_94">94.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 202 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_95" name="note_95" href="#noteref_95">95.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Advers. Hares.</span></span>, v. 35,
+referring to Baruch iv. 36, and v. p. 335, ed.
+Massuet.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_96" name="note_96" href="#noteref_96">96.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, iv., 26, referring
+to Daniel xiii. 20 in the Septuagint.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_97" name="note_97" href="#noteref_97">97.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died
+220<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_98" name="note_98" href="#noteref_98">98.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pædagog.</span></span>
+vi. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_99" name="note_99" href="#noteref_99">99.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stromata</span></span>,
+ii. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_100" name="note_100" href="#noteref_100">100.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stromata</span></span>,
+iv. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_101" name="note_101" href="#noteref_101">101.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, ii. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_102" name="note_102" href="#noteref_102">102.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ex Script. prophet. eclogae</span></span>,
+c. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_103" name="note_103" href="#noteref_103">103.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stromateis</span></span>, ii. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_104" name="note_104" href="#noteref_104">104.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 264
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_105" name="note_105" href="#noteref_105">105.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Natura; Routh's
+Reliquiae Sacrae</span></span>, vol. iv. p. 356.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_106" name="note_106" href="#noteref_106">106.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Fragment. Nicet.</span></span>, in
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Reliq. Sacrae</span></span>, vol. ii. p. 404.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_107" name="note_107" href="#noteref_107">107.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 407.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_108" name="note_108" href="#noteref_108">108.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 406.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_109" name="note_109" href="#noteref_109">109.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epistola ad. Dionys. Roman</span></span>, in
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Reliq. Sacr.</span></span>, vol. iii. p. 195.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_110" name="note_110" href="#noteref_110">110.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Reliq.
+Sacr.</span></span>, vol. ii. p. 408.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_111" name="note_111" href="#noteref_111">111.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 220
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_112" name="note_112" href="#noteref_112">112.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Advers.
+Valentinianos.</span></span> ch. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_113" name="note_113" href="#noteref_113">113.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Exhortatione Castitatis</span></span>, ch.
+2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_114" name="note_114" href="#noteref_114">114.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contra
+Gnosticos</span></span>, ch. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_115" name="note_115" href="#noteref_115">115.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Habitu
+Muliebri</span></span>, ch. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_116" name="note_116" href="#noteref_116">116.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epist.</span></span>
+55, p. 110, ed. Fell.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_117" name="note_117" href="#noteref_117">117.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Orat.
+Domin.</span></span> p. 153.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_118" name="note_118" href="#noteref_118">118.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Exhortat.
+Martyrii</span></span>, ch. 12, p. 182.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_119" name="note_119" href="#noteref_119">119.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+Mortal</span></span>, p. 161.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_120" name="note_120" href="#noteref_120">120.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Orat.
+Domin.</span></span>, p. 141.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_121" name="note_121" href="#noteref_121">121.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Testim.</span></span> iii. 4, p.
+62.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_122" name="note_122" href="#noteref_122">122.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+Lapsis</span></span>, p. 133, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_123" name="note_123" href="#noteref_123">123.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adv.
+Noel.</span></span> v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_124" name="note_124" href="#noteref_124">124.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Migne's
+edition, p. 689, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_125" name="note_125" href="#noteref_125">125.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died after 171.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_126" name="note_126" href="#noteref_126">126.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap.</span></span> Euseb.
+H. E., lib. iv. ch. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_127" name="note_127" href="#noteref_127">127.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 254, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_128" name="note_128" href="#noteref_128">128.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap.</span></span>
+Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_129" name="note_129" href="#noteref_129">129.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Comment. in
+Joann.</span></span> tom. xxxii. ch. 14, ed. Huet. p, 409.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_130" name="note_130" href="#noteref_130">130.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contra Cels.</span></span> iii. 72;
+vol. i. p. 494, ed. Delarue.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_131" name="note_131" href="#noteref_131">131.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">In Exodus</span></span>, Hom. vi. i;
+Levit. Hom. v. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_132" name="note_132" href="#noteref_132">132.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">In
+Levit.</span></span>, Hom. xii. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_133" name="note_133" href="#noteref_133">133.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">In
+Lukam</span></span>, Hom. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_134" name="note_134" href="#noteref_134">134.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Oratione</span></span>, ii.
+p. 215.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_135" name="note_135" href="#noteref_135">135.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.
+ed</span></span> Delarue, vol. i. p. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_136" name="note_136" href="#noteref_136">136.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 311.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_137" name="note_137" href="#noteref_137">137.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Convivium decem virginum</span></span>,
+in Combefis's Auctarium bibliothecae Graecorum patrum, p.
+69.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_138" name="note_138" href="#noteref_138">138.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+p. 69.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_139" name="note_139" href="#noteref_139">139.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+p. 109.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_140" name="note_140" href="#noteref_140">140.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">τὰ λόγια.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap.</span></span> Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_141" name="note_141" href="#noteref_141">141.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Davidson's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Introduction to the Study of the N. Testam.</span></span> vol. x.
+p. 388.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_142" name="note_142" href="#noteref_142">142.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Explanatio in Epist.
+ad Titum</span></span>, vol. iv. p. 407, ed. Benedict.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_143" name="note_143" href="#noteref_143">143.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Die
+Valentinianische Gnosis und die heilige Schrift</span></span>, p. 75.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_144" name="note_144" href="#noteref_144">144.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A good
+deal of manipulation has been needlessly employed for the
+purpose of placing these heretics as early as possible; but nothing
+definite can be extracted from Irenæus's notices of them. Hippolytus's
+use of the present tense, in speaking of them, renders it probable
+that they were nearly his contemporaries.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_145" name="note_145" href="#noteref_145">145.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+the Indexes to Duncker and Schneidewin's edition.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_146" name="note_146" href="#noteref_146">146.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bibliotheca</span></span>, cod.
+232.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_147" name="note_147" href="#noteref_147">147.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is
+an unfounded assumption that Paul cited the passage by
+<span class="tei tei-q">“mere accident;”</span> on the contrary, he gives it as canonical, with <span class="tei tei-q">“as
+it is written”</span> (1 Corinth. ii. 9). It may be that the Gnostics are referred
+to as using the objectionable passage; but it is special pleading
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to limit</span></em> it to them, when Paul has expressly used the same, deriving
+it either from Isaiah lxiv. 4, or some unknown document; just as it is
+special pleading to identify ὁ κύριος standing beside
+νόμος καὶ προφῆται, with <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the New Testament</span></em>.
+The word excludes Paul's Epistles from
+the canon; nor is there any evidence to the contrary, as has been
+alleged, in the two Syriac epistles attributed to Clement, which Wetstein
+published. Comp. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eusebius's H. E.</span></span> iv. 22,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Photius's Bibliotheca</span></span>, 232. Apologists have labored to prove
+Hegesippus an orthodox Catholic Christian, like Irenæus; but in vain. He was a Jewish
+Christian of moderate type, holding intercourse with Pauline Christians
+at the time when the Catholic Church was being formed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_148" name="note_148" href="#noteref_148">148.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift</span></span> for 1875-1878.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_149" name="note_149" href="#noteref_149">149.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There
+is ἄπεστιν instead of the Septuagint's and Mark's (Tischend.) ἀπέχει.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_150" name="note_150" href="#noteref_150">150.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte
+Jesu von Nazara</span></span>, vol. 1, p. 144.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_151" name="note_151" href="#noteref_151">151.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Vision ii, 3, 4, with the
+prolegomena of De Gebhardt: and Harnack,
+p. lxxiii.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_152" name="note_152" href="#noteref_152">152.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Holtzmann in Hilgenfeld's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zeitschrift</span></span> for 1875, p. 40, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_153" name="note_153" href="#noteref_153">153.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Epist.
+ch. iv.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_154" name="note_154" href="#noteref_154">154.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter xii. pp.
+30, 31, ed. 2, Hilgenfeld.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_155" name="note_155" href="#noteref_155">155.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+Chapter xv. end, with Hilgenfeld's note, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Barnabae epistula ed.</span></span>
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">altera</span></span>, pp. 118, 119.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_156" name="note_156" href="#noteref_156">156.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epis.</span></span>
+p. 13 ed. Hilgenfeld.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_157" name="note_157" href="#noteref_157">157.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zeitschrift
+für wissenschaftliche Theologie</span></span>, 1871, P. 336, etc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_158" name="note_158" href="#noteref_158">158.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapters
+xvi. and iv. In the former the reference is to Enoch
+lxxxix. 56, 66, 67, but the latter is not in the present book of Enoch,
+though Hilgenfeld thinks he has discovered it in lxxxix. 61-64 and xc.
+17. (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dillmann's Das Buch Henoch</span></span>, pp. 61, 63). Was another
+apocryphal Jewish book current in the time of Barnabas, under the name of
+Enoch; or did he confound one document with another, misled by
+the Greek translation of an apocalyptic work which had fallen into
+discredit? See Hilgenfeld's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Barnabae Epistula</span></span>,
+ed. 2 pp. 77, 78.
+</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_159" name="note_159" href="#noteref_159">159.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter
+xi.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_160" name="note_160" href="#noteref_160">160.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hist. Eccles.</span></span>
+iii. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_161" name="note_161" href="#noteref_161">161.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A small
+body of literature originating in the fragment of Papias
+preserved by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. iii, 39, 1-4) has appeared;
+though it is difficult to obtain satisfactory conclusions. Not only have
+Weiffenbach and Leimbach written treatises on the subject, but other
+scholars have entered into it more or less fully,—Zahn, Steitz, Riggenbach,
+Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Keim, Martens, Loman, Holtzmann, Hausrath,
+Tietz, and Lightfoot. The fragment is not of great weight in
+settling the authenticity of the four gospels. Indirectly indeed it
+throws some light on the connection of two evangelists with written
+memoirs of the life of Jesus; but it rather suggests than solves various
+matters of importance. It is tolerably clear that the gospels, if such
+they may be called, of which he speaks as written by Matthew and
+Mark, were not identical with the works now existing under the names
+of these evangelists; and that no safe conclusion can be drawn from
+Papias's silence about John's and Luke's as not then in existence.
+Neither the present gospels nor any other had been converted into
+<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Scripture</span></em>; since he regarded oral traditions as more credible than
+written memoirs. Those who hold that the presbyter John was none
+other than the apostle, Eusebius having misunderstood the fragment
+and made a different John from the apostle, as well as the critics who
+deduce from the fragment the fact that John suffered martyrdom in
+Palestine, have not established these conclusions. Papias refers to
+the material he got for explaining the λογία, rather than the source
+whence they were drawn. But whether he learnt directly from the
+elders, or indirectly as the preposition (παρὰ) would seem to indicate,
+and whether the sentence beginning with <span class="tei tei-q">“What Andrew,”</span> &amp;c., (τί
+Ἀνδρέας κ. τ. λ.) stands in apposition to the <span class="tei tei-q">“words of the elders,”</span>
+(τούς τῶν πρεσβυτέρων λόγους) or not, are things uncertain.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_162" name="note_162" href="#noteref_162">162.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epist. ad Philadelph.</span></span>,
+ch. 5 See Hefele's note on the passage.
+The other well-known passage in chapter viii. is too uncertain in reading
+and meaning to be adduced here.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_163" name="note_163" href="#noteref_163">163.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter iii.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_164" name="note_164" href="#noteref_164">164.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">To the Ephesians,
+chapter xii.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_165" name="note_165" href="#noteref_165">165.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epist.
+ad Romanos</span></span>, iv.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_166" name="note_166" href="#noteref_166">166.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Testam. Benj.</span></span>
+11, p. 201, ed. Sinker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_167" name="note_167" href="#noteref_167">167.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zeitschrift
+für wissenschaftliche Theologie</span></span>, 1875, p. 490,
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">et seq.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_168" name="note_168" href="#noteref_168">168.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐν τόις
+ἀπομνημονέυμασαι, ἄ φημι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις
+παρακολουθησάντων συντετάχθαι. Sec. 103. Here <span class="tei tei-q">“the apostles”</span> are not
+necessarily Matthew and John. Apocryphal gospels then current bore
+the name of apostles or their attendants,—of Peter, James, Nicodemus,
+Matthias, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_169" name="note_169" href="#noteref_169">169.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Καὶ τὸ εἰπεῖν
+μετωνομακέναι αὐτὸν Πέτρον καὶ γεγράφθαι ἐν τοῖς ἀπομνημονεύμασαι
+αὐτοῦ γεγενημένον καὶ τοῦτο, μετὰ τοῦ καὶ, κ. τ. λ. Dial. cum Tryph.,
+106. Here the pronoun αὐτοῦ probably refers to Peter. And the expression
+<span class="tei tei-q">“his memoirs”</span> can hardly mean Mark's gospel, since Jerome
+is the first that calls it such.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_170" name="note_170" href="#noteref_170">170.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dialogus</span></span>,
+part ii., p. 315, ed. Thirlby. Comp. on Justin, Tjeenk-Willink's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Justinus Martyr in zijne Verhouding tot Paulus</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_171" name="note_171" href="#noteref_171">171.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Apolog.</span></span>
+i. 97, ed. Thirlby.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_172" name="note_172" href="#noteref_172">172.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hieronymi
+Prooem.</span></span> in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epist. ad Titum.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_173" name="note_173" href="#noteref_173">173.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. chap. xii., where γραφαί is applied to the apostolic
+epistles; a title they did not receive so early as the age of Polycarp. Zahn
+himself admits this.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_174" name="note_174" href="#noteref_174">174.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter xiv. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_175" name="note_175" href="#noteref_175">175.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter ii. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_176" name="note_176" href="#noteref_176">176.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Clementis Romani ad Corinthios quae discuntur epistulae, ed.
+de Gebhardt et Harnack</span></span>, 2., sec. 10, Prolegomena.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_177" name="note_177" href="#noteref_177">177.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Legat. pro Christ.</span></span>
+II, 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_178" name="note_178" href="#noteref_178">178.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>
+33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_179" name="note_179" href="#noteref_179">179.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chapter xviii.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_180" name="note_180" href="#noteref_180">180.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap.</span></span> Euseb.
+H. E., iv. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_181" name="note_181" href="#noteref_181">181.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap</span></span>.
+Euseb. H. E., v. 1, p. 144, ed. Bright.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_182" name="note_182" href="#noteref_182">182.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">θεῖος λόγος.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ad Autolycum</span></span>, iii. 14, p. 1141, ed Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_183" name="note_183" href="#noteref_183">183.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+ii. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_184" name="note_184" href="#noteref_184">184.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Epist. 151, ad Algasiam.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_185" name="note_185" href="#noteref_185">185.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Overbeck's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Studien
+zur Geschichte der alten Kirche, Abhandlung</span></span>
+I., in which the date of the letter is brought down till after Constantine.
+Surely this is too late.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_186" name="note_186" href="#noteref_186">186.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Davidson's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Introduction to the Study of the New Testament</span></span>, vol.
+ii. p. 508, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_187" name="note_187" href="#noteref_187">187.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">τὸ εὐαγγέλιον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_188" name="note_188" href="#noteref_188">188.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ὁ ἀπόστολος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_189" name="note_189" href="#noteref_189">189.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adves. Hæres.</span></span>,
+iv. 20, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_190" name="note_190" href="#noteref_190">190.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stromateis</span></span>,
+ii. 6, p. 965, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_191" name="note_191" href="#noteref_191">191.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, iv. 17, p. 1312.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_192" name="note_192" href="#noteref_192">192.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+i. 29, p. 928.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_193" name="note_193" href="#noteref_193">193.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Oratione</span></span>,
+cap. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_194" name="note_194" href="#noteref_194">194.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Pudicitia</span></span>,
+cap. 10-20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_195" name="note_195" href="#noteref_195">195.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">G. of St.
+Paul's epistles, a MS. of the ninth century according to
+Tischendorf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_196" name="note_196" href="#noteref_196">196.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Anger's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ueber den Laodicener Brief</span></span>, 1843.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_197" name="note_197" href="#noteref_197">197.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Fertur etiam ad Laudecences alia ad Alexandrinos Pauli nomine
+fincte ad hesem Marcionis el alia plura quæ in Catholicam ecclesiam
+recepi non potest.</span></span> Perhaps a comma should be put after
+<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">nomine</span></span>, and
+<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">fincte</span></span> joined to what follows, to the
+<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">alia plura</span></span>
+said to be forged in the interest of Marcion.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_198" name="note_198" href="#noteref_198">198.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Quarti evangeliorum Johannis ex discipulis cohortantibus
+condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit conjejunate mihi odie triduo el quid cuique
+fuerit revelatum alterutrum nobis ennarremus eadem nocte revelatum
+Andreæ ex apostolis ut recogniscentibus cunctis Johannis suo nomine
+cuncta discriberet.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_199" name="note_199" href="#noteref_199">199.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is printed
+and largely commented on by Credner in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte
+des neutestamentlichen Kanon</span></span> edited by Volkmar, p. 141, &amp;c.,
+and by Westcott <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">On the Canon</span></span>, Appendix C, p. 466, 2d edition. Many
+others have explained it; especially Hilgenfeld.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_200" name="note_200" href="#noteref_200">200.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">About
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span> 190.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_201" name="note_201" href="#noteref_201">201.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Euseb.</span></span>
+H. E. vi. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_202" name="note_202" href="#noteref_202">202.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tischendorf edited
+the Pauline epistles from this MS. Lipsiæ, 1852.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_203" name="note_203" href="#noteref_203">203.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died
+254 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_204" name="note_204" href="#noteref_204">204.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">τὰ
+ἐν τῇ διαθήκη βιβλία, ἐνδιάθηκα, ὁμολογούμενα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_205" name="note_205" href="#noteref_205">205.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In one place,
+however, he calls it <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">very useful and divinely inspired</span></em>.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Comment. in ep. ad Roman.</span></span>, xvi.
+14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_206" name="note_206" href="#noteref_206">206.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">νόθα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_207" name="note_207" href="#noteref_207">207.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Euseb, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hist. Eccles.</span></span>,
+vi. 25; iii. 25, ἀντιλεγόμενα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_208" name="note_208" href="#noteref_208">208.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Euseb. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">H. E.</span></span>
+vi. 25. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Comment. in Malth.</span></span>, iii. p. 463;
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 814; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Comment. in ep. ad Roman.</span></span>,
+iv. p. 683; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in Matth.</span></span>, iii. p. 644;
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Homil.</span></span> viii. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in Numb.</span></span>, ii. p. 294;
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contra Cels.</span></span>, i. 63, p. 378; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Principiis
+præf.</span></span>, i. p. 49. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span>, ed. Delarue.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_209" name="note_209" href="#noteref_209">209.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 340 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_210" name="note_210" href="#noteref_210">210.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hist. Eccles.</span></span>, iii. 25;
+also 31, 39; vi. 13, 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_211" name="note_211" href="#noteref_211">211.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ὁμολογούμενα,
+ἐνδιάθηκα, ἀναμφίλεκτα, ἀναντίρρητα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_212" name="note_212" href="#noteref_212">212.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἀντιλεγόμενα, γνώριμα δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς,
+ἐν πλείσταις ἐκκλησίαις δεδημοσιευμένα, νόθα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_213" name="note_213" href="#noteref_213">213.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἄτοπα πάντη καὶ δυσσεβῆ;
+παντελῶς νόθα (iii. 31).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_214" name="note_214" href="#noteref_214">214.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This
+last with the qualification εἴγε φανείη. In another place he
+states that it was rejected by some, and therefore it is also along with
+the ἀντιλεγόμενα or νόθα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_215" name="note_215" href="#noteref_215">215.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">μικτά.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_216" name="note_216" href="#noteref_216">216.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">νόθα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_217" name="note_217" href="#noteref_217">217.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">νοθεύομαι.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hist. Eccles.</span></span>, ii. 23. Christophorson, Schmid, and Hug
+think that Eusebius gave the opinion of others in this word: but it is
+more likely that he gave his own, as Valesius thinks. See the note in
+Schmid's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Historia antiqua et vindicatio Canonis, &amp;c.</span></span>, p.
+358.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_218" name="note_218" href="#noteref_218">218.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+vi. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_219" name="note_219" href="#noteref_219">219.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Weber's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Beiträge zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen
+Kanons</span></span>, p. 142, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_220" name="note_220" href="#noteref_220">220.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ὁμολογουμένη.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hist. Eccles.</span></span>, iii. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_221" name="note_221" href="#noteref_221">221.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adversus
+Hæres</span></span>, iii., II, 8. </dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_222" name="note_222" href="#noteref_222">222.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adv.
+Marc.</span></span> iv. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_223" name="note_223" href="#noteref_223">223.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De præscript.
+hæret.</span></span> c. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_224" name="note_224" href="#noteref_224">224.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De præscript.
+hæret.</span></span> c. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_225" name="note_225" href="#noteref_225">225.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles.</span></span>
+ii. 15 and vi. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_226" name="note_226" href="#noteref_226">226.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ignatius von
+Antiochien</span></span>, 1873; and Prolegomena to the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Patrum
+Apostolicorum opera</span></span>, by de Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, Fasciculus,
+ii.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_227" name="note_227" href="#noteref_227">227.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte des neutest.
+Kanon</span></span>, p. 217, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_228" name="note_228" href="#noteref_228">228.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Constit. Apostol.</span></span>, p. 67, ed Ueltzen.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_229" name="note_229" href="#noteref_229">229.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 386 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_230" name="note_230" href="#noteref_230">230.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Catech.</span></span>, iv. 22,
+pp. 66, 67, ed. Milles.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_231" name="note_231" href="#noteref_231">231.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+xi. p. 142.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_232" name="note_232" href="#noteref_232">232.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+vi. p. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_233" name="note_233" href="#noteref_233">233.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+ix. pp. 115, 122.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_234" name="note_234" href="#noteref_234">234.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+ix. p. 115.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_235" name="note_235" href="#noteref_235">235.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+ii. p. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_236" name="note_236" href="#noteref_236">236.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+xvi. p. 239.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_237" name="note_237" href="#noteref_237">237.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athanasii
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> ed. Benedict. i. 2, pp. 962, 963.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_238" name="note_238" href="#noteref_238">238.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orat. contra
+Arianos</span></span>, ii. 35, vol. i. 503, ed. Benedict.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_239" name="note_239" href="#noteref_239">239.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+ii. 42, i. p. 510.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_240" name="note_240" href="#noteref_240">240.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+ii. 79, i. p. 546.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_241" name="note_241" href="#noteref_241">241.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epist. ad
+episcop. Ægypt.</span></span>, &amp;c., i. 1, p. 272.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_242" name="note_242" href="#noteref_242">242.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contra Arian.</span></span>, i. 12, i.
+p. 416.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_243" name="note_243" href="#noteref_243">243.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Apolog. contra Arianos</span></span>,
+ii. vol. i. p. 133.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_244" name="note_244" href="#noteref_244">244.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Praepar Evan.</span></span>, i. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_245" name="note_245" href="#noteref_245">245.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+xi. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_246" name="note_246" href="#noteref_246">246.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+xii. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_247" name="note_247" href="#noteref_247">247.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, vi. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_248" name="note_248" href="#noteref_248">248.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Demon. Evang.</span></span>, vi. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_249" name="note_249" href="#noteref_249">249.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 379 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_250" name="note_250" href="#noteref_250">250.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Homil.
+in princip. proverb. Opp.</span></span> ed. Garnier altera, vol. ii. p. 140.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_251" name="note_251" href="#noteref_251">251.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Constitutiones
+Monast.</span></span>, c. iii. 2. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 779.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_252" name="note_252" href="#noteref_252">252.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adv. Eunom</span></span>, vol. i. p. 417.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_253" name="note_253" href="#noteref_253">253.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Spiritu
+Sancto</span></span>, c. viii. vol. iii. p. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_254" name="note_254" href="#noteref_254">254.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">In Princip. Proverb</span></span>, vol. ii.
+p. 152.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_255" name="note_255" href="#noteref_255">255.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 389
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_256" name="note_256" href="#noteref_256">256.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> ed.
+Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_257" name="note_257" href="#noteref_257">257.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gregorii Nazianzeni, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span>
+ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_258" name="note_258" href="#noteref_258">258.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 395
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_259" name="note_259" href="#noteref_259">259.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iambi ad
+Seleucum; in Greg. Naz. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> ii. p. 194.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_260" name="note_260" href="#noteref_260">260.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 403 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_261" name="note_261" href="#noteref_261">261.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἀμφιλέκτα.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adv. Hæres</span></span>, i. p. 19. See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hæres</span></span>, iii.
+tom. i. p. 941. De ponder. et mensur. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_262" name="note_262" href="#noteref_262">262.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Advers. Hæres</span></span>, lib. i.,
+tom. 2 ed. Petav. Paris, 1662, p. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_263" name="note_263" href="#noteref_263">263.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, lib. ii. tom. ii. p. 781.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_264" name="note_264" href="#noteref_264">264.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+lib. ii. tom. i. p. 580.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_265" name="note_265" href="#noteref_265">265.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, lib, ii.
+tom. i. p. 481.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_266" name="note_266" href="#noteref_266">266.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, lib. i.
+tom. ii. p. 157.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_267" name="note_267" href="#noteref_267">267.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hæres</span></span>,
+xxx. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_268" name="note_268" href="#noteref_268">268.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 392 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_269" name="note_269" href="#noteref_269">269.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Enarrat. in ep. S. Petri secundam,
+p. 1774 ed Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_270" name="note_270" href="#noteref_270">270.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died  407 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_271" name="note_271" href="#noteref_271">271.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Montfaucon in
+his edition of Chrysostom's Works, vol. vi. pp.
+364, 365, ed. Paris, 1835.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_272" name="note_272" href="#noteref_272">272.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Expos.
+in Psalm cix. 7. See also xi. 1 in Genes, where Wisdom
+xiv. 3 is cited.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_273" name="note_273" href="#noteref_273">273.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Expos.
+in Psalm xlix. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_274" name="note_274" href="#noteref_274">274.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Lazaro, ii. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_275" name="note_275" href="#noteref_275">275.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 392 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_276" name="note_276" href="#noteref_276">276.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+Trinitate</span></span>, iii. 2. p. 792 ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_277" name="note_277" href="#noteref_277">277.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragmenta in Epist. 2 ad
+Corinthios, when Baruch, iii. 3, is quoted
+like Psalm 101, p. 1697.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_278" name="note_278" href="#noteref_278">278.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Spirit. sanct. i. p. 1033.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_279" name="note_279" href="#noteref_279">279.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 428 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_280" name="note_280" href="#noteref_280">280.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Leontius
+Byzantinus contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos, lib.
+iii. in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gallandi Bibliotheca</span></span>, xii. p.
+690. Comp. Fritzsche <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Theodori
+Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis</span></span>, Halæ, 1836.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_281" name="note_281" href="#noteref_281">281.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 444
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_282" name="note_282" href="#noteref_282">282.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Contra Julian, i.
+p. 541, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_283" name="note_283" href="#noteref_283">283.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+p. 815.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_284" name="note_284" href="#noteref_284">284.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 921.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_285" name="note_285" href="#noteref_285">285.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Isaim, ed. Migne,
+p. 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_286" name="note_286" href="#noteref_286">286.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 859, vol. i.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_287" name="note_287" href="#noteref_287">287.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 910, vol. i., ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_288" name="note_288" href="#noteref_288">288.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">βιβλία κανονιζόμενα,
+κανονικά, κεκανονισμένα, ὡρισμένα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_289" name="note_289" href="#noteref_289">289.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">βιβλία
+ἀναγινωσκόμενα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_290" name="note_290" href="#noteref_290">290.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died
+430 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_291" name="note_291" href="#noteref_291">291.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
+forty-four books are, 5 of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 4
+Kings, 2 Chronicles, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, 2 Maccabees, Ezra,
+Nehemiah, Psalms, 3 of Solomon, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 12 Prophets,
+4 greater do. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Doctrina Christiana</span></span> ii. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_292" name="note_292" href="#noteref_292">292.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contra Gaudent.</span></span>
+i. 38. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> Paris, 1837, vol. ix. p. 1006.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_293" name="note_293" href="#noteref_293">293.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Doctr. Christ.</span></span> ii.
+8. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Civitat. Dei.</span></span> xviii. 20, 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_294" name="note_294" href="#noteref_294">294.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Praesdest.
+Sanct.</span></span> i. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_295" name="note_295" href="#noteref_295">295.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Retractt.</span></span>
+i. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_296" name="note_296" href="#noteref_296">296.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Peccat.
+merit.</span></span> i. 50; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> vol. x. p. 137, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_297" name="note_297" href="#noteref_297">297.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Mansi</span></span>,
+tom. iii. p. 924.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_298" name="note_298" href="#noteref_298">298.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+p. 891.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_299" name="note_299" href="#noteref_299">299.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 420 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_300" name="note_300" href="#noteref_300">300.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prologus
+galeatus in Libros Regum. Epist. ad Paulinum.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_301" name="note_301" href="#noteref_301">301.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Herbst's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Einleit.</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">erster Theil</span></span>, p. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_302" name="note_302" href="#noteref_302">302.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> ed. Benedict., Vol. IV., pp.
+679, 684, 750.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_303" name="note_303" href="#noteref_303">303.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ep. ad Dardan.
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> vol. i. P. 1103, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_304" name="note_304" href="#noteref_304">304.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Onomastica Sacra</span></span>; Comment. in Ep. ad Philem; De Viris
+illustr.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_305" name="note_305" href="#noteref_305">305.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 368 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_306" name="note_306" href="#noteref_306">306.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Prolog.
+in Psalm., <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp.</span></span> ed. Migne, vol. i. p. 241.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_307" name="note_307" href="#noteref_307">307.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+Trinitate</span></span> iv. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_308" name="note_308" href="#noteref_308">308.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ex.
+Op. Hist. Fragmentum</span></span>, iii. vol. ii. p. 672 ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_309" name="note_309" href="#noteref_309">309.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In cxxvii.
+Psalm.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_310" name="note_310" href="#noteref_310">310.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Psalm cxxvi. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_311" name="note_311" href="#noteref_311">311.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Psalm lxviii. 19, and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+Trinitate</span></span>, iv. 42.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_312" name="note_312" href="#noteref_312">312.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, iv. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_313" name="note_313" href="#noteref_313">313.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died about 370
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_314" name="note_314" href="#noteref_314">314.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Schismate Donatist</span></span>,
+iii. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_315" name="note_315" href="#noteref_315">315.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, ii. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_316" name="note_316" href="#noteref_316">316.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died about 370
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_317" name="note_317" href="#noteref_317">317.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+non parcendo</span></span>, &amp;c., ed. Coleti, p. 190.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_318" name="note_318" href="#noteref_318">318.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+p. 236.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_319" name="note_319" href="#noteref_319">319.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+p. 187.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_320" name="note_320" href="#noteref_320">320.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pro
+Athanasio</span></span>, lib. i. p. 98.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_321" name="note_321" href="#noteref_321">321.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 105.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_322" name="note_322" href="#noteref_322">322.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, lib. ii. pp. 127, 128.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_323" name="note_323" href="#noteref_323">323.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 397 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_324" name="note_324" href="#noteref_324">324.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+Spiritu Sancto</span></span> iii. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_325" name="note_325" href="#noteref_325">325.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De
+bono mortis</span></span> viii.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_326" name="note_326" href="#noteref_326">326.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Psalm cxviii., Sermo. 118,
+2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_327" name="note_327" href="#noteref_327">327.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Spirit.
+Sancto.</span></span> iii., vi. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_328" name="note_328" href="#noteref_328">328.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic"> Liber de Tobia</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_329" name="note_329" href="#noteref_329">329.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 410 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_330" name="note_330" href="#noteref_330">330.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Expos.
+in Symbol. Apostol.</span></span>, pp. 373, 374, ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_331" name="note_331" href="#noteref_331">331.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died about 387
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_332" name="note_332" href="#noteref_332">332.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De
+Hæres. chs. 60 and 61, in Galland, vii. pp. 424, 425.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_333" name="note_333" href="#noteref_333">333.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apud Mansi, iii. pp. 1040, 1041.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_334" name="note_334" href="#noteref_334">334.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Credner's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zur Geschichte des Kanons</span></span>, p. 151, &amp;c., and Thiel's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epistolæ Romanorum Pontificum genuinae</span></span>, tom. i.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_335" name="note_335" href="#noteref_335">335.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mansi iv. p. 430.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_336" name="note_336" href="#noteref_336">336.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opp. Græc.</span></span>,
+tom. ii. P. 327, ed. Rom. 1746.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_337" name="note_337" href="#noteref_337">337.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, tom.
+i. p. 101.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_338" name="note_338" href="#noteref_338">338.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tom. iii. p.
+60.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_339" name="note_339" href="#noteref_339">339.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Galland, xii. p. 79,
+&amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_340" name="note_340" href="#noteref_340">340.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Dillmann in
+Ewald's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Jahrbücher</span></span>, v. p. 144, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_341" name="note_341" href="#noteref_341">341.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 599 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_342" name="note_342" href="#noteref_342">342.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Credner's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zur Gesch. des Kanons</span></span>, p. 97,
+&amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_343" name="note_343" href="#noteref_343">343.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 891
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_344" name="note_344" href="#noteref_344">344.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nomocanon, Titulus III.</span></span>,
+cap. 2, vol. iv. pp. 1050, 1051 ed. Migne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_345" name="note_345" href="#noteref_345">345.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Codd. 113, 126.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_346" name="note_346" href="#noteref_346">346.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 754 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_347" name="note_347" href="#noteref_347">347.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died
+636 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_348" name="note_348" href="#noteref_348">348.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Etymolog.</span></span>
+vi. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_349" name="note_349" href="#noteref_349">349.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died  604 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_350" name="note_350" href="#noteref_350">350.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 912 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_351" name="note_351" href="#noteref_351">351.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 735 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_352" name="note_352" href="#noteref_352">352.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 804 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_353" name="note_353" href="#noteref_353">353.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 856 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_354" name="note_354" href="#noteref_354">354.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 1141 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_355" name="note_355" href="#noteref_355">355.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 1156 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_356" name="note_356" href="#noteref_356">356.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 1182 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_357" name="note_357" href="#noteref_357">357.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">1270 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_358" name="note_358" href="#noteref_358">358.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 1263 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_359" name="note_359" href="#noteref_359">359.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 1384 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_360" name="note_360" href="#noteref_360">360.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 1340 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_361" name="note_361" href="#noteref_361">361.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hody, p. 648, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_362" name="note_362" href="#noteref_362">362.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chemnitz calls seven
+books of the New Testament <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">apocryphos</span></span>, because
+of their uncertain authorship (see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Examen Concilii Tridentini</span></span>,
+p. 45, &amp;c.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_363" name="note_363" href="#noteref_363">363.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tholuck's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Kommentar zum Briefe an die Hebräer, zweite
+Auflage</span></span>, pp. 55, 86.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_364" name="note_364" href="#noteref_364">364.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Carlstadt's
+treatise is reprinted in Credner's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zur Geschichte des
+Kanons</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_365" name="note_365" href="#noteref_365">365.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Werke, edited by Schuler and Schulthess, vol. ii. p. 169.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_366" name="note_366" href="#noteref_366">366.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ep. ad.
+Valdenses</span></span>, 1530, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">apud. Sculteti annal. evang. renovat decas
+secunda</span></span>, pp. 313, 314.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_367" name="note_367" href="#noteref_367">367.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_368" name="note_368" href="#noteref_368">368.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hug says that his copy of
+Widmanstad's edition had the Acts immediately
+following the Gospels.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_369" name="note_369" href="#noteref_369">369.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Epist. ad Paulinum.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_370" name="note_370" href="#noteref_370">370.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. vii. in Josua.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_371" name="note_371" href="#noteref_371">371.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Bibliorum textibus originalibus,
+&amp;c., p. 654.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_372" name="note_372" href="#noteref_372">372.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 664.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_373" name="note_373" href="#noteref_373">373.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Zacagni's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Collectanea monumentorum veterum Praefat</span></span>, p.
+lxxi., &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_374" name="note_374" href="#noteref_374">374.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Volkmar's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Anhang</span></span>
+to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Crednet's Geschichte des N. T. Kanon</span></span>,
+p. 341, &amp;c.; and Hody <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Bibliorum textibus originalibus</span></span>,
+p. 644, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_375" name="note_375" href="#noteref_375">375.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Niemeyer's
+Collectio Confessionum</span></span>, p. 468.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_376" name="note_376" href="#noteref_376">376.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, p. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_377" name="note_377" href="#noteref_377">377.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>,
+pp. 361, 362.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_378" name="note_378" href="#noteref_378">378.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Herzog's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Die Romanischen Waldenser</span></span>, p. 55, &amp;c.; and his
+programm <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De origine et pristino statu Waldensium</span></span>,
+&amp;c., pp. 17, 40, 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_379" name="note_379" href="#noteref_379">379.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leger's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Histoire
+des Eglises Vaudoises</span></span>, vol. i., p. 112, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_380" name="note_380" href="#noteref_380">380.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The reason given for
+their being added as a separate appendix is
+that they are cited by some fathers and found in some Latin
+Bibles.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_381" name="note_381" href="#noteref_381">381.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Kimmel's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Monumenta fidei eccles. orient</span></span>, part i.
+p. 467.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_382" name="note_382" href="#noteref_382">382.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Died 791 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">a.d.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_383" name="note_383" href="#noteref_383">383.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Abhandlung
+von freier Untersuchung des
+Canons</span></span>, 4 parts, Halle, 1771-1775.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_384" name="note_384" href="#noteref_384">384.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Toland's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nazarenus</span></span>,
+p. 25, &amp;c., second edition; and Morgan's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Moral
+Philosopher</span></span>, vol. i. p. 56, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_385" name="note_385" href="#noteref_385">385.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example,
+<span class="tei tei-q">“Moses is dead; his rule went out when Christ came—he
+is of no further service here.... We are willing to regard
+him as a teacher, but we will not regard him as our lawgiver, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">unless
+he agree with the New Testament and the law of nature</span></em>.”</span>
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sämmtliche Schriften</span></span>, ed. Walch. dritter Theil., pp. 7, 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_386" name="note_386" href="#noteref_386">386.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Such as Calovius,
+Chemnitz, John Gerhard, W. Lyser, Quenstedt,
+Brochmand, Hollaz, &amp;c. Melancthon also makes no important distinction
+between the two Testaments in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Loci theologici</span></span>. Calvin's
+theology was derived from the Old Testament more than the New.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_387" name="note_387" href="#noteref_387">387.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">His full
+sayings are collected in Bretschneider's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Luther an unsere
+Zeit</span></span>, pp. 186-224; and in Krause's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opuscula theologica</span></span>,
+pp. 205-241.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_388" name="note_388" href="#noteref_388">388.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Loci Theologici</span></span>
+Tom. i. pp. 186, 187, ed. Cotta, 1762.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_389" name="note_389" href="#noteref_389">389.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Theologia Didactico-polemica</span></span>,
+p. 340.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_390" name="note_390" href="#noteref_390">390.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Jones's new
+and full method of settling the canonical authority of the New Testament,
+Vol. I., Part i., chap. 5. page 52, ed. 1726.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_391" name="note_391" href="#noteref_391">391.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ecclesia
+sua autoritate nullum librum facit canonicum, quippe canonica
+scripturae autoritas est a solo Deo, &amp;c. Gerhard's
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Loci Theologici</span></span>,
+tom. i. p. 4, ed. Cotta. Autoritas scripturæ quoad nos nihil
+allud est, quam manifestatio et cognitio unicæ illius divinæ et summæ
+autoritatis, quæ scriptum est interna et insita. Ecclesia igitur non
+confert scripturæ novam aliquam autoritatem quoad nos, sed testificatione
+sua ad agnitionem illius; veritatis nos deducit. Concedimus,
+ecclesiam esse scripturæ sacræ <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">testem, custodem, vindicem, praeconem,
+et interpretem</span></em>; sed negarnus, ex eo effici, quod autoritas scripturæ
+sive simpliciter sive quoad nos ab ecclesia pendeat et quidem unice,
+pendeat.—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ibid.</span></span>, tomus secundus, p. 39, ed. Cotta.</dd></dl>
+  </div>
+  <hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+    <div id="pgfooter" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"><pre class="pre tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
+</pre><hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><a name="rightpageheader27" id="rightpageheader27"></a><a name="pgtoc28" id="pgtoc28"></a><a name="pdf29" id="pdf29"></a><h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Credits</span></h1><table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"><tbody><tr><th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">September 29,  2009  </th></tr><tr><td class="tei tei-item"><table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"><tbody><tr class="tei tei-labelitem"><th class="tei tei-label"></th><td class="tei tei-item">Project Gutenberg TEI edition 1</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-labelitem"><th class="tei tei-label"></th><td class="tei tei-item"><span class="tei tei-respStmt">
+        <span class="tei tei-name">
+            Produced by David King, and the Online
+            Distributed Proofreading Team at &lt;http://www.pgdp.net/&gt;.
+        </span>
+      </span></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table></div><hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><a name="rightpageheader30" id="rightpageheader30"></a><a name="pgtoc31" id="pgtoc31"></a><a name="pdf32" id="pdf32"></a><h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">A Word from Project Gutenberg</span></h1><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This file should be named 
+          30132-h.html or 
+          30132-h.zip.</p><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This and all associated files of various formats will be found
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+      <title>The Canon of the Bible</title>
+      <author><name reg="Davidson, Samuel">Samuel Davidson</name></author>
+    </titleStmt>
+    <editionStmt>
+      <edition n="3">Edition 3</edition>
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+      <publisher>Project Gutenberg</publisher>
+      <date>September 29, 2009</date>
+      <idno type="etext-no">30132</idno>
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+    </div>
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+      <divGen type="encodingDesc" />
+    </div>
+
+    <div rend="page-break-before: always">
+      <p rend="font-size: xx-large; text-align: center">The Canon of the Bible:</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Its Formation, History, And Fluctuations</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">By</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">Samuel Davidson, D.D.</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Of Halle, And LL.D.</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">From the Third Revised and Enlarged Edition.</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">New York</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">Peter Eckler Publishing Co.</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">1877</p>
+    </div>
+    <div rend="page-break-before: always">
+      <head>Contents</head>
+      <divGen type="toc" />
+    </div>
+
+  </front>
+<body>
+
+<pb n='iii'/><anchor id='Pgiii'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Preface.</head>
+
+<p>
+The substance of the present work was written toward the
+close of the year 1875 for the new edition of the <hi rend='italic'>Encyclopaedia
+Britannica</hi>. Having been abridged and mutilated, contrary to
+the author's wishes, before its publication there, he resolved to
+print it entire. With that view it has undergone repeated revision
+with enlargement in different parts, and been made as
+complete as the limits of an essay appeared to allow. As nothing
+of importance has been knowingly omitted, the writer hopes
+it will be found a comprehensive summary of all that concerns
+the formation and history of the Bible canon. The place occupied
+by it was vacant. No English book reflecting the processes
+of results of recent criticism, gives an account of the
+canon in both Testaments. Articles and essays upon the subject
+there are; but their standpoint is usually apologetic not scientific,
+traditional rather than impartial, unreasonably conservative
+without being critical. The topic is weighty, involving the consideration
+of great questions, such as the inspiration, authenticity,
+authority, and age of the Scriptures. The author has tried
+to handle it fairly, founding his statements on such evidence as
+seemed convincing, and condensing them into a moderate compass.
+If the reader wishes to know the evidence, he may find it
+in the writer's <hi rend='italic'>Introductions to the Old and New Testaments</hi>,
+where the separate books of Scripture are discussed; and in the
+late treatises of other critics. While his expositions are capable
+of expansion, it is believed that they will not be easily shaken.
+He commends the work to the attention of all who have an interest
+in the progress of theology, and are seeking a foundation
+for their faith less precarious than books however venerable.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It has not been the writer's purpose to chronicle phases of
+opinion, or to refute what he believes to be error in the newest
+hypotheses about the age, authority, and composition of the
+books. His aim has been rather to set forth the most correct
+view of the questions involved in a history of the canon, whether
+it be more or less recent. Some may think that the latest or
+most current account of such questions is the best; but that is
+not his opinion. Hence, the fashionable belief that much of the
+<pb n='iv'/><anchor id='Pgiv'/>
+Pentateuch, the Book of Leviticus wholly, with large parts of
+Exodus and Numbers, in a word, that all the laws relating to
+divine worship, with most of the chronological tables or statistics,
+belong to Ezra, who is metamorphosed in fact into the first
+Elohist, is unnoticed. Hence, also, the earliest gospel is not
+declared to be Mark's. Neither has the author ventured to place
+the fourth gospel at the end of the first century, as Ewald and
+Weitzsäcker do, after the manner of the old critics; or with
+Keim so early as 110-115 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Many evince a restless anxiety to find something novel; and
+to depart from well-established conclusions for the sake of originality.
+This shows a morbid state of mind. Amid the feverish
+outlook for discoveries and the slight regard for what is safe,
+conservatism is a commendable thing. Some again desire to return,
+as far as they can, to orthodoxy, finding between that extreme
+and rationalism a middle way which offers a resting-place
+to faith. The numerous changes which criticism presents are
+not a symptom of soundness. The writer is far indeed from
+thinking that every question connected with the books of Scripture
+is finally settled; but the majority undoubtedly are, though
+several already fixed by great scholars continue to be opened up
+afresh. He does not profess to adopt the phase of criticism
+which is fashionable at the moment; it is enough to state what
+approves itself to his judgment, and to hold it fast amid the contrarieties
+of conjecture or the cravings of curiosity. Present
+excrescences or aberrations of belief will have their day and
+disappear. Large portions of the Pentateuch will cease to be
+consigned to a post-exile time, and the gospels of Matthew and
+Luke will again be counted the chief sources of Mark's. It will
+also be acknowledged that the first as it now exists, is of much
+later origin than the fall of Jerusalem. Nor will there be so
+great anxiety to show that Justin Martyr was acquainted with
+the fourth gospel, and owed his Logos-doctrine chiefly to it.
+The difference of ten or twenty years in the date of a gospel will
+not be considered of essential importance in estimating its
+character.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The present edition has been revised throughout and several
+parts re-written. The author hopes that it will be found still
+more worthy of the favor with which the first was received.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='009'/><anchor id='Pg009'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter I. Introductory.</head>
+
+<p>
+As introductory to the following dissertation, I shall explain
+and define certain terms that frequently occur
+in it, especially <hi rend='italic'>canon</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>apocryphal</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>ecclesiastical</hi>, and the like.
+A right apprehension of these will make the observations
+advanced respecting the canon and its formation plainer.
+The words have not been taken in the same sense by all, a
+fact that obscures their sense. They have been employed
+more or less vaguely by different writers. Varying ideas
+have been attached to them.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Greek original of <hi rend='italic'>canon</hi><note place='foot'>κανών.</note>
+means primarily a straight
+rod or pole; and metaphorically, what serves to keep a
+thing upright or straight, a <hi rend='italic'>rule</hi>. In the New Testament it
+occurs in Gal. vi. 16 and 2 Cor. x. 13, 15, 16, signifying in
+the former, a measure; in the latter, what is measured, a
+<hi rend='italic'>district</hi>. But we have now to do with its ecclesiastical use.
+There are three opinions as to the origin of its application
+to the writings used by the church. According to Toland,
+Whiston, Semler, Baur, and others, the word had originally
+the sense of <hi rend='italic'>list</hi> or
+<hi rend='italic'>catalogue</hi> of books publicly read in
+Christian assemblies. Others, as Steiner, suppose that since
+the Alexandrian grammarians applied it to collections of
+Old Greek authors as <hi rend='italic'>models</hi>
+of excellence or <hi rend='italic'>classics</hi>, it
+meant <hi rend='italic'>classical</hi> (canonical)
+<hi rend='italic'>writings</hi>. According to a third
+<pb n='010'/><anchor id='Pg010'/>
+opinion, the term included from the first the idea of a regulating
+principle. This is the more probable, because the
+same idea lies in the New Testament use of the noun, and
+pervades its applications in the language of the early
+Fathers down to the time of Constantine, as Credner has
+shown.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Zur Geschichte des Kanons</hi>,
+pp 3-68.</note> The <q>canon of the church</q> in the Clementine
+homilies;<note place='foot'>Clement. Hom. <hi rend='italic'>ap.
+Coteler</hi>, vol. i. p. 608.</note> the <q>ecclesiastical
+canon,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Stromata</hi>,
+vi. 15, p. 803, ed. Potter.</note> and <q>the canon of
+the truth,</q> in Clement and Irenæus;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adv.
+Hæres.</hi>, i. 95.</note> the <q>canon</q> of the
+faith in Polycrates,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ap.</hi> Euseb.
+H. E., v. 24.</note> the <foreign rend='italic'>regula fidei</foreign>
+of Tertullian,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De præscript. Hæreticorum</hi>,
+chs. 12, 13.</note> and the <foreign rend='italic'>libri regulares</foreign>
+of Origen,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Comment.</hi> in
+<hi rend='italic'>Mat.</hi> iii. p. 916; ed. Delarue.</note>
+imply a <emph>normative principle</emph>. But
+we cannot assent to Credner's view of the Greek word for <hi rend='italic'>canon</hi>
+being an abbreviation of <q>Scriptures of canon,</q><note place='foot'>γραφαὶ
+κανόνος.</note> equivalent to <hi rend='italic'>Scripturæ legis</hi> in Diocletian's
+Act<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum
+historiam petinentia</hi>, ed. Dupin, p. 168.</note>&mdash;a view too
+artificial, and unsanctioned by usage.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is true that the word <hi rend='italic'>canon</hi> was employed by Greek
+writers in the sense of a mere <hi rend='italic'>list</hi>; but when it was transferred
+to the Scripture books, it included the idea of a regulative
+and normal power&mdash;a list of books forming a rule or
+law, because the newly-formed Catholic Church required a
+standard of appeal in opposition to the Gnostics with their
+arbitrary use of sacred writings. There is a lack of evidence
+on behalf of its use before the books of the New Testament
+had been paralleled with those of the Old in authority and
+inspiration.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The earliest example of its application to a catalogue of
+the Old or New Testament books occurs in the Latin translation
+of Origen's homily on Joshua, where the original
+seems to have been <q>canon.</q><note place='foot'>κανών.</note>
+The word itself is certainly
+<pb n='011'/><anchor id='Pg011'/>
+in Amphilochius,<note place='foot'>At the end of the
+<hi rend='italic'>Iambi ad Seleucum</hi>, on the books of the New
+Testament, he adds, οὐτος ἀψευδέστατος κανὼν ἄν εἴη τῶν θεοπνεύστων γραφῶν.</note>
+as well as in Jerome,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Prologus galeatus</hi>
+in ii. Reg.</note> and Rufinus.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Expos. in
+Symb. Apost.</hi>, 37, p. 374, ed. Migne.</note> As
+the Latin translation of Origen has <foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>canonicus</foreign>
+and <foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>canonizatus</foreign>,
+we infer that he used <q>canonical,</q><note place='foot'>κανονικός.</note>
+opposed as it is to <foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>apocryphus</foreign> or
+<foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>secretus</foreign>. The first occurrence of
+<q>canonical</q> is in the fifty-ninth canon of the Council of Laodicea, where
+it is contrasted with two other Greek words.<note place='foot'>ἰδιωτικός and
+ἀκανόνιστος.</note> <q><hi rend='italic'>Canonized</hi>
+books,</q><note place='foot'>Κανονιζόμενα.</note> is first used in Athanasius's 39th
+festal epistle. The kind of rule which the earliest fathers attributed to the
+Scriptures can only be conjectured; it is certain that they
+believed the Old Testament books to be a <emph>divine</emph> and <emph>infallible
+guide</emph>. But the New Testament was not so considered
+till towards the close of the second century when the conception
+of a Catholic Church was realized. The latter collection
+was not called <hi rend='italic'>Scripture</hi>, or put on a par with the
+Old Testament as <hi rend='italic'>sacred</hi> and <hi rend='italic'>inspired</hi>, till
+the time of Theophilus of Antioch (about 180 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>)
+Hence, Irenæus applies the epithets <hi rend='italic'>divine</hi> and
+<hi rend='italic'>perfect</hi> to the Scriptures; and Clement
+of Alexandria calls them <hi rend='italic'>inspired</hi>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+When distinctions were made among the Biblical writings
+other words<note place='foot'>Such as ἐνδιάθηκα, ὡρισμένα.</note>
+were employed, synonymous with <q>canonized.</q><note place='foot'>κανονιζόμενα
+or κεκανονισμένα.</note>
+The canon was thus a catalogue of writings forming
+a rule of truth, sacred, divine, revealed by God for the
+instruction of men. The rule was perfect for its purpose.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The word apocryphal<note place='foot'>ἀπόκρυφος.</note>
+is used in various senses, which it is
+difficult to trace chronologically. Apocryphal books are,&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<p>
+1st, Such as contain <emph>secret</emph> or <emph>mysterious</emph> things, books of
+the higher wisdom. It is thus applied to the Apocalypse
+by Gregory of Nyssa.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Orat. de Ordin.</hi>,
+vol. ii. p. 44.</note> Akin to this is the second meaning.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='012'/><anchor id='Pg012'/>
+
+<p>
+2nd, Such as were <emph>kept secret</emph> or withdrawn from public use.
+In this sense the word corresponds to the Hebrew
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>ganuz</foreign>.<note place='foot'>גנז.
+The Jews applied the word <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>genuzim</foreign>
+to books withdrawn from public use, whose contents were thought to be out of harmony
+with the doctrinal or moral views of Judaism when the canon was
+closed. See Fürst's <hi rend='italic'>Der Kanon des alten Testaments</hi>, p. 127, note;
+and Geiger's <hi rend='italic'>Urschrift</hi>, p. 201.</note>
+So Origen speaking of the story of Susanna. The opposite
+of this is <emph>read in public</emph>,<note place='foot'>δεδημοσιευμένα.</note>
+a word employed by Eusebius.<note place='foot'>H. E. Il. 23, III. 3-16.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+3rd, It was used of the secret books of the heretics by
+Clement<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Stromata</hi>, lib. iii. p. 1134, ed.
+Migne.</note> and Origen,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Prolog. ad Cant.,
+opp.</hi>, vol. iii. p. 36.</note> with the accessory idea of <emph>spurious</emph>,
+<emph>pseudepigraphical</emph>,<note place='foot'>νόθος, ψευδεπίγραφος.</note>
+in opposition to the canonical writings
+of the Catholic Church. The book of Enoch and similar
+productions were so characterized.<note place='foot'>See Suicer's
+<hi rend='italic'>Thesaurus</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>s.v.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+4th, Jerome applied it to the books in the Septuagint
+which are absent from the Hebrew canon, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, to the books
+which were <emph>read</emph> in the church, the <emph>ecclesiastical</emph>
+ones<note place='foot'>Βιβλία ἀναγινωσκόμενα, libri ecclesiastici.</note> occupying
+a rank next to the canonical. In doing so he had
+respect to the corresponding Hebrew epithet. This was a
+misuse of the word <hi rend='italic'>apocryphal</hi>, which had a prejudicial effect
+on the character of the books in after-times.<note place='foot'>In
+his epistle to Laeta he uses the epithet in its customary sense, of
+books unauthentic, not proceeding from the authors whose names
+they bear. <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> vol. i. p. 877, ed. Migne.</note> The word,
+which he did not employ in an injurious sense, was adopted
+from him by Protestants after the Reformation, who gave it
+perhaps a sharper distinction than he intended, so as to imply
+a contrast somewhat disparaging to writings which were
+publicly read in many churches and put beside the canonical
+ones by distinguished fathers. The Lutherans have adhered
+to Jerome's meaning longer than the Reformed; but the
+decree of the Council of Trent had some effect on both.
+The contrast between the canonical and apocryphal writings
+was carried to its utmost length by the Westminster divines,
+who asserted that the former are inspired, the latter not.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='013'/><anchor id='Pg013'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter II. The Old Testament Canon From Its Beginning
+To Its Close.</head>
+
+<p>
+The first important part of the Old Testament put together
+as a whole was the Pentateuch, or rather, the
+five books of Moses and Joshua. This was preceded by
+smaller documents, which one or more redactors embodied in
+it. The earliest things committed to writing were probably
+<hi rend='italic'>the ten words</hi> proceeding from Moses himself, afterwards enlarged
+into the ten commandments which exist at present
+in two recensions (Exod. xx., Deut. v.) It is true that we
+have the oldest form of the decalogue from the Jehovist not
+the Elohist; but that is no valid objection against the antiquity
+of the nucleus, out of which it arose. It is also
+probable that several legal and ceremonial enactments belong,
+if not to Moses himself, at least to his time; as also
+the Elohistic list of stations in Numbers xxxiii. To the
+same time belongs the song of Miriam in Exodus xv.,
+probably consisting of a few lines at first, and subsequently
+enlarged; with a triumphal ode over the fall of Heshbon
+(Numbers xxi. 27-30). The little poetical piece in Numbers
+xxi. 17, 18, afterwards misunderstood and so taken literally,
+is post-Mosaic.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+During the unsettled times of Joshua and the Judges there
+could have been comparatively little writing. The song of
+Deborah appeared, full of poetic force and fire. The period
+of the early kings was characterized not only by a remarkable
+development of the Hebrew people and their consolidation
+into a national state, but by fresh literary activity.
+<pb n='014'/><anchor id='Pg014'/>
+Laws were written out for the guidance of priests and
+people; and the political organization of the rapidly growing
+nation was promoted by poetical productions in which
+spiritual life expressed its aspirations. Schools of prophets
+were instituted by Samuel, whose literary efforts tended to
+purify the worship. David was an accomplished poet,
+whose psalms are composed in lofty strains; and Solomon
+may have written a few odes. The building of the temple,
+and the arrangements connected with its worship, contributed
+materially to a written legislation.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+During this early and flourishing period appeared the book
+of the Wars of Jehovah,<note place='foot'>Num. xxi. 14.</note>
+a heroic anthology, celebrating
+warlike deeds; and the book of Jashar,<note place='foot'>Joshua x.
+12, 13; 2 Sam. i. 18.</note> also poetical.
+Jehoshaphat is mentioned as court-annalist to David and
+Solomon.<note place='foot'>2 Sam. viii. 16; 1 Kings iv. 3.</note>
+Above all, the Elohists now appeared, the first
+of whom, in the reign of Saul, was author of annals, beginning
+at the earliest time which were distinguished by genealogical
+and chronological details as well as systematic
+minuteness, by archaic simplicity, and by legal prescriptions
+more theoretical than practical. The long genealogical
+registers with an artificial chronology and a statement of
+the years of men's lives, the dry narratives, the precise accounts
+of the gradual enlargement of divine laws, the copious
+description of the tabernacle and the institution of divine
+worship, are wearisome, though pervaded by a theoretic interest
+which looks at everything from a legal point of view.
+A second or junior Elohist was less methodical and more
+fragmentary, supplying additional information, furnishing
+new theocratic details, and setting forth the relation of Israel
+to heathen nations and to God. In contrast with his predecessor,
+he has great beauty of description, which is
+exemplified in the account of Isaac's sacrifice and the history
+of Joseph; in picturesque and graphic narratives interspersed
+with few reflections. His parallels to the later writer
+<pb n='015'/><anchor id='Pg015'/>
+commonly called the Jehovist, are numerous. The third
+author, who lived in the time of Uzziah, though more mythological
+than the Elohists, was less formal. His stand-point
+is prophetic. The third document incorporated with the Elohistic
+ones formed an important part of the whole, exhibiting
+a vividness which the first lacked; with descriptions of
+persons and things from another stand-point. The Jehovist
+belonged to the northern kingdom; the Elohists were of
+Judah.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The state of the nation after Rehoboam was unfavorable
+to literature. When the people were threatened and attacked
+by other nations, divided among themselves in worship and
+all higher interests, rent by conflicting parties, the theocratic
+principle which was the true bond of union could not
+assert itself with effect. The people were corrupt; their
+religious life debased. The example of the kings was
+usually prejudicial to political healthiness. Contact with
+foreigners as well as with the older inhabitants of the land,
+hindered progress. In these circumstances the prophets
+were the true reformers, the advocates of political liberty,
+expositors of the principles that give life and stability to a
+nation. In Judah, Joel wrote prophetic discourses; in
+Israel, Amos and Hosea. Now, too, a redactor put together
+the Elohistic and Jehovistic documents, making various
+changes in them, adding throughout sentences or words
+that seemed desirable, and suppressing what was unsuited
+to his taste. Several psalm-writers enriched the national
+literature after David. Learned men at the court of Hezekiah
+recast and enlarged (Proverbs xxv.-xxix.) the national
+proverbs, which bore Solomon's name because the
+nucleus of an older collection belonged to that monarch.
+These literary courtiers were not prophets, but rather scribes.
+The book of Job was written, with the exception of Elihu's
+later discourses, which were not inserted in it till after the
+return from Babylon; and Deuteronomy, with Joshua, was
+added to the preceding collection in the reign of Manasseh.
+<pb n='016'/><anchor id='Pg016'/>
+The gifted author of Deuteronomy, who was evidently imbued
+with the prophetic spirit, completed the Pentateuch,
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, the five books
+of Moses and Joshua, revising the Elohist-Jehovistic
+work, and making various additions and alterations.
+He did the same thing to the historical books of
+Judges, Samuel, and Kings; which received from him their
+present form. Immediately before and during the exile
+there were numerous authors and compilers. New psalms
+appeared, more or less national in spirit. Ezekiel, Jeremiah
+and others prophesied; especially an unknown seer who
+described the present condition of the people, predicting
+their coming glories and renovated worship in strains of far-reaching
+import.<note place='foot'>Isaiah, xl.-lxvi.</note>
+This great prophet expected the regeneration
+of the nation from the pious portion of it, the
+prophets in particular, not from a kingly Messiah as Isaiah
+did; for the hopes resting on rulers out of David's house
+had been disappointed. His aspirations turned to spiritual
+means. He was not merely an enthusiastic seer with comprehensive
+glance, but also a practical philosopher who set
+forth the doctrine of the innocent suffering for the guilty;
+differing therein from Ezekiel's theory of individual reward
+and punishment in the present world&mdash;a theory out of harmony
+with the circumstances of actual life. The very
+misfortunes of the nation, and the signs of their return,
+excited within the nobler spirits hopes of a brighter future,
+in which the flourishing reign of David should be surpassed
+by the universal worship of Jehovah. In consequence of
+their outward condition, the prophets of the exile were
+usually writers, like Ezekiel, not public speakers; and their
+announcement of glad tidings could only be transmitted
+privately from person to person. This explains in part the
+oblivion into which their names fell; so that the author or
+redactor of Jeremiah l., li.; the author of chapters xiii.-xiv.
+23, xxi. 1-10, xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv., xxxv., inserted in Isaiah;
+and, above all, the Babylonian Isaiah, whom Hitzig improbably
+<pb n='017'/><anchor id='Pg017'/>
+identifies with the high-priest Joshua, are unknown.
+After the return from Babylon the literary spirit manifested
+itself in the prophets of the restoration&mdash;Haggai, Zechariah,
+and Malachi&mdash;who wrote to recall their countrymen to a
+sense of religious duties; though their ideas were borrowed
+in part from older prophets of more original genius. The
+book of Esther appeared, to make the observance of the
+purim feast, which was of Persian origin, more general in
+Palestine. The large historical work comprising the books
+of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, was compiled partly out
+of materials written by Ezra and Nehemiah, partly out of
+older historical records which formed a portion of the national
+literature. Several temple-psalms were also composed;
+a part of the present book of Proverbs; Ecclesiastes,
+whose tone and language betray its late origin; and Jonah,
+whose diction puts its date after the Babylonian captivity.
+The Maccabean age called forth the book of Daniel and
+various psalms. In addition to new productions there was
+an inclination to collect former documents. To Zechariah's
+authentic prophecies were added the earlier ones contained
+in chapters ix.-xiv.; and the Psalms were gradually brought
+together, being made up into divisions at different times;
+the first and second divisions proceeding from one redactor,
+the third from another, the fourth and fifth from a still
+later. Various writings besides their own were grouped
+around the names of earlier prophets, as was the case with
+Isaiah and Jeremiah.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The literature is more indebted for its best constituents to
+the prophetic than to the priestly order, because the prophets
+were preachers of repentance and righteousness whose
+great aim was to make Israel a Jehovah-worshipping nation
+to the exclusion of other gods. Their utterances were
+essentially ethical and religious; their pictures of the future
+subjective and ideal. There was silently elaborated in their
+schools a spiritual monotheism, over against the crude
+polytheism of the people generally&mdash;a theocratic ideal inadequately
+<pb n='018'/><anchor id='Pg018'/>
+apprehended by gross and sensuous Israel&mdash;Jehovism
+simple and sublime amid a sacerdotal worship which
+left the heart impure while cleansing the hands. Instead of
+taking their stand upon the law, with its rules of worship,
+its ceremonial precepts and penalties against transgressors,
+the prophets set themselves above it, speaking slightingly
+of the forms and customs which the people took for the
+whole of religion. To the view of such as were prepared to
+receive a faith that looked for its realization to the future,
+they helped to create a millennium, in which the worship of
+Jehovah alone should become the basis of a universal religion
+for humanity. In addition to the prophetic literature
+proper, they wrote historical works also. How superior
+this literature is to the priestly, appears from a comparison
+of the Kings and Chronicles. The subjective underlies the
+one; the objective distinguishes the other. Faith in Jehovah,
+clothed, it may be in sensible or historical forms,
+characterizes the one; reference of an outward order to a
+divine source, the other. The sanctity of a people under
+the government of a righteous God, is the object of the one;
+the sanctity of institutions, that of the other. Even when
+the prophets wrote history, <emph>the facts</emph> are subordinate to <emph>the
+belief</emph>. Subjective purposes colored their representation
+of real events.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+To them we are indebted for the Messianic idea, the hope
+of a better time in which their high ideal of the theocracy
+should be realized. With such belief in the future, with
+pious aspirations enlivening their patriotism, did they comfort
+and encourage their countrymen. The hope, general
+or indefinite at first, was afterwards attached to the house of
+David, out of which a restorer of the theocracy was expected,
+a king pre-eminent in righteousness, and marvelously
+gifted. It was not merely a political but a religious hope,
+implying the thorough purification of the nation, the extinction
+of idolatry, the general spread and triumph of true
+religion. The pious wishes of the prophets, often repeated,
+<pb n='019'/><anchor id='Pg019'/>
+became a sort of doctrine, and contributed to sustain the
+failing spirit of the people. The indefinite idea of a golden
+age was commoner than that of a personal prince who
+should reign in equity and peace. Neither was part of the
+national faith, like the law, or the doctrine of sacrifice; and
+but a few of the prophets portrayed a king, in their description
+of the period of ideal prosperity.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The man who first gave public sanction to a portion of the
+national literature was Ezra, who laid the foundation of a
+canon. He was the leader in restoring the theocracy after
+the exile, <q>a ready scribe in the law of Moses, who had
+prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord and to teach
+in Israel statutes and judgments.</q> As we are told that he
+brought the book of the law of Moses before the congregation
+and read it publicly, the idea naturally arises that he
+was the final redactor of the Pentateuch, separating it from
+the historical work consisting of Joshua and the subsequent
+writings, of which it formed the commencement. Such was
+the first canon given to the Jewish Church after its reconstruction&mdash;ready
+for temple service as well as synagogue
+use. Henceforward the Mosaic book became an authoritative
+guide in spiritual, ecclesiastical, and civil matters, as
+we infer from various passages in Ezra and Nehemiah and
+from the chronicler's own statements in the book bearing
+his name. The doings of Ezra with regard to the Scriptures
+are deduced not only from what we read of him in the Biblical
+book that bears his name, but also from the legend in
+the fourth book of Ezdras,<note place='foot'>Chap. xiv. 23-50,
+&amp;c. See Hilgenfeld's <hi rend='italic'>Messias Judærorum</hi>,
+p. 107.</note> where it is related that he dictated
+by inspiration to five ready writers ninety-four books;
+the first twenty-four of which he was ordered to publish
+openly that the worthy and unworthy might read, but reserved
+the last seventy for the wise. Though the twenty-four
+books of the Old Testament cannot be attributed to
+him, the fact that he copied and wrote portions need not be
+questioned. He edited <emph>the law</emph>, making the first canon or
+<pb n='020'/><anchor id='Pg020'/>
+collection of books, and giving it an authority which it had
+not before. Talmudic accounts associate with him the men
+of the great synagogue. It is true that they are legendary,
+but there is a foundation of fact beneath the fanciful superstructure.
+As to Ezra's treatment of the Pentateuch, or his
+specific mode of redaction, we are left for the most part to
+conjecture. Yet it is safe to affirm that he added;&mdash;making
+new precepts and practices either in place of or beside older
+ones. Some things he removed as unsuited to the altered
+circumstances of the people; others he modified. He threw
+back later enactments into earlier times. It is difficult to
+discover all the parts that betray his hand. Some elaborate
+priestly details show his authorship most clearly. If his
+hand be not visible in Leviticus, chap. xvii.-xxvi.; a writer
+not far removed from his time is observable; Ezekiel or
+some other. It is clear that some of the portion (xxv. 19-22;
+xxvi. 3-45) is much later than the Elohists, and belongs
+to the exile or post-exile period. But great difficulty
+attaches to the separation of the sources here used; even
+after Kayser's acute handling of them. It is also perceptible
+from Ezekiel xx. 25, 26, that the clause in Exodus xiii. 15,
+<q>but all the first-born of my children I redeem,</q> was
+added after the exile, since the prophet shows his unacquaintance
+with it. The statute that all which openeth the
+womb should be burnt in sacrifice to Jehovah, appeared inhuman
+not only to Ezekiel, but to Ezra or his associates in
+re-editing the law; and therefore the clause about the redemption
+of every first-born male was subjoined. Ezra, a
+second Moses in the eyes of the later Jews, did not scruple
+to refer to Moses what was of recent origin, and to deal
+freely with the national literature. Such was the first
+canon&mdash;that of Ezra the priest and scribe.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The origin of the great synagogue is noticed in Ezra x.
+16, and described more particularly in Nehemiah viii.-x.,
+the members being apparently enumerated in x. 1-27; at
+least the Megila Jer. (i. 5) and Midrash Ruth (§ 3) speak
+<pb n='021'/><anchor id='Pg021'/>
+of an assembly of eighty-five elders, who are probably found
+in the last passage. One name, however, is wanting, for
+only eighty-four are given; and as Ezra is not mentioned
+among them, the conjecture of Krochmal that it has dropped
+out of x. 9, may be allowed. Another tradition gives the
+number as one hundred and twenty, which may be got by
+adding the <q>chief of the fathers</q> enumerated in Ezra viii.
+1-14 to the hundred and two heads of families in Ezra ii. 2-58.
+Whether the number was the same at the commencement
+as afterwards is uncertain. Late Jewish writers,
+however, such as Abarbanel, Abraham ben David, Ben
+Maimun, &amp;c., speak as if it consisted of the larger number
+at the beginning; and have no scruple in pronouncing Ezra
+president, rather than Nehemiah.<note place='foot'>See Buxtorf's
+<hi rend='italic'>Tiberias</hi>, chap. x., p. 88, &amp;c.; and
+Herzfeld's <hi rend='italic'>Geschichte
+des Volkes Israel</hi>, vol. i. p. 380, &amp;c. Zwölfter Excursus.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The oldest extra-biblical mention of the synagogue, is in
+the Mishnic treatise <hi rend='italic'>Pirke Aboth</hi>, where it is said, <q>Moses
+received the laws from Mount Sinai, and delivered it to
+Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders to the prophets, and
+the prophets delivered it to the men of the great synagogue.
+These last spake these words: <q>Be slow in judgment; appoint
+many disciples; make a hedge for the law.</q></q><note place='foot'>Chapter
+i.</note> In the
+Talmudic <hi rend='italic'>Baba Bathra</hi>, their biblical doings are described:
+<q>Moses wrote his book, the section about Balaam and job.
+Joshua wrote his book and eight verses of the law. Samuel
+wrote his book and judges and Ruth. David wrote the
+book of Psalms <emph>by</emph> (?)<note place='foot'>על ידי.
+Does this mean <emph>for, instead of</emph>, as Bloch understands it?
+Waehner inserts, to fill up the sense, <q>some of which, however, were
+composed by;</q> but this is far-fetched. See
+<hi rend='italic'>Antiquitates Ebræorum</hi>,
+p. 13.</note> ten elders, by Adam the first man,
+by Melchizedek, by Abraham, by Moses, by Heman, by
+Jeduthun, by Asaph, and the three sons of Korah. Jeremiah
+wrote his book, the books of Kings and Lamentations.
+Hezekiah and his friends wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, Canticles,
+and Coheleth; the men of the great synagogue, Ezekiel, the
+<pb n='022'/><anchor id='Pg022'/>
+twelve prophets, Daniel and Esther. Ezra wrote his own
+book and the genealogies of Chronicles down to himself.</q><note place='foot'>Fol.
+15, 1.</note> This passage has its obscurities. What is meant by the
+verb <emph>write</emph>!<note place='foot'>פחכ.</note> Does it mean
+<emph>composition</emph> and then something
+else; the former in the first part of the passage, and <emph>editing</emph>
+in the second? Rashi explains it of <emph>composition</emph> throughout,
+which introduces absurdity. The most obvious interpretation
+is that which understands the verb of <emph>writing</emph> in one
+place, and <emph>editing</emph> in the second. But it is improbable that
+the author should have used the same word in different
+senses, in one and the same passage. Bloch<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Studien
+zur Geschichte der Sammlung der althebräischen Literatur</hi>,
+p. 127, &amp;c.</note> understands it of <emph>copying</emph> or
+<emph>writing out</emph>, a sense that suits the procedure of
+the men of the great synagogue in regard to Ezekiel, the
+twelve prophets, &amp;c., but is inapplicable to Moses, Joshua,
+Samuel, David, Jeremiah, &amp;c. It is probable enough that
+the synagogue scribes put into their present form and made
+the first authorized copies of the works specified. The
+Boraitha, however, is not clear, and may only express the
+opinion of a private individual in a confused way. Simon
+the Just is said to have belonged to the remnants of the
+synagogue. As Ezra is called <q>a ready scribe,</q> and his
+labors in connection with the law were important, he may
+have organized a body of literary men who should work in
+harmony, attending, among other things, to the collection
+and preservation of the national literature; or they may
+have been an association of patriotic men who voluntarily
+rallied round the heads of the new state, to support them in
+their fundamental reforms. The company of scribes mentioned
+in 1 Maccabees does not probably relate to it.<note place='foot'>vii. 12,
+συναγωγὴ γραμματέων, not ἡ συναγωγή.</note> A
+succession of priests and scribes, excited at first by the reforming
+zeal of one whom later Jews looked upon as a
+second Moses, labored in one department of literary work
+till the corporation ceased to exist soon after, if not in the
+<pb n='023'/><anchor id='Pg023'/>
+time of Simon, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, from about 445
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> till about 200; for
+we identify the Simon celebrated in Sirach l. 1-26 with
+Simon II., son of the high-priest Onias II., <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> 221-202;
+not with Simon I., son and successor of the high-priest
+Onias I., <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> 310-291. Josephus's opinion, indeed, is contrary;
+but leading Jewish scholars, such as Zunz, Herzfeld,
+Krochmal, Derenbourg, Jost, and Bloch differ from him.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+To the great synagogue must be referred the compilation
+of the second canon, containing Joshua, Judges with Ruth,
+Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah with Lamentations, Ezekiel
+and the twelve minor prophets. It was not completed prior
+to 300 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, because the book of Jonah was not written before.
+This work may be called a historical parable composed
+for a didactic purpose, giving a milder, larger view of Jehovah's
+favor than the orthodox one, that excluded the
+Gentiles. Ruth, containing an idyllic story with an unfinished
+genealogy attached, meant to glorify the house of
+David, and presenting a kindred spirit towards a people
+uniformly hated, was appended to Judges; but was subsequently
+transferred to the third canon. It was written
+immediately after the return from the Babylonian captivity;
+for the Chaldaising language points to this date, notwithstanding
+the supposed archaisms discovered in it by some.
+In like manner, the Lamentations, originally added to Jeremiah,
+were afterwards put into the later or third canon.
+Joshua, which had been separated from the five books of
+Moses with which it was closely joined at first, formed, with
+the other historical portion (Judges, Samuel, Kings), the
+proper continuation of Ezra's canon. The prophets included
+the three greater and twelve minor. With Isaiah's authentic
+oracles were incorporated the last twenty-seven chapters,
+belonging for the most part to an anonymous prophet of the
+exile, besides several late pieces inserted in the first thirty-nine
+chapters. Men of prophetic gifts wrote in the name of
+distinguished prophets, and put their productions with those
+of the latter, or adapted and wrote them over after their own
+<pb n='024'/><anchor id='Pg024'/>
+fashion. The fiftieth and fifty-first chapters of Jeremiah
+show such over-writing. To Zechariah's authentic oracles
+were attached chapters ix.-xiv., themselves made up of two
+parts (ix.-xi., xii.-xiv.) belonging to different times and
+authors prior to the destruction of the Jewish state by the
+Babylonians.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The character of the synagogue's proceedings in regard
+to the books of Scripture can only be deduced from the conduct
+of Ezra himself, as well as the prevailing views and
+wants of the times. The scribes who began with Ezra, seeing
+how he acted, would naturally follow his example, not hesitating to
+revise the text <emph>in substance</emph> as well as form.<note place='foot'>That the
+Scribes always adhered to the prohibition to write no religious
+laws and ordinances cannot be held, even in the face of the
+Talmudic saying, כוחכ הילכוה כשורף חורה (writers of Halacoth are like
+a burner of the law). This may apply to the late scribes or bookmen,
+not to the earlier. The greater part of Geiger's <hi rend='italic'>Urschrift</hi>
+is based on the opposite idea. As the reverence for former scholars increased,
+the Talmudic saying might be accepted. See <hi rend='italic'>Temura</hi>, 14 b.</note>
+They did not refrain from changing what had been written,
+or from inserting fresh matter. Some of their novelties can
+be discerned even in the Pentateuch. Their chief work,
+however, related to the <emph>form</emph> of the text. They put into a
+proper form and state the text of the writings they studied,
+perceiving less need for revising the <emph>matter</emph>. What they did
+was in good faith, with honest intention.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The prophetic canon ended with Malachi's oracles. And
+it was made sometime after he prophesied, because the
+general consciousness that the function ceased with him required
+a considerable period for its growth. The fact that
+it included Jonah and Ruth brings the completion after 300
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, as already stated. There are no definite allusions to it
+till the second century <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> Daniel speaks of a passage in
+Jeremiah being in <q>the books</q> or <q>writings;</q><note place='foot'>Chapter
+ix. 2.</note> and the
+prologue of Jesus Sirach presupposes its formation. Such
+was the second canon, which had been made up gradually
+(444-290 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>)
+</p>
+
+<pb n='025'/><anchor id='Pg025'/>
+
+<p>
+Another view of the collection in question has been taken
+by various scholars. According to a passage in the second
+book of Maccabees, the second canon originated with Nehemiah,
+who <q>gathered together the acts of the kings and the
+prophets and (psalms) of David, and the epistles of the
+kings concerning the holy gifts.</q><note place='foot'>Chapter
+ii. 13.</note> These words are obscure.
+They occur in a letter purporting to be sent by the Sanhedrim
+at Jerusalem to the Jews in Egypt, which contains
+apocryphal things; a letter which assigns to Nehemiah the
+merit of various arrangements rather belonging to Ezra. It
+is difficult to understand the meaning of <q>the epistles of the
+kings concerning the offerings.</q> If they were the documents
+of heathen or Persian kings favorable to the rebuilding
+of Jerusalem and its temple, would they not have been
+rejected from a collection of sacred books belonging to the
+chosen people? They might perhaps have been adopted
+had they been interwoven with the holy books themselves,
+like portions of Ezra and Nehemiah; but they could not
+have formed a distinct part of the national literature, because
+they were foreign and heathen. Again, <q>the psalms of
+David</q> cannot have existed in the time of Nehemiah, if the
+phrase includes the whole collection. It may perhaps refer
+to the first three divisions of the book, as Herzfeld thinks;
+but these contain many odes which are not David's; while
+earlier ones belong to the last two divisions of the Psalm-book.
+In like manner, <q>the prophets</q> could not all have
+belonged to this canon; neither Malachi, who was later, nor
+Jonah. The account will not bear strict examination, and
+must be pronounced apocryphal. Nehemiah was a statesman,
+not a priest or scribe; a politician, not a literary man.
+It is true that he may have had assistants, or committed the
+work to competent hands; but this is conjectural. The account
+of his supposed canon hardly commends itself by inherent
+truthfulness or probability, though it is accepted by
+Ewald and Bleek.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='026'/><anchor id='Pg026'/>
+
+<p>
+When the great synagogue ceased, there was an interval
+during which it is not clear whether the sacred books were
+neglected, except by private individuals; or whether they
+were studied, copied, and collected by a body of scribes.
+Perhaps the scribes and elders of the Hasmonæan time were
+active at intervals in this department. The institution of
+a senate by Judas Maccabaeus is supposed to be favored by
+2 Maccabees (chapter i. 10-ii. 18); but the passage furnishes
+poor evidence of the thing. Judas is there made to
+write to Egypt in the year of the Seleucidae 188, though he
+died thirty-six years before, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, 152. Other places have
+been added as corroborative, viz., 2 Maccab. iv. 44, xi. 27;
+1 Maccab. vii. 33. Some go so far as to state that Jose ben
+Joeser was appointed its first president at that time. The
+Midrash in Bereshith Rabba (§ 65) makes him one of the
+sixty Hassidim who were treacherously murdered by Alcimus;
+but this is neither in the first book of the Maccabees
+(chapter vii.) nor in Josephus,<note place='foot'>Antiq.
+xii. 10, 1.</note> and must be pronounced
+conjectural. It is impossible to fix the exact date of Jose
+ben Joeser in the Hasmonean period. Pirke Aboth leaves
+it indefinite. Jonathan, Judas Maccabaeus's successor,
+when writing to the Lacedaemonians, speaks of the <foreign rend='italic'>gerusia</foreign>
+or senate as well as <emph>the people</emph> of the Jews; whence we learn
+that the body existed as early as the time of Judas.<note place='foot'>Josephus's
+Antiq., xiii. 5, 8; 1 Maccab., xii. 35.</note> Again,
+Demetrius writes to Simon, as also to <emph>the elders</emph> and <emph>nation</emph>
+of the Jews.<note place='foot'>1 Maccab., xiii. 36.</note>
+After Jonathan and Simon, it may have been
+suspended for a while, in consequence of the persecution
+and anarchy prevailing in Judea; till the great Sanhedrim
+at Jerusalem succeeded it, under Hyrcanus I. Though the
+traces of a senate in the Maccabaean epoch are slight, the
+Talmud countenances its existence.<note place='foot'>Sota, 24
+a.</note> We believe that it was
+earlier than Judas Maccabaeus. Of its constitution nothing
+is known; but it was probably aristocratic. The Hasmonean
+<pb n='027'/><anchor id='Pg027'/>
+prince would naturally exert a commanding influence
+over it. The great synagogue had been a kind of democratic
+council, consisting of scribes, doctors or teachers, and
+priests.<note place='foot'>מבינים, Nehemiah viii. 3.</note>
+Like their predecessors of the great synagogue,
+the Hasmonæan elders revised the text freely, putting into
+it explanatory or corrective additions, which were not always
+improvements. The way in which they used the book of
+Esther, employing it as a medium of Halachite prescription,
+shows a treatment involving little idea of sacredness attaching
+to the Hagiographa.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We are aware that the existence of this body is liable to
+doubt, and that the expressions belonging to it in Jewish
+books, whether elders or <foreign rend='italic'>gerusia</foreign>, have been applied to
+the great synagogue or to the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, or even
+to the elders of any little town or hamlet; but it is difficult
+to explain all on that hypothesis, without attributing confusion
+to the places where they occur. If the body in
+question be not allowed, an interval of about sixty years
+elapsed between the great synagogue and the Sanhedrim, during
+which the hagiographical writings were comparatively
+neglected, though literary activity did not cease. No authoritative
+association, at least, dealt with them. This is improbable.
+It is true that we read of no distinguished teachers in
+the interval, except Antigonus of Socho, disciple of Simon
+the Just; but the silence can hardly weigh against a reasonable
+presumption. One thing is clear, viz., that Antigonus
+did not reach down to the time of the first pair that presided
+over the Sanhedrim.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The contents of the third canon, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, Psalms, Proverbs,
+Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah,
+Chronicles, the formation of which we assign to the Hasmonæan
+gerusia, were multifarious, differing widely from
+one another in age, character, and value&mdash;poetical, prophetic,
+didactic, historical. Such as seemed worthy of preservation,
+though they had not been included in the second canon,
+<pb n='028'/><anchor id='Pg028'/>
+were gathered together during the space of an hundred and
+fifty years. The oldest part consisted of psalms supposed
+to belong to David. The first psalm, which contains within
+itself traces of late authorship, was prefixed as an introduction
+to the whole collection now put into the third canon.
+Next to the Psalms were Proverbs, Job, Canticles, which,
+though non-prophetic and probably excluded on that account
+from the second canon, must have existed before the
+exile. Enriched with the latest additions, they survived the
+national disasters, and claimed a place next to the Psalms.
+They were but a portion of the literature current in and
+after the 5th century <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, as may be inferred from the epilogue
+to Ecclesiastes, and the Wisdom of Sirach. The
+historical work compiled by the chronicle-writer was separated,
+Ezra being put first as the most important part, and
+referring also to the church of the 6th and 5th centuries
+whose history had not been written. The Chronicles themselves
+were placed last, being considered of less value than
+the first part, as they contained the summary of a period
+already described, though with numerous adaptations to
+post-exile times. The youngest portion consisted of the
+book of Daniel, not written till the Maccabean period (between
+170 and 160 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>);<note place='foot'>Talmudic
+tradition, which attributes the redaction of the book to
+the men of the great synagogue who are said to have acted under the
+influence of the divine spirit, separates the three apocryphal pieces
+from the rest; but this arose from the desire of discountenancing the
+idea that the work consists of romance and legend. Such later tradition
+took curious ways of justifying the canonicity of Daniel and the
+redaction of it by the great synagogue, <hi rend='italic'>ex gr.</hi>, the assumption that
+the second part arose out of a series of unconnected
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>Megiloth</foreign> which
+were not reduced to chronological order. Still the Midrash maintains
+that Daniel, or the person writing in his name, was no prophet, like
+Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, but a man of visions, an <emph>apocalyptist</emph>.
+It was a general belief, that <emph>visions</emph> had come into the place of
+<emph>prophecy</emph> when the book appeared. The Greek translation could not have
+been long after the original, because it is used in the First Book of
+Maccabees. The interval between the Hebrew and the Greek was inconsiderable.
+The translator not only departed from, but added to,
+the original, inserting such important pieces as the Prayer of Azarias,
+the Song of the Three Children, the history of Susanna, and that of
+Bel and the Dragon. Whether any of these had been written before
+is uncertain. Most of the traditions they embody were probably reduced
+to writing by the translator, and presented in his peculiar style.
+The assertion, that Josephus was unacquainted with these additions is
+hazardous, since the way in which he speaks of Daniel's fame (Antiq.
+x. 11, 7), and especially of <emph>the books</emph> he wrote (τὰ βιβλία), supposes
+some relation to them. Elsewhere he speaks of <emph>one book</emph> (x. 10, 4;
+xi. 8, 5), where he may have thought of the canonical part.</note>
+and probably of several Psalms
+<pb n='029'/><anchor id='Pg029'/>
+(44, 60, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83, 89, 110, 118) which were inserted
+in different places of the collection to make the whole
+number 150. These late odes savor of the Maccabean time;
+and are fitly illustrated by the history given in the first
+book of Maccabees. The list continued open; dominated by
+no stringent principle of selection, and with a character
+somewhat indefinite. It was called <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>,
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, writings<note place='foot'>פתוביס,
+translated by the Greek ἁγιόγραφα, hagiographa.</note> a
+general epithet suited to the contents.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Several books put into the third canon,&mdash;as Job, Proverbs,
+the greater number of the Psalms, &amp;c.,&mdash;existed when the
+second was made. But the latter collection was pre-eminently
+<emph>prophetic</emph>; and it was that idea of the origin and
+contents of the books in it which regulated its extent.
+Bloch's supposition that the parts of the third collection then
+existing were not looked upon as holy, but merely as productions
+embodying human wisdom, and were therefore
+excluded, is improbable. We do not think that an alteration
+of opinion about them in the course of a century or
+more, by which they became divine and holy instead of
+human, is a satisfactory explanation. The Psalms of David
+and the book of Job must have been as highly esteemed in
+the period of the great synagogue's existence as they were
+at a later time. Other considerations besides the divinity
+and holiness of books contributed to their introduction into
+a canon. Ecclesiastes was taken into the third collection
+because it was attributed to Solomon. The Song of Songs
+was understood allegorically,&mdash;a fact which, in addition to
+its supposed Solomonic authorship, determined its adoption.
+And even after their canonical reception, whether by the
+great synagogue or another body, the character of books
+<pb n='030'/><anchor id='Pg030'/>
+was canvassed. It was so with Ecclesiastes, in spite of the
+<emph>supposed</emph> sanction it got from the great synagogue contained
+in the epilogue, added, as some think, by that body to attest
+the sacredness of the book.<note place='foot'>It has
+been thought that the phrase פעלי אמפות in the ninth verse
+alludes to the great council or synagogue. This conjecture is plausible
+on various grounds. The reasons for attributing the epilogue to
+a later time than the writer of the book appear to be stronger than
+those assigning it to the original author. The 13th and 14th verses
+in particular, are unlike Coheleth.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+While the third canon was being made, the soferim, as
+the successors of the prophets, were active as before; and
+though interpretation was their chief duty, they must have
+revised and corrected the sacred books to some extent. We
+need not hesitate to allow that they sometimes arranged
+parts, and even added matter of their own. In the time of the
+canon's entire preparation, they and the priests, with writers
+and scholars generally, redacted the national literature, excluding
+or sanctioning such portions of it as they thought fit.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+At this time appeared the present five-fold partition of the
+Psalms, preceded as it had been by other divisions, the last
+of which was very similar to the one that became final.
+Several inscriptions and historical notices were prefixed.
+The inscriptions, however, belong to very different times,
+their historical parts being usually older than the musical;
+and date from the first collection to the period of the Hasmonean
+college, when the final redaction of the entire
+Psalter took place. Those in the first three books existed
+at the time when the latter were made up; those in the last
+two were prefixed partly at the time when the collections
+themselves were made, and partly in the Maccabean age.
+How often they are out of harmony with the poems themselves,
+needs no remark. They are both traditional and
+conjectural.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The earliest attestation of the third canon is that of the
+prologue to Jesus Sirach (130 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>), where not only
+<emph>the law
+and the prophets</emph> are specified, but <q>the other books of the
+<pb n='031'/><anchor id='Pg031'/>
+fathers,</q> or <q>the rest of the books.</q><note place='foot'>τὰ
+ἀλλα πάτρια βιβλία; τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν βιβλίων. The younger Sirach
+does not use γραφαὶ, which would have been a proper translation of
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>.
+Does not this ἀλλα imply the non-application of the specific
+title <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>
+to the hagiographa at that time, and therefore the idea
+that the third canon was still open?</note> No information is
+given as to its extent, or the particular books included.
+They may have been for the most part the same as the
+present ones. The passage does not show that the third list
+was closed. The better writings of the fathers, such as
+tended to learning and wisdom, are not excluded by the
+definite article. In like manner, neither Philo nor the New
+Testament gives exact information as to the contents of the
+division in question. Indeed, several books, Canticles,
+Esther, Ecclesiastes, are unnoticed in the latter. The argument
+drawn from Matthew xxiii. 35, that the Chronicles
+were then the last book of the canon, is inconclusive; as
+the Zechariah there named was probably different from the
+Zechariah in 2 Chronicles xxiv. None of these witnesses
+proves that the third canon was finally closed.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+A more definite testimony respecting the canon is given
+by Josephus towards the end of the first century <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> <q>For
+we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us, ...
+but only twenty-two books, which contain the
+records of all the past times; which are justly believed to
+be divine. And of them five belong to Moses....
+But as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of
+Artaxerxes, king of Persia, the prophets who were after
+Moses wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen
+books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God
+and precepts for the conduct of human life. It is true our
+history has been written since Artaxerxes very particularly,
+but has not been esteemed of the like authority with the
+former by our forefathers, because there has not been an
+exact succession of prophets since that time: and how
+firmly we have given credit to these books of our own nation
+<pb n='032'/><anchor id='Pg032'/>
+is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as
+have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to
+add anything to them, to take anything from them, or to
+make any change in them; but it has become natural to all
+Jews immediately and from their very birth, to esteem these
+books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and if occasion
+be, willingly to die for them.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Contra Apion</hi>,
+i. 8.</note> This list
+agrees with our present canon, showing that the Palestinian
+Jews were tolerably unanimous as to the extent of the collection.
+The thirteen prophets include Job; the four lyric
+and moral books are Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and
+Canticles.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is not likely that the Hasmonæan senate had a long existence.
+It was replaced by the Sanhedrim, a more definite
+and state institution, intended as a counter-balance to the
+influence of the Hasmonæan princes. The notices of the
+latter reach no further back than Hyrcanus I., <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, about
+135 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi><note place='foot'>In Maaser Sheni,
+Sota 24. 1, the duumvirate or suggoth, consisting
+of the president, Nasi, and vice-president, Ab-beth-din, are referred
+to Hyrcanus's creation. Zunz affirms that it originated in the time of
+Simon, son of Mattathias, 142 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi></note>
+Josephus speaks of it under Hyrcanus II.<note place='foot'>Antiq., xiv., 9.</note> It
+cannot be referred to an earlier period than Hyrcanus I.
+Frankel<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Der gerichtliche Beweis</hi>,
+p. 68.</note> indeed, finds a notice of it in 2 Chronicles xix. 8,
+11; but the account there is indistinct, and refers to the
+great synagogue. The compiler having no certain information
+about what was long past, transfers the origin of the
+court he speaks of to Jehoshaphat, in order to glorify the
+house of David. It is impossible to date the Sanhedrim,
+with Frankel, in the Grecian era, in which case it must have
+been dissolved during the Maccabean insurrection, and
+afterwards reconstructed; it was not constituted till about
+130 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> Whether it was modeled after the great synagogue
+or the Hasmonæan senate, is uncertain. The idea of it may
+have been suggested by the latter rather than the former,
+for its basis was aristocratic. The Hasmonæan <foreign rend='italic'>gerusia</foreign>
+<pb n='033'/><anchor id='Pg033'/>
+must have been less formal and definite than the Sanhedrim;
+though the latter arose before the family ceased to be in
+power, and differed materially from its predecessor. It continued
+from 130 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> till
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 180, surviving the terrible
+disasters of the nation.<note place='foot'>The Sanhedrim
+<emph>properly so called</emph> ceased under R. Judah I., Ha-Nasi,
+when the council of seventy members which sat at Sepphoris before
+his patriarchate, transferred its privileges to him, on his removal
+to that place. The court was then merged in the patriarch.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The closing of the third canon cannot be assigned, with
+Bloch, to the great synagogue. If the college ceased with
+or before Simon, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, about 200-192, and the work of Daniel
+did not appear till about 170 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, twenty years at least
+intervened between the extinction of the great synagogue
+and Daniel's book. This holds good, whether we assume,
+with Krochmal, the synagogue's <emph>redaction</emph> of the work,&mdash;more
+correctly the putting together of the independent parts
+of which <emph>it is said</emph> to be composed; or equally so, if the taking
+of it into the canon as a book already completed, be attributed
+to the same body. But we are unable to see that
+Krochmal's reasoning about the synagogue putting Daniel's
+work together and one of the members writing the book of
+Esther is probable.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In like manner, Maccabean psalms are adverse to the
+hypothesis that the great synagogue completed the third
+canon. In consequence of these late productions, it is impossible
+to assert that the men of the synagogue were the
+redactors of the Psalter as it is. It is true that the collection
+was made before the Chronicles and many other books
+of the hagiographical canon; but the <emph>complete</emph> Psalter did
+not appear till the Maccabean period. The canon, however,
+was not considered to be finally closed in the first century
+before and the next after Christ. There were doubts about
+some portions. The book of Ezekiel gave offence, because
+some of its statements seemed to contradict the law. Doubts
+about others were of a more serious nature; about Ecclesiastes,
+the Canticles, Esther, and the Proverbs. The first
+<pb n='034'/><anchor id='Pg034'/>
+was impugned because it had contradictory passages and a
+heretical tendency; the second, because of its worldly and
+sensual tone; Esther for its want of religiousness; and
+Proverbs on account of inconsistencies. This scepticism
+went far to procure the exclusion of the suspected works
+from the canon, and their relegation to the class of the
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>genuzim</foreign>.<note place='foot'>ננוזים
+literally concealed, withdrawn from public use.</note>
+But it did not prevail. Hananiah, son of Hezekiah,
+son of Garon, about 32 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, is said to have reconciled
+the contradictions and quieted the doubts.<note place='foot'>See Fürst's
+<hi rend='italic'>Der Kanon des alten Testaments, u.s.w.</hi> pp. 147, 148.</note>
+But these traces of resistance to the fixity of the canon were not the last.
+They reappeared about <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 65, as we learn from the
+Talmud,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Tract. Sabbat.</hi> ch. i.</note>
+when the controversy turned mainly upon the canonicity
+of Ecclesiastes, which the school of Shammai, who had
+the majority, opposed; so that the book was probably excluded.<note place='foot'>Because
+of its profane spirit and Epicurean ideas; see Adoyot v. 3.</note>
+The question emerged again at a later synod at
+Jabneh or Jamnia, when R. Eleasar ben Asaria was chosen
+patriarch, and Gamaliel the second, deposed. Here it was
+decided, not unanimously however, but by a majority of
+Hillelites, that Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs <q>pollute
+the hands,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, belong properly to the
+Hagiographa.<note place='foot'>Yadayim v. 3.</note> This
+was about 90 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi><note place='foot'>See Graetz's
+<hi rend='italic'>Kohelet</hi>, pp. 162, 163.</note>
+Thus the question of the canonicity of
+certain books was discussed at two synods.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Passages in the Talmud have been adduced to show that
+the Shammaite objections to the canonicity of Ecclesiastes
+<q>were overruled by the positive declaration from the 72
+elders, <emph>being a testimony anterior to the Christian era</emph> that
+Coheleth is canonical; but they do not support the opinion.</q><note place='foot'><p>The
+sages wished to pronounce Coheleth apocryphal, because its
+statements are contradictory. And why have they not declared it
+apocryphal? Because it begins with words of the law, and ends with
+words of the law, for it opens with the words <q>What advantage has
+man in all his labor wherewith he labors under the sun?</q> &amp;c.,
+&amp;c.&mdash;Sabbat. 30 b.
+</p>
+<p>
+So also in the Midrash: <q>The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth
+apocryphal,</q> &amp;c., &amp;c.&mdash;Vayyikra rabba 161 b.</p></note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='035'/><anchor id='Pg035'/>
+
+<p>
+<q>The sages</q> referred to in the treatise Sabbat and elsewhere
+is a vague expression, resting apparently on no historic
+tradition&mdash;a mere opinion of comparatively late date. If it
+refer to the Jerusalem synod <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 65, the Hillelites were
+simply outnumbered there by the Shammaites. The matter
+was debated hastily, and determined for the time by a
+majority. But the synod at Jamnia consisted of 72 persons;
+and a passage in the treatise Yadayim refers to it.<note place='foot'>R. Simeon
+ben Asai said, <q>I have received it from the mouth of
+the 72 elders in the day that R. Eleasar ben Asaria was appointed
+elder, that the Song of Songs and Coheleth pollute the hands.</q>&mdash;Yadayim
+v. 3.</note> The
+testimony of the 72 elders to whom R. Simeon ben Asai
+here alludes, so far from belonging to an anti-christian era,
+belongs to a date about 90 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> And the fact that the synod
+at Jamnia took up again a question already debated at
+Jerusalem <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 65, proves that no final settlement of the
+canon had taken place before. The canon was virtually
+settled at Jamnia, where was confirmed what R. Akiba said
+of the Canticles in his usual extravagant way: <q>No day in
+the whole history of the world is of so much worth as the
+one in which the Song of Songs was given to Israel; for all
+the Scriptures are holy; but the Song of Songs is most
+holy.</q><note place='foot'>This language was
+based on a figurative interpretation of the Song.
+One who said, <q>Whoever reads such writings as Sirach and the
+later books loses all part in everlasting life,</q> can have no weight.
+He outheroded the Palestinian tradition respecting the Jewish productions
+of later origin, which merely affirms that they <q>do not pollute
+the hands.</q>&mdash;(<hi rend='italic'>Toss. Yadayim</hi>, c. 2)</note>
+As the Hagiographa were not read in public, with
+the exception of Esther, opinions of the Jewish rabbins
+might still differ about Canticles and Ecclesiastes, even
+after the synod of Jamnia.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In opposition to these remarks, it is strenuously argued
+by Bloch that neither the passage in the Mishnic treatise
+Yadayim, nor any other, refers to the <emph>canonical character</emph> of
+the books to which Jewish elders raised several objections.
+But his arguments are more vehement than valid. Anxious
+to assign the final settlement of the entire canon to an
+<pb n='036'/><anchor id='Pg036'/>
+authoritative body like the great synagogue, he affirms that
+all parties were united in opinion about the time of Christ,&mdash;Assiim,
+Perushim, and Zeddukim; Shammaites and Hillelites.
+But it requires more than his ingenuity to explain
+away the meaning of Yadayim 3, 5, Adoyot v. 3, Sabbat 1.
+To what did such diversity of opinion relate, if not to the
+canonical character of the books? A specific answer to the
+question is not given by the learned writer,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Studien
+zur Geschichte, u. s. w.</hi>, p. 150, &amp;c.</note> who is too eager
+in his endeavor to attribute the settlement of the third canon
+to the great synagogue, and to smooth away all diversities
+of opinion about several books, after that time, as if none
+could afterwards question the authoritative settlement by
+that body. He will not even allow a wider canon to the
+Alexandrian Jews than that of their Palestinian brethren,
+though he cannot but admit that the former read and highly
+esteemed various apocryphal books because of their <emph>theocratic</emph>
+character. Surely the practical use of writings is an evidence
+of their canonicity as strong as theoretical opinions.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The doubts about several books to which we have alluded,
+some of which Hananiah is said to have resolved in his old
+age, imply a diligent study of the national literature, if not
+a revision of the text; and the Tannaite college at Jabneh
+must have cared for the same things, as it had to deal with
+similar objections. After the last canon was made more
+than a century anterior to the Christian era, the text was
+not considered inviolate by the learned Jews; it received
+subsequent modifications and interpolations. The process
+of redaction had not ceased before the time of Christ. This
+was owing, among other causes, to the state of parties
+among the Jews, as well as the intrusion of Greek literature
+and culture, whose influence the Palestinian Jews themselves
+were not able altogether to withstand. When Jeremiah
+accused the Scribes of falsifying the law by their
+lying pen (viii. 8), it may be inferred that the same process
+took place afterwards; that offensive things were removed,
+<pb n='037'/><anchor id='Pg037'/>
+and alterations made continuously down to the close of the
+canon, and even after. The corrections consisted of additions
+and changes of letters, being indicated in part by the
+most ancient versions and the traditions of the Jews themselves
+who often knew what stood in the text at first, and
+why it was altered. They are also indicated by the nature
+of the passage itself viewed in the light of the state of religion
+at the time. Here, sober judgment must guard against
+unnecessary conjectures. Some changes are apparent, as
+the plural <emph>oaks</emph> in Genesis xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1, Deuteronomy
+xi. 30, for the singular <emph>oak</emph>; and the plural <emph>gods</emph> in
+Exodus xxxii. 4, for the singular <emph>god</emph>. So 2 Sam. Vii. 23,
+(comp. 1 Chron. xvii. 21, and LXX);<note place='foot'>Geiger's
+<hi rend='italic'>Urschrift</hi>, p. 288.</note> and Deuteronomy
+xxxii. 8,<note place='foot'>See De Goeje in the <hi rend='italic'>Theologisch
+Tijdschriff Jaargang II.</hi> (1868)
+p. 179, &amp;c.</note> have been altered. Popper and Geiger have
+probably assumed too much correction on the part of the
+Scribes and others; though they have drawn attention to
+the subject in the spirit of original criticism.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Jewish literature began to degenerate after the captivity,
+and it continued to do so. It leaned upon the past more and
+more, having an external and formal character with little
+of the living soul. The independence of their religious
+literature disappeared with the national independence of the
+Jews; and the genius of the people was too exclusive to receive
+much expansion from the spirit of nations with whom
+they came in contact. In such circumstances, amid the
+general consciousness of present misfortune which the hope
+of a brighter future could not dispel, and regretful retrospects
+of the past tinged with ideal splendor, the exact time
+of drawing a line between books that might be included in
+the third division of the canon must have been arbitrary.
+In the absence of a normal principle to determine selection,
+the productions were arbitrarily separated. Not that they
+were badly adjusted. On the contrary, the canon as a whole
+<pb n='038'/><anchor id='Pg038'/>
+was settled wisely. Yet the critical spirit of learned Jews
+in the future could not be extinguished by anticipation.
+The canon was not really settled for all time by a synodical
+gathering at Jamnia; for Sirach was added to the Hagiographa
+by some rabbins about the beginning of the 4th
+century;<note place='foot'>Zunz's <hi rend='italic'>Die
+gottesdienstlichen Vorträge</hi>, pp. 101, 102.</note>
+while Baruch circulated long in Hebrew, and was
+publicly read on the day of atonement in the third century,
+according to the Apostolic constitutions.<note place='foot'>V. 20, p. 124,
+ed. Ueltzen.</note> These two books
+were in high repute for a considerable time, possessing a
+kind of canonical credit even among the learned Jews of
+Palestine. Rab, Jochanan, Elasar, Rabba bar Mare, occasionally
+refer to Sirach in the way in which the
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign> were
+quoted: the writer of Daniel used Baruch; and the translator
+of Jeremiah put it into Greek.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+If it be asked on what principle books were admitted into
+the canon, a single answer does not suffice. One and the
+same criterion did not determine the process at all times.
+The leading principle with which the first canon-makers set
+out was to collect all the documents of Hebrew antiquity.
+This seems to have guided Ezra, if not the great synagogue
+after him. The nation, early imbued with the theocratic
+spirit and believing itself the chosen of God, was favorably
+inclined towards documents in which that standpoint was
+assumed. The legal and ethical were specially valued.
+The prophetic claimed a divine origin; the lyric or poetic
+touched and elevated the ideal faculty on which religion
+acts. But the leading principle which actuated Ezra and
+the great synagogue was gradually modified, amid the growing
+compass of the national literature and the consciousness
+that prophecy ceased with Malachi. When the latest part
+of the canon had to be selected from a literature almost contemporaneous,
+regard was had to such productions as resembled
+the old in spirit. Orthodoxy of contents was the
+dominant criterion. But this was a difficult thing, for various
+<pb n='039'/><anchor id='Pg039'/>
+works really anonymous, though wearing the garb of
+old names and histories, were in existence, so that the
+boundary of the third part became uncertain and fluctuating.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The principle that actuated Ezra in making the first canon
+was a religious and patriotic one. From his treatment of
+the oldest law books we infer that he did not look upon
+them as inviolable. Venerable they were, and so far sacred;
+but neither perfect nor complete for all time. In his view
+they were not unconditionally authoritative. Doubtless
+they had a high value as the productions of inspired lawgivers
+and men of a prophetic spirit; but the redaction to
+which he submitted them shows no superstitious reverence.
+With him <emph>canonical</emph> and <emph>holy</emph> were not identical. Nor does
+the idea of an <emph>immediate, divine</emph> authority appear to have
+dominated the mind of the great synagogue in the selection
+of books. Like Ezra, these scholars reverenced the productions
+of the prophets, poets, and historians to whom their
+countrymen were indebted in the past for religious or political
+progress; but they did not look upon them as the
+offspring of unerring wisdom. How could they, while
+witnessing repetitions and minor contradictions in the books
+collected?
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The same remarks apply to the third canon. <emph>Direct divinity</emph>
+of origin was not the criterion which determined the
+reception of a book into it; but the character and authorship
+of the book. Did it breathe the old spirit, or proceed
+from one venerated for his wisdom? Was it like the old
+orthodox productions; or did it bear the name of one renowned
+for his piety and knowledge of divine things? The
+stamp of antiquity was necessary in a certain sense; but the
+theocratic spirit was the leading consideration. Ecclesiastes
+was admitted because it bore the name of Solomon; and
+Daniel's apocalyptic writings, because veiled under the name
+of an old prophet. New psalms were taken in because of
+their association with much older ones in the temple service.
+Yet the first book of Maccabees was excluded, though written
+<pb n='040'/><anchor id='Pg040'/>
+in Hebrew. It is still more remarkable that Sirach was
+put among the external productions; but this was owing
+not so much to its recent origin, for it is older than the book
+of Daniel, as to its being an apparent echo of the Proverbs,
+and therefore unnecessary. Yet it was long after assigned
+to the Hagiographa, and quoted as such by several rabbis.
+Baruch was also left out, though it is as old as Daniel, if
+not older; and professes to have been written by Jeremiah's
+friend, in Babylon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+That redactors dealt freely with the text of the second
+and third canons especially, without a superstitious belief
+in its sacredness, is apparent from the double recension
+which existed when the Egyptian Jews translated the books
+into Greek. If the one that formed the basis of the Alexandrian
+version be less correct than the Palestinian in the
+majority of instances, it is still superior in many. The
+differences between them, often remarkable, prove that those
+who had most to do with the books did not guard them as
+they would have done had they thought them infallibly inspired.
+Palestinians and Alexandrians subjected the text
+to redaction; or had suffered it to fall into a state inconsistent
+with the assumption of its supernatural origin. At a
+much later period, the Masoretes reduced to one type all existing
+copies of their Scriptures, introducing an uniformity
+imperatively demanded in their opinion by multiplied discrepancies.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Whatever divine character the reflecting attributed to the
+canonical books, it must have amounted to the same thing as
+that assigned to human attributes and physical phenomena&mdash;a
+divinity resulting from the over-leaping of second
+causes, in the absence of inductive philosophy. Here the
+imperfection conditioned by the nature of the created cannot
+be hid. Yet the books may be truly said to have contained
+the word of God.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Of the three divisions, <emph>the Law</emph> or Pentateuch was most
+highly venerated by the Jews. It was the first translated
+<pb n='041'/><anchor id='Pg041'/>
+into Greek; and in Philo's view was inspired in a way
+peculiar to itself. <emph>The Prophets</emph>, or second division, occupied
+a somewhat lower place in their estimation, but were read
+in the public services as the law had been before. The
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>,
+or third division, was not looked upon as equal to the
+Prophets in importance: only the five Megiloth were publicly
+read. The three parts of the collection present the
+three gradations of sanctity which the books assumed successively
+in Israelite estimation. A certain reverence was
+attached to all as soon as they were made canonical; but
+the reverence was not of equal height, and the supposed
+authority was proportionally varied.<note place='foot'>Dillmann, in
+the <hi rend='italic'>Jahrbücher für deutsche Theologie, dritter Band</hi>,
+p. 422.</note> The consciousness
+of prophetism being extinct soon after the return from
+Babylon, was a genuine instinct. With the extinction of
+the Jewish state the religious spirit almost evaporated.
+The idealism which the old prophets proclaimed in contrast
+with the symbolic religion of the state gave place to the
+forms and an attachment to the <emph>written</emph> law. Religion came
+to be a thing of the understanding, the subject of learned
+treatment; and its essence was reduced to dogmas or precepts.
+Thus it ceased to be a spiritual element in which
+the heart had free scope for its highest aspirations. In
+addition to all, a foreign metaphysical theology, the Persian
+doctrine of spirits, was introduced, which seemed to enlarge
+the sphere of speculation, but really retarded the free exercise
+of the mind. As the external side of religion had been
+previously directed to the performance of good works, this
+externality was now determined by a written law. Even
+the prophetism that appeared after the restoration was little
+more than an echo of the past, falling in with an outward
+and written legalism. The literature of the people deteriorated
+in quality, and prophecy became <emph>apocalypse</emph>. In such
+circumstances the advent of a new man was needed to restore
+the free life of religion in higher power. Christ appeared
+<pb n='042'/><anchor id='Pg042'/>
+in the fullness of time to do this effectually by proclaiming
+the divine Fatherhood, and founding a worship <emph>in spirit and
+in truth</emph>. Rising above the symbolic wrappings of the
+Mosaic religion, and relying upon the native power of the
+spirit itself, he showed how man may mount up to the
+throne of God, adoring the Supreme without the intervention
+of temple, sacrifice, or ceremony.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+When the three divisions were united, the ecclesiastical
+respect which had gathered round the law and the prophets
+from ancient times began to be transferred to the
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>. A
+belief in their sanctity increased apace in the 1st century
+before the Christian era, so that <emph>sacredness</emph> and <emph>canonicity</emph>
+were almost identical. The doubts of individuals, it is true,
+were still expressed respecting certain books of the
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>,
+but they had no perceptible effect upon the current opinion.
+The sanctity attaching to the last division as well as the
+others did not permit the total displacement of any part.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The passage in Josephus already quoted shows the state
+of the canon about <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 100. According to it, he considered
+it to have been closed at the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus,
+whom he identifies with the Ahasuerus of Esther, 464-424
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi> The books were divine, so that none dared to add to,
+subtract from, or alter them. To him the canon was something
+belonging to the venerable past, and inviolable. In
+other words, all the books were peculiarly sacred. Although
+we call scarcely think this to be his private opinion merely,
+it is probably expressed in exaggerated terms, and hardly
+tallies with his use of the third Esdras in preference to the
+canonical texts.<note place='foot'>In his <hi rend='italic'>Antiq.</hi>,
+x. 4, 5, and xi. 1-5.</note> His authority, however, is small. Bloch's
+estimate of it is too high. It is utterly improbable that
+Josephus's opinion was universally held by the Jews in his
+day. His division of the books is peculiar: five Mosaic,
+thirteen historical, four containing religious songs and rules
+of life. It appears, indeed, that as he had the same twenty-two
+books we now have, Ruth was still attached to Judges,
+<pb n='043'/><anchor id='Pg043'/>
+and Lamentations to Jeremiah; but his credit is not on a
+par with that of a Jew who adhered to his countrymen in
+the time of their calamity. He wrote for the Romans. One
+who believed that Esther was the youngest book in the
+canon, who looked upon Ecclesiastes as Solomon's, and
+Daniel as an exile production, cannot be a competent judge.
+In his time the historical sense of the book of Daniel was
+misapprehended; for after the Grecian dynasty had fallen
+without the fulfillment of the Messianic prophecy connected
+with it, the Roman empire was put into its place. Hence various allusions in
+<hi rend='italic'>The History of the Jewish Wars</hi>.<note place='foot'>iv. 6,
+sec. 3, and vi. 2, sec. 1.</note> The passage in the
+<hi rend='italic'>Antiquities</hi>,<note place='foot'>xi. 8, sec.
+5.</note> about Alexander the Great and
+the priests in the Temple at Jerusalem is apocryphal. In
+any case, Josephus does not furnish a genuine list of the
+canonical books any more than Philo. The Pharisaic view
+of his time is undoubtedly given, that the canon was then
+complete and sacred. The decision proceeded from that
+part of the nation who ruled both over school and people,
+and regained supremacy after the destruction of the temple;
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, from the Pharisee-sect to which Josephus belonged. It
+was a conclusion of orthodox Judaism. With true critical
+instinct, Spinoza says that the canon was the work of the
+Pharisees. The third collection was undoubtedly made
+under their influence.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The origin of the <emph>threefold</emph> division of the canon is not, as
+Oehler supposes,<note place='foot'>Article <q>Kanon</q> in Herzog's
+<hi rend='italic'>Encyklopædie</hi>, vol. vii., p. 253; and
+the same author's <hi rend='italic'>Prolegomena zur Theologie des alt.
+Test.</hi>, pp. 91, 92.</note> a reflection of the different stages of religious
+development through which the nation passed, as if
+the foundation were the Law, the ulterior tendency in its
+objective aspect the Prophets, and its subjective aspect the
+Hagiographa. The books of Chronicles and others refute
+this arbitrary conception. The triplicity lies in the manner
+in which the books were collected. Men who belonged to
+different periods and possessed different degrees of culture,
+worked successively in the formation of the canon; which
+<pb n='044'/><anchor id='Pg044'/>
+arose out of the circumstances of the times, and the subjective
+ideas of those who made it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The places of the separate books within the first division
+or <hi rend='italic'>Torah</hi>, were determined by the succession of the historical
+events narrated. The second division naturally begins with
+Moses's successor, Joshua. Judges, Samuel, and Kings
+follow according to the regular chronology. To the former
+prophets, as Joshua&mdash;Kings were called, the latter were attached,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; succeeded by the
+twelve minor prophets, arranged for the most part according
+to their times, though the length of individual prophecies
+and similarity of contents also influenced their position.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The arrangement of books in the third division depended
+on their age, character, and authors. The Psalms were put
+first, because David was supposed to be the author of many,
+and on account of their intrinsic value in promoting the
+religious life of the people. After the Psalms came the
+three poetical works attributed to Solomon, with the book
+of Job among them,&mdash;Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The book of Esther followed, since it was intended to
+further the observance of the Purim feast; with the late
+book of Daniel. The position of Daniel among the
+<foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>
+arises solely from the fact of its posterior origin to the
+prophetic writings, not excepting the book of Jonah itself;
+and the attempt to account for its place in the third division
+on the ground of its predominant subjectivity is based on
+the unfounded assumption that the objective state of religion
+is represented in the second division and the subjective
+in the third. Had the book existed before 400 <hi rend='smallcaps'>b.c.</hi>, it
+would doubtless have stood in the second division. But the
+contents themselves demonstrate its date; contemporary
+history being wrapped in a prophetic form. Having some
+affinity to Esther as regards heathenism and Greek life, the
+book was put next to the latter. To Ezra and Nehemiah,
+<pb n='045'/><anchor id='Pg045'/>
+which were adopted before the other part of the Chronicle book
+and separated from it, were added the so-called Chronicles.
+Such was the original succession of the third division
+or <foreign lang='he' rend='italic'>c'tubim</foreign>;
+but it did not remain unaltered. For the use
+of the synagogue, the five Megiloth were put together; so
+that Ruth, which was originally appended to Judges, and
+the Lamentations affixed at first to Jeremiah's prophecies,
+were taken out of the second and put into the third canon.
+This caused a separation of Canticles and Ecclesiastes. The
+new arrangement was made for liturgical purposes.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='046'/><anchor id='Pg046'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter III. The Samaritan And Alexandrian Canons.</head>
+
+<p>
+The Samaritan canon consists of the Pentateuch alone.
+This restricted collection is owing to the fact, that
+when the Samaritans separated from the Jews and began
+their worship on Gerizim, no more than the Mosaic writings
+had been invested by Ezra with canonical dignity.
+The hostile feeling between the rivals hindered the reception
+of books subsequently canonized. The idea of their
+having the oldest and most sacred part in its entirety satisfied
+their spiritual wants. Some have thought that the
+Sadducees, who already existed as a party before the Maccabean
+period, agreed with the Samaritans in rejecting all
+but the Pentateuch; yet this is doubtful. It is true that
+the Samaritans themselves say so;<note place='foot'>See Abulfatach's
+<hi rend='italic'>Annal. Samar.</hi>, p. 102, 9, &amp;c.</note> and that some of the
+church fathers, Origen, Jerome, and others agree; but little
+reliance can be put on the statement. The latter, perhaps,
+confounded the Samaritans and Sadducces. It is also noteworthy
+that Christ in refuting the Sadducees appeals to the
+Pentateuch alone; yet the conclusion, that he did so because
+of their admitting no more than that portion does not follow.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Alexandrian canon differed from the Palestinian.
+The Greek translation commonly called the Septuagint contains
+some later productions which the Palestinian Jews did
+not adopt, not only from their aversion to Greek literature
+generally, but also from the recent origin of the books, perhaps
+also their want of prophetic sanction. The closing
+line of the third part in the Alexandrian canon was more or
+less fluctuating&mdash;capable of admitting recent writings appearing
+<pb n='047'/><anchor id='Pg047'/>
+under the garb of old names and histories, of
+embracing religious subjects; while the Palestinian collection
+was pretty well determined, and all but finally settled.
+The judgment of the Alexandrians was freer than that of
+their brethren in the mother country. They had even
+separated in a measure from the latter, by erecting a temple
+at Leontopolis; and their enlargement of the canon was
+another step of divergence. Nor had they the criterion of
+language for the separation of canonical and uncanonical;
+both classes were before them in the same tongue. The enlarged
+canon was not formally sanctioned; it had not the
+approval of the Sanhedrim; yet it was to the Alexandrians
+what the Palestinian one was to the Palestinians. If Jews
+who were not well acquainted with Hebrew, used the
+apocryphal and canonical books alike, it was a matter of
+feeling and custom; and if those who knew the old language
+better, adhered to the canonical more closely, it was a matter
+of tradition and language. The former set little value on
+the prevalent consciousness of the race that the spirit of
+prophecy was extinct; their view of the Spirit's operation
+was larger. The latter clung to the past with all the more
+tenacity that the old life of the nation had degenerated.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Alexandrian Jews opened their minds to Greek culture
+and philosophy, appropriating new ideas, and explaining
+their Scriptures in accordance with wider conceptions of
+the divine presence; though such adaptation turned aside
+the original sense. Consciously or unconsciously they were
+preparing Judaism in some degree to be the religion of
+humanity. But the Rabbins shut out those enlarging influences,
+confining their religion within the narrow traditions
+of one people. The process by which they conserved
+the old belief helped to quench its spirit, so that it became
+an antique skeleton, powerless beside the new civilization
+which had followed the wake of Alexander's conquests.
+Rabbinical Judaism proved its incapacity for regenerating
+the world; having no affinity for the philosophy of second
+<pb n='048'/><anchor id='Pg048'/>
+causes, or for the exercise of reason beneath the love of a
+Father who sees with equal eye as God of all. Its isolation
+nourished a sectarian tendency. Tradition, having no creative
+power like revelation, had taken the place of it; and it
+could not ward off the senility of Judaism; for its creations
+are but feeble echoes of prophetic utterances, weak imitations
+of poetic inspiration or of fresh wisdom. They are of
+the understanding rather than the reason. The tradition
+which Geiger describes as the life-giving soul of Judaism&mdash;the
+daughter of revelation, enjoying the same rights with
+her mother&mdash;a spiritual power that continues ever to work&mdash;an
+emanation from the divine Spirit&mdash;is not, indeed, the
+thing which has stiffened Judaism into Rabbinism; but
+neither is it tradition proper; it is reason working upon
+revelation, and moulding it into a new system. <emph>Such tradition</emph>
+serves but to show the inability of genuine Judaism to
+assimilate philosophic thought. <emph>Rationalizing</emph> should not
+be styled the operation of tradition.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The truth of these remarks is evident from a comparison
+of two books, exemplifying Alexandrian and Palestinian
+Judaism respectively. The Wisdom of Solomon shows the
+enlarging effect of Greek philosophy. Overpassing Jewish
+particularism, it often approaches Christianity in doctrine
+and spirit, so that some<note place='foot'>Kirschbaum, Weisse,
+and Noack.</note> have even assumed a Christian
+origin for it. The Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach has not
+the doctrine of immortality. Death is there an eternal
+sleep, and retribution takes place in this life. The Jewish
+theocracy is the centre of history; Israel the elect people;
+and all wisdom is embodied in the law. The writer is shut
+up within the old national ideas, and leans upon the writings
+in which they are expressed. Thus the Hagiographical
+canon of Judea, conservative as it is, and purer in a
+sense, presents a narrower type than the best specimens of
+the Alexandrian one. The genial breath of Aryan culture
+had not expanded its Semitism.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='049'/><anchor id='Pg049'/>
+
+<p>
+The identity of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons
+must be abandoned, notwithstanding the contrary arguments
+of Eichhorn and Movers. It is said, indeed, that Philo
+neither mentions nor quotes the Greek additions; but neither
+does he quote several canonical books. According to Eichhorn,
+no fewer than eight of the latter are unnoticed by
+him.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Einleitung in das alte Testament</hi>,
+vol. i. p. 133.</note> Besides, he had peculiar views of inspiration, and
+quoted loosely from memory. Believing as he did in the
+inspiration of the Greek version as a whole, it is difficult to
+think that he made a distinction between the different parts
+of it. In one passage he refers to the sacred books of the
+Therapeutae, a fanatical sect of Jews in Egypt, as <q><emph>laws</emph>,
+oracles <emph>of prophets, hymns</emph> and <emph>other books</emph> by which knowledge
+and piety are increased and perfected,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De vita
+contemplativa</hi>, Opp. Tom. ii., P. 475, ed. Mangey.</note> but this presents
+little information as to the canon of the Egyptian Jews
+generally; for it is precarious argumentation to say with
+Herbst that they prove a twofold canon. Even if the Alexandrian
+and Palestinian canons be identical, we cannot be
+sure that <emph>the other books</emph> which the Therapeutae read as holy
+besides the law, <emph>the prophets and hymns</emph>, differed from the
+hagiographa, and so constituted another canon than the
+general Egyptian one. It is quite possible that the <emph>hymns</emph>
+mean the Psalms; and <emph>the other books</emph>, the rest of the hagiographa.
+The argument for the identity of the two canons
+deduced from 4 Esdras xiv. 44, &amp;c., as if the twenty-four
+open books were distinguished from the other writings dictated
+to Ezra, is of no force, because verisimilitude required
+that an Egyptian Jew himself must make Ezra conform to
+the old Palestinian canon. It is also alleged that the grandson
+of Jesus Sirach, who translated his grandfather's work
+during his abode in Egypt, knew no difference between the
+Hebrew and Greek canon, though he speaks of the Greek
+version; but he speaks as a Palestinian, without having
+occasion to allude to the difference between the canonical
+<pb n='050'/><anchor id='Pg050'/>
+books of the Palestinian and Egyptian Jews. The latter
+may have reckoned the apocryphal writings in the third
+division; and therefore the translator of Jesus Sirach could
+recognize them in the ordinary classification. The mention
+of <emph>three</emph> classes is not opposed to their presence in the third.
+The general use of an enlarged canon in Egypt cannot be
+denied, though it was somewhat loose, not regarded as a
+completed collection, and without express rabbinical sanction.
+If they did not <emph>formally</emph> recognize a canon of their
+own, as De Wette says of them, they had and used one
+larger than the Palestinian, without troubling themselves
+about a <emph>formal</emph> sanction for it by a body of Rabbis at Jerusalem
+or elsewhere. Their canon was not identical with
+that of the Palestinians, and all the argumentation founded
+upon Philo's non-quotation of the apocryphal books, fails to
+prove the contrary. The very way in which apocryphal are
+inserted among canonical books in the Alexandrian canon,
+shows the equal rank assigned to both. Esdras first and
+second succeed the Chronicles; Tobit and Judith are between
+Nehemiah and Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon and
+Sirach follow Canticles; Baruch succeeds Jeremiah; Daniel
+is followed by Susanna and other productions of the same
+class; and the whole closes with the three books of Maccabees.
+Such is the order in the Vatican MS.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The threefold division of the canon, indicating three
+stages in its formation, has continued. Josephus, indeed,
+gives another, based on the nature of the separate books,
+not on MSS. We learn nothing from him of its history,
+which is somewhat remarkable, considering that he did not
+live two centuries after the last work had been added. The
+account of the canon's final arrangement was evidently
+unknown to him.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='051'/><anchor id='Pg051'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter IV. Number And Order Of The Separate Books.</head>
+
+<p>
+The number of the books was variously estimated.
+Josephus gives twenty-two, which was the usual number
+among Christian writers in the second, third, and fourth
+centuries, having been derived perhaps from the letters of
+the Hebrew alphabet. Origen, Jerome, and others have it.
+It continued longest among the teachers of the Greek
+Church, and is even in Nicephorus's stichometry.<note place='foot'>See Credner's
+<hi rend='italic'>Zur Geschichte des Kanons</hi>, p. 124.</note> The
+enumeration in question has Ruth with Judges, and Lamentations
+with Jeremiah. In Epiphanius<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De mens. et
+pond.</hi>, chapters 22, 23, vol. ii. p. 180, ed. Petav.</note> the number twenty-seven
+is found, made by taking the alphabet enlarged with
+the five final letters, and dividing Samuel, Kings, and
+Chronicles into two books each. This is probably an ingenious
+combination belonging to the father himself. The
+Talmud has twenty-four,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Baba Bathra</hi>,
+fol. 14, 2.</note> a number which did not originate
+in the Greek alphabet, else the Palestinian Jews would not
+have adopted it. The synagogue did not fix it officially.
+After the Pentateuch and the former prophets, which are in
+the usual order, it gives Jeremiah as the first of the later,
+succeeded by Ezekiel and Isaiah with the twelve minor
+prophets. The Talmud knows no other reason for such an
+order than that it was made according to the contents of
+the prophetic books, not according to the times of the
+writers. This solution is unsatisfactory. It is more probable
+that chronology had to do with the arrangement.<note place='foot'>See
+<hi rend='italic'>Fürst, Der Kanon u. s. w. p.</hi> 14, &amp;c.</note>
+After the anonymous collection or second part of Isaiah
+had been joined to the first or authentic prophecies, the
+<pb n='052'/><anchor id='Pg052'/>
+lateness of these oracles brought Isaiah into the third place
+among the greater prophets. The Talmudic order of the
+Hagiographa is Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra, Chronicles.
+Here Ruth precedes the Psalter, coming as near the former
+prophets as possible; for it properly belongs to them, the
+contents associating it with the Judges' time. The Talmudic
+order is that usually adopted in German MSS. What
+is the true estimate of it? Is it a proper Talmudic regulation?
+Perhaps not, else the Hebrew MSS. of the French
+and Spanish Jews would not so readily have departed from
+it. Bloch supposes that Baba Bathra, which gives the
+arrangement of the books, is one of the apocryphal Boraithas
+that proceeded from an individual teacher and had no binding
+authority.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Studien zur Geschichte der
+alttestamentliche Literatur, u. s. w.</hi>,
+p. 18, etc.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Masoretic arrangement differs from the Talmudic in
+putting Isaiah before Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The Hagiographa
+are, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations,
+Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (with Nehemiah),
+Chronicles.<note place='foot'>Hody <hi rend='italic'>De Bibliorum textibus
+originalibus</hi>, p. 644.</note> This is usually adopted in Spanish MSS. But
+MSS. often differ arbitrarily, because transcribers did not
+consider themselves bound to any one arrangement.<note place='foot'>Hody gives
+lists of the order in which the books stand in some
+early printed editions and in a few MSS., p. 645.</note> According
+to some, a very old testimony to the commencing
+and concluding books of the third division is given by the
+New Testament (Luke xxiv. 44; Matthew xxiii. 35), agreeably
+to which the Psalms were first and the Chronicles last;
+but this is inconclusive.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Alexandrian translators, as we have seen already,
+placed the books differently from the Palestinian Jews. In
+their version Daniel comes after Ezekiel, so that it is put
+beside the greater prophets. Was this done by Jews or
+Christians? Perhaps by the latter, who put it between the
+<pb n='053'/><anchor id='Pg053'/>
+greater and lesser prophets, or in other words, out of the
+third into the second division, because of dogmatic grounds,
+and so effaced a trace of the correct chronology. Little importance,
+however, can be attached to the order of the
+books in the Septuagint; because the work was done at
+different times by different persons. But whatever may
+have been the arrangement of the parts when the whole
+was complete, we know that it was disturbed by Protestants
+separating the apocryphal writings and putting them
+all together.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='054'/><anchor id='Pg054'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter V. Use Of The Old Testament By The First Christian
+Writers, And By The Fathers Till The Time Of
+Origen.</head>
+
+<p>
+The writings of the New Testament show the authors'
+acquaintance with the apocryphal books. They have
+expressions and ideas derived from them. Stier collected
+one hundred and two passages which bear some resemblance
+to others in the Apocrypha;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Die Apokryphen,
+u. s. w.</hi>, p. 14, &amp;c.</note> but they needed sifting, and
+were cut down to a much smaller number by Bleek. They
+are James i. 19, from Sirach v. 11 and iv. 29; 1 Peter i. 6, 7,
+from Wisdom iii. 3-7; Hebrews xi. 34, 35, from 2 Maccabees
+vi. 18-vii. 42; Hebrews i. 3, from Wisdom vii. 26, &amp;c.;
+Romans i. 20-32, from Wisdom xiii.-xv.; Romans ix. 21,
+from Wisdom xv. 7; Eph. vi. 13-17, from Wisdom v. 18-20; 1 Cor. ii. 10, &amp;c., from
+Judith viii. 14. Others are less probable.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Studien
+und Kritiken</hi> for 1853, p. 267, &amp;c.</note>
+When Bishop Cosin says, that <q>in all the New
+Testament we find not any one passage of the apocryphal
+books to have been alleged either by Christ or His apostles
+for the confirmation of their doctrine,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>A
+Scholastical History of the Canon</hi>, p. 22.</note> the argument,
+though based on fact, is scarcely conclusive; else Esther,
+Canticles, Ecclesiastes, and other works might be equally
+discredited. Yet it is probable that the New Testament
+writers, though quoting the Septuagint much more than the
+original, were disinclined to the additional parts of the
+Alexandrian canon. They were Palestinian themselves, or
+had in view Judaisers of a narrow creed. Prudential
+<pb n='055'/><anchor id='Pg055'/>
+motives, no less than a predisposition in favor of the old
+national canon, may have hindered them from expressly citing
+any apocryphal production. The apostle Paul and
+probably the other writers of the New Testament, believed
+in the literal inspiration of the Biblical books, for he uses
+an argument in the Galatian epistle which turns upon the
+singular or plural of a noun.<note place='foot'>See Rothe, <hi rend='italic'>Zur
+Dogmatik, Studien u. Kritiken</hi> for 1860, p. 67, &amp;c.
+The apostle's argument rests on the occurrence of the singular
+(<emph>seed</emph>, σπέρμα) in Genesis xvii. 8 (LXX.), not the plural
+(<emph>seeds</emph>, σπέρματα);
+though the plural of the corresponding Hebrew word could not have
+been used, because it has a different signification. Grammatical inaccuracy
+is made the basis of a certain theological interpretation. Those
+who wish to see a specimen of labored ingenuity unsuccessfully applied
+to the justification of St. Paul's argument in this passage, may
+consult Tholuck's <hi rend='italic'>Das alte Testament
+in neuem Testament</hi>, p. 63, etc.
+Vierte Auflage. (Epist. to the Galatians iii. 16.)</note> And as the inspiration of
+the Septuagint translation was commonly held by the Christians
+of the early centuries, it may be that the apostles and
+evangelists made no distinction between its parts. Jude
+quotes Enoch, an apocryphal work not in the Alexandrian
+canon; so that he at least had no rigid notions about the
+difference of canonical and uncanonical writings. Still we
+know that the compass of the Old Testament canon was
+somewhat unsettled to the Christians of the first century, as
+it was to the Hellenist Jews themselves. It is true that the
+Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms were universally recognized
+as authoritative; but the extent of the third division
+was indefinite, so that the non-citation of the three books
+respecting which there was a difference of opinion among
+the Jews may not have been accidental. Inasmuch, however,
+as the Greek-speaking Jews received more books than
+their Palestinian brethren, the apostles and their immediate
+successors were not wholly disinclined to the use of the apocryphal
+productions. The undefined boundary of the canon
+facilitated also the recognition of all primitive records of
+the new Revelation.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The early fathers, who wrote in Greek, used the Greek
+Bible, as almost all of them were ignorant of Hebrew. Thus
+<pb n='056'/><anchor id='Pg056'/>
+restricted; they naturally considered its parts alike, citing
+apocryphal and canonical in the same way. Accordingly,
+Irenæus<note place='foot'>Died 202 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+quotes Baruch under the name of <q>Jeremiah the
+prophet;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Advers. Hares.</hi>, v. 35,
+referring to Baruch iv. 36, and v. p. 335, ed.
+Massuet.</note> and the additions to Daniel as <q>Daniel the
+prophet.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, iv., 26, referring
+to Daniel xiii. 20 in the Septuagint.</note> Clement of Alexandria<note place='foot'>Died
+220<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> uses the apocryphal
+books like the canonical ones, for explanation and proof indiscriminately.
+He is fond of referring to Baruch, which
+he cites upwards of twenty-four times in the second book of
+his <hi rend='italic'>Pædagogus</hi>, and in a manner to show that he esteemed
+it as highly as many other parts of the Old Testament. A passage from Baruch
+is introduced by the phrase,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Pædagog.</hi>
+vi. 3.</note> <q>the divine Scripture says;</q> and
+another from Tobit by<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Stromata</hi>,
+ii. 23.</note> <q>Scripture
+has briefly signified this, saying.</q> Assuming that
+Wisdom was written by Solomon, he uses it as canonical and inspired,
+designating it <emph>divine</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Stromata</hi>,
+iv. 16.</note> Judith he cites with other books of the Old
+Testament<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, ii. 7.</note>; and the Song
+of the three children in the furnace is used as
+Scripture.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ex Script. prophet. eclogae</hi>,
+c. 1.</note> Ecclesiasticus also is so
+treated.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Stromateis</hi>, ii. 15.</note>
+Dionysius of Alexandria<note place='foot'>Died 264
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> cites
+Ecclesiasticus (xvi. 26), introducing the passage with <q>hear
+divine oracles.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Natura; Routh's
+Reliquiae Sacrae</hi>, vol. iv. p. 356.</note> The same book is elsewhere cited, chapters
+xliii. 29, 30<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Fragment. Nicet.</hi>, in
+<hi rend='italic'>Reliq. Sacrae</hi>, vol. ii. p. 404.</note>
+and i. 8. 9.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 407.</note>
+So is Wisdom, vii. 15<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 406.</note>
+and 25.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Epistola ad. Dionys. Roman</hi>, in
+<hi rend='italic'>Reliq. Sacr.</hi>, vol. iii. p. 195.</note>
+Baruch (iii. 12-15) is also quoted.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Reliq.
+Sacr.</hi>, vol. ii. p. 408.</note> The fathers
+who wrote in Latin used some of the old Latin versions of
+which Augustine speaks; one of them, and that the oldest
+probably dating soon after the middle of the second century,
+being known to us as the <hi rend='italic'>Itala</hi>. As this was made from the
+Septuagint, it had the usual apocryphal books. Jerome's
+<pb n='057'/><anchor id='Pg057'/>
+critical revision or new version did not supplant the old
+Latin till some time after his death. Tertullian<note place='foot'>Died 220
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> quotes the
+Wisdom of Solomon expressly as Solomon's;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Advers.
+Valentinianos.</hi> ch. 2.</note> and introduces Sirach by <q>as it is
+written.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Exhortatione Castitatis</hi>, ch.
+2.</note> He cites Baruch as Jeremiah.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Contra
+Gnosticos</hi>, ch. 8.</note>
+He also believes in the authenticity of the book of Enoch, and defends it as
+<emph>Scripture</emph> at some length.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Habitu
+Muliebri</hi>, ch. 3.</note> Cyprian often
+cites the Greek additions to the Palestinian canon. He introduces Tobit
+with the words <q>as it is written,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Epist.</hi>
+55, p. 110, ed. Fell.</note> or
+<q>divine Scripture teaches, saying;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Orat.
+Domin.</hi> p. 153.</note> and Wisdom with,
+<q>the Holy Spirit shows by Solomon.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Exhortat.
+Martyrii</hi>, ch. 12, p. 182.</note> Ecclesiasticus is
+introduced with, <q>it is written;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+Mortal</hi>, p. 161.</note> and Baruch with, <q>the
+Holy Spirit teaches by Jeremiah.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Orat.
+Domin.</hi>, p. 141.</note> 1 and 2 Maccabees are
+used as Scripture;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Testim.</hi> iii. 4, p.
+62.</note> as are the additions to Daniel.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+Lapsis</hi>, p. 133, &amp;c.</note> The
+African fathers follow the Alexandrian canon without scruple.
+Hippolytus of Rome (about <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 220), who wrote in
+Greek, quotes Baruch as Scripture;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adv.
+Noel.</hi> v.</note> and interprets the additions
+to Daniel, such as Susanna, as Scripture likewise.<note place='foot'>See Migne's
+edition, p. 689, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Melito of Sardis<note place='foot'>Died after 171.</note>
+made it his special business to inquire
+among the Palestinian Jews about the number and names
+of their canonical books; and the result was the following
+list:&mdash;the five books of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four
+books of Kings, two of Chronicles, the Psalms of David, the
+Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, Job,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, the twelve in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel,
+Ezra.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ap.</hi> Euseb.
+H. E., lib. iv. ch. 26.</note> Here Ezra includes Nehemiah; and Esther is absent,
+because the Jews whom he consulted did not consider
+it canonical.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Origen's<note place='foot'>Died 254, <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+list does not differ much from the Palestinian
+one. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings
+<pb n='058'/><anchor id='Pg058'/>
+first and second, Samuel, Chronicles, come Ezra first and
+second, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah with Lamentations and the epistle, Daniel, Ezekiel,
+Job, Esther. Besides these there are the Maccabees, which are inscribed
+<hi rend='italic'>Sarbeth Sarbane el</hi>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ap.</hi>
+Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 25.</note> The twelve prophets
+are omitted in the Greek; but the mistake is rectified in
+Rufinus's Latin version, where they follow Canticles, as in
+Hilary and Cyril of Jerusalem. It is remarkable that Baruch
+is given, and why? Because Origen took it from the
+MSS. of the Septuagint he had before him, in which the
+epistle is attributed to Jeremiah. But the catalogue had no
+influence upon his practice. He followed the prevailing
+view of the extended canon. Sirach is introduced by <q>for
+this also <emph>is written</emph></q>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Comment. in
+Joann.</hi> tom. xxxii. ch. 14, ed. Huet. p, 409.</note>
+the book of Wisdom is cited as a <emph>divine
+word</emph>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Contra Cels.</hi> iii. 72;
+vol. i. p. 494, ed. Delarue.</note> the writer is called a
+<emph>prophet</emph>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>In Exodus</hi>, Hom. vi. i;
+Levit. Hom. v. 2.</note> <emph>Christ</emph> is represented
+as speaking in it <emph>through Solomon</emph>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>In
+Levit.</hi>, Hom. xii. 4.</note> and Wisdom vii. 17 is adduced
+as <emph>the word of Christ himself</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>In
+Lukam</hi>, Hom. 21.</note> Tobit is cited
+as <emph>Scripture</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Oratione</hi>, ii.
+p. 215.</note> His view of the additions to the books of
+Daniel and Esther, as well as his opinion about Tobit, are
+sufficiently expressed in the epistle to Africanus, so that
+scattered quotations from these parts of Scripture can be
+properly estimated. Of the history of Susanna he ventures to say that the
+Jews withdrew it on purpose from the people.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Opp.
+ed</hi> Delarue, vol. i. p. 12.</note>
+He seems to argue in favor of books used and read in
+the churches, though they may be put out of the canon by
+the Jews. As divine Providence had preserved the sacred
+Scriptures, no alteration should be made in the ecclesiastical
+tradition respecting books sanctioned by the churches
+though they be external to the Hebrew canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Most of the writings of Methodius, Bishop of Tyre<note place='foot'>Died 311.</note> are
+<pb n='059'/><anchor id='Pg059'/>
+lost, so that we know little of his opinions respecting the
+books of Scripture. But it is certain that he employed the
+Apocrypha like the other writings of the Old Testament.
+Thus Sirach (xviii. 30 and xix. 2) is quoted in the same
+way as the Proverbs.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Convivium decem virginum</hi>,
+in Combefis's Auctarium bibliothecae Graecorum patrum, p.
+69.</note> Wisdom (iv. 1-3) is cited,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+p. 69.</note> and Baruch (iii. 14).<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+p. 109.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='060'/><anchor id='Pg060'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter VI. The New Testament Canon In The First
+Three Centuries.</head>
+
+<p>
+The first Christians relied on the Old Testament as their
+chief religious book. To them it was of divine origin
+and authority. The New Testament writings came into
+gradual use, by the side of the older Jewish documents, according
+to the times in which they appeared and the names
+of their reputed authors. The Epistles of Paul were the
+earliest written; after which came the Apocalypse, the
+Epistle to the Hebrews, and other documents, all in the first
+century. After the first gospel had undergone a process of
+translation, re-writing, and interpolation, from the Aramaic
+basis, <emph>the discourses</emph>,<note place='foot'>τὰ λόγια.
+<hi rend='italic'>Ap.</hi> Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.</note>
+of which Papias of Hierapolis speaks,
+until the traces of another original than the Greek were all
+but effaced; it appeared in its present form early in the
+second century. Soon after, that of Luke was composed,
+whose prevailing Pauline tendency was not allowed to suppress
+various features of a Jewish Essene type. The second
+gospel, which bears evidences of its derivation from the
+other synoptists, was followed by the fourth. The last
+document was the so-called second Epistle of Peter. It is
+manifest that tradition assumed various forms after the
+death of Jesus; that legend and myth speedily surrounded
+His sacred person; that the unknown writers were influenced
+by the peculiar circumstances in which they stood
+with respect to Jewish and Gentile Christianity; and that
+their uncritical age dealt considerably in the marvelous.
+That the life of the great Founder should be overlaid with
+<pb n='061'/><anchor id='Pg061'/>
+extraneous materials, is special matter for regret. However
+conscientious and truth-loving they may have been, the reporters
+were unequal to their work. It is also remarkable
+that so many of them should be unknown; productions being
+attached to names of repute to give them greater
+currency.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+When Marcion came from Pontus to Rome (144 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>,)
+he brought with him a Scripture-collection consisting of
+ten Pauline epistles. With true critical instinct he did not
+include those addressed to Timothy and Titus, as also the
+epistle to the Hebrews. The gospel of Marcion was Luke's
+in an altered state. From this and other facts we conclude
+that external parties were the first who carried out the idea
+of collecting Christian writings, and of putting them either
+beside or over against the sacred books of the Old Testament,
+in support of their systems. As to Basilides (125
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>), his supposed quotations from the New Testament in
+Hippolytus are too precarious to be trusted.<note place='foot'>Davidson's
+<hi rend='italic'>Introduction to the Study of the N. Testam.</hi> vol. x.
+p. 388.</note> Testimonies
+to the <q>acknowledged</q> books of the New Testament as
+Scripture have been transferred from his followers to himself;
+so that his early witness to the canon breaks down.
+It is inferred from statements in Origen and Jerome that he
+had a gospel of his own somewhat like St. Luke's, but extra-canonical.
+His son Isidore and succeeding disciples used
+Matthew's gospel. Jerome says that Marcion and Basilides
+denied the Pauline authorship of the epistle to the Hebrews
+and the pastoral ones.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Explanatio in Epist.
+ad Titum</hi>, vol. iv. p. 407, ed. Benedict.</note> It is also doubtful whether
+Valentinus's (140-166 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) alleged citations from the New
+Testament can be relied upon. The passages of this kind ascribed
+to him by the fathers belong in a great measure to his
+disciples. The fragment of a letter preserved by Clement
+of Alexandria in the second book of the Stromata, has been
+thought to contain references to the gospels of Matthew and
+Luke; but the fact is doubtful. Nor has Henrici proved
+<pb n='062'/><anchor id='Pg062'/>
+that Valentinus used John's gospel.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Die
+Valentinianische Gnosis und die heilige Schrift</hi>, p. 75.</note> But his followers,
+including Ptolemy (180 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) and Heracleon
+(185-200 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>), quote the Gospels and
+other portions of the New Testament.<note place='foot'>A good
+deal of manipulation has been needlessly employed for the
+purpose of placing these heretics as early as possible; but nothing
+definite can be extracted from Irenæus's notices of them. Hippolytus's
+use of the present tense, in speaking of them, renders it probable
+that they were nearly his contemporaries.</note>
+From Hippolytus's account of the Ophites, Peratæ,
+and Sethians, we infer that the Christian writings were
+much employed by them. They rarely cite an apocryphal
+work. More than one hundred and sixty citations from the
+New Testament have been gathered out of their writings.<note place='foot'>See
+the Indexes to Duncker and Schneidewin's edition.</note>
+We may admit that these Ophites and Peratæ were of early
+origin, the former being the oldest known of the Gnostic
+parties; but there is no proof that the acquaintance with
+the New Testament which Hippolytus attributes to them
+belongs to the first rather than the second half of the second
+century. The early existence of the sect does not show an
+early citation of the Christian books by it, especially of
+John's gospel; unless its primary were its last stage. Later
+and earlier Ophites are not distinguished in the <hi rend='italic'>Philosophumena</hi>.
+Hence there is a presumption that the author had the
+former in view, which is favored by no mention of them occurring
+in the <q>Adversus omnes Hæreses</q> usually appended
+to Tertullian's <hi rend='italic'>Præscriptiones Hæreticorum</hi>, and by Irenæus's
+derivation of their heresy from that of Valentinus. The
+latter father does not even speak of the Peratæ. Clement
+of Alexandria is the first who alludes to them. The early
+heretics were desirous of confirming their peculiar opinions
+by the writings current among Catholic Christians, so that
+the formation of a canon by them began soon after the commencement
+of the second century, and continued till the
+end of it; contemporaneously with the development of a
+Catholic Church and its necessary adjunct a Catholic canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+No New Testament canon, except a partial and unauthoritative
+<pb n='063'/><anchor id='Pg063'/>
+one, existed till the latter half of the second century,
+that is, till the idea of a Catholic church began to be entertained.
+The living power of Christianity in its early
+stages had no need of books for its nurture. But in the
+development of a church organization the internal rule of
+consciousness was changed into an external one of faith.
+The Ebionites or Jewish Christians had their favorite Gospels
+and Acts. The gospel of Matthew was highly prized
+by them, existing as it did in various recensions, of which
+the gospel according to the Hebrews was one. Other documents,
+such as the Revelation of John; and the preaching
+of Peter, a Jewish-Christian history subsequently re-written
+and employed in the Clementine Recognitions and Homilies,
+were also in esteem. Even so late as 175-180 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>, Hegesippus,
+a Jewish Christian, does not seem to have had a
+canon consisting of the four gospels and Paul's Epistles, but
+appeals to <q>the law and the prophets and <emph>the Lord</emph>,</q> so
+that his leading principle was, the identity of Jesus's words
+with the Old Testament; agreeably to the tenets of the
+party he belonged to. The source whence he drew the words
+of Jesus was probably the Gospel according to the Hebrews,
+a document which we know he used, on the authority of
+Eusebius. He does not refer to Paul except by implication in a passage given in
+Photius from Stephen Gobar,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Bibliotheca</hi>, cod.
+232.</note> where
+he says that such as used the words <q>Eye hath not seen,
+nor ear heard,</q> &amp;c., falsified the Divine Scriptures and the
+Lord's words, <q>Blessed are your eyes for they see,</q> &amp;c.
+As Paul quoted the condemned language, he is blamed.<note place='foot'>It is
+an unfounded assumption that Paul cited the passage by
+<q>mere accident;</q> on the contrary, he gives it as canonical, with <q>as
+it is written</q> (1 Corinth. ii. 9). It may be that the Gnostics are referred
+to as using the objectionable passage; but it is special pleading
+<emph>to limit</emph> it to them, when Paul has expressly used the same, deriving
+it either from Isaiah lxiv. 4, or some unknown document; just as it is
+special pleading to identify ὁ κύριος standing beside
+νόμος καὶ προφῆται, with <emph>the New Testament</emph>.
+The word excludes Paul's Epistles from
+the canon; nor is there any evidence to the contrary, as has been
+alleged, in the two Syriac epistles attributed to Clement, which Wetstein
+published. Comp. <hi rend='italic'>Eusebius's H. E.</hi> iv. 22,
+<hi rend='italic'>Photius's Bibliotheca</hi>, 232. Apologists have labored to prove
+Hegesippus an orthodox Catholic Christian, like Irenæus; but in vain. He was a Jewish
+Christian of moderate type, holding intercourse with Pauline Christians
+at the time when the Catholic Church was being formed.</note>
+<pb n='064'/><anchor id='Pg064'/>
+Though he knew Paul's epistles, he does not look upon
+them as <emph>authoritative</emph>. He betrays no acquaintance with the
+fourth gospel; for the question, <q>What is the door to
+Jesus?</q> does not presuppose the knowledge of John x. 2,
+7, 9. Nösgen has failed to prove Hegesippus's Jewish descent;
+and Holtzmann's mediating view of him is incorrect.<note place='foot'>See
+<hi rend='italic'>Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift</hi> for 1875-1878.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Clementine Homilies (161-180 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) used the four
+canonical gospels even the fourth (which is somewhat
+singular in a writer who denies the deity of Christ), and assigned
+it to the apostle John. The gospel according to the
+Egyptians was also employed. Paul's epistles were rejected
+of course, as well as the Acts; since the apostle of the Gentiles
+was pointed at in Simon Magus, whom Peter refutes.
+It is, therefore, obvious that a collection of the New Testament
+writings could make little progress among the Ebionites
+of the second century. Their reverence for the law
+and the prophets hindered another canon. Among the
+Gentile Christians the formation of a canon took place more
+rapidly, though Judaic influences retarded it even there.
+After Paul's epistles were interchanged between churches,
+a few of them would soon be put together. A collection of
+this kind is implied in 2 Peter iii. 16. The pastoral epistles,
+which show their dependence on the authentic Pauline ones,
+with those of Peter, presuppose a similar collection; which
+along with the Synoptists, existed before the fourth gospel.
+The Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews were obnoxious
+to the Pauline churches, as Paul's letters were to the
+Jewish-Christian ones. Hence the former were outside the
+Pauline collections.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The apostolic fathers quote from the Old Testament,
+which was sacred and inspired to them. They have scarcely
+any express citations from the New Testament. <emph>Allusions</emph>
+occur, especially to the epistles.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='065'/><anchor id='Pg065'/>
+
+<p>
+The first Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (about
+120 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>), implies acquaintance with several of the epistles,
+with those to the Corinthians, Romans, Hebrews, and perhaps
+others. Two passages have also been adduced as
+derived from the gospels of Matthew and Luke, viz., in
+chapters xiii. 2 and xlvi. 8; but probably some other source
+supplied them, such as oral tradition. It has also been
+argued that the quotation in the fifteenth chapter, <q>The
+Scripture says somewhere, This people honoreth me with
+their lips, but their heart is far from me,</q> comes from Mark
+vii. 6 in which it varies from the Hebrew of Isaiah xxix.
+13, as well as the Septuagint version. Clement therefore, so
+it is said, quotes the Old Testament through the medium of
+the gospels (Matthew xv. 8, Mark vii. 6). But the argument
+is inconclusive because the words agree closely enough
+with the Septuagint to render the supposition very probable
+that they are a memorized citation from it. As they stand,
+they coincide exactly neither with Mark nor the Septuagint.<note place='foot'>There
+is ἄπεστιν instead of the Septuagint's and Mark's (Tischend.) ἀπέχει.</note>
+Thus we dissent from the opinion of Gebhardt and Harnack.
+Wherever <q>Scripture</q> is cited, or the expression <q>it is
+written</q> occurs, the Old Testament is meant.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Hermas (about 140 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) seems to have used the epistle
+to the Ephesians and perhaps that to the Hebrews, as well
+as the epistle of James; but there is great uncertainty about
+the matter, for there is no <emph>express</emph> or certain quotation from
+any part of the New Testament. The writer often alludes
+to words of Jesus, found in Matthew's gospel, so that he may
+have been acquainted with it. Keim<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Geschichte
+Jesu von Nazara</hi>, vol. 1, p. 144.</note> and others have discovered
+references to the fourth gospel; but they are invalid.
+There is no allusion to the Acts in vis. iv. 2, 4. The only
+<emph>Scripture</emph> cited is the apocryphal book
+<hi rend='italic'>Eldat and Modat</hi>, now
+lost.<note place='foot'>See Vision ii, 3, 4, with the
+prolegomena of De Gebhardt: and Harnack,
+p. lxxiii.</note> The writer seems to have known several Jewish
+Apocalypses.<note place='foot'>See Holtzmann in Hilgenfeld's
+<hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift</hi> for 1875, p. 40, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='066'/><anchor id='Pg066'/>
+
+<p>
+Barnabas (about 119 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) has but one quotation from the
+New Testament, if, indeed, it be such. Apparently, Matthew
+xx. 16 or xxii. 14 is introduced by <q>as it is written,</q> showing
+that the gospel was considered <emph>Scripture</emph>.<note place='foot'>Epist.
+ch. iv.</note> This is the
+earliest trace of canonical authority being transferred from
+the Old Testament to Christian writings. But the citation
+is not certain. The original may be 4 Esdras, viii. 3; and
+even if the writer took the words from Matthew's gospel, it
+is possible that he used <q>it is written</q> with reference to
+their prototype in the Old Testament. Of such interchanges,
+examples occur in writers of the second century; and it is
+the more probable that this is one, from the fact that 4
+Esdras is elsewhere considered a prophet and referred to in
+the same way as Ezekiel.<note place='foot'>Chapter xii. pp.
+30, 31, ed. 2, Hilgenfeld.</note> Barnabas's citation of a gospel
+as canonical is wholly improbable, since even Justin, thirty
+years after, never quotes the New Testament writings as
+<emph>Scripture</emph>. The thing would be anomalous and opposed to
+the history of the first half of the second century. When
+these post-apostolic productions appeared, the New Testament
+writings did not stand on the same level with the Old,
+and were not yet esteemed <emph>sacred</emph> and <emph>inspired</emph> like the Jewish
+Scriptures. The Holy Spirit was thought to dwell in
+all Christians, without being confined to a few writers; and
+his influence was the common heritage of believers. There
+are evidences of Barnabas's acquaintance with the Epistles
+to the Romans and Corinthians; nor is it improbable that
+he knew the canonical gospel of Matthew, though one passage
+<emph>appears</emph> to contradict Matthew xxviii. 10, &amp;c., without
+necessarily implying ignorance of what lies in it, viz., that
+the ascension of Jesus took place on the day of his resurrection.<note place='foot'>See
+Chapter xv. end, with Hilgenfeld's note, <hi rend='italic'>Barnabae epistula ed.</hi>
+<hi rend='italic'>altera</hi>, pp. 118, 119.</note>
+Strangely enough, Keim thinks that the writer had
+John's gospel before him; but this opinion is refuted by the
+end of Barnabas's fifth chapter.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Epis.</hi>
+p. 13 ed. Hilgenfeld.</note> Holtzmann has ably disposed
+<pb n='067'/><anchor id='Pg067'/>
+of the considerations adduced by Keim.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+für wissenschaftliche Theologie</hi>, 1871, P. 336, etc.</note> Barnabas
+quotes the book of Enoch as <emph>Scripture</emph>;<note place='foot'>Chapters
+xvi. and iv. In the former the reference is to Enoch
+lxxxix. 56, 66, 67, but the latter is not in the present book of Enoch,
+though Hilgenfeld thinks he has discovered it in lxxxix. 61-64 and xc.
+17. (<hi rend='italic'>Dillmann's Das Buch Henoch</hi>, pp. 61, 63). Was another
+apocryphal Jewish book current in the time of Barnabas, under the name of
+Enoch; or did he confound one document with another, misled by
+the Greek translation of an apocalyptic work which had fallen into
+discredit? See Hilgenfeld's <hi rend='italic'>Barnabae Epistula</hi>,
+ed. 2 pp. 77, 78.
+</note> and an apocryphal
+prophecy is introduced with, <q>another prophet says.</q><note place='foot'>Chapter
+xi.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+As far as we can judge from Eusebius's account of
+Papias<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hist. Eccles.</hi>
+iii. 39.</note> (about 150 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>), that writer knew nothing of a
+New Testament canon. He speaks of Matthew and Mark;
+but it is most probable that he had documents which either
+formed the basis of our present Matthew and Mark, or were
+taken into them and written over.<note place='foot'>A small
+body of literature originating in the fragment of Papias
+preserved by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. iii, 39, 1-4) has appeared;
+though it is difficult to obtain satisfactory conclusions. Not only have
+Weiffenbach and Leimbach written treatises on the subject, but other
+scholars have entered into it more or less fully,&mdash;Zahn, Steitz, Riggenbach,
+Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Keim, Martens, Loman, Holtzmann, Hausrath,
+Tietz, and Lightfoot. The fragment is not of great weight in
+settling the authenticity of the four gospels. Indirectly indeed it
+throws some light on the connection of two evangelists with written
+memoirs of the life of Jesus; but it rather suggests than solves various
+matters of importance. It is tolerably clear that the gospels, if such
+they may be called, of which he speaks as written by Matthew and
+Mark, were not identical with the works now existing under the names
+of these evangelists; and that no safe conclusion can be drawn from
+Papias's silence about John's and Luke's as not then in existence.
+Neither the present gospels nor any other had been converted into
+<emph>Scripture</emph>; since he regarded oral traditions as more credible than
+written memoirs. Those who hold that the presbyter John was none
+other than the apostle, Eusebius having misunderstood the fragment
+and made a different John from the apostle, as well as the critics who
+deduce from the fragment the fact that John suffered martyrdom in
+Palestine, have not established these conclusions. Papias refers to
+the material he got for explaining the λογία, rather than the source
+whence they were drawn. But whether he learnt directly from the
+elders, or indirectly as the preposition (παρὰ) would seem to indicate,
+and whether the sentence beginning with <q>What Andrew,</q> &amp;c., (τί
+Ἀνδρέας κ. τ. λ.) stands in apposition to the <q>words of the elders,</q>
+(τούς τῶν πρεσβυτέρων λόγους) or not, are things uncertain.</note> According to Andreas
+of Cæsarea he was acquainted with the Apocalypse of John;
+while Eusebius testifies to his knowledge of 1 Peter and 1
+<pb n='068'/><anchor id='Pg068'/>
+John. But he had no conception of canonical authority attaching
+to any part of the New Testament. His language
+implies the opposite, in that he prefers unwritten tradition
+to the gospel he speaks of. He neither felt the want nor
+knew the existence of <emph>inspired</emph> gospels.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We need not notice the three short Syriac epistles attributed
+to Ignatius, as we do not believe them to be his, but of
+later origin. Traces of later ideas about the canonicity of
+the New Testament appear in the shorter Greek recension
+of the Ignatian epistles (about 175 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>)
+There <emph>the Gospel</emph> and <emph>the Apostles</emph>
+are recognized as the constituents of the
+book.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Epist. ad Philadelph.</hi>,
+ch. 5 See Hefele's note on the passage.
+The other well-known passage in chapter viii. is too uncertain in reading
+and meaning to be adduced here.</note> The writer also used the Gospel according to the
+Hebrews, for there is a quotation from it in the epistle to
+the Smyrnians.<note place='foot'>Chapter iii.</note>
+The second part of the collection seems to
+have wanted the epistle to the Ephesians.<note place='foot'>To the Ephesians,
+chapter xii.</note> The two leading
+parties, long antagonistic, had now become united; the apostles Peter and
+Paul being mentioned together.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Epist.
+ad Romanos</hi>, iv.</note> In the
+Testaments of the twelve patriarchs (about 170 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>),
+Paul's life is said to be described in <q>holy books,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, his
+own epistles and the Acts.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Testam. Benj.</hi>
+11, p. 201, ed. Sinker.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Justin Martyr (150 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) knew the first and third of the
+synoptic gospels. His use of Mark's does not appear. His
+knowledge of the fourth is denied by many, and zealously
+defended by others. Thoma finds proofs that Justin knew
+it well, and used it freely as a text-book of gnosis, without
+recognizing it as the historical work of an apostle; an
+hypothesis encumbered with difficulties.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Zeitschrift
+für wissenschaftliche Theologie</hi>, 1875, p. 490,
+<hi rend='italic'>et seq.</hi></note> Whatever be said
+about Justin's acquaintance with this gospel; its existence
+before 140 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> is incapable either of decisive or probable
+proof; and this father's Logos-doctrine is less developed
+than the Johannine, because it is encumbered with the notion
+of miraculous birth by a virgin. The Johannine
+<pb n='069'/><anchor id='Pg069'/>
+authorship has receded before the tide of modern criticism;
+and though this tide is arbitrary at times, it is here irresistible.
+Apologists should abstain from strong assertions on
+a point so difficult, as that each <q>gospel is distinctly recognized
+by him;</q> for the noted passage in the dialogue with
+Trypho does not support them.<note place='foot'>Ἐν τόις
+ἀπομνημονέυμασαι, ἄ φημι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις
+παρακολουθησάντων συντετάχθαι. Sec. 103. Here <q>the apostles</q> are not
+necessarily Matthew and John. Apocryphal gospels then current bore
+the name of apostles or their attendants,&mdash;of Peter, James, Nicodemus,
+Matthias, &amp;c.</note> It is pretty certain that
+he employed an extra-canonical gospel, the so-called gospel
+of the Hebrews. This Petrine document may be referred
+to in a passage which is unfortunately capable of a double
+interpretation.<note place='foot'>Καὶ τὸ εἰπεῖν
+μετωνομακέναι αὐτὸν Πέτρον καὶ γεγράφθαι ἐν τοῖς ἀπομνημονεύμασαι
+αὐτοῦ γεγενημένον καὶ τοῦτο, μετὰ τοῦ καὶ, κ. τ. λ. Dial. cum Tryph.,
+106. Here the pronoun αὐτοῦ probably refers to Peter. And the expression
+<q>his memoirs</q> can hardly mean Mark's gospel, since Jerome
+is the first that calls it such.</note> He had also the older Acts of Pilate. Paul's
+epistles are never mentioned, though he doubtless knew
+them. Having little sympathy with Paulinism he attached
+his belief much more to the primitive apostles. The Apocalypse,
+1 Peter, and 1 John he esteemed highly; the epistle
+to the Hebrews and the Acts he treated in the same way as
+the Pauline writings. Justin's canon, as far as divine authority
+and inspiration are concerned, was the Old Testament.
+He was merely on the threshold of a divine canon
+made up of primitive Christian writings, and attributed no
+exclusive sanctity to those he used because they were not
+to him the only source of doctrine. Even of the Apocalypse he says, <q>A man among us
+named John, &amp;c., wrote it.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Dialogus</hi>,
+part ii., p. 315, ed. Thirlby. Comp. on Justin, Tjeenk-Willink's
+<hi rend='italic'>Justinus Martyr in zijne Verhouding tot Paulus</hi>.</note>
+In his time none of the gospels had been canonized, not
+even the synoptists, if, indeed, he knew them all. Oral
+tradition was the chief fountain of Christian knowledge, as
+it had been for a century. In his opinion this tradition was
+embodied in writing; but the documents in which he looked
+for all that related to Christ were not the gospels alone.
+<pb n='070'/><anchor id='Pg070'/>
+He used others freely, not looking upon any as <emph>inspired</emph>,
+for that idea could arise only when a selection was made
+among the current documents. He regarded them all as
+having been written down from memory, and judged them
+by criteria of evidence conformable to the Old Testament
+Scriptures. Though lessons out of Gospels (some of our
+present ones and others), as also out of the prophets, were read in assemblies
+on the first day of the week,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Apolog.</hi>
+i. 97, ed. Thirlby.</note> the act of
+converting the Christian writings into <emph>Scripture</emph> was posterior;
+for the mere reading of a gospel in churches on Sunday
+does not prove that it was considered divinely authoritative;
+and the use of the epistles, which formed the second and
+less valued part of the collection, must still have been
+limited.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Justin's disciple, Tatian (160-180 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>),
+wrote a <hi rend='italic'>Diatessaron</hi>
+or harmony of the gospels, which began, according to
+Ephrem Syrus, with John i. 1; but our knowledge of it is
+uncertain. The author omitted the genealogies of Jesus
+and everything belonging to His Davidic descent. He
+seems also to have put into it particulars derived from
+extra-canonical sources such as the Gospel according to the
+Hebrews. Doubtless he was acquainted with Paul's writings,
+as statements made in them are quoted; but he dealt
+freely with them according to Eusebius, and even rejected several epistles,
+probably first and second Timothy.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hieronymi
+Prooem.</hi> in <hi rend='italic'>Epist. ad Titum.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In Polycarp's epistle (about 160 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>), which is liable to
+strong suspicions of having been written after the death of
+the bishop,<note place='foot'>Comp. chap. xii., where γραφαί is applied to the apostolic
+epistles; a title they did not receive so early as the age of Polycarp. Zahn
+himself admits this.</note> there are reminiscences of the synoptic gospels;
+and most of Paul's epistles as well as I Peter were used by
+the writer. But the idea of canonical authority, or a peculiar
+inspiration belonging to these writings, is absent.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The author of the second Clementine epistle (about 150-160)
+had not a New Testament canon made up of the four
+<pb n='071'/><anchor id='Pg071'/>
+gospels and epistles. His <emph>Scripture</emph> was the Old Testament,
+to which is applied the epithet <q>the Books</q> or <q>the Bible;</q>
+and the words of Christ. <q>The Apostles</q> immediately subjoined
+to <q>the Books,</q> does not mean the New Testament,
+or a special collection of the apostolic epistles, as has been
+supposed.<note place='foot'>Chapter xiv. 2.</note>
+The preacher employed a gospel or gospels as
+<emph>Scripture</emph>; perhaps those of Matthew and Luke, not the
+whole documents, but the parts containing the words of
+Christ.<note place='foot'>Chapter ii. 4.</note>
+He also used the Gospel of the Egyptians as an
+authoritative document, and quoted his sources freely. With
+the Johannine writings he seems to have been unacquainted.<note place='foot'>See
+<hi rend='italic'>Clementis Romani ad Corinthios quae discuntur epistulae, ed.
+de Gebhardt et Harnack</hi>, 2., sec. 10, Prolegomena.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Athenagoras of Athens wrote an apology addressed to
+Marcus Aurelius (176 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>). In it he uses written and unwritten
+tradition, testing all by the Old Testament which
+was his only authoritative canon. He makes no reference to
+the Christian documents, but adduces words of Jesus with
+the verb <q>he says.</q> It is not clear whether he quoted
+from the Synoptics; perhaps the passages which are parallel
+to Matthew v. 44, 45, 46,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Legat. pro Christ.</hi>
+II, 12.</note> and Mark x. 6,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>
+33.</note> were taken
+from these; but the matter is somewhat uncertain. His
+treatise on the resurrection appeals to a passage in one of
+Paul's epistles.<note place='foot'>Chapter xviii.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Dionysius of Corinth ( 170 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) complains of the falsification
+of his writings, but consoles himself with the fact
+that the same is done to the <q>Scriptures of the Lord,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>,
+the gospels containing the Lord's words; or rather the two
+parts of the early collection, <q>the gospel</q> and <q>the apostle</q>
+together; which agrees best with the age and tenor of his
+letters.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ap.</hi> Euseb.
+H. E., iv. 23.</note> If such be the meaning, the collection is put on a
+par with the Old Testament, and regarded as inspired.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the second epistle of Peter (about <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 170) Paul's
+epistles are regarded as Scripture (iii. 16.) This seems to
+<pb n='072'/><anchor id='Pg072'/>
+be the earliest example of the canonizing of any New Testament
+portion. Here a brotherly recognition of the Gentile
+apostle and his productions takes the place of former opposition.
+A false interpretation of his epistles is even supposed
+to have induced a departure from primitive apostolic Christianity.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The letter of the churches at Vienne and Lyons (177 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>)
+has quotations from the epistles to the Romans, Philippians,
+1 Timothy, 1 Peter, Acts, the gospels of Luke and John, the Apocalypse. The last
+is expressly called <emph>Scripture</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ap</hi>.
+Euseb. H. E., v. 1, p. 144, ed. Bright.</note>
+This shows a fusion of the two original tendencies, the
+Petrine and Pauline; and the formation of a Catholic church
+with a common canon of authority. Accordingly, the two
+apostles, Peter and Paul, are mentioned together.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Theophilus of Antioch (180 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) was familiar with the
+gospels and most of Paul's epistles, as also the Apocalypse.
+Passages are cited from Paul as <q>the divine word.</q><note place='foot'>θεῖος λόγος.
+<hi rend='italic'>Ad Autolycum</hi>, iii. 14, p. 1141, ed Migne.</note> He
+ascribes the fourth gospel to John, calling him an inspired
+man, like the Old Testament prophets.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+ii. 22.</note> We also learn
+from Jerome that he commented on the gospels put together
+by way of harmony.<note place='foot'>Epist. 151, ad Algasiam.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The author of the epistle to Diognetus (about 200 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>)
+shows his acquaintance with the gospels and Paul's epistles;
+but he never cites the New Testament by way of proof.
+Words are introduced into his discourse, in passing and
+from memory.<note place='foot'>See Overbeck's <hi rend='italic'>Studien
+zur Geschichte der alten Kirche, Abhandlung</hi>
+I., in which the date of the letter is brought down till after Constantine.
+Surely this is too late.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The conception of a Catholic <emph>canon</emph> was realized about the
+same time as that of a Catholic <emph>church</emph>. One hundred and
+seventy years from the coming of Christ elapsed before the
+collection assumed a form that carried with it the idea of
+<emph>holy</emph> and <emph>inspired</emph>.<note place='foot'>Davidson's
+<hi rend='italic'>Introduction to the Study of the New Testament</hi>, vol.
+ii. p. 508, &amp;c.</note> The way in which it was done was by
+<pb n='073'/><anchor id='Pg073'/>
+raising the apostolic writings higher and higher till they
+were of equal authority with the Old Testament, so that the
+church might have a rule of appeal. But by lifting the
+Christian productions up to the level of the old Jewish ones,
+injury was done to that living consciousness which feels
+the opposition between spirit and letter; the latter writings
+tacitly assuming or keeping the character of a perfect rule
+even as to form. The Old Testament was not brought
+down to the New; the New was raised to the Old. It is
+clear that the earliest church fathers did not use the books
+of the New Testament as sacred documents clothed with
+divine authority, but followed for the most part, at least till
+the middle of the second century, apostolic tradition orally
+transmitted. They were not solicitous about a canon circumscribed
+within certain limits.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the second half, then, of the second century there was
+a canon of the New Testament consisting of two parts called
+<emph>the gospel</emph><note place='foot'>τὸ εὐαγγέλιον.</note>
+and <emph>the apostle</emph>.<note place='foot'>ὁ ἀπόστολος.</note>
+The first was complete, containing
+the four gospels alone; the second, which was incomplete,
+contained the Acts of the Apostles and epistles, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>,
+thirteen letters of Paul, one of Peter, one of John, and the
+Revelation. How and where this canon originated is uncertain.
+Its birthplace may have been Asia Minor, like
+Marcion's; but it may have grown about the same time in
+Asia Minor, Alexandria, and Western Africa. At all events,
+Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian agree in
+recognizing its existence.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Irenæus had a canon which he adopted as apostolic. In
+his view it was of binding force and authoritative. This
+contained the four gospels, the Acts, thirteen epistles of
+Paul, the first epistle of John, and the Revelation. He had
+also a sort of appendix or deutero-canon, which he highly
+esteemed without putting it on a par with the received collection,
+consisting of John's second epistle, the first of Peter,
+and the Shepherd of Hermas. The last he calls
+<emph>Scripture</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adves. Hæres.</hi>,
+iv. 20, 2.</note>
+<pb n='074'/><anchor id='Pg074'/>
+The epistle to the Hebrews, that of Jude, James's, second
+Peter, and third John he ignored.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Clement's collection was more extended than Irenæus'.
+His appendix or deutero-canon included the epistle to the
+Hebrews, 2 John, Jude, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Shepherd
+of Hermas, the Epistles of Clement and Barnabas. He
+recognized no obligatory canon, distinct and of paramount
+authority. But he separated the New Testament writings
+by their traditionally apostolic character and the degree of
+importance attached to them. He did not attach the modern
+idea of <emph>canonical</emph> in opposition to <emph>non-canonical</emph>, either to the
+four gospels or any other part of the New Testament.
+Barnabas is cited as an apostle.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Stromateis</hi>,
+ii. 6, p. 965, ed. Migne.</note> So is the Roman
+Clement.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, iv. 17, p. 1312.</note>
+The Shepherd of Hermas is spoken of as
+<emph>divine</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+i. 29, p. 928.</note> Thus the
+line of the Homologoumena is not marked off even to the
+same extent as in Irenæus.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Tertullian's canon consisted of the gospels, Acts, thirteen
+epistles of Paul, the Apocalypse, and 1 John. As an appendix
+he had the epistle to the Hebrews, that of Jude, the
+Shepherd of Hermas, 2 John probably, and 1 Peter. This
+deutero-canon was not regarded as authoritative. No trace
+occurs in his works of James' epistle, 2 Peter, and 3 John. He used the Shepherd,
+calling it <emph>Scripture</emph>,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Oratione</hi>,
+cap. 12.</note> without implying,
+however, that he put it on a par with the usually acknowledged
+canonical writings; but after he became a
+Montanist, he repudiated it as the apocryphal Shepherd of
+adulterers, <q>put among the apocryphal and false, by every
+council of the churches.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Pudicitia</hi>,
+cap. 10-20.</note> It was <emph>not</emph>, however, reckoned
+among the spurious and false writings, either at Rome or
+Carthage, in the time of Tertullian. It was merely placed
+outside the universally received works by the western
+churches of that day.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+These three fathers did not fix the canon absolutely. Its
+limits were still unsettled. But they sanctioned most of the
+<pb n='075'/><anchor id='Pg075'/>
+books now accepted as divine, putting some extra-canonical
+productions almost on the same level with the rest, if not in
+theory, at least in practice.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon of Muratori is a fragmentary list which was
+made towards the end of the second century (170 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>).
+Its birthplace is uncertain, though there are traces of
+Roman origin. Its translation from the Greek is assumed,
+but that is uncertain. It begins with the four gospels in
+the usual order, and proceeds to the Acts, thirteen epistles
+of Paul, the epistles of John, that of Jude, and the Apocalypse.
+The epistle to the Hebrews, 1 and 2 Peter, 1 John
+and James are not named. The Apocalypse of Peter is also
+mentioned, but as not universally received. Of the Shepherd
+of Hermas, it is stated that it may be read in the
+Church. The epistle <q>to the Laodiceans</q> may either be
+that to the Ephesians, which had such superscription in
+Marcion's canon, or less probably the supposititious epistle
+mentioned in the codex Boernerianus,<note place='foot'>G. of St.
+Paul's epistles, a MS. of the ninth century according to
+Tischendorf.</note> after that to Philemon,
+and often referred to in the middle ages.<note place='foot'>See Anger's
+<hi rend='italic'>Ueber den Laodicener Brief</hi>, 1843.</note> That <q>to
+the Alexandrians</q> is probably the epistle to the Hebrews;
+though this has been denied without sufficient reason. According
+to the usual punctuation, both are said to have been
+forged in Paul's name, an opinion which may have been
+entertained among Roman Christians about 170 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> The
+Epistle to the Hebrews was rejected in the west, and may
+have been thought a supposititious work in the interests of Paulinism, with some
+reason because of its internal character,<note place='foot'><foreign lang='la'
+rend='italic'>Fertur etiam ad Laudecences alia ad Alexandrinos Pauli nomine
+fincte ad hesem Marcionis el alia plura quæ in Catholicam ecclesiam
+recepi non potest.</foreign> Perhaps a comma should be put after
+<foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>nomine</foreign>, and
+<foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>fincte</foreign> joined to what follows, to the
+<foreign lang='la' rend='italic'>alia plura</foreign>
+said to be forged in the interest of Marcion.</note>
+which is at least semi-Pauline, though its Judaistic
+basis is apparent. The story about the origin of the fourth
+gospel with its apostolic and episcopal attestation, evinces
+a desire to establish the authenticity of a work which had
+<pb n='076'/><anchor id='Pg076'/>
+not obtained universal acceptance at the time.<note place='foot'><foreign
+lang='la' rend='italic'>Quarti evangeliorum Johannis ex discipulis cohortantibus
+condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit conjejunate mihi odie triduo el quid cuique
+fuerit revelatum alterutrum nobis ennarremus eadem nocte revelatum
+Andreæ ex apostolis ut recogniscentibus cunctis Johannis suo nomine
+cuncta discriberet.</foreign></note> It is difficult
+to make out the meaning in various places; and there
+is considerable diversity of opinion among expositors of the
+document.<note place='foot'>It is printed
+and largely commented on by Credner in his <hi rend='italic'>Geschichte
+des neutestamentlichen Kanon</hi> edited by Volkmar, p. 141, &amp;c.,
+and by Westcott <hi rend='italic'>On the Canon</hi>, Appendix C, p. 466, 2d edition. Many
+others have explained it; especially Hilgenfeld.</note> In accord with these facts we
+find Serapion bishop of the church at Rhossus, in Cilicia,<note place='foot'>About
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 190.</note> allowing the
+public use of the gospel of Peter;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Euseb.</hi>
+H. E. vi. 12.</note> which shows that there
+was no exclusive gospel-canon at the end of the second century,
+at least in Syria. The present canon had not then
+pervaded the churches in general.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+What is the result of an examination of the Christian
+literature belonging to the second century? Is it that a
+canon was then fixed, separating some books from others
+by a line so clear, that those on one side of it were alone
+reckoned inspired, authoritative, of apostolic origin or sanction;
+while those on the other were considered uninspired,
+unauthoritative, without claim to apostolicity, unauthentic?
+Was the separation between them made on any clear principle
+or demarcation? It cannot be said so. The century
+witnessed no such fact, but merely the incipient efforts to
+bring it about. The discriminating process was begun, not
+completed. It was partly forced upon the prominent advocates
+of a policy which sought to consolidate the Jewish and
+Gentile-Christian parties, after the decline of their mutual
+antagonism, into a united church. They were glad to
+transfer the current belief in the infallible inspiration of the
+Old Testament, to selected Christian writings, as an effective
+means of defence against those whom they considered outside
+a new organization&mdash;the Catholic Church.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The stichometrical list of the Old and New Testament
+<pb n='077'/><anchor id='Pg077'/>
+Scriptures in the Latin of the Clermont MS. (D), was that
+<emph>read</emph> in the African Church in the third century. It is
+peculiar. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth,
+and the historical books, follow Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Wisdom, Sirach, the twelve minor prophets,
+the four greater; three books of the Maccabees, Judith,
+Esdras, Esther, Job, and Tobit. In the New Testament,
+the four gospels, Matthew, John, Mark, Luke, are succeeded
+by ten epistles of Paul, two of Peter, the epistle of James,
+three of John, and that of Jude. The epistle to the Hebrews
+(characterized as that of Barnabas), the Revelation of John,
+Acts of the Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Acts of
+Paul, the Revelation of Peter, follow. The last three constitute
+a sort of appendix; and the number of their verses
+is given. It is possible that the carelessness of a transcriber
+may have caused some of the singularities observable in this
+list; such as the omission of the epistles to the Philippians
+and Thessalonians; but the end shows a freer idea of books
+fit for reading than what was usual even at that early time
+in the African Church.<note place='foot'>Tischendorf edited
+the Pauline epistles from this MS. Lipsiæ, 1852.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In Syria a version of the New Testament for the use of
+the church was made early in the third century. This work,
+commonly called the Peshito, wants 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John,
+Jude, and the Apocalypse. It has, however, all the other
+books, including the epistle of James and that to the Hebrews.
+The last two were received as apostolic.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Towards the middle of the third century, Origen's<note place='foot'>Died
+254 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> testimony
+respecting the Canon is of great value. He seems to
+have distinguished three classes of books&mdash;authentic ones,
+whose apostolic origin was generally admitted, those not authentic,
+and a middle-class not generally recognized or in regard
+to which his own opinion wavered. The first contained
+those already adopted at the beginning of the century both
+in the East and West, with the Apocalypse, and the epistle
+<pb n='078'/><anchor id='Pg078'/>
+to the Hebrews <emph>so far as it contains Pauline ideas</emph>;<note place='foot'>τὰ
+ἐν τῇ διαθήκη βιβλία, ἐνδιάθηκα, ὁμολογούμενα.</note> to the
+second belongs the Shepherd of Hermas, though he sometimes
+hesitated a little about it,<note place='foot'>In one place,
+however, he calls it <emph>very useful and divinely inspired</emph>.
+<hi rend='italic'>Comment. in ep. ad Roman.</hi>, xvi.
+14.</note> the epistle of Barnabas, the
+Acts of Paul, the gospel according to the Hebrews, the
+gospel of the Egyptians, and the preaching of Peter;<note place='foot'>νόθα.</note>
+to the third, the epistle of James, that of Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3
+John.<note place='foot'>Ap. Euseb, <hi rend='italic'>Hist. Eccles.</hi>,
+vi. 25; iii. 25, ἀντιλεγόμενα.</note> The separation of the
+various writings is not formally
+made, nor does Origen give a list of them. His
+classification is gathered from his works; and though its
+application admitted of considerable latitude, he is cautious
+enough, appealing to the tradition of the church, and throwing
+in qualifying expressions.<note place='foot'>See Euseb. <hi rend='italic'>H. E.</hi>
+vi. 25. <hi rend='italic'>Comment. in Malth.</hi>, iii. p. 463;
+<hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 814; <hi rend='italic'>Comment. in ep. ad Roman.</hi>,
+iv. p. 683; <hi rend='italic'>in Matth.</hi>, iii. p. 644;
+<hi rend='italic'>Homil.</hi> viii. <hi rend='italic'>in Numb.</hi>, ii. p. 294;
+<hi rend='italic'>Contra Cels.</hi>, i. 63, p. 378; <hi rend='italic'>De Principiis
+præf.</hi>, i. p. 49. <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi>, ed. Delarue.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Canon of Eusebius<note place='foot'>Died 340 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+is given at length in his <hi rend='italic'>Ecclesiastical
+History</hi>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hist. Eccles.</hi>, iii. 25;
+also 31, 39; vi. 13, 14.</note> He divides the books into three classes, containing
+those writings <emph>generally received</emph>,<note place='foot'>ὁμολογούμενα,
+ἐνδιάθηκα, ἀναμφίλεκτα, ἀναντίρρητα.</note> those
+<emph>controverted</emph>,<note place='foot'>ἀντιλεγόμενα, γνώριμα δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς,
+ἐν πλείσταις ἐκκλησίαις δεδημοσιευμένα, νόθα.</note>
+and the <emph>heretical</emph>.<note place='foot'>ἄτοπα πάντη καὶ δυσσεβῆ;
+παντελῶς νόθα (iii. 31).</note> The first has the four gospels, the
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, 1 John, 1 Peter, the Apocalypse.<note place='foot'>This
+last with the qualification εἴγε φανείη. In another place he
+states that it was rejected by some, and therefore it is also along with
+the ἀντιλεγόμενα or νόθα.</note>
+The second class is subdivided into two, the first
+corresponding to Origen's <emph>mixed</emph><note place='foot'>μικτά.</note> or
+<emph>intermediate</emph> writings,
+the second to his <emph>spurious</emph><note place='foot'>νόθα.</note>
+ones. The former subdivision
+contains the epistle of James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John;
+the latter, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of
+Peter, the epistle of Barnabas, the Doctrines of the Apostles,
+the Apocalypse of John, the gospel according to the Hebrews.
+The third class has the gospels of Peter, of Thomas, the
+<pb n='079'/><anchor id='Pg079'/>
+traditions of Matthias, the Acts of Peter, Andrew, and John.
+The subdivisions of the second class are indefinite. The
+only distinction which Eusebius puts between them is that
+of ecclesiastical use. Though he classes as <emph>spurious</emph> the
+Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas, the doctrines of the Apostles, the Apocalypse
+of John, the gospel according to the Hebrews, and
+does not apply the epithet to the epistle of James, the 2 of
+Peter, 2 and 3 John; he uses of James's in one place the
+verb <emph>to be counted spurious</emph>.<note place='foot'>νοθεύομαι.
+<hi rend='italic'>Hist. Eccles.</hi>, ii. 23. Christophorson, Schmid, and Hug
+think that Eusebius gave the opinion of others in this word: but it is
+more likely that he gave his own, as Valesius thinks. See the note in
+Schmid's <hi rend='italic'>Historia antiqua et vindicatio Canonis, &amp;c.</hi>, p.
+358.</note> In like manner he speaks of the Apocalypse of Peter and the epistle of
+Barnabas as <emph>controverted</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+vi. 14.</note>
+The <emph>mixed</emph> or <emph>spurious</emph> of Origen are vaguely
+separated by Eusebius; both come under the general head
+of the <emph>controverted</emph>; for after specifying them separately he
+sums up, <q>all these will belong to the class of the <emph>controverted</emph>,</q>
+the very class already described as containing
+<q>books well known and recognized by most,</q> implying also
+that they were read in the churches.<note place='foot'>See Weber's
+<hi rend='italic'>Beiträge zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen
+Kanons</hi>, p. 142, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is somewhat remarkable that Eusebius does not mention
+the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians in this list.
+But he speaks of it in another place as a production whose
+authenticity was generally acknowledged,<note place='foot'>ὁμολογουμένη.
+<hi rend='italic'>Hist. Eccles.</hi>, iii. 16.</note> and of its public
+use in most churches both formerly and in his own time.
+This wide-spread reading of it did not <emph>necessarily</emph> imply
+canonicity; but the mode in which Eusebius characterizes
+it, and its extensive use in public, favor the idea that in
+many churches it was almost put on equality with the productions
+commonly regarded as authoritative. The canonical
+list was not fixed immovably in the time of Eusebius.
+Opinions about books varied, as they had done before.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The testimony of Eusebius regarding the canon, important
+<pb n='080'/><anchor id='Pg080'/>
+as it is, has less weight because of the historian's
+credulity. One who believed in the authenticity of Abgar's
+letters to Christ, and in the canon of the four gospels at the
+time of Trajan, cannot take rank as a judicious collector or
+sifter of facts.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+About 332 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> the Emperor Constantine entrusted
+Eusebius with the commission to make out a complete collection
+of the sacred Christian writings for the use of the
+Catholic Church. How this order was executed we are not
+told. But Credner is probably correct in saying that the
+code consisted of all that is now in the New Testament
+except the Revelation. The fifty copies which were made
+must have supplied Constantinople and the Greek Church
+for a considerable time with an authoritative canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Eusebius's catalogue agrees in substance with that of
+Origen's. The historian followed ecclesiastical tradition.
+He inquired diligently into the prevailing opinions of the
+Christian churches and writers, with the views held by
+others before and contemporaneously with himself, but
+could not attain to a decided result. His hesitation stood
+in the way of a clear, firm, view of the question. The tradition
+respecting certain books was still wavering, and he
+was unable to fix it. Authority fettered his independent
+judgment. That he was inconsistent and confused does
+not need to be shown.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The exact principles that guided the formation of a canon
+in the earliest centuries cannot be discovered. Strictly
+speaking there were none. Definite grounds for the reception
+or rejection of books were not apprehended. The
+choice was determined by various circumstances, of which
+apostolic origin was the chief, though this itself was
+insufficiently attested; for if it be asked whether all the New
+Testament writings proceeded from the authors whose
+names they bear, criticism cannot reply in the affirmative.
+The example and influence of churches to which the writings
+had been first addressed must have acted upon the
+<pb n='081'/><anchor id='Pg081'/>
+reception of books. Above all, individual teachers here and
+there saw the necessity of meeting heretics with their own
+weapons, in their own way, with <emph>apostolic records</emph> instead of
+oral tradition. The circumstances in which the orthodox
+were placed led to this step, effecting a bond of union whose
+need must have been felt while each church was isolated
+under its own bishop and the collective body could not take
+measures in common. Writings of more recent origin would
+be received with greater facility than such as had been in circulation
+for many years, especially if they professed to come
+from a prominent apostle. A code of apostolic writings, divine
+and perfect like the Old Testament, had to be presented
+as soon as possible against Gnostic and Manichæan heretics
+whose doctrines were injurious to objective Christianity;
+while the multiplication of apocryphal works threatened to
+overwhelm genuine tradition with a heap of superstition.
+The Petrine and Pauline Christians, now amalgamated to a
+great extent, agreed in hastening the canon-process.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The infancy of the canon was cradled in an uncritical
+age, and rocked with traditional ease. Conscientious care
+was not directed from the first to the well-authenticated
+testimony of eye-witnesses. Of the three fathers who contributed
+most to its early growth, Irenæus was credulous
+and blundering; Tertullian passionate and one-sided; and
+Clement of Alexandria, imbued with the treasures of Greek
+wisdom, was mainly occupied with ecclesiastical ethics.
+Irenæus argues that the gospels should be four in number,
+neither more nor less, because there are four universal winds
+and four quarters of the world. The Word or Architect of
+all things gave the gospel in a fourfold shape. According
+to this father, the apostles were fully informed concerning
+all things, and had a perfect knowledge, after their Lord's
+ascension. Matthew wrote his gospel while Peter and Paul were preaching
+in Rome and founding the church.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adversus
+Hæres</hi>, iii., II, 8. </note> Such
+assertions show both ignorance and exaggeration.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='082'/><anchor id='Pg082'/>
+
+<p>
+Tertullian affirms that the <emph>tradition of the apostolic churches</emph>
+guarantees the four gospels,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adv.
+Marc.</hi> iv. 5.</note> and refers his readers to the
+churches of Corinth, Philippi, Ephesus, &amp;c., for the <emph>authentic
+epistles</emph> of Paul.<note place='foot'> <hi rend='italic'>De præscript.
+hæret.</hi> c. 36.</note> What is this but the rhetoric of an enthusiast?
+In like manner he states that bishops were appointed
+by the apostles, and that they existed from that time downward,
+the succession originating so early.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De præscript.
+hæret.</hi> c. 32.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Clement contradicts himself in making Peter authorize
+Mark's gospel to be read in the churches; while in another
+place he says that the apostle neither <q>forbad nor encouraged
+it.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles.</hi>
+ii. 15 and vi. 14.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The three fathers of whom we are speaking, had neither
+the ability nor the inclination to examine the genesis of
+documents surrounded with an apostolic halo. No analysis
+of their authenticity and genuineness was seriously attempted
+either by them or by the men of their time. In its
+absence, custom, accident, taste, practical needs directed the
+tendency of tradition. All the rhetoric employed to throw
+the value of their testimony as far back as possible, even
+up to or at least very near the apostle John is of the vaguest
+sort. Appeals to the continuity of tradition and of church
+doctrine, to the exceptional veneration of these fathers for
+the gospels, to their opinions being formed earlier than the
+composition of the works in which they are expressed, possess
+no force. The ends which the fathers in question had
+in view, their polemic motives, their uncritical, inconsistent
+assertions, their want of sure data, detract from their testimony.
+Their decisions were much more the result of pious
+feeling biased by the theological speculations of the times,
+than the conclusions of a sound judgment. The very arguments
+they use to establish certain conclusions show weakness
+of perception. What are the manifestations of spiritual
+feeling, compared with the results of logical reasoning?
+Are they more trustworthy than the latter? Certainly not,
+<pb n='083'/><anchor id='Pg083'/>
+at least in relation to questions of evidence. It is true that
+their testimony has a value; but it is one proportionate to
+the degree of credibility attaching to witnesses circumstanced
+as they were, whose separation of canonical from
+uncanonical gospels, or rather their canonizing of certain
+writings apart from others, and their claiming of inspiration
+for the authors of the former, must be judged by the reasonableness
+of the thing itself, in connection with men of their
+type. The second century abounded in pseudonymous
+literature; and the early fathers, as well as the churches,
+were occupied with other things than the sifting of evidence
+connected with writings considerably prior to their own
+time. The increase of such apocryphal productions, gospels,
+acts, and apocalypses among the heretical parties stimulated
+the orthodox bishops and churches to make an authentic
+collection; but it increased the difficulties of the task.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Textual criticism has been employed to discredit the true
+dates of the present gospels; and the most exaggerated descriptions
+have been given of the frequent transcription of
+the text and its great corruption in the second century.
+The process of corruption in the course of frequent transcription
+has been transferred even to the first century. It
+is true that the gospels at the end of that century exhibited
+a text which bears marks of transcription, interpolation,
+and addition; but they were not the complete works as we
+have them now, being then but in progress, except the
+fourth. The assumption that <q>advanced corruption</q> existed
+in the present text of the synoptists as early as the
+first century is gratuitous; unless the process by which
+they were gradually built up is so called. No attempt to
+get a long history behind the canonical gospels at the close
+of the first century out of <q>advanced corruption</q> can be
+successful. It is attested by no Christian writer of the
+century; and those in the first half of the second, both heretical
+and orthodox, did themselves treat the text in a
+manner far short of its implied infallibility. The various
+<pb n='084'/><anchor id='Pg084'/>
+readings with which they had to do, do not carry up <emph>the canonical
+gospels</emph> far into the first century. The transcription,
+enlargement, and interpolation of the materials which make
+up the body of them, must not be identified with the corruption
+of their <emph>completed texts</emph>, in order that the latter may be
+relegated to an early period; for the synoptists did not
+come forth full-blown, each from the hand of a single person.
+The old Latin version or versions used by Tertullian and
+the interpreter of Irenæus, have been pressed into the same
+service, but in vain.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In like manner the Curetonian Syriac version of the gospels
+has been put as early as possible into the second
+century, though it can hardly have been prior to the very
+close of it, or rather to the beginning of the third. Here
+the strong assertions of apologetic writers have been freely
+scattered abroad. But the evidence in favor of the authors
+traditionally assigned to the gospels and some of the epistles,
+is still uncertain. A wide gap intervenes between eye-witnesses
+of the apostles or apostolic men that wrote the sacred
+books, and the earliest fathers who assert such authorship.
+The traditional bridge between them is a precarious one. As
+the chasm cannot be filled by adequate external evidence,
+we are thrown back on the internal character of the works
+themselves. One thing appears from the early corruption
+of the sacred records spoken of by Irenæus, Origen, and
+others, that they were not regarded with the veneration
+necessarily attaching to infallible documents. Their being
+freely handled excludes the idea of rigid canonization. The
+men who first canonized them had no certain knowledge of
+their authors. To them, that knowledge had been obscured
+or lost; though a sagacious criticism might have arrived at
+the true state of the question even in their day.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the sub-apostolic age Ebionitism passed into Catholicism,
+Jewish into Pauline Christianity, the mythical and
+marvelous into the dogmatic, the traditional into the historic,
+the legendary into the literary. The conflict of parties
+<pb n='085'/><anchor id='Pg085'/>
+within the sphere of Christianity gave rise to productions
+of various tendencies which reflected the circumstances out
+of which they arose. These were accepted or rejected by
+the churches according to the prevailing opinions of the
+persons composing the churches. Common usage led to
+the authorization of some; others were neglected. The
+state of the second century in its beliefs, credulity, idiosyncracies
+of prominent teachers, antagonistic opinions and
+mystic speculations, throws a light upon the New Testament
+writings and especially on the formation of the canon, which
+explains their genesis. Two things stand out most clearly,
+the comparatively late idea of a <emph>canonical</emph> New Testament
+literature; and the absence of critical principles in determining
+it. The former was not entertained till the latter part
+of the second century. The conception of canonicity and
+inspiration attaching to New Testament books did not exist
+till the time of Irenæus.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+When it is asked, to whom do we owe the canon? the
+usual answer is, to the Church. This is true only in a
+sense. The unity attributed to Christians before Irenæus
+and Tertullian, consisted in their religious consciousness.
+It was subjective. The idea of <emph>the church</emph> was that of inward
+fellowship&mdash;the fellowship of the spirit rather than an
+outward organism. The preservation of the early Christian
+writings was owing, in the first instance, to the congregations
+to whom they were sent, and the neighboring ones
+with whom such congregations had friendly connection.
+The care of them devolved on the most influential teachers,&mdash;on
+those who occupied leading positions in the chief
+cities, or were most interested in apostolic writings as a
+source of instruction. The Christian books were mostly in
+the hands of the bishops. In process of time the canon was
+the care of assemblies or councils. But it had been made
+before the first general council by a few leading fathers towards
+the end of the second century in different countries.
+The formation of a Catholic Church and of a canon was
+<pb n='086'/><anchor id='Pg086'/>
+simultaneous. The circumstances in which the collection
+originated were unfavorable to the authenticity of its materials,
+for tradition had been busy over them and their
+authors. Instead of attributing the formation of the canon
+to the Church, it would be more correct to say that the
+important stage in it was due to three teachers, each working
+separately and in his own way, who were intent upon
+the creation of a Christian society which did not appear in
+the apostolic age,&mdash;a visible organization united in faith,&mdash;where
+the discordant opinions of apostolic and sub-apostolic
+times should be finally merged. The canon was not the
+work of the Christian Church so much as of the men who
+were striving to form that Church, and could not get beyond
+the mould received by primitive Christian literature.
+The first mention of a <emph>Catholic Church</emph> occurs in <hi rend='italic'>The
+Martyrdom of Polycarp</hi>, an epistle that cannot be dated earlier than
+160 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>, and may perhaps be ten years later. But though
+the idea is there, its established use is due to Irenæus, Tertullian,
+and Cyprian. The expression has a different and
+narrow sense in the seven Ignatian epistles which we believe
+to be supposititious and later than Justin. Neither the
+three epistles published in Syriac by Cureton, nor the seven
+Greek ones enumerated by Eusebius are authentic; though
+Zahn has tried to prove the latter such, dating them <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>
+144. His arguments, however, are far from convincing;
+and the whole story of<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ignatius von
+Antiochien</hi>, 1873; and Prolegomena to the <hi rend='italic'>Patrum
+Apostolicorum opera</hi>, by de Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, Fasciculus,
+ii.</note> Ignatius's martyrdom at Rome
+rather than Antioch is still doubtful; for the circumstances
+under which he is said to have been dragged to Rome, and
+his writing letters to the churches by the way, are highly
+improbable. The testimony of Malalas that Ignatius suffered
+at Antioch in December, 115, in the presence of Trajan,
+may be quite as good as that of Chrysostom and the Syriac
+monthly calendar on which Zahn relies so confidently. The
+<pb n='087'/><anchor id='Pg087'/>
+fact of the priority of the last two to Malalas is of little
+weight as evidence. The main point is <emph>the locality</emph> in which
+Ignatius suffered; which Malalas, himself a native of Antioch
+and a historian, ought to have known better than
+Chrysostom, because he copied preceding historians.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is necessary to be precise on this subject because some
+speak of <emph>the church</emph> as though it were contemporary with
+the apostles themselves, or at least with their immediate
+disciples; and proceed to argue that dissensions arose soon
+after <q>within the church</q> rendering an appeal to the written
+word necessary. When the authority of <emph>traditional
+teaching</emph> gave way to that of <emph>a written rule</emph>, a change came
+over the condition of <emph>the church</emph>. Such a view tends to mislead.
+There were dissensions among the earliest Christians.
+The apostles themselves were by no means unanimous.
+Important differences of belief divided the Jewish and Gentile
+Christians from the beginning. The types of Christian
+truth existing from the first gradually coalesced about the
+middle of the second century; when heretics, especially the
+Gnostics, appeared so formidable that a catholic church was
+developed. Along with this process, and as an important
+element in it, the writings of apostles and apostolic men
+were uncritically taken from tradition and elevated to the
+rank of divine documents. It was not the rise of new dissensions
+<q>within the church</q> which led to the first formation
+of a Christian canon; rather did the new idea of <q>a
+catholic church</q> require a standard of appeal in apostolic
+writings, which were now invested with an authority that
+did not belong to them from the beginning.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Origen was the first who took a somewhat scientific view
+of the relative value belonging to the different parts of the
+biblical collection. His examination of the canon was
+critical. Before him the leading books had been regarded
+as divine and sacred, the source of doctrinal and historic
+truth. From this stand-point he did not depart. With him
+ecclesiastical tradition was a prevailing principle in the recognition
+<pb n='088'/><anchor id='Pg088'/>
+of books belonging of right to the New Testament
+collection. He was also guided by the inspiration of the
+authors; a criterion arbitrary in its application, as his own
+statements show. In his time, however, the collection was
+being gradually enlarged; his third class. <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>,
+<emph>the mixed</emph>,
+approaching reception into the first. But amid all the fluctuations
+of opinion to which certain portions of the New
+Testament were subject, and the unscientific procedure both
+of fathers and churches in the matter, though councils had
+not met to discuss it, and vague tradition had strengthened
+with time, a certain spiritual consciousness manifested itself
+throughout the East and West in the matter of the
+canon. Tolerable unanimity ensued. The result was a
+remarkable one, and calls for our gratitude, notwithstanding
+its defects. Though the development was pervaded by no
+critical or definite principle, it ended in a canon which has
+maintained its validity for centuries.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is sometimes said that the history of the canon should
+be sought from definite catalogues, not from isolated quotations.
+The latter are supposed to be of slight value, the
+former to be the result of deliberate judgment. This remark
+is more specious than solid. In relation to the Old
+Testament, the catalogues given by the fathers, as by Melito
+and Origen, rest solely on the tradition of the Jews; apart
+from which they have no independent authority. As none
+except Jerome and Origen knew Hebrew, their lists of the
+Old Testament books are simply a reflection of what they
+learned from others. If they deviate in practice from their
+masters by quoting as Scripture other than the canonical
+books, they show their judgment over-riding an external
+theory. The very men who give a list of the Jewish books
+evince an inclination to the Christian and enlarged canon.
+So Origen says, in his <hi rend='italic'>Epistle to Africanus</hi>, that <q>the
+churches use Tobit.</q> In explaining the prophet Isaiah,
+Jerome employs Sirach vi. 6, in proof of his view, remarking
+that the apocryphal work is in the Christian catalogue.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='089'/><anchor id='Pg089'/>
+
+<p>
+In like manner Epiphanius, in a passage against Aetius,
+after referring to the books of Scripture, adds, <q>as well as
+the books of Wisdom, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, the Wisdom of Solomon and of
+Jesus, son of Sirach; finally, all the other books of Scripture.</q>
+In another place he gives the canon of the Jews
+historically, and excludes the apocryphal Greek books; here
+he includes some of the latter. We also learn from Jerome
+that Judith was in the number of the books reckoned up by
+the Nicene Council. Thus the fathers who give catalogues
+of the Old Testament show the existence of a Jewish and a
+Christian canon in relation to the Old Testament; the latter
+wider than the former; their private opinion being more
+favorable to the one, though the other was historically
+transmitted. In relation to the New Testament, the synods
+which drew up lists of the sacred books show the view of
+some leading father like Augustine, along with what custom
+had sanctioned. In this department no member of the
+synod exercised his critical faculty; a number together
+would decide such questions summarily. Bishops proceed
+in the track of tradition or authority.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='090'/><anchor id='Pg090'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter VII. The Bible Canon From The Fourth Century To The Reformation.</head>
+
+<p>
+It will now be convenient to treat of the two Testaments
+together, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, <emph>the canon of the Bible</emph>. The canons
+of both have been considered separately to the end of the third
+century; they may be henceforward discussed together.
+We proceed, therefore, to the Bible-canon of the fourth
+century, first in the Greek Church and then in the Latin.
+The Council of Laodicea (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 363), at which there was a
+predominant semiarian influence, forbad the reading of all
+<emph>non-canonical</emph> books. The 59th canon enacts, that <q>private
+psalms must not be read in the Church, nor uncanonized
+books; but only the canonical ones of the New and Old
+Testament.</q> The 60th canon proceeds to give a list of
+such. All the books of the Old Testament are enumerated,
+but in a peculiar order, somewhat like the Septuagint one.
+With Jeremiah is specified <hi rend='italic'>Baruch</hi>, then the Lamentations
+and <hi rend='italic'>Epistle</hi>. The prophets are last; first the minor, next
+the major and Daniel. In the New Testament list are the
+usual seven Catholic epistles, and fourteen of Paul, including
+that to the Hebrews. The Apocalypse alone is wanting.
+Credner has proved that this 60th canon is not original, and
+of much later date.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Geschichte des neutest.
+Kanon</hi>, p. 217, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Apostolic Constitutions give a kind of canon like that
+in the 59th of Laodicea. After speaking of the books of
+Moses, Joshua, Judges, Kings, Chronicles, those belonging
+to the return from the captivity, those of Job, Solomon, the
+<pb n='091'/><anchor id='Pg091'/>
+sixteen prophets, and the Psalms of David; our Acts, the
+epistles of Paul, and the four gospels are mentioned. It is
+remarkable that the Catholic epistles are not given. That
+they are indicated under Acts is altogether improbable.
+The Antiochian Church of that time doubted or denied the
+apostolicity of these letters, as is seen from Theodore, Cosmas,
+and others. Hence, their absence from these Constitutions,
+which are a collection belonging to different times; the
+oldest portion not earlier perhaps than the third century.<note place='foot'>See
+<hi rend='italic'>Constit. Apostol.</hi>, p. 67, ed Ueltzen.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Cyril of Jerusalem, who took part in the Council of
+Laodicea,<note place='foot'>Died 386 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+gives a list <q>of the divine Scriptures.</q> The
+books of the Old Testament are twenty-two, and the arrangement
+is nearly that which is in the English Bible. With
+Jeremiah is associated <q>Baruch and the Epistle.</q> All the
+New Testament books are given except the Apocalypse.
+The list agrees very nearly with that of Eusebius, by taking
+the latter's <q>controverted</q> writings into the class of the
+<q>generally received.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Catech.</hi>, iv. 22,
+pp. 66, 67, ed. Milles.</note> The writer insists on the necessity
+of unity in the Church upon the subject, and forbids the
+reading of writings not <emph>generally received</emph>. None but these
+are allowed. Yet he refers to Baruch (iii. 36-38) as <emph>the
+prophet;</emph><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+xi. p. 142.</note> and in adducing the testimonies of the prophets
+for the existence of the Holy Spirit, the last he gives is Daniel xiii. 41, 45.
+Sirach iii. 21, 22 is cited;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+vi. p. 80.</note> Wisdom is
+quoted as Solomon's (xiii. 5);<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+ix. pp. 115, 122.</note> the song of the three children
+is used (verse 55)<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+ix. p. 115.</note> with verses 27, 29;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+ii. p. 31.</note> and Daniel
+(xiii. 22, 45) is quoted.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+xvi. p. 239.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In Athanasius's festal epistle (365 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>) the archbishop
+undertakes <q>to set forth in order, the books that are canonical
+and handed down and believed to be divine.</q> His list
+of the Old Testament nearly agrees with Cyril's, except
+that Esther is omitted and Ruth counted separately, to
+<pb n='092'/><anchor id='Pg092'/>
+make out the twenty-two books. He adds, <q>there are other
+books not canonical, designed by the fathers to be read by
+those just joining us and wishing to be instructed in the
+doctrine of piety;</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, the Wisdom of Solomon and the
+Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther and Judith and Tobit, and
+the Doctrine of the Apostles so called, and the Shepherd;
+<q>those being <emph>canonical</emph>, and these being <emph>read</emph>, let there be
+no mention of apocryphal writings,</q> &amp;c. The New Testament list is the same
+as Cyril's, with the addition of the Apocalypse.<note place='foot'>Athanasii
+<hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> ed. Benedict. i. 2, pp. 962, 963.</note>
+He quotes several of the apocryphal books in the
+same way as he does the canonical. Thus he introduces Judith (viii. 16)
+with <q>the Scripture said;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Orat. contra
+Arianos</hi>, ii. 35, vol. i. 503, ed. Benedict.</note> and Baruch (iii. 12)
+is cited as if it were Scripture.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+ii. 42, i. p. 510.</note> Wisdom (vi. 26)
+has the epithet Scripture applied to it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+ii. 79, i. p. 546.</note> Sirach (xv. 9) is introduced with
+<q>what is said by the Holy Spirit.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Epist. ad
+episcop. Ægypt.</hi>, &amp;c., i. 1, p. 272.</note> Baruch
+(iv. 20, 22) and Daniel (xiii. 42) are referred to in the same
+way as Isaiah.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Contra Arian.</hi>, i. 12, i.
+p. 416.</note> Tobit (ii. 7) has <q>it is written</q> prefixed
+to it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Apolog. contra Arianos</hi>,
+ii. vol. i. p. 133.</note> Canonical and apocryphal are mentioned together;
+and similar language applied to them.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Eusebius of Caesarea cites Wisdom as a <emph>divine
+oracle</emph>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Praepar Evan.</hi>, i. 9.</note>
+and after adducing several passages from Proverbs, subjoining
+to them others from the same book with the introductory
+formula <q>these are also said to be the same writers,</q> he concludes with
+<q>such is the scripture.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+xi. 14.</note> Sirach is cited as Solomon's along with
+various passages from Proverbs.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+xii. 18.</note> After quoting Baruch, he says, <q>there is no need to appeal
+to the divine voices, which clearly confirm our
+proposition.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, vi. 11.</note>
+The additions to Daniel are also treated as
+Scripture.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Demon. Evang.</hi>, vi. 19.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Basil of Caesarea<note place='foot'>Died 379 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+had a canon agreeing with that of
+<pb n='093'/><anchor id='Pg093'/>
+Athanasius. Along with the usual books reckoned as belonging
+to the canon, he used the apocryphal productions of the Old
+Testament. Thus the book of Wisdom (i. 4)<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Homil.
+in princip. proverb. Opp.</hi> ed. Garnier altera, vol. ii. p. 140.</note> is
+quoted by him. So are Sirach (xx. 2);<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Constitutiones
+Monast.</hi>, c. iii. 2. <hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 779.</note> Baruch,
+(iii. 36)<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Adv. Eunom</hi>, vol. i. p. 417.</note>
+called Jeremiah's; Judith (ix. 4);<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Spiritu
+Sancto</hi>, c. viii. vol. iii. p. 23.</note> and Daniel (xiii.
+50).<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>In Princip. Proverb</hi>, vol. ii.
+p. 152.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Gregory of Nazianzus<note place='foot'>Died 389
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> puts his list into a poetical form.
+In the Old Testament it agrees with Athanasius's exactly,
+except that he mentions none but the canonical books.
+Like Athanasius, he omits Esther. In the New Testament
+he deviates from Athanasius, by leaving out the Apocalypse,
+which he puts among the spurious.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> ed.
+Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.</note> He does not ignore
+the apocryphal books of the Old Testament, but quotes
+Daniel xiii. 5.<note place='foot'>Gregorii Nazianzeni, <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi>
+ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Amphilochius of Iconium<note place='foot'>Died 395
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> gives a metrical catalogue of
+the Biblical books. The canon of the Old Testament is the
+usual one, except that he says of Esther at the end, <q>some
+judge that Esther should be added to the foregoing.</q> He
+notices none of the apocryphal books. His New Testament
+canon agrees with the present, only he excludes the Apocalypse
+as <emph>spurious</emph>; which is given as the judgment of the
+majority. He alludes to the doubts that existed as to the
+epistle to the Hebrews, but regards it as Pauline; and to
+the number of the catholic epistles (seven or three).<note place='foot'>Iambi ad
+Seleucum; in Greg. Naz. <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> ii. p. 194.</note> The
+concluding words show that no list was universally received
+at that time.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Epiphanius<note place='foot'>Died 403 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+follows Athanasius in his canon. As to
+the number of the Old Testament books, he hesitates between
+twenty-two and twenty-seven; but the contents are
+the same. At the end of the twenty-seven books of the
+<pb n='094'/><anchor id='Pg094'/>
+New Testament, Wisdom and Sirach are mentioned as <q>divine writings;</q>
+elsewhere they are characterized as <q>doubtful.</q><note place='foot'>ἀμφιλέκτα.
+<hi rend='italic'>Adv. Hæres</hi>, i. p. 19. See <hi rend='italic'>Hæres</hi>, iii.
+tom. i. p. 941. De ponder. et mensur. 23.</note>
+His practice shows his sentiments clearly enough,
+when Sirach (vii. 1) is introduced with <q>the Scripture</q>
+testifies<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Advers. Hæres</hi>, lib. i.,
+tom. 2 ed. Petav. Paris, 1662, p. 72.</note>; vii. 9 is elsewhere
+quoted<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, lib. ii. tom. ii. p. 781.</note>;
+Wisdom (i. 4) is cited as Solomon's;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+lib. ii. tom. i. p. 580.</note> Baruch (iii. 36) is introduced with,
+<q>as the Scripture says,</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, lib, ii.
+tom. i. p. 481.</note> and Daniel (xiii. 42) is quoted
+with, <q>as it is written.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, lib. i.
+tom. ii. p. 157.</note> He mentions the fact that the epistles of Clement
+of Rome were read in the churches.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Hæres</hi>,
+xxx. 15.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Didymus of Alexandria<note place='foot'>Died 392 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+speaks against 2 Peter that it is
+not in the canons.<note place='foot'>Enarrat. in ep. S. Petri secundam,
+p. 1774 ed Migne.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Chrysostom<note place='foot'>Died  407 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+does not speak of the canon; but in the
+New Testament he never quotes the last four catholic epistles
+or the Apocalypse. All the other parts he uses throughout
+his numerous works,<note place='foot'>See Montfaucon in
+his edition of Chrysostom's Works, vol. vi. pp.
+364, 365, ed. Paris, 1835.</note> including the Apocrypha. Thus
+he introduces Wisdom (xvi. 28) with <q>Scripture says.</q><note place='foot'>Expos.
+in Psalm cix. 7. See also xi. 1 in Genes, where Wisdom
+xiv. 3 is cited.</note> He quotes Baruch (iii. 36, 38);<note place='foot'>Expos.
+in Psalm xlix. 3.</note> and Sirach (iv. 1.).<note place='foot'>De Lazaro, ii. 4.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Didymus of Alexandria<note place='foot'>Died 392 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+cites Baruch (iii. 35) as Jeremiah,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+Trinitate</hi>, iii. 2. p. 792 ed. Migne.</note>
+and treats it like the Psalms.<note place='foot'>Fragmenta in Epist. 2 ad
+Corinthios, when Baruch, iii. 3, is quoted
+like Psalm 101, p. 1697.</note> Daniel (xiii. 45) is
+also quoted.<note place='foot'>De Spirit. sanct. i. p. 1033.</note>
+He says of Peter's Second Epistle that it is
+not in the canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Theodore of Mopsuestia<note place='foot'>Died 428 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+was much freer than his contemporaries
+in dealing with the books of Scripture. It
+seems that he rejected Job, Canticles, Chronicles, and the
+Psalm-inscriptions; in the New Testament the epistle of
+<pb n='095'/><anchor id='Pg095'/>
+James, and others of the catholic ones. But Leontius's account
+of his opinions cannot be adopted without suspicion.<note place='foot'>See Leontius
+Byzantinus contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos, lib.
+iii. in <hi rend='italic'>Gallandi Bibliotheca</hi>, xii. p.
+690. Comp. Fritzsche <hi rend='italic'>De Theodori
+Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis</hi>, Halæ, 1836.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon of Cyril of Alexandria<note place='foot'>Died 444
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> does not differ from
+Athanasius's. Like other writers of the Greek Church in
+his day he uses along with the canonical the apocryphal
+books of the Old Testament. He quotes 1 (iii.) Esdras (iv.
+36) with <q>inspired Scripture says.</q><note place='foot'>Contra Julian, i.
+p. 541, ed. Migne.</note> Wisdom (vii. 6) is introduced with, <q>according
+to that which is written.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+p. 815.</note> In another place it has the prefix <q>for it is written</q>
+(i. 7);<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 921.</note>
+and is treated as Scripture (ii. 12).<note place='foot'>In Isaim, ed. Migne,
+p. 93.</note> Sirach (i. 1) is cited.<note place='foot'>P. 859, vol. i.</note>
+Baruch also (iii. 35-37) is introduced with, <q>another of the
+holy prophets said.</q><note place='foot'>P. 910, vol. i., ed. Migne.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The catalogues of the Old Testament contained in the
+manuscripts B, C, and א need not be given, as they are
+merely codices of the Septuagint, and have or had the books
+canonical and apocryphal belonging to that version. The
+list of the New Testament books in B is like that of Athanasius.
+Imperfect at the end, the MS. must have had at
+first the Epistles to Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and the
+Apocalypse. C (cod. Ephraemi rescriptus) has fragments
+of the New Testaments, which show that it had originally
+all the present books in the same order as Athanasius's.
+א or the Sinaitic manuscript has the Epistle of Barnabas
+and the Shepherd of Hermas, in addition to the New
+Testament.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The progress made by the Greek Church of the fourth
+and former part of the fifth century, in its conception of
+the canon seems to be, that the idea of ecclesiastical settlement,
+or public, legal, definitive establishment was attached
+to the original one. A writing was considered canonical
+when a well-attested tradition put it among those composed
+by inspired men, apostles or others; and it had on that
+<pb n='096'/><anchor id='Pg096'/>
+account a determining authority in matters of faith. Books
+which served as a rule of faith and were definitively set
+forth by the Church as divinely authoritative, were now
+termed <emph>canonical</emph>. The canon consisted of writings settled
+or determined by ecclesiastical law.<note place='foot'>βιβλία κανονιζόμενα,
+κανονικά, κεκανονισμένα, ὡρισμένα.</note> Such was the idea
+added to the original acceptation of canon. To canonical
+were opposed apocryphal writings, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>,
+<emph>heretical</emph> and <emph>fabricated</emph>
+ones; while an intermediate class consisted of those
+read in the churches, which were useful, but not decisive in
+matters of belief. Another advance in the matter of the
+canon at this period was the general adoption of the Hebrew
+canon, with a relegation of the Greek additions in the Septuagint
+to the class <emph>publicly read</emph>.<note place='foot'>βιβλία
+ἀναγινωσκόμενα.</note> Yet doubts about the
+reception of Esther into the number of the canonical books
+were still entertained, though it was one of the Jewish
+canon; doubtless on account of its want of harmony with
+Christian consciousness. And the catholic epistles which
+had been doubted before, Jude, James, Second Peter, were
+now generally received. But there was a division of opinion
+about the Apocalypse.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We come to the period of the Latin, corresponding to that
+of the Greek Church which has just been noticed. Augustine<note place='foot'>Died
+430 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+gave great attention to the subject, laboring to establish
+a complete canon, the necessity of which was generally
+felt. According to him the Scriptures which were received
+and acknowledged by all the churches of the day should be
+canonical. Of those not universally adopted, such as are
+received by the majority and the weightier of the churches
+should be preferred to those received by the fewer and less
+important churches. In his enumeration of the forty-four
+books of the Old Testament, he gives, after Chronicles,
+other histories <q>which are neither connected with the order</q>
+specified in the preceding context, <q>nor with one another,</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, the two books of the Maccabees,
+<pb n='097'/><anchor id='Pg097'/>
+and Esdras. Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, he thinks,
+should be numbered among the prophets, as deserving of
+authority and having a certain likeness to Solomon's writings.<note place='foot'>The
+forty-four books are, 5 of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 4
+Kings, 2 Chronicles, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, 2 Maccabees, Ezra,
+Nehemiah, Psalms, 3 of Solomon, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 12 Prophets,
+4 greater do. <hi rend='italic'>De Doctrina Christiana</hi> ii. 8.</note>
+He says of the Maccabees that this <q>Scripture has
+been received by the Church not uselessly, if it be read or
+heard soberly.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Contra Gaudent.</hi>
+i. 38. <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> Paris, 1837, vol. ix. p. 1006.</note>
+The famous passage in the treatise on
+Christian doctrine, where he enumerates the whole canon,
+is qualified by no other; for though he knew the distinction
+between the canonical books of the Palestinian Jews and
+the so-called apocryphal ones, as well as the fact of some
+New Testament writings not being received universally, he
+thought <emph>church-reception</emph> a sufficient warrant for canonical
+authority. Hence, he considered the books of the Maccabees
+canonical, because so received by the Church; while
+he says of Wisdom and Sirach that they merited <emph>authoritative</emph>
+reception and numbering among the <emph>prophetic</emph>
+Scriptures.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Doctr. Christ.</hi> ii.
+8. <hi rend='italic'>Civitat. Dei.</hi> xviii. 20, 1.</note>
+Of the former in particular he speaks strongly in one place,
+asserting that it is worthy to be venerated by all Christians
+as of divine authority.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Praesdest.
+Sanct.</hi> i. 11.</note> But he afterwards retracted his opinion of
+the canonical authority of Sirach.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Retractt.</hi>
+i. 10.</note> He raises,
+not lowers, the authority of the so-called apocryphal books
+which he mentions. He enumerates all the New Testament
+books, specifying the Pauline epistles as fourteen, and so
+reckoning that to the Hebrews as the apostle's; but he
+speaks of it elsewhere as an epistle about which some were
+uncertain, professing that he was influenced to admit it as canonical by the
+authority of the Oriental churches.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Peccat.
+merit.</hi> i. 50; <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> vol. x. p. 137, ed. Migne.</note> In
+various places he speaks hesitatingly about its Pauline
+authorship.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='098'/><anchor id='Pg098'/>
+
+<p>
+In 393, the African bishops held a council at Hippo where
+the canon was discussed. The list of the canonical Scripture
+given includes, besides the Palestinian one, Wisdom,
+Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and the two books of Maccabees.
+The New Testament canon seems to have agreed exactly with our
+present one.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Mansi</hi>,
+tom. iii. p. 924.</note> The Council of Carthage
+(397) repeated the statute of its predecessor, enumerating
+the same books of the Bible as canonical.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+p. 891.</note> Augustine was
+the animating spirit of both councils, so that they may be
+taken as expressing his views on the subject.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Jerome<note place='foot'>Died 420 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+gives a list of the twenty-two canonical books of
+the Old Testament, the same as that of the Palestinian Jews,
+remarking that some put Ruth and Lamentations among
+the Hagiographa, so making twenty-four books. All besides
+should be put among the Apocrypha. Wisdom, Sirach,
+Judith, Tobit, the Shepherd are not in the canon. The two books of Maccabees
+he regarded in the same light.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Prologus
+galeatus in Libros Regum. Epist. ad Paulinum.</hi></note> But
+though Jerome's words imply the apocryphal position of
+these extra-canonical books, he allows of their being read in
+public for the edification of the people, not to confirm the
+authority of doctrines; <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, they belong to <q>the ecclesiastical
+books</q> of Athanasius. His idea of <q>apocryphal</q> is
+wider and milder than that of some others in the Latin
+Church. It has been conjectured by Welte,<note place='foot'>In Herbst's
+<hi rend='italic'>Einleit.</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>erster Theil</hi>, p. 37.</note>
+that the conclusions
+of the African councils in 393 and 397 influenced
+Jerome's views of the canon, so that his later writings allude
+to the apocryphal works in a more favorable manner than
+that of the <hi rend='italic'>Prologus galeatus</hi> or the preface to Solomon's
+books. One thing is clear, that he quotes different passages
+from the Apocrypha along with others from the Hebrew
+canon. In his letter to Eustochius, Sirach iii. 33 (Latin)
+comes between citations from Matthew and Luke; and is introduced
+by <emph>which is written</emph>, in a letter to Pammachius; and
+<pb n='099'/><anchor id='Pg099'/>
+xxii. 6 has <emph>divine Scripture</emph> applied to
+it.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> ed. Benedict., Vol. IV., pp.
+679, 684, 750.</note> Ruth, Esther,
+and Judith are spoken of as <emph>holy volumes</emph>. The practice of
+Jerome differed from his theory; or rather he became less
+positive, and altered his views somewhat with the progress
+of time and knowledge. As to the New Testament, he gives
+a catalogue of all that now belongs to it, remarking of the
+epistle to the Hebrews and of the Apocalypse that he adopts
+both on the authority of ancient writers, not of present custom.
+His opinion about them was not decided.<note place='foot'>Ep. ad Dardan.
+<hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> vol. i. P. 1103, ed. Migne.</note> In another
+work he gives the Epistle of Barnabas at the end of the
+canonical list. He also states the doubts of many respecting
+the Epistle to Philemon, and about 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and
+3 John. According to him the first Epistle of Clement of
+Rome was publicly read in some churches.<note place='foot'>See
+<hi rend='italic'>Onomastica Sacra</hi>; Comment. in Ep. ad Philem; De Viris
+illustr.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Hilary of Poitiers<note place='foot'>Died 368 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+seems to have followed Origen's catalogue.
+He gives twenty-two books, specifying <q>the epistle</q>
+of Jeremiah; and remarks that some added Tobit and
+Judith, making twenty-four, after the letters of the Greek
+alphabet. He cites Wisdom and Sirach as <q>prophets.</q><note place='foot'>Prolog.
+in Psalm., <hi rend='italic'>Opp.</hi> ed. Migne, vol. i. p. 241.</note>
+In the New Testament he never quotes James, Jude, 2 and
+3 John, nor 2 Peter. 2 Maccabees (vii. 28) is introduced
+with <q>according to the prophet;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+Trinitate</hi> iv. 16.</note> Sirach (xxxi. 1) is introduced
+with <q>nor do they hear the Lord saying;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ex.
+Op. Hist. Fragmentum</hi>, iii. vol. ii. p. 672 ed. Migne.</note>
+Wisdom is cited as Solomon's (viii. 2);<note place='foot'>In cxxvii.
+Psalm.</note> Judith (xvi. 3) is
+cited;<note place='foot'>In Psalm cxxvi. 6.</note>
+so is Baruch (iii. 36);<note place='foot'>In Psalm lxviii. 19, and <hi rend='italic'>De
+Trinitate</hi>, iv. 42.</note> and Daniel xiii.
+42.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, iv. 8.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Optatus of Mela<note place='foot'>Died about 370
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> has the usual canonical books, but
+omits the epistle to the Hebrews. He uses the apocrypha
+without scruple, introducing Sirach (iii. 30) with <q>it is
+<pb n='100'/><anchor id='Pg100'/>
+written;</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Schismate Donatist</hi>,
+iii. 3.</note> and Wisdom (i. 13) with <q>it is written in
+Solomon.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, ii. 25.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Lucifer of Cagliari<note place='foot'>Died about 370
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> uses the apocrypha equally with the
+canonical books. Thus 1 Maccabees (i. 43) is quoted as
+<q>holy Scripture.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+non parcendo</hi>, &amp;c., ed. Coleti, p. 190.</note>
+So is 2 Maccab. (vi. 1).<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+p. 236.</note> Judith (ix. 2) is cited,<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+p. 187.</note> as are also Wisdom (xvii. 1, 2);<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Pro
+Athanasio</hi>, lib. i. p. 98.</note> Tobit (iv.
+6);<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 105.</note> and Daniel (xiii.
+20).<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, lib. ii. pp. 127, 128.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Ambrose of Milan<note place='foot'>Died 397 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+had the same canon as most of the
+Westerns in his time. With some others, he considered the
+Epistle to the Hebrews to have been written by St. Paul.
+In the Old Testament he used the apocryphal books pretty freely. Wisdom
+(vii. 22) is cited as authoritative Scripture.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+Spiritu Sancto</hi> iii. 18.</note>
+Sirach (xi. 30) is also cited as Scripture.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De
+bono mortis</hi> viii.</note> Baruch
+(iv. 19) is quoted;<note place='foot'>In Psalm cxviii., Sermo. 118,
+2.</note> Daniel (xiii. 44, 45) is treated as
+Scripture and prophetic;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>De Spirit.
+Sancto.</hi> iii., vi. 39.</note> and Tobit is expounded like any
+other book of Scripture.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'> Liber de Tobia</hi>.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Rufinus<note place='foot'>Died 410 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+enumerates the books of the Old and New
+Testaments which <q>are believed to be inspired by the Holy
+Spirit itself, according to the tradition of our ancestors, and
+have been handed down by the Churches of Christ.</q> All
+the books of the Hebrew canon and of the New Testament
+are specified. After the list he says, <q>these are they which
+the fathers included in the canon, by which they wished to
+establish the assertion of our faith.</q> He adds that there
+are other books not <emph>canonical</emph>, but <emph>ecclesiastical</emph>&mdash;the
+Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Tobit, Judith, and the books of the
+Maccabees. Besides the usual New Testament works, he
+speaks of the Shepherd of Hermas, and the <q>Judgment of
+Peter</q> as read in the churches, but not as authoritative in
+matters of faith.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Expos.
+in Symbol. Apostol.</hi>, pp. 373, 374, ed. Migne.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='101'/><anchor id='Pg101'/>
+
+<p>
+Philastrius<note place='foot'>Died about 387
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> of Brescia gives some account of the Scriptures
+and their contents in his time. The canonical
+Scriptures, which alone should be read in the Catholic
+Church, are said to be the law and the prophets, the gospels,
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, and seven others, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, two of
+Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James. Of
+the Old Testament apocrypha he asserts that they ought to
+be read for the sake of morals by the perfect, but not by all.
+He speaks of <emph>heretics</emph> who reject John's gospel and the
+Apocalypse. Respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews which
+is omitted in his canon, he speaks at large, but not very
+decidedly, affirming that some attributed its authorship to
+Barnabas, or Clement of Rome, or Luke. <q>They wish to
+read the writings of the blessed apostle, and not rightly
+perceiving some things in the epistle, it is not therefore
+read by them in the church. Though read by some, it is
+not read to the people in the church; nothing but Paul's
+thirteen epistles, and that to the Hebrews sometimes.</q><note place='foot'>De
+Hæres. chs. 60 and 61, in Galland, vii. pp. 424, 425.</note>
+The influence of the East upon the West appears in the
+statements of this father upon the subject. He had several
+canonical lists before him; one at least from an Oriental-Arian
+source, which explains some assertions, particularly
+his omission of the Apocalypse.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Innocent I. of Rome wrote to Exsuperius (405 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>),
+bishop of Toulouse, giving a list of the canonical books.
+Besides the Hebrew canon, he has Wisdom and Sirach;
+Tobit, Judith, the two Maccabees. The New Testament
+list is identical with the present. He also refers to pseudepigraphical
+writings which ought not only to be rejected
+but condemned.<note place='foot'>Apud Mansi, iii. pp. 1040, 1041.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+A canonical list appears in three different forms bearing
+the names of Damasus (366-384), Gelasius I. (492-496),
+and Hormisdas (514-523). According to the first, the books
+<pb n='102'/><anchor id='Pg102'/>
+of the Old Testament are arranged in three orders. In the
+first are the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four Kings,
+two Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
+Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus; in the second, all the prophets,
+including Baruch; in the third, Job, Tobit, Judith, Esther,
+Esdras, two Maccabees. The New Testament books are the
+four gospels, fourteen epistles of Paul, the Apocalypse, and
+Acts, with seven Catholic epistles.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+That which is called the Decree of Gelasius is almost
+identical with the preceding. It wants Baruch and Lamentations.
+It has also two Esdrases instead of one. In the
+New Testament the epistle to the Hebrews is absent.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Hormisdas-form has the Lamentations of Jeremiah:
+and in the New Testament the Epistle to the Hebrews.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The MSS. of these lists present some diversity; and
+Credner supposes the Damasus-list a fiction. But Thiel has
+vindicated its authenticity. It is possible that some interpolations
+may exist in the last two; the first, which is the
+shortest, may well belong to the time of Damasus.<note place='foot'>Credner's
+<hi rend='italic'>Zur Geschichte des Kanons</hi>, p. 151, &amp;c., and Thiel's
+<hi rend='italic'>Epistolæ Romanorum Pontificum genuinae</hi>, tom. i.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In 419 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> another council at Carthage, at which Augustine
+was present, repeated the former list of books with a
+single alteration, viz., fourteen epistles of Paul (instead of
+thirteen).<note place='foot'>Mansi iv. p. 430.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The preceding notices and catalogues show a general desire
+in the Western Church to settle the canon. The two
+most influential men of the period were Augustine and
+Jerome, who did not entirely agree. Both were unfitted for
+a critical examination of the topic. The former was a
+gifted spiritual man, lacking learning and independence.
+Tradition dominated all his ideas about the difficult or disputed
+books. He did not enter upon the question scientifically,
+on the basis of certain principles; but was content
+to take refuge in authority&mdash;the prevailing authority of
+leading churches. His judgment was weak, his sagacity
+<pb n='103'/><anchor id='Pg103'/>
+moderate, and his want of many-sidedness hindered a critical
+result. Jerome, again, was learned but timid, lacking
+the courage to face the question fairly or fundamentally;
+and the independence necessary to its right investigation.
+Belonging as he did to both churches, he recommended the
+practice of the one to the other. He, too, was chiefly influenced
+by tradition; by Jewish teachers in respect to the
+Old Testament, and by general custom as to the New. The
+question was not susceptible of advancement under such
+manipulation; nor could it be settled on a legitimate basis.
+Compared with the eastern Church, the western accepted a
+wider canon of the Old Testament, taking some books into
+the class of the <emph>canonical</emph> which the former put among those
+<emph>to be read</emph>. In regard to the New Testament, <emph>all</emph> the Catholic
+epistles and even the Apocalypse were received. The
+African churches and councils generally adopted this larger
+canon, because the old Latin version or versions of the
+Bible current in Africa were daughters of the Septuagint.
+If the Latins apparently looked upon the Greek as the
+original itself, the apocryphal books would soon get rank
+with the canonical. Yet the more learned fathers, Jerome,
+Rufinus and others, favored the Hebrew canon in distinguishing
+between <emph>canonical</emph> and <emph>ecclesiastical</emph> books. The
+influence of the Eastern upon the Western Church is still
+visible, though it could not extinguish the prevailing desire
+to include the disputed books. The Greek view was
+to receive nothing which had not apparently a good attestation
+of divine origin and apostolic authority; the Latin was
+to exclude nothing hallowed by descent and proved by
+custom. The former Church looked more to the sources of
+doctrine; the latter to those of edification. The one desired
+to contract those sources, so as not to be too rich; the other
+to enlarge the springs of edification, not to be too poor.
+Neither had the proper resources for the work, nor a right
+perception of the way in which it should be set about; and
+therefore they were not fortunate in their conclusions, differing
+<pb n='104'/><anchor id='Pg104'/>
+as they did in regard to points which affect the
+foundation of a satisfactory solution.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Notwithstanding the numerous endeavors both in the
+East and West to settle the canon during the 4th and 5th
+centuries, it was not finally closed. The doubts of individuals
+were still expressed; and succeeding ages testified to
+the want of universal agreement respecting several books.
+The question, however, was <emph>practically</emph> determined. No
+material change occurred again in the absolute rejection or
+admission of books. With some fluctuations, the canon
+remained very much as it was in the 4th and 5th centuries.
+Tradition shaped and established its character. General
+usage gave it a permanency which it was not easy to disturb.
+No definite principles guided the course of its formation,
+or fixed its present state. It was dominated first
+and last by circumstances and ideas which philosophy did
+not actuate. Its history is mainly objective. Uncritical at
+its commencement, it was equally so in the two centuries
+which have just been considered.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The history of the canon in the Syrian church cannot be
+traced with much exactness. The Peshito version had only
+the Hebrew canonical books at first; most of the apocryphal
+were rendered from the Greek and added in the Nestorian
+recension. In the New Testament it wanted four of the
+catholic epistles and the Apocalypse. Ephrem (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 378)
+uses all the books in our canon, the apocryphal as well as
+the canonical. The former are cited by him in the same
+way as the latter. Sirach ii. 1 is quoted with <emph>as the Scripture
+says</emph>;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Opp. Græc.</hi>,
+tom. ii. P. 327, ed. Rom. 1746.</note> and Wisdom iv. 7 with <emph>it is
+written</emph>.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, tom.
+i. p. 101.</note> Daniel
+xiii. 9, belonging to the Greek additions, is also cited with
+<emph>as it is written</emph>.<note place='foot'>Tom. iii. p.
+60.</note> It should be observed that the quotations
+given are all from Ephrem's Greek, not Syriac, works; and
+that suspicions have been raised about the former being
+tampered with. The Syrian version of the New Testament
+<pb n='105'/><anchor id='Pg105'/>
+made by Polycarp at the request of Philoxenus of Mabug,
+had the four catholic epistles wanting in the Peshito. It
+had also the two epistles of Clement to the Corinthians, if
+we may judge by the Harclean recension, <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 616; for a
+MS. in the Cambridge University Library contains those
+epistles immediately after the Catholic ones, and before
+those of St. Paul; so that they are put on an equality
+with the canonical writings. The Apocalypse is wanting.
+Junilius, (though an African bishop about 550 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>), says
+that he got his knowledge from a Persian of the name of
+Paulus who received his education in the school of Nisibis.
+He may, therefore, be considered a witness of the opinions
+of the Syrian church at the beginning of the 6th century.
+Dividing the biblical books into those of <emph>perfect</emph>, those of
+<emph>intermediate</emph>, and those of <emph>no authority</emph>, he makes the first
+the canonical; the second, those added to them by many
+(plures); the third, all the rest. In the first list he puts
+Ecclesiasticus. Among the second he puts 1 and 2 Chronicles,
+Job, Ezra and Nehemiah, Judith, Esther, 1 and 2
+Maccabees; and in the New Testament, James, 2 Peter,
+Jude, 2 and 3 John. He also says that the Apocalypse of
+John is much doubted by the Orientals. In the third list
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, books of no authority added by some (quidam) to the
+canonical, are put Wisdom and Canticles.<note place='foot'>Galland, xii. p. 79,
+&amp;c.</note> The catalogue
+is confused, and erroneous at least in one respect, that
+Jerome is referred to, as sanctioning the division given of
+the Old Testament books; for neither he nor the Jews
+agree with it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon of the Abyssinian church seems to have had
+at first all the books in the Septuagint, canonical and apocryphal
+together, little distinction being made between them.
+Along with the contents of the Greek Bible there were
+Enoch, 4 Esdras, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Jubilees, Asseneth,
+&amp;c. That of the New Testament agrees with the
+<pb n='106'/><anchor id='Pg106'/>
+present Greek one. At a later period in the Arabic age a
+list was made and constituted the legal one for the use of
+the church, having been derived from the Jacobite canons
+of the apostles. This gives, in the Old Testament, the
+Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Judith, Kings, Chronicles,
+Ezra and Nehemiah, Esther, Tobit, two books of Maccabees,
+Job, Psalms, five books of Solomon, minor and
+greater prophets. The Wisdom of Sirach (for teaching
+children) and the book of Joseph ben Gorion, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, that of
+the Maccabees, are external. The New Testament has
+four gospels, Acts, seven apostolic epistles, fourteen of
+Paul, and the Revelation of John. Later catalogues vary
+much, and are often enlarged with the book of Enoch, 4
+Esdras, the Apocalypse of Isaiah, &amp;c. The canon of the
+Ethiopic church was fluctuating.<note place='foot'>See Dillmann in
+Ewald's <hi rend='italic'>Jahrbücher</hi>, v. p. 144, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon of the Armenians had at first the Palestinian
+books of the Old Testament, twenty-two in number, and
+the usual New Testament ones, except the Apocalypse. It
+was made from the Syriac in the fifth century by Sahak
+and Mesrob. The deutero-canonical books and additions
+were appended, after the disciples of those two men who
+had been sent by them into different places, brought back
+authentic copies of the Greek Bible from the patriarch
+Maximian, by which the version already made was interpolated
+and corrected; as it was subsequently corrected by
+others despatched to Alexandria and Athens, who, however,
+did not return till their teachers were dead. The MSS. of
+this version were afterwards interpolated from the Vulgate;
+Oskan himself translating for his edition (which was the
+first printed one, <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 1666), Sirach, 4 Esdras and the
+Epistle of Jeremiah from the Latin. The book of Revelation
+does not seem to have been translated till the eighth
+century. Zohrab's critical edition (1805) has Judith, Tobit,
+the three books of Maccabees, Wisdom, and the Epistle of
+<pb n='107'/><anchor id='Pg107'/>
+Baruch among the canonical books; and in an appendix,
+the fourth book of Esdras, the prayer of Manasseh, the
+Epistle of the Corinthians to Paul and his answer, the Rest
+(end) of the apostle and evangelist John, the prayer of
+Euthalius. Like the edition of Oskan, this has all the
+deutero-canonical books, which were derived from the Septuagint,
+and incorporated by the first translators with their
+original version. Another edition published at St. Petersburgh
+(1817), for the use of the Jacobite Church, has the
+prayer of Manasses and 4 Esdras after the Apocalypse.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Georgian version consisted of the books and additions
+in the Greek translation from which it was made.
+The New Testament has the canonical books in the usual
+order. Jesus Sirach and two books of the Maccabees (2d
+and 3d) were not in the Georgian MS. used by Prince Arcil
+for the edition of 1743, but were rendered out of the
+Russian. The Moscow Bible printed under the direction
+and at the cost of Arcil, Bacchar and Wakuset, is the authorized
+edition of the Georgian Christians.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Bible canon of the Eastern church in the middle
+ages shows no real advance. Endeavors were made to remove
+the uncertainty arising from the existence of numerous
+lists; but former decisions and decrees of councils were
+repeated instead of a new, independent canon. Here belongs
+the catalogue in the Alexandrian MS., of the fifth century,
+which is peculiar. After the prophets come Esther, Tobit,
+Judith, Ezra and Nehemiah, 4 Maccabees, Psalms, Job,
+Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, the all-virtuous Wisdom,
+the Wisdom of Jesus of Sirach. In the New Testament,
+the Apocalypse is followed by two epistles of Clement.
+The list was probably made in Egypt. That of Anastasius
+Sinaita,<note place='foot'>Died 599 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+patriarch of Antioch, is similar to Nicephorus's
+Stichometry, which we shall mention afterwards. Baruch
+is among the canonical books; Esther among the antilegomena.
+<pb n='108'/><anchor id='Pg108'/>
+The Apocalypse is unnoticed. The 85th of the
+Apostolic canons gives a list of the Old and New Testament
+books, in which the usual canonical ones of the former are
+supplemented by Judith and 3 Maccabees; those of the
+latter by the two epistles of Clement, with the Apostolic
+constitutions. This catalogue cannot be put earlier than
+the fifth or sixth century, and is subject to the suspicion of
+having been interpolated. We have also Nicephorus's
+<hi rend='italic'>Stichometry</hi> (806-815;)<note place='foot'>See Credner's
+<hi rend='italic'>Zur Gesch. des Kanons</hi>, p. 97,
+&amp;c.</note> of which we may remark that Baruch
+is among the canonical books of the Old Testament; while
+the Revelation is put with the Apocalypse of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas and the Gospel according to the Hebrews,
+among the antilegomena of the New Testament. It
+is also surprising that the Apocalypse of Peter and the
+Gospel according to the Hebrews are not among the Apocrypha,
+where Clement's epistles with the productions of
+Ignatius, Polycarp, and Hermas appear. The list is probably
+older than that of the Antioch patriarch Anastasius
+Sinaita. Cosmas Indicopleustes (535) never mentions the
+seven Catholic epistles of the New Testament or the Apocalypse.
+The Trullan council (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 692) adopts the eighty-five
+Apostolic canons, rejecting, however, the Apostolic
+Constitutions. Photius, patriarch of Constantinople,<note place='foot'>Died 891
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> follows
+the eighty-fifth Apostolical canon of the Trullan
+Council.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Nomocanon, Titulus III.</hi>,
+cap. 2, vol. iv. pp. 1050, 1051 ed. Migne.</note> But in his
+Bibliotheca<note place='foot'>See Codd. 113, 126.</note> he speaks differently
+regarding the epistles of Clement, and does not treat them
+as canonical. Though the first was thought worthy to be
+read in public, the second was rejected as spurious; and his
+own opinion was not altogether favorable to them. John
+of Damascus;<note place='foot'>Died 754 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+the second Nicene council (787); the Synopsis
+divinæ Scripturæ Vet. et Novi Test. (about 1000);
+Zonaras (about 1120); Alexius Aristenus (about 1160);
+and Nicephorus Callistus (1330), call for no remark.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='109'/><anchor id='Pg109'/>
+
+<p>
+In the Western church of the Middle Ages, diversity of
+opinion respecting certain books continued. Though the
+views of Augustine were generally followed, the stricter
+ones of Jerome found many adherents. The canon was
+fluctuating, and the practice of the churches in regard to it
+somewhat lax. Here belong Cassiodorus (about 550); the
+list in the Codex Amiatinus (about 550); Isidore of Seville<note place='foot'>Died
+636 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+who, after enumerating three classes of Old Testament
+books gives a fourth not in the Hebrew canon. Here he
+specifies Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, 1 and 2
+Maccabees, saying that the church of Christ puts them among the divine books,
+honors and highly esteems them.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Etymolog.</hi>
+vi. 1.</note>
+There are also the fourth council of Toledo (632); Gregory
+the Great<note place='foot'>Died  604 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Notker Labeo;<note place='foot'>Died 912 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Ivo (about 1092); Bede;<note place='foot'>Died 735 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Alcuin;<note place='foot'>Died 804 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Rabanus Maurus;<note place='foot'>Died 856 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Hugo de St Victor;<note place='foot'>Died 1141 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Peter of Clugny;<note place='foot'>Died 1156 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+John of Salisbury;<note place='foot'>Died 1182 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Thomas Aquinas;<note place='foot'>1270 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> Hugo
+de St Cher;<note place='foot'>Died 1263 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+Wycliffe;<note place='foot'>Died 1384 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> Nicolaus
+of Lyra,<note place='foot'>Died 1340 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note> &amp;c.,
+&amp;c. Several of these, as Hugo de St Victor, John of Salisbury,
+Hugo de St Cher, and Nicolaus of Lyra, followed Jerome in
+separating the canonical and apocryphal books of the Old
+Testament.<note place='foot'>See Hody, p. 648, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Reformers generally returned to the Hebrew canon,
+dividing off the additional books of the Septuagint or those
+attached to the Vulgate. These they called <emph>apocryphal</emph>,
+after Jerome's example. Though considered of no authority
+in matters of doctrine, they were pronounced useful and
+edifying. The principal reason that weighed with the Reformers
+was, that Christ and the apostles testified to none
+of the Septuagint additions.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Besides the canonical books of the Old Testament, Luther
+translated Judith, Wisdom, Tobit, Sirach, Baruch, 1 and 2
+Maccabees, the Greek additions to Esther and Daniel, with
+<pb n='110'/><anchor id='Pg110'/>
+the Prayer of Manasseh. His judgment respecting several
+of these is expressed in the prefaces to them. With regard
+to 1 Maccabees, he thinks it almost equal to the other books
+of Holy Scripture, and not unworthy to be reckoned among
+them. Of Wisdom, he says, he was long in doubt whether
+it should be numbered among the canonical books; and of
+Sirach that it is a right good book proceeding from a wise
+man. But he speaks unfavorably of several other apocryphal
+productions, as of Baruch and 2 Maccabees. It is
+evident, however, that he considered all he translated of
+<emph>some</emph> use to the Christian Church. He thought that the
+book of Esther should not belong to the canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Luther's judgment respecting some of the New Testament
+books was freer than most Protestants now are disposed
+to approve. He thought the epistle to the Hebrews
+was neither Paul's nor an apostle's, but proceeded from an
+excellent and learned man who may have been the disciple
+of apostles. He did not put it on an equality with the
+epistles written by apostles themselves. The Apocalypse
+he considered neither apostolic nor prophetic, but put it almost
+on the same level with the 4th book of Esdras, which
+he spoke elsewhere of tossing into the Elbe. This judgment
+was afterwards modified, not retracted. James's epistle
+he pronounced unapostolic, <q>a right strawy epistle.</q>
+In like manner, he did not believe that Jude's epistle proceeded
+from an apostle. Considering it to have been taken
+from 2 Peter, and not well extracted either, he put it lower
+than the supposed original. The Reformer, as also his
+successors, made a distinction between the books of the
+New Testament similar to that of the Old; the <emph>generally
+received</emph> (homologoumena) and <emph>controverted</emph> books (antilegomena);
+but the Calvinists afterwards obliterated it, as
+the Roman Catholics at the Council of Trent did with the
+old Testament.<note place='foot'>Chemnitz calls seven
+books of the New Testament <foreign rend='italic'>apocryphos</foreign>, because
+of their uncertain authorship (see <hi rend='italic'>Examen Concilii Tridentini</hi>,
+p. 45, &amp;c.)</note> The epistle to the Hebrews, those of Jude
+<pb n='111'/><anchor id='Pg111'/>
+and James, with the Apocalypse, belong to the latter class.
+The distinction in question proceeded from genuine critical
+tact on the part of the early Lutheran Church which had
+canonical and deutero-canonical writings even in the New
+Testament collection. Nor did the Reformers consider it a
+dangerous thing to bring the fact before the people. To
+make it palpable, Luther attached continuous numbers to
+the first twenty-three books of his version, bringing the
+four antilegomena after these, without numbers; and this
+mode of marking the difference continued till the middle of
+the 17th century.<note place='foot'>See Tholuck's
+<hi rend='italic'>Kommentar zum Briefe an die Hebräer, zweite
+Auflage</hi>, pp. 55, 86.</note> Luther was right in assigning a greater
+or less value to the separate writings of the New Testament,
+and in leaving every one to do the same. He relied on
+their internal value more than tradition; taking the <emph>word
+of God</emph> in a deeper and wider sense than its coincidence
+with the Bible.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Bodenstein of Carlstad examined the question of canonicity
+more thoroughly than any of his contemporaries, and
+followed out the principle of private judgment in regard to
+it. He divides the biblical books into three classes&mdash;1.
+Books of the highest dignity, viz., the Pentateuch and
+the Gospels; 2. Books of the second dignity, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, the works
+termed prophetic by the Jews, and the fifteen epistles
+universally received; 3. Books of the third and lowest authority,
+<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, the Jewish Hagiographa and the seven Antilegomena
+epistles of the New Testament. Among the
+Apocrypha he makes two classes&mdash;such as are out of the
+canon to the Hebrews yet hagiographical (Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus,
+Judith, Tobit, the two Maccabees), and those that
+are clearly apocryphal and to be rejected (third and fourth
+Esdras, Baruch, Prayer of Manasseh, a good part of the third
+chapter of Daniel, and the last two chapters of Daniel.)<note place='foot'>Carlstadt's
+treatise is reprinted in Credner's <hi rend='italic'>Zur Geschichte des
+Kanons</hi>.</note>
+</p>
+
+<pb n='112'/><anchor id='Pg112'/>
+
+<p>
+Zwingli asserts that the Apocalypse is not a biblical
+book.<note place='foot'>Werke, edited by Schuler and Schulthess, vol. ii. p. 169.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Oecolampadius says&mdash;<q>We do not despise Judith, Tobit,
+Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, the last two Esdras, the three Maccabees,
+the last two chapters of Daniel, but we do not attribute to them
+divine authority with those others.</q><note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ep. ad.
+Valdenses</hi>, 1530, <hi rend='italic'>apud. Sculteti annal. evang. renovat decas
+secunda</hi>, pp. 313, 314.</note> As
+to the books of the New Testament he would not compare
+the Apocalypse, James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John
+with the rest.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi></note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Calvin did not think that Paul was the author of the
+epistle to the Hebrews, or that 2 Peter was written by the
+apostle himself; but both in his opinion are canonical.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<pb n='113'/><anchor id='Pg113'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter VIII. Order Of The New Testament Books.</head>
+
+<p>
+I. The arrangement of the various parts comprising the
+New Testament was fluctuating in the second century;
+less so in the third. In the fourth century the order which
+the books had commonly assumed in Greek MSS. and
+writers was; the Gospels, the Acts, the Catholic Epistles,
+the Pauline, and the Apocalypse. This sequence appears
+in the Vatican, Sinaitic, Alexandrian and Ephrem (C)
+MSS.; Cyril of Jerusalem, in the 60th Canon of the Laodicean
+Council, Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, &amp;c.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+II. Another order prevailed in the Latin Church, viz.,
+the Gospels, the Acts, the Epistles of Paul, the Catholic
+Epistles, and the Apocalypse. This appears in Melito,
+Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augustine, Jerome,
+the Vulgate, the Councils of Carthage, held in <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>
+397 and 419; and is now the usual arrangement.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Within the limits of the two general arrangements just
+mentioned, there were many variations. Thus we find in
+relation to <emph>the gospels</emph>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+III. (<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; in the MSS. of
+the old Italic marked <hi rend='italic'>a</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>b</hi>,
+<hi rend='italic'>d</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>e</hi>, <hi rend='italic'>ff</hi>, and in
+the cod. argenteus of Ulfila's Gothic version.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) Matthew, John, Mark, Luke; in the council of Ephesus
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 431, Cyril of Alexandria, Theodoret, the stichometry
+of the Clermont MS. Such was the usual order in the
+Greek Church of the fifth century.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>c</hi>) Mark is put first, followed by Matthew; in the fragment
+of a Bobbian MS. of the Itala at Turin marked <hi rend='italic'>k</hi>.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='114'/><anchor id='Pg114'/>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>d</hi>) Matthew, Mark, John, Luke; in the Curetonian
+Syriac gospels. They are mentioned in the same order in
+Origen's I. Homily on Luke.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The reason of the order in, (<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>)
+and (<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) lies in apostleship.
+The works of apostles precede those of evangelists.
+The established sequence, which is already sanctioned by
+Irenæus and Origen, has respect to the supposed dates of
+the gospels. Clement of Alexandria says that ancient tradition
+supposed those gospels having the genealogies to
+have been written before the others.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+IV. As to the <hi rend='italic'>Acts of the Apostles</hi>, not only is this work
+put immediately after the gospels, which is the order in the
+Muratorian canon, but we find it in other positions.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Acts; in the Sinaitic MS.,
+the Peshito,<note place='foot'>Hug says that his copy of
+Widmanstad's edition had the Acts immediately
+following the Gospels.</note> Jerome,<note place='foot'>Epist. ad Paulinum.</note>
+and Epiphanius.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Catholic Epistles, Acts;
+in Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent
+I., Eugenius IV., and the Spanish Church generally.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>c</hi>) Gospels, Pauline, Catholic Epistles, Apocalypse,
+Acts; in the stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+V. As to <hi rend='italic'>the Epistles of Paul</hi>, besides the place they now
+occupy in our Bibles, they sometimes follow the gospels
+immediately.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) Gospels, Pauline Epistles; the Sinaitic MS., Jerome,
+Epiphanius, Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore,
+Innocent I., Eugenius IV., the stichometry of the
+Clermont MS.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) The usual order of the Greek Church is, Gospels,
+Acts, Catholic Epistles, Pauline, &amp;c., as in Cyril of Jerusalem,
+the Laodicean Council (60), Athanasius, Leontius
+of Byzantium, the MSS. A. B., but not א. The critical
+Greek Testaments of Lachmann and Tischendorf adopt
+this order.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='115'/><anchor id='Pg115'/>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>c</hi>) They are placed last of all in a homily attributed to
+Origen, but this does not necessarily show that father's
+opinion.<note place='foot'>Hom. vii. in Josua.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>d</hi>) They stand first of all in a Gallican
+<hi rend='italic'>Sacramentarium</hi>
+cited by Hody.<note place='foot'>De Bibliorum textibus originalibus,
+&amp;c., p. 654.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+VI. With respect to the order of the individual epistles,
+the current one has been thought as old as Tertullian and
+Clement of Alexandria. But the proof of this is precarious.
+It appears in the fourth century, and may have been prior
+to that. It is in Epiphanius, who supposes that the arrangement
+was the apostle's own. Not only was it the
+prevalent one in the Greek Church, but also in the Latin
+as we see from the codex Amiatinus, and the Vulgate MSS.
+generally. It rests upon the extent of the epistles and the
+relative importance of the localities in which the believers
+addressed resided.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) Marcion had but ten Pauline epistles in the following
+order: Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1 and 2
+Thessalonians, the Laodiceans, (Ephesians), Colossians,
+Philemon, Philippians.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) 1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians,
+Galatians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Romans, Philemon,
+Titus, 1 and 2 Timothy, to the Laodiceans, the Alexandrians
+(the Epistle to the Hebrews); in the Muratorian
+canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>c</hi>) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians,
+Thessalonians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon,
+Hebrews; in Augustine, and several MSS. of the
+Vulgate in England.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 664.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>d</hi>) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Thessalonians,
+Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon,
+Hebrews; in the so-called decree of Gelasius in the
+name of Hormisdas, in Labbe's text. But here different
+<pb n='116'/><anchor id='Pg116'/>
+MSS. vary in regard to the position of the Thessalonian
+epistles.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+VII. The Laodicean letter was inserted either before the
+pastoral epistles, as in several MSS. of the Vulgate in England;
+or before the Thessalonian epistles preceding them;
+or at the end of the Epistle to the Hebrews, as in a MS. of
+the Latin Bible at Lembeth. Its insertion in copies of the
+Vulgate was owing to the authority of Gregory the Great,
+who looked upon it as authentic.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+VIII. The position of the Epistle to the Hebrews usually
+was either before the pastoral epistles, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, immediately
+after those to the Thessalonians; or after the pastoral ones
+and Philemon. The former method was generally adopted
+in the Greek Church from the fourth century. The latter
+prevailed in the Latin Church from Augustine onward.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) Pauline epistles to churches (the last being the
+second to the Thessalonians), Hebrews, Timothy, Titus,
+Philemon; in the MSS. א, A. B. C. H., Athanasius, Epiphanius;
+Euthalius,<note place='foot'>See Zacagni's
+<hi rend='italic'>Collectanea monumentorum veterum Praefat</hi>, p.
+lxxi., &amp;c.</note> Theodoret. Jerome mentions it after the
+epistles of Paul to the seven churches as an eighth excluded
+by the majority, and proceeds to specify the pastoral ones.
+But Amphilochius and Ebedjesu the Syrian have the western
+order, viz., the following&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) Pauline Epistles, Hebrews (following immediately
+that to Philemon); in Augustine and the Vulgate version
+generally. It is so in the canons of the councils at Hippo
+and Carthage (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 393 and 397), and in the MSS. D. and
+G., in Isidore of Spain, and the council of Trent.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+IX. With respect to the order of the <hi rend='italic'>Catholic Epistles</hi>,
+which were not <emph>all</emph> adopted into the canon till the end of
+the fourth century; Eusebius putting all except 1 John and
+1 Peter among the <emph>antilegomena</emph>; while Jerome, and the
+council of Carthage (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 397) admit them unreservedly;
+the usual order, viz., James, 1 and 2 Peter, John, Jude, prevailed
+<pb n='117'/><anchor id='Pg117'/>
+in the Eastern Church. It is in the Peshito or old
+Syriac version, Eusebius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius,
+the 60th of the Laodicean canons, Athanasius, Gregory of
+Nazianzus, Amphilochius, the stichometry of Nicephorus,
+the MSS. א. A. B. C., and most Greek MS. But the 76th
+of the Apostolic canons has Peter, John, James and Jude.
+The canon, however, is comparatively late.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) Peter, John, Jude, James; in Philastrius of Brescia.
+If we may rely on Cassiodorus's account of Augustine, the
+African father followed the same arrangement.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) Peter, James, Jude, John; in Rufinus.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>c</hi>) Peter, John, James, Jude; in the councils of Carthage,
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 397, 419, Cassiodorus, and a Gallican Sacramentarium.
+The Vulgate and council of Trent follow this
+arrangement.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>d</hi>) John, Peter, Jude, James; in the list given by Innocent
+I., and the third council of Toledo.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Eastern church naturally set the Epistle of James,
+who was Bishop of Jerusalem, at the head of the others;
+while the Western put Peter, the Bishop of Rome, in the
+same place.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+X. The Revelation varied little in position.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>) In the decree of Galasius, according to its three recensions,
+the Revelation follows Paul's epistles, preceding
+those of John and the other Catholic ones.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) In D or the Clermont MS. it follows the <emph>Catholic</emph>
+epistles, and precedes the Acts; which last is thrown to the
+end of all the books, as if it were an appendix to the writings
+of the apostles.<note place='foot'>See Volkmar's <hi rend='italic'>Anhang</hi>
+to <hi rend='italic'>Crednet's Geschichte des N. T. Kanon</hi>,
+p. 341, &amp;c.; and Hody <hi rend='italic'>De Bibliorum textibus originalibus</hi>,
+p. 644, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='118'/><anchor id='Pg118'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter IX. Summary Of The Subject.</head>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>a</hi>)
+In relation to the Old Testament, the prevailing tendency
+in the Greek Church was to follow the Palestinian
+canon. Different lists appeared from time to time in which
+the endeavor there to exclude apocryphal, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, spurious
+works, was apparent. In addition to the <emph>canonical</emph>, a class
+of <emph>ecclesiastical</emph> books was judged fit for reading in the
+Church,&mdash;a class intermediate between the canonical and
+apocryphal. The distinction between the canonical and
+ecclesiastical writings appears in Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius,
+Epiphanius, &amp;c. The Latin Church showed a
+disposition to elevate the ecclesiastical books of the Greek
+Church to the rank of the canonical, making the line between
+the two indistinct; as we see from the acts of the
+councils at Hippo and Carthage, in the end of the fourth
+and beginning of the fifth century, where Augustine's, influence
+was predominant. But notwithstanding this deviation
+from the stricter method of the Greeks, learned men
+like Jerome adhered to the Palestinian canon, and even
+styled the ecclesiastical books <emph>apocryphal</emph>, transferring the
+epithet from one class to another. Hilary and Rufinus also
+followed the Greek usage.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+During the sixth and following centuries, it cannot be
+said that the canon of the Greek Church was definitely
+closed, notwithstanding the decrees of councils and references
+to older authorities. Opinions still varied about
+certain books, such as Esther; though the Palestinian list
+was commonly followed. During the same period, the enlarged
+canon of the Alexandrian Jews, which went far to
+<pb n='119'/><anchor id='Pg119'/>
+abolish the distinction between the canonical and deutero-canonical
+books, prevailed in the West, at least in practice;
+though some followed the shorter one, sanctioned as it had
+been by Jerome. As both lists existed, no complete or
+final settlement of the question was reached in the Latin
+Church. Neither in the East nor in the West was the canon
+of the Old Testament really closed; for though the stricter
+principle of separation prevailed in theory, it was not
+carried out in practice consistently or universally. The
+two men most influential about the canon were Jerome and
+Augustine; the one representing its Palestinian, the other
+its Alexandrian type. After them no legal or commanding
+voice fixed either, to the absolute exclusion of its rival.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+(<hi rend='italic'>b</hi>) The charge of Constantine to Eusebius to make out
+a list of writings for the use of the Church and its performance
+may be considered as that which first put the subject
+on a broad and permanent basis. Its consequences were
+important. If it cannot be called the completion or close
+of the New Testament canon, it determined it largely.
+Eusebius made a Greek Bible containing the usual books,
+except the Revelation. Though the historian of the church
+was not well fitted for the task, being deficient in critical
+ability and trammeled by tradition, he doubtless used his
+best judgment. Hence, about the year 337, the Constantinian
+Church received a Bible which had an influential origin.
+No binding authority indeed attached to the list of the
+Christian books it presented; but it had weight in the Greek
+Church. It did not prevent different opinions, nor deter
+individuals from dissent. Thus Athanasius, who disliked
+Eusebius and his party, issued a list of the sacred writings
+which included the Revelation. The canon of the Laodicean
+Council (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 363) agreed with the Constantine one.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+That variations still existed in the Eastern Church is
+shown by the lists which vied with one another in precedence.
+The apostolic canons adopted the seven general
+<pb n='120'/><anchor id='Pg120'/>
+epistles, while the apostolic constitutions excluded them.
+The Alexandrian MS. added to the ordinary books of the
+New Testament, Clement's two epistles; and Cosmas Indicopleustes
+omitted the general epistles as well as the Apocalypse.
+At length the Council of Constantinople, usually
+called the <hi rend='italic'>Trullan</hi>
+(<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 692), laid down positions that fixed
+the canon for the Greek Church. The endeavor in it was
+to attain to a conclusion which should unite East and West.
+This council did not enumerate the separate books, but referred
+to older authorities, to the eighty-five canons of the
+apostles, the decrees of the synods of Laodicea, Ephesus,
+Carthage, and others; to Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus,
+Amphliochius of Iconium, Cyril of Alexandria, Gennadius,
+&amp;c. After the fourth century there was a general desire to
+fall back on apostolic times, to appeal to the Church, to ascertain
+the opinion of synods or assemblies; in a word, to
+rely on authority.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Less discrepancy and activity were manifested about the
+canon in the Western Church. Here the chief doubts were
+directed to the epistle to the Hebrews and the seven general
+ones. The former was early excluded, and continued to be
+so even in the time of Jerome. The latter were adopted
+much sooner. The impulse given by Constantine to determine
+the books of Scripture re-acted on the West, where
+the Church considered it its own privilege. Augustine's
+influence contributed much to the settlement of the question.
+The synods of Hippo (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 393) and of Carthage
+(<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 397) received the epistle to the Hebrews and the
+seven general ones, thus fixing the New Testament canon
+as it now is. In 419 the African bishops, in the presence
+of a Papal delegate, repeated their former decision. After
+the West Goths joined the Catholic Church in the sixth
+century, the Romish and Spanish Churches gave prominence
+to the fact of accepting both the Apocalypse and the epistle
+to the Hebrews. The canon of the West was now virtually
+<pb n='121'/><anchor id='Pg121'/>
+closed; the fourth Council of Toledo (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 632) at which
+Isidore was present, agreeing with the Augustinian list,
+ratified as that list had been by Innocent the First. The
+reception of the epistle to the Hebrews was facilitated by the
+objections of the Arians and Semiarians; while opposition
+to the Priscillianists in Spain strengthened adherence to the
+traditional canon. Augustine and the Trullan Council fixed
+the number of the New Testament books as they are now.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+With regard to the Bible canon in general, we see that
+councils had weight when they enumerated the sacred
+books; that prominent teachers delivered their opinion on
+the subject with effect, and that tradition contributed to one
+result; but no general council closed the canon once for all,
+till that of Trent promulgated its decrees. This body, however,
+could only settle the subject for Romanists, since,
+while the right of private judgment is exercised, no corporation
+can declare some books inspired and others not,
+some authoritative in matters of faith, others not, without
+presumption. Though the present Bible canon rests upon
+the judgment of good and learned men of different times, it
+can never be finally or infallibly settled, because the critical
+powers of readers differ, and all do not accept church
+authority with unhesitating assent.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is the way of men to defer unduly to the opinions expressed
+by synods and councils, especially if they be propounded
+dogmatically; to acquiesce in their decisions with
+facility rather than institute independent inquiry. This is
+exemplified in the history of the canon, where the fallibility
+of such bodies in determining canonicity is conspicuous.
+It is so in the general reception of the book of Esther, while
+the old poem, the Song of Songs, was called in question at
+the synod of Jamnia; in the omission of the Revelation
+from the canonical list by many belonging to the Greek
+Church, while the epistles to Timothy and Titus were received
+as St. Paul's from the beginning almost universally.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+<pb n='122'/><anchor id='Pg122'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter X. The Canon In The Confession Of Different
+Churches.</head>
+
+<p>
+The second Helvetic Confession (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 1566) speaks of
+the apocryphal books of the Old Testament as those
+which the ancients wished to be read in the churches, but
+not as authoritative in matters of faith.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Niemeyer's
+Collectio Confessionum</hi>, p. 468.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Gallic Confession (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 1559) makes a distinction
+between canonical and other books, the former being the
+rule and norm of faith, not only by the consent of the
+Church, but much more by the testimony and intrinsic persuasion
+of the Spirit, by whose suggestions we are taught
+to distinguish them from other ecclesiastical books, which,
+though useful, are not of the kind that any article of faith
+can be constituted by them.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, p. 330.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Belgic Confession (<hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 1561) makes a distinction
+between the sacred and apocryphal books. The latter may
+be read by the Church, but no doctrine can be derived from
+them. In the list of New Testament books given there are
+<emph>fourteen</emph> epistles of Paul.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>,
+pp. 361, 362.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon of the Waldenses must have coincided at first
+with that of the Roman Church; for the Dublin MS. containing
+the New Testament has attached to it the Book of
+Wisdom and the first twenty-three chapters of Sirach; while
+the Zurich codex of the New Testament has marginal
+references to the Apocrypha; to Judith, Tobit, 4 Esdras,
+Wisdom, Sirach, and Susanna. The <hi rend='italic'>Nobla Leyczon</hi> containing
+a brief narration of the contents of the Old and New
+Testaments confirms this opinion. It opposes, however,
+the old law to the new, making them antagonistic. The
+<pb n='123'/><anchor id='Pg123'/>
+historical document containing the articles of <q>The Union
+of the Valleys,</q> <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 1571, separates indeed the canonical
+and apocryphal books, purporting to be founded on a Confession
+of Faith as old as <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi> 1120; but the latter is
+mythical, as appears from a comparison of it with the epistle
+which the legates of the Waldensians gave to Œcolampadius.
+The articles of that <q>Union</q> are copied from
+Morel's account of his transactions with Œcolampadius and
+Bucer in 1530. The literature of this people was altered by
+Hussite influences and the Reformation; so that though
+differing little from the Romanists at first except in ecclesiastical
+discipline, they diverged widely afterwards by
+adopting the Protestant canon and doctrines.<note place='foot'>See Herzog's
+<hi rend='italic'>Die Romanischen Waldenser</hi>, p. 55, &amp;c.; and his
+programm <hi rend='italic'>De origine et pristino statu Waldensium</hi>,
+&amp;c., pp. 17, 40, 41.</note> Hence, the
+Confession issued in 1655 enumerates as Holy Scripture
+nothing but the Jewish Palestinian canon, and the usual
+books of the New Testament.<note place='foot'>Leger's <hi rend='italic'>Histoire
+des Eglises Vaudoises</hi>, vol. i., p. 112, &amp;c.</note>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon of the Anglican Church (1562), given in the
+sixth article of religion, defines holy Scripture to be <q>those
+canonical books of the Old and New Testament, of whose
+authority was never any doubt in the Church.</q> After giving
+the names and number of the canonical books, the article
+prefaces the apocryphal ones with, <q>And the other books
+(as Hierome saith) the Church doth read for example of
+life and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply
+them to establish any doctrine? Such are these following,</q>
+&amp;c., &amp;c. At the end it is stated that <q>all the books of the
+New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive
+and account them canonical.</q> The article is ambiguous.
+If the canonical books enumerated are those meant
+in the phrase <q>of whose authority was never any doubt in
+the Church,</q> the statement is incorrect. If a distinction is
+implied between the canonical books and such canonical
+ones as have never been doubted in the Church, the meaning
+is obscure. In either case the language is not explicit.
+</p>
+
+<pb n='124'/><anchor id='Pg124'/>
+
+<p>
+The Scottish or Westminster Confession of Faith gives a
+list of all the books of the Old and New Testaments as the
+Word of God written; adding that those called the apocrypha
+are not of divine inspiration, and no part of the canon,&mdash;of
+no authority in the Church, nor to be approved or
+made use of otherwise than human writings.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Roman Catholic canon was finally determined at the
+Council of Trent (1546), which adopted all the books in the
+Vulgate as sacred and canonical, without distinction. Third
+and fourth Esdras, third Maccabees, and the prayer of
+Manasseh were not included; though the first and last appeared
+in the original Clementine edition of 1592, but apart
+from the canonical books. They are not in the Sixtine
+edition of 1590.<note place='foot'>The reason given for
+their being added as a separate appendix is
+that they are cited by some fathers and found in some Latin
+Bibles.</note> A council at Florence in 1441 had set the
+example which was followed at Trent. But this stringent
+decree did not prevent individual Catholics from making a
+distinction between the books, in assuming a first and second
+canon or proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books; as
+did Sixtis Senensis, B. Lamy, Anton a matre Dei, Jahn,
+and others; though it is hardly consistent with orthodox
+Catholicism or the view of those who passed the decree.
+When the writings are said to be of different authority&mdash;some
+more, others less&mdash;the intent of the council is violated.
+The Vatican council (1870) confirmed the Tridentine
+decree respecting the canon.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The Greek Church, after several ineffectual attempts to
+uphold the old distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical
+books by Metrophanes Critopulus patriarch of
+Alexandria in 1625, and Cyril Lucaris patriarch of Constantinople
+(1638 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi>),<note place='foot'>Kimmel's
+<hi rend='italic'>Monumenta fidei eccles. orient</hi>, part i.
+p. 467.</note> came to the same decision with the
+Romish, and canonized all the apocrypha. This was done
+at a Jerusalem synod under Dositheus in 1672.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='125'/><anchor id='Pg125'/>
+
+<div rend='page-break-before: always'>
+<index index='toc'/>
+<index index='pdf'/>
+<head>Chapter XI. The Canon From Semler To The Present Time,
+With Reflections On Its Readjustment.</head>
+
+<p>
+Semler<note place='foot'>Died 791 <hi rend='smallcaps'>a.d.</hi></note>
+was the most conspicuous scholar after the
+Reformation who undertook to correct the prevailing
+ideas respecting the canon. Acquainted with the works of
+Toland and Morgan, he adopted some of their views, and
+prosecuted his inquiries on their lines chiefly in relation to
+the New Testament. He had no definite principles to guide
+him, but judged books chiefly by their christian value and
+use to the Church. Though his views are sometimes one-sided
+and his essays ill-digested, he placed the subject in
+new lights, and rendered a service to truth which bore
+abundant fruit in after years.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Abhandlung
+von freier Untersuchung des
+Canons</hi>, 4 parts, Halle, 1771-1775.</note> He dealt tradition severe
+blows, and freed theology from the yoke of the letter. He
+was followed by his disciple Corrodi, by G. L. Oeder, J. D.
+Michaelis, Herder, Lessing, and Eichhorn,&mdash;most of whom
+recommended their views by a freshness of style which
+Semler did not command. The more recent works of Gesenius,
+De Wette, Zunz, Ewald, Hitzig, Geiger and Herzfeld
+have contributed to form a juster opinion of the true position
+which the books of the Bible occupy.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the New Testament, the writings of F. C. Baur have
+opened up a new method of investigating the canon, which
+promises important and lasting results. Proceeding in the
+track of Semler, he prosecuted his researches into primitive
+Christianity with great acuteness and singular power of
+combination. Though his separation of Petrine and Pauline
+<pb n='126'/><anchor id='Pg126'/>
+christianity is not new, he has applied it in ways which
+neither Toland nor Morgan was competent to manage.
+These writers perceived the difference between the leading
+principle of the twelve and that of Paul, they had some far-seeing
+glimpses of the origin and differences of the New
+Testament writings,<note place='foot'>See Toland's <hi rend='italic'>Nazarenus</hi>,
+p. 25, &amp;c., second edition; and Morgan's <hi rend='italic'>Moral
+Philosopher</hi>, vol. i. p. 56, &amp;c.</note> but they propounded them in an
+unsystematic way along with untenable conjectures. It was
+reserved for the Tübingen professor to elaborate the hypothesis
+of an Ebionite or primitive christianity in contra-distinction
+from a Pauline, applying it to the origin and
+constitution of christian literature; in a word, to use a
+<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>tendenz-kritik</foreign>
+for opening up the genius of the sacred
+writings as well as the stages of early christianity out of
+which they arose. The head of the Tübingen school, it is
+true, has carried out the antagonism between the Petrine
+and Pauline christians too rigorously, and invaded the
+authenticity of the sacred writings to excess; for it is hazardous
+to make a theory extremely stringent to the comparative
+neglect of modifying circumstances, which, though
+increasing the difficulty of criticism, contribute to the
+security of its processes. Yet he has properly emphasized
+internal evidence; and many of his conclusions about the
+books will stand. He has thrown much light on the original
+relations of parties immediately after the origin of
+Christianity, and disturbed an organic unity of the New
+Testament which had been merely <emph>assumed</emph> by traditionalists.
+The best Introductions to the New Testament must accept
+them to some extent. The chief characteristic of the school
+is the application of historic criticism to the genesis of the
+New Testament writings, irrespective of tradition&mdash;a striving
+to discover the circumstances or tendencies out of which
+the books originated. Baur's
+<foreign lang='de' rend='italic'>tendenz</foreign>-principle judiciously
+applied cannot but produce good results.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We have seen that sound critical considerations did not
+<pb n='127'/><anchor id='Pg127'/>
+regulate the formation of the three collections which made
+up the entire canon of the Old Testament. Had it been so,
+the Pentateuch would not have been attributed to Moses.
+Neither would a number of latter prophecies have been accepted
+as Isaiah's and incorporated with the prophet's
+authentic productions. All the Proverbs, the book of Ecclesiastes,
+and the Song of Songs would not have been
+assigned to Solomon; Jonah would have been separated
+from the prophets, and Daniel must have had a later position
+in the Hagiographa. We cannot, therefore, credit the
+collectors or editors of the books with great critical sagacity.
+But they did their best in the circumstances, preserving invaluable
+records of the Hebrew people. In like manner, it
+has appeared, that the ecclesiastics to whom we owe the
+New Testament collection were not sharp-sighted in the
+literature with which they had to do. It is true that well-founded
+doubts were entertained by the early Christians
+about several portions, such as the second Epistle of Peter,
+the Epistle to the Hebrews, &amp;c., but the Revelation was
+needlessly discredited. They accepted without hesitation
+the pastoral epistles as Pauline, but doubted some of the
+Catholic Epistles, which bear the impress of authenticity
+more strongly, such as James. It is therefore incorrect to
+say that 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, James, Jude, Epistle to the
+Hebrews, and the Apocalypse <q>have been received into the
+canon on evidence less complete</q> than that belonging to
+the others. The very general admission of the fourth gospel
+as the apostle John's, is a curious example of facile
+traditionalism. Biblical criticism, however, scarcely existed
+in the first three centuries. It is for us to set the subject in
+another light, because our means of judging are superior.
+If the resources of the early fathers were inadequate to
+the proper sifting of a copious literature, they should be
+mildly judged.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The question of the canon is not settled. It is probably
+the work of successive inquirers to set it on a right basis,
+<pb n='128'/><anchor id='Pg128'/>
+and adjust the various parts in a manner consistent with
+historic criticism, sound reason, and religion. The absolute
+and relative worth of books; the degrees in which they
+regulate ethics and conduct; their varying values at the
+times of their first appearance and our own; their places in
+the general history of human progress&mdash;all these must be
+determined before the documents of Judaism and Christianity
+be classified aright. Their present arrangement is
+external. Based on no interior principle, it furnishes little
+help toward a thorough investigation of the whole. Those
+who look upon the question as historical and literary take
+a one-sided view. It has a theological character also. It
+needs the application, not only of historic criticism, but the
+immediate consciousness belonging to every Christian. The
+two Testaments should be separated, and their respective
+positions assigned to each&mdash;the Old having been preparatory
+to the New. Should it be said bluntly, as it is in the 7th
+Article of the Anglican Church, that the Old is not contrary
+to the New Testament? Luther at least expressed his
+opinion of the difference between them pretty clearly;<note place='foot'>For example,
+<q>Moses is dead; his rule went out when Christ came&mdash;he
+is of no further service here.... We are willing to regard
+him as a teacher, but we will not regard him as our lawgiver, <emph>unless
+he agree with the New Testament and the law of nature</emph>.</q>
+<hi rend='italic'>Sämmtliche Schriften</hi>, ed. Walch. dritter Theil., pp. 7, 8.</note>
+though the theologians of Germany after him evinced a desire
+to minimise the difference.<note place='foot'>Such as Calovius,
+Chemnitz, John Gerhard, W. Lyser, Quenstedt,
+Brochmand, Hollaz, &amp;c. Melancthon also makes no important distinction
+between the two Testaments in his <hi rend='italic'>Loci theologici</hi>. Calvin's
+theology was derived from the Old Testament more than the New.</note> Should the general
+opinion of the Protestant Church that the authority of the Old
+Testament is not subordinate to that of the New, be rigidly
+upheld? According to one aspect of the former it may be
+so, viz., its prophetic and theological aspect, that in which
+it is brought into close union with the latter; the essence
+of the one being foreshadowed or implied in the other, as
+Justin Martyr supposed. And this view has never lost
+<pb n='129'/><anchor id='Pg129'/>
+supporters, who by the help of double senses, types, and
+symbols, with assumed prediction of the definite and distant
+future, transform the old dispensation into an outline picture
+of the new; taking into it a body of divinity which is alien
+from its nature. According to another aspect, viz., the
+moral and historical, the equality can scarcely be allowed.
+Schleiermacher is right in saying that the Old Testament
+seems to be nothing but a superfluous authority for doctrine;
+an opinion coinciding with that of the early Socinians, who
+held that it has a historical, not a dogmatic, value. Only
+such of our pious emotions as are of a general nature are
+accurately reflected in the Old Testament; and all that is
+most decidedly Jewish is of least value to christians. The
+alleged coincidence of the Old Testament with the New
+must be modified by the doctrine of development. It has
+been fostered by types and prophecies supposed to refer to
+christian times; by the assumed <emph>dictation</emph> of all Scripture by
+the Holy Spirit; by fancied references of the one dispensation
+to the other; by the confounding of a Jewish Messiah
+sketched in various prophets, with Jesus Christ, as if the
+latter had not changed, exalted and purified the Messianic
+idea to suit his sublime purposes of human regeneration.
+The times and circumstances in which the Old Testament
+Scriptures appeared, the manners, usages, civilization, intellectual
+and moral stage of the Semitic race combine to
+give them a lower position than that of the New Testament
+books which arose out of a more developed perception
+of the relations between God and men. Spiritual apprehension
+had got beyond Jewish particularism, especially
+in the case of the apostle Paul, who gave the new religion
+a distinct vitality by severing it from its Jewish
+predecessor.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The agreement of the New Testament books with themselves
+must be modified by the same doctrine of development.
+Jewish and Pauline christianity appear in different works,
+<pb n='130'/><anchor id='Pg130'/>
+necessarily imparting a difference of views and expression;
+or they are blended in various degrees, as in the epistles to
+the Hebrews and the first of Peter. Hence, absolute harmony
+cannot be looked for. If the standpoints of the writers
+were so diverse, how can their productions coincide? The
+alleged coincidence can only be intersected with varieties
+proportioned to the measures in which the authors possessed
+the Spirit of God. These varieties affect the matter as well
+as the manner of the writings. It is therefore unphilosophical
+to treat the Bible as a whole which was dictated
+by the Spirit and directed to one end. Its uniformity is
+chequered with variety; its harmony with disagreement.
+It is a bundle of books; a selection from a wider literature,
+reflecting many diversities of religious apprehension. After
+the two Testaments have been rightly estimated according
+to their respective merits, the contents of each should be
+duly apportioned&mdash;internal evidence being the test of their
+relative importance, irrespective of <hi rend='italic'>a priori</hi> assumptions.
+Their traditional origin and authority must be subordinated
+to the inherent value they bear, or the conformity of the
+ideas to the will of God. The gradual formation of both
+canons suggests an analysis of the classes into which they
+came to be put; for the same canonical dignity was not attributed
+by the Jews to the books contained in the three
+divisions; and the controverted writings of the New Testament
+found gradual recognition very slowly. Luther made
+important distinctions between the canonical books;<note place='foot'>His full
+sayings are collected in Bretschneider's <hi rend='italic'>Luther an unsere
+Zeit</hi>, pp. 186-224; and in Krause's <hi rend='italic'>Opuscula theologica</hi>,
+pp. 205-241.</note> and
+Carlstadt put the Antilegomena of the New Testament on
+a par with the Hagiographa of the Old.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the Old Testament the three classes or canons have
+been generally estimated by the Jews according to their respective
+antiquity; though the sacrificial worship enjoined
+in the Pentateuch never formed an essential part of the
+Jewish religion; the best prophets having set small value
+<pb n='131'/><anchor id='Pg131'/>
+upon it. The pure monotheistic doctrine of these last writers,
+chiefly contained in the second canon, lifts that class up
+to the highest rank; yet the Decalogue in the Pentateuch
+is sufficient to stamp the first canon with great worth. It
+must be confessed, however, that the Mosaic law was meagre,
+in the domain of pure ethics; and that it promoted
+among the people a slavish spirit of positivism by laying
+more stress on acts than dispositions, and insisting on small
+regulations. For this reason, the prophets combated its
+narrow externality. The three canons were regarded with
+a degree of veneration corresponding to the order in which
+they stand. To apportion their respective values to the
+individual parts of them is a difficult task.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+As to the New Testament writings, we think that some
+of them might conveniently occupy the position of <emph>deutero-canonical</emph>,
+equivalent to those of the Old Testament having
+that title. We allude to 2 and 3 John, Jude, James, 2 Peter,
+the Revelation. It is true that a few of these were prior in
+time to some of the universally-received gospels or epistles;
+but time is not an important factor in a good classification.
+Among the Pauline epistles themselves, classification might
+be adopted; for the pastoral letters are undoubtedly post-Pauline,
+and inferior to the authentic ones. In classifying
+the New Testament writings, three things might be considered&mdash;the
+reception they met with from the first, their
+authenticity, above all, their internal excellence. The
+subject is not easy, because critics are not universally
+agreed about the proper rank and authenticity of a few
+documents. The Epistle to the Colossians, for example,
+creates perplexity; that to the Ephesians is less embarrassing,
+its post-Pauline origin being tolerably clear.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+What is wanted is a rational historic criticism to moderate
+the theological hypothesis with which the older Protestants
+set out, the supernatural inspiration of the books, their internal
+inseparability, and their direct reference to the work
+of salvation. It must be allowed that many points are independent
+<pb n='132'/><anchor id='Pg132'/>
+of dogmatics; and that the right decision in things
+historical may be reached apart from any ecclesiastical
+standpoint.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Again, should the distinction between the apocryphal and
+canonical books of the Old Testament be emphasized as it
+is by many? Should a sharp line be put between the two,
+as though the one class, with the period it belonged to, were
+characterized by the errors and anachronisms of its history;
+the other by simplicity and accuracy; the one, by books
+written under fictitious names; the other, by the power to
+distinguish truth from falsehood or by honesty of purpose?
+Should the one be a sign of the want of truthfulness and
+discernment; the other, of religious simplicity? Can this
+aggregation of the Apocrypha over against the Hagiographa,
+serve the purpose of a just estimate? Hardly so; for
+some of the latter, such as Esther and Ecclesiastes, cannot
+be put above Wisdom, 1st Maccabees, Judith, Baruch, or
+Ecclesiasticus. The doctrine of immortality, clearly expressed
+in the Book of Wisdom, is not in Ecclesiastes;
+neither is God once named in the Book of Esther as author
+of the marvelous deliverances which the chosen people are
+said to have experienced. The history narrated in 1st
+Maccabees is more credible than that in Esther. It is therefore
+misleading to mark off all the apocryphal works as
+<emph>human</emph> and all the canonical ones as <emph>divine</emph>. The divine and
+the human elements in man are too intimately blended to
+admit of such separation. The best which he produces
+partakes of both. The human element still permeates them
+as long as God speaks through man; and He neither dictates
+nor speaks otherwise. In the attributes claimed for
+the canonical books no rigid line can be drawn. It may be
+that the inspiration of their authors differed in degree; that
+the writer of Ecclesiastes, for example, was more philosophical
+than Jesus, son of Sirach; but different degrees of
+inspiration belong to the canonical writers themselves.
+Undue exaltation of the Hebrew canon does injustice to the
+<pb n='133'/><anchor id='Pg133'/>
+wider Alexandrian one. Yet some still speak of <q>the pure
+Hebrew canon,</q> identifying it with that of the Church of
+England. We admit that history had become legendary,
+that it was written in an oratorical style by the Alexandrian
+Jews, and was used for didactic purposes as in Tobit and
+Judith. Gnomic poetry had survived in the book of Sirach;
+prophecy, in Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah, though
+here the language is already prosaic. Imitation is too observable
+in the matter and manner of the Apocrypha. They
+have parallels, however, among the Hagiographa, which
+originated in an age when the genuine breath of prophetic
+inspiration had ceased; when history and prophecy had
+degenerated; so that the transition from Esther and Malachi
+to Judith and Baruch, as also from Proverbs to Wisdom, is
+not great.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The <emph>Talmudic</emph> canon is generally adopted at the present
+day. It was not, however, universally received even by
+the Jews; for Esther was omitted out of it by those from
+whom Melito got his catalogue in Palestine; while Sirach
+was annexed to it as late as the beginning of the 4th century.
+Baruch was also added in several Jewish circles,
+doubtless on account of its supposed authorship. Thus
+<q>the pure Hebrew canon</q> was not one and the same among
+all Jews; and therefore the phrase is misleading. Neither
+is it correct to say that it is the only canon distinctly recognized
+during the first four centuries, unless the usage of
+the early fathers be set over against their <emph>assumed</emph> contrary
+judgment; nor can all who followed the Alexandrian canon
+be pronounced uncritical, including Origen himself. A
+stereotyped canon of the Old Testament, either among Jews
+or Christians of the first four centuries, which excluded all
+the apocryphal books and included all the canonical ones,
+cannot be shown. And in regard to <q>the critical judgment</q>
+of Jews and Christians in that period it is arbitrary
+to suppose that such as adopted the present canonical
+books alone were more discerning than others. They were
+<pb n='134'/><anchor id='Pg134'/>
+more traditional and conservative; their discriminating
+faculty not corresponding to the degree of their reliance
+on the past.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The aim of the inquirer should be to find from competent
+witnesses&mdash;from contemporaneous or succeeding writers of
+trustworthy character&mdash;the authors and ages of the biblical
+books. When evidence of this kind is not available as
+often happens, the only resource is the internal. The external
+evidence in favor of the canon is all but exhausted,
+and nothing of importance can be added to it now. Its
+strength has been brought out; its weakness has not been
+equally exhibited. The problem resolves itself into an examination
+of internal characteristics, which may be strong
+enough to modify or counterbalance the external. The
+latter have had an artificial preponderance in the past;
+henceforward they must be regulated by the internal. The
+main conclusion should be drawn from the contents of the
+books themselves. And the example of Jews and Christians,
+to whom we owe the Bible canon, shows that <emph>classification</emph>
+is necessary. This is admitted both by Roman
+Catholic writers and orthodox Protestants. A gloss-writer
+on what is usually called the <q>decree of Gratian,</q> <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, the
+Bolognese canonist of the 12th century, remarks about the
+canonical books, <q>all may be received but may not be held
+in the same estimation.</q> John Gerhard speaks of a <emph>second
+order</emph>, containing the books of the New Testament, about whose authors there
+were some doubts in the Church;<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Loci Theologici</hi>
+Tom. i. pp. 186, 187, ed. Cotta, 1762.</note> and
+Quenstedt similarly specifies <emph>proto-canonical</emph> and
+<emph>deutero-canonical</emph>
+New Testament books, or those of the first and
+second order.<note place='foot'><hi rend='italic'>Theologia Didactico-polemica</hi>,
+p. 340.</note> What are degrees or kinds of inspiration
+assumed by many, but a tacit acknowledgment of the fact
+that books vary in intrinsic value as they are more or less
+impregnated with divine truth or differ in the proportion of
+the eternal and temporal elements which commingle in
+<pb n='135'/><anchor id='Pg135'/>
+every revealed religion? Doubtless the authors from whom
+the separate books proceeded, if discoverable, should be regarded;
+the inspiration of an Isaiah is higher than that of
+a Malachi, and an apostle is more authoritative than an
+evangelist; but the authors are often unknown. Besides,
+the process of redaction through which many of the writings
+passed, hinders an exact knowledge of authorship.
+In these circumstances the books themselves must determine
+the position they should occupy in the estimation of those
+who are looking at records of the past to help their spiritual
+life. And if it be asked, What principle should lie at the
+basis of a thorough classification? the answer is, the <emph>normative
+element</emph> contained in the sacred books. This is the
+characteristic which should regulate classification. The
+time when a book appeared, its author, the surrounding
+circumstances that influenced him, are of less consequence
+than its bearing upon the spiritual education of mankind.
+The extent of its adequacy to promote this end determines
+the rank. Such books as embody the indestructible essence
+of religion with the fewest accidents of time, place and
+nature&mdash;which present conditions not easily disengaged
+from the imperishable life of the soul, deserve the first
+rank. Whatever Scriptures express ideas consonant with
+the nature of God as a holy, loving, just and good Being&mdash;as
+a benevolent Father not willing the destruction of any
+of his children; the Scriptures presenting ideas of Him
+consistent with pure reason and man's highest instincts,
+besides such as set forth our sense of dependence on the
+infinite; the books, in short, that contain a revelation from
+God with least admixture of the human conditions under
+which it is transmitted&mdash;these belong to the highest class.
+If they lead the reader away from opinion to practice,
+from dogma to life, from non-doing to obedience to the
+law of moral duty, from the notion that everything in salvation
+has been done for him to the keeping of the commandments,
+from particularist conceptions about the divine
+<pb n='136'/><anchor id='Pg136'/>
+mercy to the widest belief of its overshadowing presence&mdash;such
+books of Scripture are in that same proportion to be
+ranked among the best. In regard to the Old Testament,
+conformity to Christ's teaching will determine rank; or,
+which is tantamount, conformity to that pure reason which
+is God's natural revelation in man; a criterion which assigns
+various ranks to such Scriptures as appeared among
+a Semite race at a certain stage of its development. In the
+New Testament, the words and precepts of Jesus have a
+character of their own, though it is very difficult to select
+them from the gospels. The supposition that the apostles'
+productions possess a higher authority than those of their
+disciples, is natural. But the immediate followers of
+Christ did not all stand on one platform. Differing from
+one another even in important principles, it is possible, if
+not certain, that some of their disciples' composition may
+be of higher value. The spirit of God may have wrought
+within the apostles generally with greater power and
+clearness than in other teachers; but its operation is conditioned
+not merely by outward factors but by individual
+idiosyncrasy; so that one who had not seen the Lord and
+was therefore not an apostle proper, may have apprehended
+his mind better than an immediate disciple. Paul stood
+above the primitive apostles in the extent to which he
+fathomed the pregnant sayings of Jesus and developed
+their latent germs. Thus the normative element&mdash;that
+which determines the varying degrees of authority belonging
+to the New Testament&mdash;does not lie in apostolic authorship
+but internal worth; in the clearness and power
+with which the divine Spirit enabled men to grasp the
+truth. By distinguishing the <emph>temporal</emph> and the <emph>eternal</emph>
+in christianity, the writings necessarily rise or sink in
+proportion to these elements. The <emph>eternal</emph> is the essence
+and gem of revealed truth. Perfectibility belongs only
+to the <emph>temporal</emph>; it cannot be predicated of the <emph>eternal</emph>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The multitudinous collection of books contained in the
+<pb n='137'/><anchor id='Pg137'/>
+Bible is not pervaded by unity of purpose or plan, so as to
+make a good classification easy. Least of all is it dominated
+by such substantial unity as has been connected with
+one man; for the conception of a Messiah was never the
+national belief of Judaism, but a notion projected by
+prophets into the future to comfort the people in times of
+disaster; the forecasting of aspirations doomed to disappointment.
+From the collection presenting various degrees
+of intellectual and moral development, it is difficult to see
+a sufficient reason for some being canonized to the exclusion
+of better works which were relegated to the class of
+the <emph>apocryphal</emph>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Mr. Jones's<note place='foot'>See Jones's new
+and full method of settling the canonical authority of the New Testament,
+Vol. I., Part i., chap. 5. page 52, ed. 1726.</note> statement that the primitive
+Christians are proper judges to determine what book is canonical, requires
+great modification, being too vague to be serviceable; for
+<q>primitive Christians</q> is a phrase that needs to be defined.
+How far do they extend? How much of the first
+and second centuries do they cover? Were not the primitive
+Christians divided in their beliefs? Did the Jewish
+and the Pauline ones unite in accepting the same writings?
+Not for a considerable time, until the means of ascertaining
+the real authors of the books and the ability to do so
+were lacking.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+As to the Old Testament, the Palestinian Jews determined
+the canonical books by gradually contracting the list and
+stopping it at a time when their calamities throwing them
+back on the past for springs of hope, had stiffened them
+within a narrow traditionalism; but their brethren in Egypt,
+touched by Alexandrian culture and Greek philosophy,
+received later productions into their canon, some of which
+at least are of equal value with Palestinian ones. In any
+case, the degree of authority attaching to the Biblical
+books grew from less to greater, till it culminated in a
+divine character, a sacredness rising even to infallibility.
+<pb n='138'/><anchor id='Pg138'/>
+Doubtless the Jews of Palestine distinguished the canonical
+from the apocryphal or deutero-canonical books on grounds
+satisfactory to themselves; but their judgment was not infallible.
+A senate of Rabbis under the old dispensation
+might err, as easily as a synod of priests under the new.
+Though they may have been <emph>generally</emph> correct, it must not
+be assumed that they were <emph>always</emph> so. Their discernment
+may be commended without being magnified. The general
+feeling of leaning upon the past was a sound one, for the
+best times of Judaism had departed, and with them the
+most original effusions; yet the wave of Platonism that
+passed over Alexandria could not but quicken even the
+conservative mind of the Jew. Greek thought blended
+with echoes of the past, though in dulled form. Still a
+line had to be drawn in the national literature; and it was
+well drawn on the whole. The feeling existed that the
+collection must be closed with works of a certain period
+and a certain character; and it was closed accordingly,
+without preventing individuals from putting their private
+opinions over against authority, and dissenting.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+At the present day a new arrangement is necessary; but
+where is the ecclesiastical body bold enough to undertake
+it? And if it were attempted or carried out by non-ecclesiastical
+parties, would the churches approve or adopt
+the proceeding? We venture to say, that if some books be
+separated from the collection and others put in their place&mdash;if
+the classification of some be altered, and their authority
+raised or lowered&mdash;good will be done; the Bible will
+have a fairer degree of normal power in doctrine and
+morals, and continue to promote spiritual life. Faith in
+Christ precedes faith in books. Unless criticism be needlessly
+negative it cannot remove this time-honored legacy
+from the position it is entitled to, else the spiritual consciousness
+of humanity will rebel. While the subject is
+treated reverently, and the love of truth overrides dogmatic
+prejudices, the canon will come forth in a different form
+<pb n='139'/><anchor id='Pg139'/>
+from that which it has had for centuries&mdash;a form on which
+faith may rest without misgiving.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canon was a work of divine providence, because
+history, in a religious view, necessarily implies the fact.
+It was a work of inspiration, because the agency of the
+Holy Spirit has always been with the people of God as a
+principle influencing their life. It was not, however, the
+result of a <emph>special</emph> or <emph>peculiar</emph> act of divine inspiration at any
+one time, but of a gradual illuminating process, shaped by
+influences more or less active in the divine economy.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The canonical authority of Scripture does not depend on
+any church or council. The early church may be cited as
+a <emph>witness</emph> for it; that is all. Canonical authority lies in
+Scripture itself, and is inherent in the books so far as they
+contain a declaration of the divine will. Hence, there is
+truth in the statement of old theologians that the authority
+of Scripture is from God alone. It was the early church
+indeed that made the canon, selecting the books which appeared
+to have been written by apostles or apostolic men,
+and carrying over to them authority from alleged authenticity
+more than internal value. But the latter is the real
+index of authority; and God is the fountain from whom
+spiritual endowments proceed.<note place='foot'>Ecclesia
+sua autoritate nullum librum facit canonicum, quippe canonica
+scripturae autoritas est a solo Deo, &amp;c. Gerhard's
+<hi rend='italic'>Loci Theologici</hi>,
+tom. i. p. 4, ed. Cotta. Autoritas scripturæ quoad nos nihil
+allud est, quam manifestatio et cognitio unicæ illius divinæ et summæ
+autoritatis, quæ scriptum est interna et insita. Ecclesia igitur non
+confert scripturæ novam aliquam autoritatem quoad nos, sed testificatione
+sua ad agnitionem illius; veritatis nos deducit. Concedimus,
+ecclesiam esse scripturæ sacræ <emph>testem, custodem, vindicem, praeconem,
+et interpretem</emph>; sed negarnus, ex eo effici, quod autoritas scripturæ
+sive simpliciter sive quoad nos ab ecclesia pendeat et quidem unice,
+pendeat.&mdash;<hi rend='italic'>Ibid.</hi>, tomus secundus, p. 39, ed. Cotta.</note>
+The <emph>canonicity</emph> of the books
+is a distinct question from that of their <emph>authenticity</emph>. The
+latter is a thing of historic criticism; the former of doctrinal
+belief. Their ecclesiastical authority rests on outward
+attestation; their normal, on faith and feeling.
+</p>
+</div>
+</body>
+<back rend="page-break-before: right">
+  <div id="footnotes">
+    <index index="toc" />
+    <index index="pdf" />
+    <head>Footnotes</head>
+    <divGen type="footnotes"/>
+  </div>
+  <div rend="page-break-before: right">
+    <divGen type="pgfooter" />
+  </div>
+</back>
+</text>
+</TEI.2>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Canon of the Bible by Samuel Davidson
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Canon of the Bible
+
+Author: Samuel Davidson
+
+Release Date: September 29, 2009 [Ebook #30132]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: US-ASCII
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
+
+
+
+
+
+                         The Canon of the Bible:
+
+                 Its Formation, History, And Fluctuations
+
+                                    By
+
+                          Samuel Davidson, D.D.
+
+                           Of Halle, And LL.D.
+
+               From the Third Revised and Enlarged Edition.
+
+                                 New York
+
+                       Peter Eckler Publishing Co.
+
+                                   1877
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+Preface.
+Chapter I. Introductory.
+Chapter II. The Old Testament Canon From Its Beginning To Its Close.
+Chapter III. The Samaritan And Alexandrian Canons.
+Chapter IV. Number And Order Of The Separate Books.
+Chapter V. Use Of The Old Testament By The First Christian Writers, And By
+The Fathers Till The Time Of Origen.
+Chapter VI. The New Testament Canon In The First Three Centuries.
+Chapter VII. The Bible Canon From The Fourth Century To The Reformation.
+Chapter VIII. Order Of The New Testament Books.
+Chapter IX. Summary Of The Subject.
+Chapter X. The Canon In The Confession Of Different Churches.
+Chapter XI. The Canon From Semler To The Present Time, With Reflections On
+Its Readjustment.
+Footnotes
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The substance of the present work was written toward the close of the year
+1875 for the new edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_. Having been
+abridged and mutilated, contrary to the author's wishes, before its
+publication there, he resolved to print it entire. With that view it has
+undergone repeated revision with enlargement in different parts, and been
+made as complete as the limits of an essay appeared to allow. As nothing
+of importance has been knowingly omitted, the writer hopes it will be
+found a comprehensive summary of all that concerns the formation and
+history of the Bible canon. The place occupied by it was vacant. No
+English book reflecting the processes of results of recent criticism,
+gives an account of the canon in both Testaments. Articles and essays upon
+the subject there are; but their standpoint is usually apologetic not
+scientific, traditional rather than impartial, unreasonably conservative
+without being critical. The topic is weighty, involving the consideration
+of great questions, such as the inspiration, authenticity, authority, and
+age of the Scriptures. The author has tried to handle it fairly, founding
+his statements on such evidence as seemed convincing, and condensing them
+into a moderate compass. If the reader wishes to know the evidence, he may
+find it in the writer's _Introductions to the Old and New Testaments_,
+where the separate books of Scripture are discussed; and in the late
+treatises of other critics. While his expositions are capable of
+expansion, it is believed that they will not be easily shaken. He commends
+the work to the attention of all who have an interest in the progress of
+theology, and are seeking a foundation for their faith less precarious
+than books however venerable.
+
+It has not been the writer's purpose to chronicle phases of opinion, or to
+refute what he believes to be error in the newest hypotheses about the
+age, authority, and composition of the books. His aim has been rather to
+set forth the most correct view of the questions involved in a history of
+the canon, whether it be more or less recent. Some may think that the
+latest or most current account of such questions is the best; but that is
+not his opinion. Hence, the fashionable belief that much of the
+Pentateuch, the Book of Leviticus wholly, with large parts of Exodus and
+Numbers, in a word, that all the laws relating to divine worship, with
+most of the chronological tables or statistics, belong to Ezra, who is
+metamorphosed in fact into the first Elohist, is unnoticed. Hence, also,
+the earliest gospel is not declared to be Mark's. Neither has the author
+ventured to place the fourth gospel at the end of the first century, as
+Ewald and Weitzsaecker do, after the manner of the old critics; or with
+Keim so early as 110-115 A.D.
+
+Many evince a restless anxiety to find something novel; and to depart from
+well-established conclusions for the sake of originality. This shows a
+morbid state of mind. Amid the feverish outlook for discoveries and the
+slight regard for what is safe, conservatism is a commendable thing. Some
+again desire to return, as far as they can, to orthodoxy, finding between
+that extreme and rationalism a middle way which offers a resting-place to
+faith. The numerous changes which criticism presents are not a symptom of
+soundness. The writer is far indeed from thinking that every question
+connected with the books of Scripture is finally settled; but the majority
+undoubtedly are, though several already fixed by great scholars continue
+to be opened up afresh. He does not profess to adopt the phase of
+criticism which is fashionable at the moment; it is enough to state what
+approves itself to his judgment, and to hold it fast amid the
+contrarieties of conjecture or the cravings of curiosity. Present
+excrescences or aberrations of belief will have their day and disappear.
+Large portions of the Pentateuch will cease to be consigned to a
+post-exile time, and the gospels of Matthew and Luke will again be counted
+the chief sources of Mark's. It will also be acknowledged that the first
+as it now exists, is of much later origin than the fall of Jerusalem. Nor
+will there be so great anxiety to show that Justin Martyr was acquainted
+with the fourth gospel, and owed his Logos-doctrine chiefly to it. The
+difference of ten or twenty years in the date of a gospel will not be
+considered of essential importance in estimating its character.
+
+The present edition has been revised throughout and several parts
+re-written. The author hopes that it will be found still more worthy of
+the favor with which the first was received.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY.
+
+
+As introductory to the following dissertation, I shall explain and define
+certain terms that frequently occur in it, especially _canon_,
+_apocryphal_, _ecclesiastical_, and the like. A right apprehension of
+these will make the observations advanced respecting the canon and its
+formation plainer. The words have not been taken in the same sense by all,
+a fact that obscures their sense. They have been employed more or less
+vaguely by different writers. Varying ideas have been attached to them.
+
+The Greek original of _canon_(1) means primarily a straight rod or pole;
+and metaphorically, what serves to keep a thing upright or straight, a
+_rule_. In the New Testament it occurs in Gal. vi. 16 and 2 Cor. x. 13,
+15, 16, signifying in the former, a measure; in the latter, what is
+measured, a _district_. But we have now to do with its ecclesiastical use.
+There are three opinions as to the origin of its application to the
+writings used by the church. According to Toland, Whiston, Semler, Baur,
+and others, the word had originally the sense of _list_ or _catalogue_ of
+books publicly read in Christian assemblies. Others, as Steiner, suppose
+that since the Alexandrian grammarians applied it to collections of Old
+Greek authors as _models_ of excellence or _classics_, it meant
+_classical_ (canonical) _writings_. According to a third opinion, the term
+included from the first the idea of a regulating principle. This is the
+more probable, because the same idea lies in the New Testament use of the
+noun, and pervades its applications in the language of the early Fathers
+down to the time of Constantine, as Credner has shown.(2) The "canon of
+the church" in the Clementine homilies;(3) the "ecclesiastical canon,"(4)
+and "the canon of the truth," in Clement and Irenaeus;(5) the "canon" of
+the faith in Polycrates,(6) the _regula fidei_ of Tertullian,(7) and the
+_libri regulares_ of Origen,(8) imply a _normative principle_. But we
+cannot assent to Credner's view of the Greek word for _canon_ being an
+abbreviation of "Scriptures of canon,"(9) equivalent to _Scripturae legis_
+in Diocletian's Act(10)--a view too artificial, and unsanctioned by usage.
+
+It is true that the word _canon_ was employed by Greek writers in the
+sense of a mere _list_; but when it was transferred to the Scripture
+books, it included the idea of a regulative and normal power--a list of
+books forming a rule or law, because the newly-formed Catholic Church
+required a standard of appeal in opposition to the Gnostics with their
+arbitrary use of sacred writings. There is a lack of evidence on behalf of
+its use before the books of the New Testament had been paralleled with
+those of the Old in authority and inspiration.
+
+The earliest example of its application to a catalogue of the Old or New
+Testament books occurs in the Latin translation of Origen's homily on
+Joshua, where the original seems to have been "canon."(11) The word itself
+is certainly in Amphilochius,(12) as well as in Jerome,(13) and
+Rufinus.(14) As the Latin translation of Origen has _canonicus_ and
+_canonizatus_, we infer that he used "canonical,"(15) opposed as it is to
+_apocryphus_ or _secretus_. The first occurrence of "canonical" is in the
+fifty-ninth canon of the Council of Laodicea, where it is contrasted with
+two other Greek words.(16) "_Canonized_ books,"(17) is first used in
+Athanasius's 39th festal epistle. The kind of rule which the earliest
+fathers attributed to the Scriptures can only be conjectured; it is
+certain that they believed the Old Testament books to be a _divine_ and
+_infallible guide_. But the New Testament was not so considered till
+towards the close of the second century when the conception of a Catholic
+Church was realized. The latter collection was not called _Scripture_, or
+put on a par with the Old Testament as _sacred_ and _inspired_, till the
+time of Theophilus of Antioch (about 180 A.D.) Hence, Irenaeus applies the
+epithets _divine_ and _perfect_ to the Scriptures; and Clement of
+Alexandria calls them _inspired_.
+
+When distinctions were made among the Biblical writings other words(18)
+were employed, synonymous with "canonized."(19) The canon was thus a
+catalogue of writings forming a rule of truth, sacred, divine, revealed by
+God for the instruction of men. The rule was perfect for its purpose.
+
+The word apocryphal(20) is used in various senses, which it is difficult
+to trace chronologically. Apocryphal books are,--
+
+1st, Such as contain _secret_ or _mysterious_ things, books of the higher
+wisdom. It is thus applied to the Apocalypse by Gregory of Nyssa.(21) Akin
+to this is the second meaning.
+
+2nd, Such as were _kept secret_ or withdrawn from public use. In this
+sense the word corresponds to the Hebrew _ganuz_.(22) So Origen speaking
+of the story of Susanna. The opposite of this is _read in public_,(23) a
+word employed by Eusebius.(24)
+
+3rd, It was used of the secret books of the heretics by Clement(25) and
+Origen,(26) with the accessory idea of _spurious_,
+_pseudepigraphical_,(27) in opposition to the canonical writings of the
+Catholic Church. The book of Enoch and similar productions were so
+characterized.(28)
+
+4th, Jerome applied it to the books in the Septuagint which are absent
+from the Hebrew canon, _i.e._, to the books which were _read_ in the
+church, the _ecclesiastical_ ones(29) occupying a rank next to the
+canonical. In doing so he had respect to the corresponding Hebrew epithet.
+This was a misuse of the word _apocryphal_, which had a prejudicial effect
+on the character of the books in after-times.(30) The word, which he did
+not employ in an injurious sense, was adopted from him by Protestants
+after the Reformation, who gave it perhaps a sharper distinction than he
+intended, so as to imply a contrast somewhat disparaging to writings which
+were publicly read in many churches and put beside the canonical ones by
+distinguished fathers. The Lutherans have adhered to Jerome's meaning
+longer than the Reformed; but the decree of the Council of Trent had some
+effect on both. The contrast between the canonical and apocryphal writings
+was carried to its utmost length by the Westminster divines, who asserted
+that the former are inspired, the latter not.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II. THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON FROM ITS BEGINNING TO ITS CLOSE.
+
+
+The first important part of the Old Testament put together as a whole was
+the Pentateuch, or rather, the five books of Moses and Joshua. This was
+preceded by smaller documents, which one or more redactors embodied in it.
+The earliest things committed to writing were probably _the ten words_
+proceeding from Moses himself, afterwards enlarged into the ten
+commandments which exist at present in two recensions (Exod. xx., Deut.
+v.) It is true that we have the oldest form of the decalogue from the
+Jehovist not the Elohist; but that is no valid objection against the
+antiquity of the nucleus, out of which it arose. It is also probable that
+several legal and ceremonial enactments belong, if not to Moses himself,
+at least to his time; as also the Elohistic list of stations in Numbers
+xxxiii. To the same time belongs the song of Miriam in Exodus xv.,
+probably consisting of a few lines at first, and subsequently enlarged;
+with a triumphal ode over the fall of Heshbon (Numbers xxi. 27-30). The
+little poetical piece in Numbers xxi. 17, 18, afterwards misunderstood and
+so taken literally, is post-Mosaic.
+
+During the unsettled times of Joshua and the Judges there could have been
+comparatively little writing. The song of Deborah appeared, full of poetic
+force and fire. The period of the early kings was characterized not only
+by a remarkable development of the Hebrew people and their consolidation
+into a national state, but by fresh literary activity. Laws were written
+out for the guidance of priests and people; and the political organization
+of the rapidly growing nation was promoted by poetical productions in
+which spiritual life expressed its aspirations. Schools of prophets were
+instituted by Samuel, whose literary efforts tended to purify the worship.
+David was an accomplished poet, whose psalms are composed in lofty
+strains; and Solomon may have written a few odes. The building of the
+temple, and the arrangements connected with its worship, contributed
+materially to a written legislation.
+
+During this early and flourishing period appeared the book of the Wars of
+Jehovah,(31) a heroic anthology, celebrating warlike deeds; and the book
+of Jashar,(32) also poetical. Jehoshaphat is mentioned as court-annalist
+to David and Solomon.(33) Above all, the Elohists now appeared, the first
+of whom, in the reign of Saul, was author of annals, beginning at the
+earliest time which were distinguished by genealogical and chronological
+details as well as systematic minuteness, by archaic simplicity, and by
+legal prescriptions more theoretical than practical. The long genealogical
+registers with an artificial chronology and a statement of the years of
+men's lives, the dry narratives, the precise accounts of the gradual
+enlargement of divine laws, the copious description of the tabernacle and
+the institution of divine worship, are wearisome, though pervaded by a
+theoretic interest which looks at everything from a legal point of view. A
+second or junior Elohist was less methodical and more fragmentary,
+supplying additional information, furnishing new theocratic details, and
+setting forth the relation of Israel to heathen nations and to God. In
+contrast with his predecessor, he has great beauty of description, which
+is exemplified in the account of Isaac's sacrifice and the history of
+Joseph; in picturesque and graphic narratives interspersed with few
+reflections. His parallels to the later writer commonly called the
+Jehovist, are numerous. The third author, who lived in the time of Uzziah,
+though more mythological than the Elohists, was less formal. His
+stand-point is prophetic. The third document incorporated with the
+Elohistic ones formed an important part of the whole, exhibiting a
+vividness which the first lacked; with descriptions of persons and things
+from another stand-point. The Jehovist belonged to the northern kingdom;
+the Elohists were of Judah.
+
+The state of the nation after Rehoboam was unfavorable to literature. When
+the people were threatened and attacked by other nations, divided among
+themselves in worship and all higher interests, rent by conflicting
+parties, the theocratic principle which was the true bond of union could
+not assert itself with effect. The people were corrupt; their religious
+life debased. The example of the kings was usually prejudicial to
+political healthiness. Contact with foreigners as well as with the older
+inhabitants of the land, hindered progress. In these circumstances the
+prophets were the true reformers, the advocates of political liberty,
+expositors of the principles that give life and stability to a nation. In
+Judah, Joel wrote prophetic discourses; in Israel, Amos and Hosea. Now,
+too, a redactor put together the Elohistic and Jehovistic documents,
+making various changes in them, adding throughout sentences or words that
+seemed desirable, and suppressing what was unsuited to his taste. Several
+psalm-writers enriched the national literature after David. Learned men at
+the court of Hezekiah recast and enlarged (Proverbs xxv.-xxix.) the
+national proverbs, which bore Solomon's name because the nucleus of an
+older collection belonged to that monarch. These literary courtiers were
+not prophets, but rather scribes. The book of Job was written, with the
+exception of Elihu's later discourses, which were not inserted in it till
+after the return from Babylon; and Deuteronomy, with Joshua, was added to
+the preceding collection in the reign of Manasseh. The gifted author of
+Deuteronomy, who was evidently imbued with the prophetic spirit, completed
+the Pentateuch, _i.e._, the five books of Moses and Joshua, revising the
+Elohist-Jehovistic work, and making various additions and alterations. He
+did the same thing to the historical books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings;
+which received from him their present form. Immediately before and during
+the exile there were numerous authors and compilers. New psalms appeared,
+more or less national in spirit. Ezekiel, Jeremiah and others prophesied;
+especially an unknown seer who described the present condition of the
+people, predicting their coming glories and renovated worship in strains
+of far-reaching import.(34) This great prophet expected the regeneration
+of the nation from the pious portion of it, the prophets in particular,
+not from a kingly Messiah as Isaiah did; for the hopes resting on rulers
+out of David's house had been disappointed. His aspirations turned to
+spiritual means. He was not merely an enthusiastic seer with comprehensive
+glance, but also a practical philosopher who set forth the doctrine of the
+innocent suffering for the guilty; differing therein from Ezekiel's theory
+of individual reward and punishment in the present world--a theory out of
+harmony with the circumstances of actual life. The very misfortunes of the
+nation, and the signs of their return, excited within the nobler spirits
+hopes of a brighter future, in which the flourishing reign of David should
+be surpassed by the universal worship of Jehovah. In consequence of their
+outward condition, the prophets of the exile were usually writers, like
+Ezekiel, not public speakers; and their announcement of glad tidings could
+only be transmitted privately from person to person. This explains in part
+the oblivion into which their names fell; so that the author or redactor
+of Jeremiah l., li.; the author of chapters xiii.-xiv. 23, xxi. 1-10,
+xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv., xxxv., inserted in Isaiah; and, above all, the
+Babylonian Isaiah, whom Hitzig improbably identifies with the high-priest
+Joshua, are unknown. After the return from Babylon the literary spirit
+manifested itself in the prophets of the restoration--Haggai, Zechariah,
+and Malachi--who wrote to recall their countrymen to a sense of religious
+duties; though their ideas were borrowed in part from older prophets of
+more original genius. The book of Esther appeared, to make the observance
+of the purim feast, which was of Persian origin, more general in
+Palestine. The large historical work comprising the books of Ezra,
+Nehemiah, and Chronicles, was compiled partly out of materials written by
+Ezra and Nehemiah, partly out of older historical records which formed a
+portion of the national literature. Several temple-psalms were also
+composed; a part of the present book of Proverbs; Ecclesiastes, whose tone
+and language betray its late origin; and Jonah, whose diction puts its
+date after the Babylonian captivity. The Maccabean age called forth the
+book of Daniel and various psalms. In addition to new productions there
+was an inclination to collect former documents. To Zechariah's authentic
+prophecies were added the earlier ones contained in chapters ix.-xiv.; and
+the Psalms were gradually brought together, being made up into divisions
+at different times; the first and second divisions proceeding from one
+redactor, the third from another, the fourth and fifth from a still later.
+Various writings besides their own were grouped around the names of
+earlier prophets, as was the case with Isaiah and Jeremiah.
+
+The literature is more indebted for its best constituents to the prophetic
+than to the priestly order, because the prophets were preachers of
+repentance and righteousness whose great aim was to make Israel a
+Jehovah-worshipping nation to the exclusion of other gods. Their
+utterances were essentially ethical and religious; their pictures of the
+future subjective and ideal. There was silently elaborated in their
+schools a spiritual monotheism, over against the crude polytheism of the
+people generally--a theocratic ideal inadequately apprehended by gross and
+sensuous Israel--Jehovism simple and sublime amid a sacerdotal worship
+which left the heart impure while cleansing the hands. Instead of taking
+their stand upon the law, with its rules of worship, its ceremonial
+precepts and penalties against transgressors, the prophets set themselves
+above it, speaking slightingly of the forms and customs which the people
+took for the whole of religion. To the view of such as were prepared to
+receive a faith that looked for its realization to the future, they helped
+to create a millennium, in which the worship of Jehovah alone should
+become the basis of a universal religion for humanity. In addition to the
+prophetic literature proper, they wrote historical works also. How
+superior this literature is to the priestly, appears from a comparison of
+the Kings and Chronicles. The subjective underlies the one; the objective
+distinguishes the other. Faith in Jehovah, clothed, it may be in sensible
+or historical forms, characterizes the one; reference of an outward order
+to a divine source, the other. The sanctity of a people under the
+government of a righteous God, is the object of the one; the sanctity of
+institutions, that of the other. Even when the prophets wrote history,
+_the facts_ are subordinate to _the belief_. Subjective purposes colored
+their representation of real events.
+
+To them we are indebted for the Messianic idea, the hope of a better time
+in which their high ideal of the theocracy should be realized. With such
+belief in the future, with pious aspirations enlivening their patriotism,
+did they comfort and encourage their countrymen. The hope, general or
+indefinite at first, was afterwards attached to the house of David, out of
+which a restorer of the theocracy was expected, a king pre-eminent in
+righteousness, and marvelously gifted. It was not merely a political but a
+religious hope, implying the thorough purification of the nation, the
+extinction of idolatry, the general spread and triumph of true religion.
+The pious wishes of the prophets, often repeated, became a sort of
+doctrine, and contributed to sustain the failing spirit of the people. The
+indefinite idea of a golden age was commoner than that of a personal
+prince who should reign in equity and peace. Neither was part of the
+national faith, like the law, or the doctrine of sacrifice; and but a few
+of the prophets portrayed a king, in their description of the period of
+ideal prosperity.
+
+The man who first gave public sanction to a portion of the national
+literature was Ezra, who laid the foundation of a canon. He was the leader
+in restoring the theocracy after the exile, "a ready scribe in the law of
+Moses, who had prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord and to teach
+in Israel statutes and judgments." As we are told that he brought the book
+of the law of Moses before the congregation and read it publicly, the idea
+naturally arises that he was the final redactor of the Pentateuch,
+separating it from the historical work consisting of Joshua and the
+subsequent writings, of which it formed the commencement. Such was the
+first canon given to the Jewish Church after its reconstruction--ready for
+temple service as well as synagogue use. Henceforward the Mosaic book
+became an authoritative guide in spiritual, ecclesiastical, and civil
+matters, as we infer from various passages in Ezra and Nehemiah and from
+the chronicler's own statements in the book bearing his name. The doings
+of Ezra with regard to the Scriptures are deduced not only from what we
+read of him in the Biblical book that bears his name, but also from the
+legend in the fourth book of Ezdras,(35) where it is related that he
+dictated by inspiration to five ready writers ninety-four books; the first
+twenty-four of which he was ordered to publish openly that the worthy and
+unworthy might read, but reserved the last seventy for the wise. Though
+the twenty-four books of the Old Testament cannot be attributed to him,
+the fact that he copied and wrote portions need not be questioned. He
+edited _the law_, making the first canon or collection of books, and
+giving it an authority which it had not before. Talmudic accounts
+associate with him the men of the great synagogue. It is true that they
+are legendary, but there is a foundation of fact beneath the fanciful
+superstructure. As to Ezra's treatment of the Pentateuch, or his specific
+mode of redaction, we are left for the most part to conjecture. Yet it is
+safe to affirm that he added;--making new precepts and practices either in
+place of or beside older ones. Some things he removed as unsuited to the
+altered circumstances of the people; others he modified. He threw back
+later enactments into earlier times. It is difficult to discover all the
+parts that betray his hand. Some elaborate priestly details show his
+authorship most clearly. If his hand be not visible in Leviticus, chap.
+xvii.-xxvi.; a writer not far removed from his time is observable; Ezekiel
+or some other. It is clear that some of the portion (xxv. 19-22; xxvi.
+3-45) is much later than the Elohists, and belongs to the exile or
+post-exile period. But great difficulty attaches to the separation of the
+sources here used; even after Kayser's acute handling of them. It is also
+perceptible from Ezekiel xx. 25, 26, that the clause in Exodus xiii. 15,
+"but all the first-born of my children I redeem," was added after the
+exile, since the prophet shows his unacquaintance with it. The statute
+that all which openeth the womb should be burnt in sacrifice to Jehovah,
+appeared inhuman not only to Ezekiel, but to Ezra or his associates in
+re-editing the law; and therefore the clause about the redemption of every
+first-born male was subjoined. Ezra, a second Moses in the eyes of the
+later Jews, did not scruple to refer to Moses what was of recent origin,
+and to deal freely with the national literature. Such was the first
+canon--that of Ezra the priest and scribe.
+
+The origin of the great synagogue is noticed in Ezra x. 16, and described
+more particularly in Nehemiah viii.-x., the members being apparently
+enumerated in x. 1-27; at least the Megila Jer. (i. 5) and Midrash Ruth (�
+3) speak of an assembly of eighty-five elders, who are probably found in
+the last passage. One name, however, is wanting, for only eighty-four are
+given; and as Ezra is not mentioned among them, the conjecture of Krochmal
+that it has dropped out of x. 9, may be allowed. Another tradition gives
+the number as one hundred and twenty, which may be got by adding the
+"chief of the fathers" enumerated in Ezra viii. 1-14 to the hundred and
+two heads of families in Ezra ii. 2-58. Whether the number was the same at
+the commencement as afterwards is uncertain. Late Jewish writers, however,
+such as Abarbanel, Abraham ben David, Ben Maimun, &c., speak as if it
+consisted of the larger number at the beginning; and have no scruple in
+pronouncing Ezra president, rather than Nehemiah.(36)
+
+The oldest extra-biblical mention of the synagogue, is in the Mishnic
+treatise _Pirke Aboth_, where it is said, "Moses received the laws from
+Mount Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders
+to the prophets, and the prophets delivered it to the men of the great
+synagogue. These last spake these words: 'Be slow in judgment; appoint
+many disciples; make a hedge for the law.' "(37) In the Talmudic _Baba
+Bathra_, their biblical doings are described: "Moses wrote his book, the
+section about Balaam and job. Joshua wrote his book and eight verses of
+the law. Samuel wrote his book and judges and Ruth. David wrote the book
+of Psalms _by_ (?)(38) ten elders, by Adam the first man, by Melchizedek,
+by Abraham, by Moses, by Heman, by Jeduthun, by Asaph, and the three sons
+of Korah. Jeremiah wrote his book, the books of Kings and Lamentations.
+Hezekiah and his friends wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, Canticles, and Coheleth;
+the men of the great synagogue, Ezekiel, the twelve prophets, Daniel and
+Esther. Ezra wrote his own book and the genealogies of Chronicles down to
+himself."(39) This passage has its obscurities. What is meant by the verb
+_write_!(40) Does it mean _composition_ and then something else; the
+former in the first part of the passage, and _editing_ in the second?
+Rashi explains it of _composition_ throughout, which introduces absurdity.
+The most obvious interpretation is that which understands the verb of
+_writing_ in one place, and _editing_ in the second. But it is improbable
+that the author should have used the same word in different senses, in one
+and the same passage. Bloch(41) understands it of _copying_ or _writing
+out_, a sense that suits the procedure of the men of the great synagogue
+in regard to Ezekiel, the twelve prophets, &c., but is inapplicable to
+Moses, Joshua, Samuel, David, Jeremiah, &c. It is probable enough that the
+synagogue scribes put into their present form and made the first
+authorized copies of the works specified. The Boraitha, however, is not
+clear, and may only express the opinion of a private individual in a
+confused way. Simon the Just is said to have belonged to the remnants of
+the synagogue. As Ezra is called "a ready scribe," and his labors in
+connection with the law were important, he may have organized a body of
+literary men who should work in harmony, attending, among other things, to
+the collection and preservation of the national literature; or they may
+have been an association of patriotic men who voluntarily rallied round
+the heads of the new state, to support them in their fundamental reforms.
+The company of scribes mentioned in 1 Maccabees does not probably relate
+to it.(42) A succession of priests and scribes, excited at first by the
+reforming zeal of one whom later Jews looked upon as a second Moses,
+labored in one department of literary work till the corporation ceased to
+exist soon after, if not in the time of Simon, _i.e._, from about 445 B.C.
+till about 200; for we identify the Simon celebrated in Sirach l. 1-26
+with Simon II., son of the high-priest Onias II., B.C. 221-202; not with
+Simon I., son and successor of the high-priest Onias I., B.C. 310-291.
+Josephus's opinion, indeed, is contrary; but leading Jewish scholars, such
+as Zunz, Herzfeld, Krochmal, Derenbourg, Jost, and Bloch differ from him.
+
+To the great synagogue must be referred the compilation of the second
+canon, containing Joshua, Judges with Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah with Lamentations, Ezekiel and the twelve minor prophets. It was
+not completed prior to 300 B.C., because the book of Jonah was not written
+before. This work may be called a historical parable composed for a
+didactic purpose, giving a milder, larger view of Jehovah's favor than the
+orthodox one, that excluded the Gentiles. Ruth, containing an idyllic
+story with an unfinished genealogy attached, meant to glorify the house of
+David, and presenting a kindred spirit towards a people uniformly hated,
+was appended to Judges; but was subsequently transferred to the third
+canon. It was written immediately after the return from the Babylonian
+captivity; for the Chaldaising language points to this date,
+notwithstanding the supposed archaisms discovered in it by some. In like
+manner, the Lamentations, originally added to Jeremiah, were afterwards
+put into the later or third canon. Joshua, which had been separated from
+the five books of Moses with which it was closely joined at first, formed,
+with the other historical portion (Judges, Samuel, Kings), the proper
+continuation of Ezra's canon. The prophets included the three greater and
+twelve minor. With Isaiah's authentic oracles were incorporated the last
+twenty-seven chapters, belonging for the most part to an anonymous prophet
+of the exile, besides several late pieces inserted in the first
+thirty-nine chapters. Men of prophetic gifts wrote in the name of
+distinguished prophets, and put their productions with those of the
+latter, or adapted and wrote them over after their own fashion. The
+fiftieth and fifty-first chapters of Jeremiah show such over-writing. To
+Zechariah's authentic oracles were attached chapters ix.-xiv., themselves
+made up of two parts (ix.-xi., xii.-xiv.) belonging to different times and
+authors prior to the destruction of the Jewish state by the Babylonians.
+
+The character of the synagogue's proceedings in regard to the books of
+Scripture can only be deduced from the conduct of Ezra himself, as well as
+the prevailing views and wants of the times. The scribes who began with
+Ezra, seeing how he acted, would naturally follow his example, not
+hesitating to revise the text _in substance_ as well as form.(43) They did
+not refrain from changing what had been written, or from inserting fresh
+matter. Some of their novelties can be discerned even in the Pentateuch.
+Their chief work, however, related to the _form_ of the text. They put
+into a proper form and state the text of the writings they studied,
+perceiving less need for revising the _matter_. What they did was in good
+faith, with honest intention.
+
+The prophetic canon ended with Malachi's oracles. And it was made sometime
+after he prophesied, because the general consciousness that the function
+ceased with him required a considerable period for its growth. The fact
+that it included Jonah and Ruth brings the completion after 300 B.C., as
+already stated. There are no definite allusions to it till the second
+century B.C. Daniel speaks of a passage in Jeremiah being in "the books"
+or "writings;"(44) and the prologue of Jesus Sirach presupposes its
+formation. Such was the second canon, which had been made up gradually
+(444-290 B.C.)
+
+Another view of the collection in question has been taken by various
+scholars. According to a passage in the second book of Maccabees, the
+second canon originated with Nehemiah, who "gathered together the acts of
+the kings and the prophets and (psalms) of David, and the epistles of the
+kings concerning the holy gifts."(45) These words are obscure. They occur
+in a letter purporting to be sent by the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem to the
+Jews in Egypt, which contains apocryphal things; a letter which assigns to
+Nehemiah the merit of various arrangements rather belonging to Ezra. It is
+difficult to understand the meaning of "the epistles of the kings
+concerning the offerings." If they were the documents of heathen or
+Persian kings favorable to the rebuilding of Jerusalem and its temple,
+would they not have been rejected from a collection of sacred books
+belonging to the chosen people? They might perhaps have been adopted had
+they been interwoven with the holy books themselves, like portions of Ezra
+and Nehemiah; but they could not have formed a distinct part of the
+national literature, because they were foreign and heathen. Again, "the
+psalms of David" cannot have existed in the time of Nehemiah, if the
+phrase includes the whole collection. It may perhaps refer to the first
+three divisions of the book, as Herzfeld thinks; but these contain many
+odes which are not David's; while earlier ones belong to the last two
+divisions of the Psalm-book. In like manner, "the prophets" could not all
+have belonged to this canon; neither Malachi, who was later, nor Jonah.
+The account will not bear strict examination, and must be pronounced
+apocryphal. Nehemiah was a statesman, not a priest or scribe; a
+politician, not a literary man. It is true that he may have had
+assistants, or committed the work to competent hands; but this is
+conjectural. The account of his supposed canon hardly commends itself by
+inherent truthfulness or probability, though it is accepted by Ewald and
+Bleek.
+
+When the great synagogue ceased, there was an interval during which it is
+not clear whether the sacred books were neglected, except by private
+individuals; or whether they were studied, copied, and collected by a body
+of scribes. Perhaps the scribes and elders of the Hasmonaean time were
+active at intervals in this department. The institution of a senate by
+Judas Maccabaeus is supposed to be favored by 2 Maccabees (chapter i.
+10-ii. 18); but the passage furnishes poor evidence of the thing. Judas is
+there made to write to Egypt in the year of the Seleucidae 188, though he
+died thirty-six years before, _i.e._, 152. Other places have been added as
+corroborative, viz., 2 Maccab. iv. 44, xi. 27; 1 Maccab. vii. 33. Some go
+so far as to state that Jose ben Joeser was appointed its first president
+at that time. The Midrash in Bereshith Rabba (� 65) makes him one of the
+sixty Hassidim who were treacherously murdered by Alcimus; but this is
+neither in the first book of the Maccabees (chapter vii.) nor in
+Josephus,(46) and must be pronounced conjectural. It is impossible to fix
+the exact date of Jose ben Joeser in the Hasmonean period. Pirke Aboth
+leaves it indefinite. Jonathan, Judas Maccabaeus's successor, when writing
+to the Lacedaemonians, speaks of the _gerusia_ or senate as well as _the
+people_ of the Jews; whence we learn that the body existed as early as the
+time of Judas.(47) Again, Demetrius writes to Simon, as also to _the
+elders_ and _nation_ of the Jews.(48) After Jonathan and Simon, it may
+have been suspended for a while, in consequence of the persecution and
+anarchy prevailing in Judea; till the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem
+succeeded it, under Hyrcanus I. Though the traces of a senate in the
+Maccabaean epoch are slight, the Talmud countenances its existence.(49) We
+believe that it was earlier than Judas Maccabaeus. Of its constitution
+nothing is known; but it was probably aristocratic. The Hasmonean prince
+would naturally exert a commanding influence over it. The great synagogue
+had been a kind of democratic council, consisting of scribes, doctors or
+teachers, and priests.(50) Like their predecessors of the great synagogue,
+the Hasmonaean elders revised the text freely, putting into it explanatory
+or corrective additions, which were not always improvements. The way in
+which they used the book of Esther, employing it as a medium of Halachite
+prescription, shows a treatment involving little idea of sacredness
+attaching to the Hagiographa.
+
+We are aware that the existence of this body is liable to doubt, and that
+the expressions belonging to it in Jewish books, whether elders or
+_gerusia_, have been applied to the great synagogue or to the Sanhedrim at
+Jerusalem, or even to the elders of any little town or hamlet; but it is
+difficult to explain all on that hypothesis, without attributing confusion
+to the places where they occur. If the body in question be not allowed, an
+interval of about sixty years elapsed between the great synagogue and the
+Sanhedrim, during which the hagiographical writings were comparatively
+neglected, though literary activity did not cease. No authoritative
+association, at least, dealt with them. This is improbable. It is true
+that we read of no distinguished teachers in the interval, except
+Antigonus of Socho, disciple of Simon the Just; but the silence can hardly
+weigh against a reasonable presumption. One thing is clear, viz., that
+Antigonus did not reach down to the time of the first pair that presided
+over the Sanhedrim.
+
+The contents of the third canon, _i.e._, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles,
+Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, the formation of
+which we assign to the Hasmonaean gerusia, were multifarious, differing
+widely from one another in age, character, and value--poetical, prophetic,
+didactic, historical. Such as seemed worthy of preservation, though they
+had not been included in the second canon, were gathered together during
+the space of an hundred and fifty years. The oldest part consisted of
+psalms supposed to belong to David. The first psalm, which contains within
+itself traces of late authorship, was prefixed as an introduction to the
+whole collection now put into the third canon. Next to the Psalms were
+Proverbs, Job, Canticles, which, though non-prophetic and probably
+excluded on that account from the second canon, must have existed before
+the exile. Enriched with the latest additions, they survived the national
+disasters, and claimed a place next to the Psalms. They were but a portion
+of the literature current in and after the 5th century B.C., as may be
+inferred from the epilogue to Ecclesiastes, and the Wisdom of Sirach. The
+historical work compiled by the chronicle-writer was separated, Ezra being
+put first as the most important part, and referring also to the church of
+the 6th and 5th centuries whose history had not been written. The
+Chronicles themselves were placed last, being considered of less value
+than the first part, as they contained the summary of a period already
+described, though with numerous adaptations to post-exile times. The
+youngest portion consisted of the book of Daniel, not written till the
+Maccabean period (between 170 and 160 B.C.);(51) and probably of several
+Psalms (44, 60, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83, 89, 110, 118) which were inserted
+in different places of the collection to make the whole number 150. These
+late odes savor of the Maccabean time; and are fitly illustrated by the
+history given in the first book of Maccabees. The list continued open;
+dominated by no stringent principle of selection, and with a character
+somewhat indefinite. It was called _c'tubim_, _i.e._, writings(52) a
+general epithet suited to the contents.
+
+Several books put into the third canon,--as Job, Proverbs, the greater
+number of the Psalms, &c.,--existed when the second was made. But the
+latter collection was pre-eminently _prophetic_; and it was that idea of
+the origin and contents of the books in it which regulated its extent.
+Bloch's supposition that the parts of the third collection then existing
+were not looked upon as holy, but merely as productions embodying human
+wisdom, and were therefore excluded, is improbable. We do not think that
+an alteration of opinion about them in the course of a century or more, by
+which they became divine and holy instead of human, is a satisfactory
+explanation. The Psalms of David and the book of Job must have been as
+highly esteemed in the period of the great synagogue's existence as they
+were at a later time. Other considerations besides the divinity and
+holiness of books contributed to their introduction into a canon.
+Ecclesiastes was taken into the third collection because it was attributed
+to Solomon. The Song of Songs was understood allegorically,--a fact which,
+in addition to its supposed Solomonic authorship, determined its adoption.
+And even after their canonical reception, whether by the great synagogue
+or another body, the character of books was canvassed. It was so with
+Ecclesiastes, in spite of the _supposed_ sanction it got from the great
+synagogue contained in the epilogue, added, as some think, by that body to
+attest the sacredness of the book.(53)
+
+While the third canon was being made, the soferim, as the successors of
+the prophets, were active as before; and though interpretation was their
+chief duty, they must have revised and corrected the sacred books to some
+extent. We need not hesitate to allow that they sometimes arranged parts,
+and even added matter of their own. In the time of the canon's entire
+preparation, they and the priests, with writers and scholars generally,
+redacted the national literature, excluding or sanctioning such portions
+of it as they thought fit.
+
+At this time appeared the present five-fold partition of the Psalms,
+preceded as it had been by other divisions, the last of which was very
+similar to the one that became final. Several inscriptions and historical
+notices were prefixed. The inscriptions, however, belong to very different
+times, their historical parts being usually older than the musical; and
+date from the first collection to the period of the Hasmonean college,
+when the final redaction of the entire Psalter took place. Those in the
+first three books existed at the time when the latter were made up; those
+in the last two were prefixed partly at the time when the collections
+themselves were made, and partly in the Maccabean age. How often they are
+out of harmony with the poems themselves, needs no remark. They are both
+traditional and conjectural.
+
+The earliest attestation of the third canon is that of the prologue to
+Jesus Sirach (130 B.C.), where not only _the law and the prophets_ are
+specified, but "the other books of the fathers," or "the rest of the
+books."(54) No information is given as to its extent, or the particular
+books included. They may have been for the most part the same as the
+present ones. The passage does not show that the third list was closed.
+The better writings of the fathers, such as tended to learning and wisdom,
+are not excluded by the definite article. In like manner, neither Philo
+nor the New Testament gives exact information as to the contents of the
+division in question. Indeed, several books, Canticles, Esther,
+Ecclesiastes, are unnoticed in the latter. The argument drawn from Matthew
+xxiii. 35, that the Chronicles were then the last book of the canon, is
+inconclusive; as the Zechariah there named was probably different from the
+Zechariah in 2 Chronicles xxiv. None of these witnesses proves that the
+third canon was finally closed.
+
+A more definite testimony respecting the canon is given by Josephus
+towards the end of the first century A.D. "For we have not an innumerable
+multitude of books among us, ... but only twenty-two books, which contain
+the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine.
+And of them five belong to Moses.... But as to the time from the death of
+Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, the prophets who were
+after Moses wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The
+remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts for the conduct of
+human life. It is true our history has been written since Artaxerxes very
+particularly, but has not been esteemed of the like authority with the
+former by our forefathers, because there has not been an exact succession
+of prophets since that time: and how firmly we have given credit to these
+books of our own nation is evident by what we do; for during so many ages
+as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add anything
+to them, to take anything from them, or to make any change in them; but it
+has become natural to all Jews immediately and from their very birth, to
+esteem these books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them,
+and if occasion be, willingly to die for them."(55) This list agrees with
+our present canon, showing that the Palestinian Jews were tolerably
+unanimous as to the extent of the collection. The thirteen prophets
+include Job; the four lyric and moral books are Psalms, Proverbs,
+Ecclesiastes and Canticles.
+
+It is not likely that the Hasmonaean senate had a long existence. It was
+replaced by the Sanhedrim, a more definite and state institution, intended
+as a counter-balance to the influence of the Hasmonaean princes. The
+notices of the latter reach no further back than Hyrcanus I., _i.e._,
+about 135 B.C.(56) Josephus speaks of it under Hyrcanus II.(57) It cannot
+be referred to an earlier period than Hyrcanus I. Frankel(58) indeed,
+finds a notice of it in 2 Chronicles xix. 8, 11; but the account there is
+indistinct, and refers to the great synagogue. The compiler having no
+certain information about what was long past, transfers the origin of the
+court he speaks of to Jehoshaphat, in order to glorify the house of David.
+It is impossible to date the Sanhedrim, with Frankel, in the Grecian era,
+in which case it must have been dissolved during the Maccabean
+insurrection, and afterwards reconstructed; it was not constituted till
+about 130 B.C. Whether it was modeled after the great synagogue or the
+Hasmonaean senate, is uncertain. The idea of it may have been suggested by
+the latter rather than the former, for its basis was aristocratic. The
+Hasmonaean _gerusia_ must have been less formal and definite than the
+Sanhedrim; though the latter arose before the family ceased to be in
+power, and differed materially from its predecessor. It continued from 130
+B.C. till A.D. 180, surviving the terrible disasters of the nation.(59)
+
+The closing of the third canon cannot be assigned, with Bloch, to the
+great synagogue. If the college ceased with or before Simon, _i.e._, about
+200-192, and the work of Daniel did not appear till about 170 B.C., twenty
+years at least intervened between the extinction of the great synagogue
+and Daniel's book. This holds good, whether we assume, with Krochmal, the
+synagogue's _redaction_ of the work,--more correctly the putting together
+of the independent parts of which _it is said_ to be composed; or equally
+so, if the taking of it into the canon as a book already completed, be
+attributed to the same body. But we are unable to see that Krochmal's
+reasoning about the synagogue putting Daniel's work together and one of
+the members writing the book of Esther is probable.
+
+In like manner, Maccabean psalms are adverse to the hypothesis that the
+great synagogue completed the third canon. In consequence of these late
+productions, it is impossible to assert that the men of the synagogue were
+the redactors of the Psalter as it is. It is true that the collection was
+made before the Chronicles and many other books of the hagiographical
+canon; but the _complete_ Psalter did not appear till the Maccabean
+period. The canon, however, was not considered to be finally closed in the
+first century before and the next after Christ. There were doubts about
+some portions. The book of Ezekiel gave offence, because some of its
+statements seemed to contradict the law. Doubts about others were of a
+more serious nature; about Ecclesiastes, the Canticles, Esther, and the
+Proverbs. The first was impugned because it had contradictory passages and
+a heretical tendency; the second, because of its worldly and sensual tone;
+Esther for its want of religiousness; and Proverbs on account of
+inconsistencies. This scepticism went far to procure the exclusion of the
+suspected works from the canon, and their relegation to the class of the
+_genuzim_.(60) But it did not prevail. Hananiah, son of Hezekiah, son of
+Garon, about 32 B.C., is said to have reconciled the contradictions and
+quieted the doubts.(61) But these traces of resistance to the fixity of
+the canon were not the last. They reappeared about A.D. 65, as we learn
+from the Talmud,(62) when the controversy turned mainly upon the
+canonicity of Ecclesiastes, which the school of Shammai, who had the
+majority, opposed; so that the book was probably excluded.(63) The
+question emerged again at a later synod at Jabneh or Jamnia, when R.
+Eleasar ben Asaria was chosen patriarch, and Gamaliel the second, deposed.
+Here it was decided, not unanimously however, but by a majority of
+Hillelites, that Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs "pollute the hands,"
+_i.e._, belong properly to the Hagiographa.(64) This was about 90 A.D.(65)
+Thus the question of the canonicity of certain books was discussed at two
+synods.
+
+Passages in the Talmud have been adduced to show that the Shammaite
+objections to the canonicity of Ecclesiastes "were overruled by the
+positive declaration from the 72 elders, _being a testimony anterior to
+the Christian era_ that Coheleth is canonical; but they do not support the
+opinion."(66)
+
+"The sages" referred to in the treatise Sabbat and elsewhere is a vague
+expression, resting apparently on no historic tradition--a mere opinion of
+comparatively late date. If it refer to the Jerusalem synod A.D. 65, the
+Hillelites were simply outnumbered there by the Shammaites. The matter was
+debated hastily, and determined for the time by a majority. But the synod
+at Jamnia consisted of 72 persons; and a passage in the treatise Yadayim
+refers to it.(67) The testimony of the 72 elders to whom R. Simeon ben
+Asai here alludes, so far from belonging to an anti-christian era, belongs
+to a date about 90 A.D. And the fact that the synod at Jamnia took up
+again a question already debated at Jerusalem A.D. 65, proves that no
+final settlement of the canon had taken place before. The canon was
+virtually settled at Jamnia, where was confirmed what R. Akiba said of the
+Canticles in his usual extravagant way: "No day in the whole history of
+the world is of so much worth as the one in which the Song of Songs was
+given to Israel; for all the Scriptures are holy; but the Song of Songs is
+most holy."(68) As the Hagiographa were not read in public, with the
+exception of Esther, opinions of the Jewish rabbins might still differ
+about Canticles and Ecclesiastes, even after the synod of Jamnia.
+
+In opposition to these remarks, it is strenuously argued by Bloch that
+neither the passage in the Mishnic treatise Yadayim, nor any other, refers
+to the _canonical character_ of the books to which Jewish elders raised
+several objections. But his arguments are more vehement than valid.
+Anxious to assign the final settlement of the entire canon to an
+authoritative body like the great synagogue, he affirms that all parties
+were united in opinion about the time of Christ,--Assiim, Perushim, and
+Zeddukim; Shammaites and Hillelites. But it requires more than his
+ingenuity to explain away the meaning of Yadayim 3, 5, Adoyot v. 3, Sabbat
+1. To what did such diversity of opinion relate, if not to the canonical
+character of the books? A specific answer to the question is not given by
+the learned writer,(69) who is too eager in his endeavor to attribute the
+settlement of the third canon to the great synagogue, and to smooth away
+all diversities of opinion about several books, after that time, as if
+none could afterwards question the authoritative settlement by that body.
+He will not even allow a wider canon to the Alexandrian Jews than that of
+their Palestinian brethren, though he cannot but admit that the former
+read and highly esteemed various apocryphal books because of their
+_theocratic_ character. Surely the practical use of writings is an
+evidence of their canonicity as strong as theoretical opinions.
+
+The doubts about several books to which we have alluded, some of which
+Hananiah is said to have resolved in his old age, imply a diligent study
+of the national literature, if not a revision of the text; and the
+Tannaite college at Jabneh must have cared for the same things, as it had
+to deal with similar objections. After the last canon was made more than a
+century anterior to the Christian era, the text was not considered
+inviolate by the learned Jews; it received subsequent modifications and
+interpolations. The process of redaction had not ceased before the time of
+Christ. This was owing, among other causes, to the state of parties among
+the Jews, as well as the intrusion of Greek literature and culture, whose
+influence the Palestinian Jews themselves were not able altogether to
+withstand. When Jeremiah accused the Scribes of falsifying the law by
+their lying pen (viii. 8), it may be inferred that the same process took
+place afterwards; that offensive things were removed, and alterations made
+continuously down to the close of the canon, and even after. The
+corrections consisted of additions and changes of letters, being indicated
+in part by the most ancient versions and the traditions of the Jews
+themselves who often knew what stood in the text at first, and why it was
+altered. They are also indicated by the nature of the passage itself
+viewed in the light of the state of religion at the time. Here, sober
+judgment must guard against unnecessary conjectures. Some changes are
+apparent, as the plural _oaks_ in Genesis xiii. 18, xiv. 13, xviii. 1,
+Deuteronomy xi. 30, for the singular _oak_; and the plural _gods_ in
+Exodus xxxii. 4, for the singular _god_. So 2 Sam. Vii. 23, (comp. 1
+Chron. xvii. 21, and LXX);(70) and Deuteronomy xxxii. 8,(71) have been
+altered. Popper and Geiger have probably assumed too much correction on
+the part of the Scribes and others; though they have drawn attention to
+the subject in the spirit of original criticism.
+
+Jewish literature began to degenerate after the captivity, and it
+continued to do so. It leaned upon the past more and more, having an
+external and formal character with little of the living soul. The
+independence of their religious literature disappeared with the national
+independence of the Jews; and the genius of the people was too exclusive
+to receive much expansion from the spirit of nations with whom they came
+in contact. In such circumstances, amid the general consciousness of
+present misfortune which the hope of a brighter future could not dispel,
+and regretful retrospects of the past tinged with ideal splendor, the
+exact time of drawing a line between books that might be included in the
+third division of the canon must have been arbitrary. In the absence of a
+normal principle to determine selection, the productions were arbitrarily
+separated. Not that they were badly adjusted. On the contrary, the canon
+as a whole was settled wisely. Yet the critical spirit of learned Jews in
+the future could not be extinguished by anticipation. The canon was not
+really settled for all time by a synodical gathering at Jamnia; for Sirach
+was added to the Hagiographa by some rabbins about the beginning of the
+4th century;(72) while Baruch circulated long in Hebrew, and was publicly
+read on the day of atonement in the third century, according to the
+Apostolic constitutions.(73) These two books were in high repute for a
+considerable time, possessing a kind of canonical credit even among the
+learned Jews of Palestine. Rab, Jochanan, Elasar, Rabba bar Mare,
+occasionally refer to Sirach in the way in which the _c'tubim_ were
+quoted: the writer of Daniel used Baruch; and the translator of Jeremiah
+put it into Greek.
+
+If it be asked on what principle books were admitted into the canon, a
+single answer does not suffice. One and the same criterion did not
+determine the process at all times. The leading principle with which the
+first canon-makers set out was to collect all the documents of Hebrew
+antiquity. This seems to have guided Ezra, if not the great synagogue
+after him. The nation, early imbued with the theocratic spirit and
+believing itself the chosen of God, was favorably inclined towards
+documents in which that standpoint was assumed. The legal and ethical were
+specially valued. The prophetic claimed a divine origin; the lyric or
+poetic touched and elevated the ideal faculty on which religion acts. But
+the leading principle which actuated Ezra and the great synagogue was
+gradually modified, amid the growing compass of the national literature
+and the consciousness that prophecy ceased with Malachi. When the latest
+part of the canon had to be selected from a literature almost
+contemporaneous, regard was had to such productions as resembled the old
+in spirit. Orthodoxy of contents was the dominant criterion. But this was
+a difficult thing, for various works really anonymous, though wearing the
+garb of old names and histories, were in existence, so that the boundary
+of the third part became uncertain and fluctuating.
+
+The principle that actuated Ezra in making the first canon was a religious
+and patriotic one. From his treatment of the oldest law books we infer
+that he did not look upon them as inviolable. Venerable they were, and so
+far sacred; but neither perfect nor complete for all time. In his view
+they were not unconditionally authoritative. Doubtless they had a high
+value as the productions of inspired lawgivers and men of a prophetic
+spirit; but the redaction to which he submitted them shows no
+superstitious reverence. With him _canonical_ and _holy_ were not
+identical. Nor does the idea of an _immediate, divine_ authority appear to
+have dominated the mind of the great synagogue in the selection of books.
+Like Ezra, these scholars reverenced the productions of the prophets,
+poets, and historians to whom their countrymen were indebted in the past
+for religious or political progress; but they did not look upon them as
+the offspring of unerring wisdom. How could they, while witnessing
+repetitions and minor contradictions in the books collected?
+
+The same remarks apply to the third canon. _Direct divinity_ of origin was
+not the criterion which determined the reception of a book into it; but
+the character and authorship of the book. Did it breathe the old spirit,
+or proceed from one venerated for his wisdom? Was it like the old orthodox
+productions; or did it bear the name of one renowned for his piety and
+knowledge of divine things? The stamp of antiquity was necessary in a
+certain sense; but the theocratic spirit was the leading consideration.
+Ecclesiastes was admitted because it bore the name of Solomon; and
+Daniel's apocalyptic writings, because veiled under the name of an old
+prophet. New psalms were taken in because of their association with much
+older ones in the temple service. Yet the first book of Maccabees was
+excluded, though written in Hebrew. It is still more remarkable that
+Sirach was put among the external productions; but this was owing not so
+much to its recent origin, for it is older than the book of Daniel, as to
+its being an apparent echo of the Proverbs, and therefore unnecessary. Yet
+it was long after assigned to the Hagiographa, and quoted as such by
+several rabbis. Baruch was also left out, though it is as old as Daniel,
+if not older; and professes to have been written by Jeremiah's friend, in
+Babylon.
+
+That redactors dealt freely with the text of the second and third canons
+especially, without a superstitious belief in its sacredness, is apparent
+from the double recension which existed when the Egyptian Jews translated
+the books into Greek. If the one that formed the basis of the Alexandrian
+version be less correct than the Palestinian in the majority of instances,
+it is still superior in many. The differences between them, often
+remarkable, prove that those who had most to do with the books did not
+guard them as they would have done had they thought them infallibly
+inspired. Palestinians and Alexandrians subjected the text to redaction;
+or had suffered it to fall into a state inconsistent with the assumption
+of its supernatural origin. At a much later period, the Masoretes reduced
+to one type all existing copies of their Scriptures, introducing an
+uniformity imperatively demanded in their opinion by multiplied
+discrepancies.
+
+Whatever divine character the reflecting attributed to the canonical
+books, it must have amounted to the same thing as that assigned to human
+attributes and physical phenomena--a divinity resulting from the
+over-leaping of second causes, in the absence of inductive philosophy.
+Here the imperfection conditioned by the nature of the created cannot be
+hid. Yet the books may be truly said to have contained the word of God.
+
+Of the three divisions, _the Law_ or Pentateuch was most highly venerated
+by the Jews. It was the first translated into Greek; and in Philo's view
+was inspired in a way peculiar to itself. _The Prophets_, or second
+division, occupied a somewhat lower place in their estimation, but were
+read in the public services as the law had been before. The _c'tubim_, or
+third division, was not looked upon as equal to the Prophets in
+importance: only the five Megiloth were publicly read. The three parts of
+the collection present the three gradations of sanctity which the books
+assumed successively in Israelite estimation. A certain reverence was
+attached to all as soon as they were made canonical; but the reverence was
+not of equal height, and the supposed authority was proportionally
+varied.(74) The consciousness of prophetism being extinct soon after the
+return from Babylon, was a genuine instinct. With the extinction of the
+Jewish state the religious spirit almost evaporated. The idealism which
+the old prophets proclaimed in contrast with the symbolic religion of the
+state gave place to the forms and an attachment to the _written_ law.
+Religion came to be a thing of the understanding, the subject of learned
+treatment; and its essence was reduced to dogmas or precepts. Thus it
+ceased to be a spiritual element in which the heart had free scope for its
+highest aspirations. In addition to all, a foreign metaphysical theology,
+the Persian doctrine of spirits, was introduced, which seemed to enlarge
+the sphere of speculation, but really retarded the free exercise of the
+mind. As the external side of religion had been previously directed to the
+performance of good works, this externality was now determined by a
+written law. Even the prophetism that appeared after the restoration was
+little more than an echo of the past, falling in with an outward and
+written legalism. The literature of the people deteriorated in quality,
+and prophecy became _apocalypse_. In such circumstances the advent of a
+new man was needed to restore the free life of religion in higher power.
+Christ appeared in the fullness of time to do this effectually by
+proclaiming the divine Fatherhood, and founding a worship _in spirit and
+in truth_. Rising above the symbolic wrappings of the Mosaic religion, and
+relying upon the native power of the spirit itself, he showed how man may
+mount up to the throne of God, adoring the Supreme without the
+intervention of temple, sacrifice, or ceremony.
+
+When the three divisions were united, the ecclesiastical respect which had
+gathered round the law and the prophets from ancient times began to be
+transferred to the _c'tubim_. A belief in their sanctity increased apace
+in the 1st century before the Christian era, so that _sacredness_ and
+_canonicity_ were almost identical. The doubts of individuals, it is true,
+were still expressed respecting certain books of the _c'tubim_, but they
+had no perceptible effect upon the current opinion. The sanctity attaching
+to the last division as well as the others did not permit the total
+displacement of any part.
+
+The passage in Josephus already quoted shows the state of the canon about
+A.D. 100. According to it, he considered it to have been closed at the
+time of Artaxerxes Longimanus, whom he identifies with the Ahasuerus of
+Esther, 464-424 B.C. The books were divine, so that none dared to add to,
+subtract from, or alter them. To him the canon was something belonging to
+the venerable past, and inviolable. In other words, all the books were
+peculiarly sacred. Although we call scarcely think this to be his private
+opinion merely, it is probably expressed in exaggerated terms, and hardly
+tallies with his use of the third Esdras in preference to the canonical
+texts.(75) His authority, however, is small. Bloch's estimate of it is too
+high. It is utterly improbable that Josephus's opinion was universally
+held by the Jews in his day. His division of the books is peculiar: five
+Mosaic, thirteen historical, four containing religious songs and rules of
+life. It appears, indeed, that as he had the same twenty-two books we now
+have, Ruth was still attached to Judges, and Lamentations to Jeremiah; but
+his credit is not on a par with that of a Jew who adhered to his
+countrymen in the time of their calamity. He wrote for the Romans. One who
+believed that Esther was the youngest book in the canon, who looked upon
+Ecclesiastes as Solomon's, and Daniel as an exile production, cannot be a
+competent judge. In his time the historical sense of the book of Daniel
+was misapprehended; for after the Grecian dynasty had fallen without the
+fulfillment of the Messianic prophecy connected with it, the Roman empire
+was put into its place. Hence various allusions in _The History of the
+Jewish Wars_.(76) The passage in the _Antiquities_,(77) about Alexander
+the Great and the priests in the Temple at Jerusalem is apocryphal. In any
+case, Josephus does not furnish a genuine list of the canonical books any
+more than Philo. The Pharisaic view of his time is undoubtedly given, that
+the canon was then complete and sacred. The decision proceeded from that
+part of the nation who ruled both over school and people, and regained
+supremacy after the destruction of the temple; _i.e._, from the
+Pharisee-sect to which Josephus belonged. It was a conclusion of orthodox
+Judaism. With true critical instinct, Spinoza says that the canon was the
+work of the Pharisees. The third collection was undoubtedly made under
+their influence.
+
+The origin of the _threefold_ division of the canon is not, as Oehler
+supposes,(78) a reflection of the different stages of religious
+development through which the nation passed, as if the foundation were the
+Law, the ulterior tendency in its objective aspect the Prophets, and its
+subjective aspect the Hagiographa. The books of Chronicles and others
+refute this arbitrary conception. The triplicity lies in the manner in
+which the books were collected. Men who belonged to different periods and
+possessed different degrees of culture, worked successively in the
+formation of the canon; which arose out of the circumstances of the times,
+and the subjective ideas of those who made it.
+
+The places of the separate books within the first division or _Torah_,
+were determined by the succession of the historical events narrated. The
+second division naturally begins with Moses's successor, Joshua. Judges,
+Samuel, and Kings follow according to the regular chronology. To the
+former prophets, as Joshua--Kings were called, the latter were attached,
+Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel; succeeded by the twelve minor prophets,
+arranged for the most part according to their times, though the length of
+individual prophecies and similarity of contents also influenced their
+position.
+
+The arrangement of books in the third division depended on their age,
+character, and authors. The Psalms were put first, because David was
+supposed to be the author of many, and on account of their intrinsic value
+in promoting the religious life of the people. After the Psalms came the
+three poetical works attributed to Solomon, with the book of Job among
+them,--Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.
+
+The book of Esther followed, since it was intended to further the
+observance of the Purim feast; with the late book of Daniel. The position
+of Daniel among the _c'tubim_ arises solely from the fact of its posterior
+origin to the prophetic writings, not excepting the book of Jonah itself;
+and the attempt to account for its place in the third division on the
+ground of its predominant subjectivity is based on the unfounded
+assumption that the objective state of religion is represented in the
+second division and the subjective in the third. Had the book existed
+before 400 B.C., it would doubtless have stood in the second division. But
+the contents themselves demonstrate its date; contemporary history being
+wrapped in a prophetic form. Having some affinity to Esther as regards
+heathenism and Greek life, the book was put next to the latter. To Ezra
+and Nehemiah, which were adopted before the other part of the Chronicle
+book and separated from it, were added the so-called Chronicles. Such was
+the original succession of the third division or _c'tubim_; but it did not
+remain unaltered. For the use of the synagogue, the five Megiloth were put
+together; so that Ruth, which was originally appended to Judges, and the
+Lamentations affixed at first to Jeremiah's prophecies, were taken out of
+the second and put into the third canon. This caused a separation of
+Canticles and Ecclesiastes. The new arrangement was made for liturgical
+purposes.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III. THE SAMARITAN AND ALEXANDRIAN CANONS.
+
+
+The Samaritan canon consists of the Pentateuch alone. This restricted
+collection is owing to the fact, that when the Samaritans separated from
+the Jews and began their worship on Gerizim, no more than the Mosaic
+writings had been invested by Ezra with canonical dignity. The hostile
+feeling between the rivals hindered the reception of books subsequently
+canonized. The idea of their having the oldest and most sacred part in its
+entirety satisfied their spiritual wants. Some have thought that the
+Sadducees, who already existed as a party before the Maccabean period,
+agreed with the Samaritans in rejecting all but the Pentateuch; yet this
+is doubtful. It is true that the Samaritans themselves say so;(79) and
+that some of the church fathers, Origen, Jerome, and others agree; but
+little reliance can be put on the statement. The latter, perhaps,
+confounded the Samaritans and Sadducces. It is also noteworthy that Christ
+in refuting the Sadducees appeals to the Pentateuch alone; yet the
+conclusion, that he did so because of their admitting no more than that
+portion does not follow.
+
+The Alexandrian canon differed from the Palestinian. The Greek translation
+commonly called the Septuagint contains some later productions which the
+Palestinian Jews did not adopt, not only from their aversion to Greek
+literature generally, but also from the recent origin of the books,
+perhaps also their want of prophetic sanction. The closing line of the
+third part in the Alexandrian canon was more or less fluctuating--capable
+of admitting recent writings appearing under the garb of old names and
+histories, of embracing religious subjects; while the Palestinian
+collection was pretty well determined, and all but finally settled. The
+judgment of the Alexandrians was freer than that of their brethren in the
+mother country. They had even separated in a measure from the latter, by
+erecting a temple at Leontopolis; and their enlargement of the canon was
+another step of divergence. Nor had they the criterion of language for the
+separation of canonical and uncanonical; both classes were before them in
+the same tongue. The enlarged canon was not formally sanctioned; it had
+not the approval of the Sanhedrim; yet it was to the Alexandrians what the
+Palestinian one was to the Palestinians. If Jews who were not well
+acquainted with Hebrew, used the apocryphal and canonical books alike, it
+was a matter of feeling and custom; and if those who knew the old language
+better, adhered to the canonical more closely, it was a matter of
+tradition and language. The former set little value on the prevalent
+consciousness of the race that the spirit of prophecy was extinct; their
+view of the Spirit's operation was larger. The latter clung to the past
+with all the more tenacity that the old life of the nation had
+degenerated.
+
+The Alexandrian Jews opened their minds to Greek culture and philosophy,
+appropriating new ideas, and explaining their Scriptures in accordance
+with wider conceptions of the divine presence; though such adaptation
+turned aside the original sense. Consciously or unconsciously they were
+preparing Judaism in some degree to be the religion of humanity. But the
+Rabbins shut out those enlarging influences, confining their religion
+within the narrow traditions of one people. The process by which they
+conserved the old belief helped to quench its spirit, so that it became an
+antique skeleton, powerless beside the new civilization which had followed
+the wake of Alexander's conquests. Rabbinical Judaism proved its
+incapacity for regenerating the world; having no affinity for the
+philosophy of second causes, or for the exercise of reason beneath the
+love of a Father who sees with equal eye as God of all. Its isolation
+nourished a sectarian tendency. Tradition, having no creative power like
+revelation, had taken the place of it; and it could not ward off the
+senility of Judaism; for its creations are but feeble echoes of prophetic
+utterances, weak imitations of poetic inspiration or of fresh wisdom. They
+are of the understanding rather than the reason. The tradition which
+Geiger describes as the life-giving soul of Judaism--the daughter of
+revelation, enjoying the same rights with her mother--a spiritual power
+that continues ever to work--an emanation from the divine Spirit--is not,
+indeed, the thing which has stiffened Judaism into Rabbinism; but neither
+is it tradition proper; it is reason working upon revelation, and moulding
+it into a new system. _Such tradition_ serves but to show the inability of
+genuine Judaism to assimilate philosophic thought. _Rationalizing_ should
+not be styled the operation of tradition.
+
+The truth of these remarks is evident from a comparison of two books,
+exemplifying Alexandrian and Palestinian Judaism respectively. The Wisdom
+of Solomon shows the enlarging effect of Greek philosophy. Overpassing
+Jewish particularism, it often approaches Christianity in doctrine and
+spirit, so that some(80) have even assumed a Christian origin for it. The
+Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach has not the doctrine of immortality. Death
+is there an eternal sleep, and retribution takes place in this life. The
+Jewish theocracy is the centre of history; Israel the elect people; and
+all wisdom is embodied in the law. The writer is shut up within the old
+national ideas, and leans upon the writings in which they are expressed.
+Thus the Hagiographical canon of Judea, conservative as it is, and purer
+in a sense, presents a narrower type than the best specimens of the
+Alexandrian one. The genial breath of Aryan culture had not expanded its
+Semitism.
+
+The identity of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons must be abandoned,
+notwithstanding the contrary arguments of Eichhorn and Movers. It is said,
+indeed, that Philo neither mentions nor quotes the Greek additions; but
+neither does he quote several canonical books. According to Eichhorn, no
+fewer than eight of the latter are unnoticed by him.(81) Besides, he had
+peculiar views of inspiration, and quoted loosely from memory. Believing
+as he did in the inspiration of the Greek version as a whole, it is
+difficult to think that he made a distinction between the different parts
+of it. In one passage he refers to the sacred books of the Therapeutae, a
+fanatical sect of Jews in Egypt, as "_laws_, oracles _of prophets, hymns_
+and _other books_ by which knowledge and piety are increased and
+perfected,"(82) but this presents little information as to the canon of
+the Egyptian Jews generally; for it is precarious argumentation to say
+with Herbst that they prove a twofold canon. Even if the Alexandrian and
+Palestinian canons be identical, we cannot be sure that _the other books_
+which the Therapeutae read as holy besides the law, _the prophets and
+hymns_, differed from the hagiographa, and so constituted another canon
+than the general Egyptian one. It is quite possible that the _hymns_ mean
+the Psalms; and _the other books_, the rest of the hagiographa. The
+argument for the identity of the two canons deduced from 4 Esdras xiv. 44,
+&c., as if the twenty-four open books were distinguished from the other
+writings dictated to Ezra, is of no force, because verisimilitude required
+that an Egyptian Jew himself must make Ezra conform to the old Palestinian
+canon. It is also alleged that the grandson of Jesus Sirach, who
+translated his grandfather's work during his abode in Egypt, knew no
+difference between the Hebrew and Greek canon, though he speaks of the
+Greek version; but he speaks as a Palestinian, without having occasion to
+allude to the difference between the canonical books of the Palestinian
+and Egyptian Jews. The latter may have reckoned the apocryphal writings in
+the third division; and therefore the translator of Jesus Sirach could
+recognize them in the ordinary classification. The mention of _three_
+classes is not opposed to their presence in the third. The general use of
+an enlarged canon in Egypt cannot be denied, though it was somewhat loose,
+not regarded as a completed collection, and without express rabbinical
+sanction. If they did not _formally_ recognize a canon of their own, as De
+Wette says of them, they had and used one larger than the Palestinian,
+without troubling themselves about a _formal_ sanction for it by a body of
+Rabbis at Jerusalem or elsewhere. Their canon was not identical with that
+of the Palestinians, and all the argumentation founded upon Philo's
+non-quotation of the apocryphal books, fails to prove the contrary. The
+very way in which apocryphal are inserted among canonical books in the
+Alexandrian canon, shows the equal rank assigned to both. Esdras first and
+second succeed the Chronicles; Tobit and Judith are between Nehemiah and
+Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon and Sirach follow Canticles; Baruch succeeds
+Jeremiah; Daniel is followed by Susanna and other productions of the same
+class; and the whole closes with the three books of Maccabees. Such is the
+order in the Vatican MS.
+
+The threefold division of the canon, indicating three stages in its
+formation, has continued. Josephus, indeed, gives another, based on the
+nature of the separate books, not on MSS. We learn nothing from him of its
+history, which is somewhat remarkable, considering that he did not live
+two centuries after the last work had been added. The account of the
+canon's final arrangement was evidently unknown to him.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV. NUMBER AND ORDER OF THE SEPARATE BOOKS.
+
+
+The number of the books was variously estimated. Josephus gives
+twenty-two, which was the usual number among Christian writers in the
+second, third, and fourth centuries, having been derived perhaps from the
+letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Origen, Jerome, and others have it. It
+continued longest among the teachers of the Greek Church, and is even in
+Nicephorus's stichometry.(83) The enumeration in question has Ruth with
+Judges, and Lamentations with Jeremiah. In Epiphanius(84) the number
+twenty-seven is found, made by taking the alphabet enlarged with the five
+final letters, and dividing Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles into two books
+each. This is probably an ingenious combination belonging to the father
+himself. The Talmud has twenty-four,(85) a number which did not originate
+in the Greek alphabet, else the Palestinian Jews would not have adopted
+it. The synagogue did not fix it officially. After the Pentateuch and the
+former prophets, which are in the usual order, it gives Jeremiah as the
+first of the later, succeeded by Ezekiel and Isaiah with the twelve minor
+prophets. The Talmud knows no other reason for such an order than that it
+was made according to the contents of the prophetic books, not according
+to the times of the writers. This solution is unsatisfactory. It is more
+probable that chronology had to do with the arrangement.(86) After the
+anonymous collection or second part of Isaiah had been joined to the first
+or authentic prophecies, the lateness of these oracles brought Isaiah into
+the third place among the greater prophets. The Talmudic order of the
+Hagiographa is Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
+Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra, Chronicles. Here Ruth precedes the
+Psalter, coming as near the former prophets as possible; for it properly
+belongs to them, the contents associating it with the Judges' time. The
+Talmudic order is that usually adopted in German MSS. What is the true
+estimate of it? Is it a proper Talmudic regulation? Perhaps not, else the
+Hebrew MSS. of the French and Spanish Jews would not so readily have
+departed from it. Bloch supposes that Baba Bathra, which gives the
+arrangement of the books, is one of the apocryphal Boraithas that
+proceeded from an individual teacher and had no binding authority.(87)
+
+The Masoretic arrangement differs from the Talmudic in putting Isaiah
+before Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The Hagiographa are, Psalms, Proverbs, Job,
+Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (with
+Nehemiah), Chronicles.(88) This is usually adopted in Spanish MSS. But
+MSS. often differ arbitrarily, because transcribers did not consider
+themselves bound to any one arrangement.(89) According to some, a very old
+testimony to the commencing and concluding books of the third division is
+given by the New Testament (Luke xxiv. 44; Matthew xxiii. 35), agreeably
+to which the Psalms were first and the Chronicles last; but this is
+inconclusive.
+
+The Alexandrian translators, as we have seen already, placed the books
+differently from the Palestinian Jews. In their version Daniel comes after
+Ezekiel, so that it is put beside the greater prophets. Was this done by
+Jews or Christians? Perhaps by the latter, who put it between the greater
+and lesser prophets, or in other words, out of the third into the second
+division, because of dogmatic grounds, and so effaced a trace of the
+correct chronology. Little importance, however, can be attached to the
+order of the books in the Septuagint; because the work was done at
+different times by different persons. But whatever may have been the
+arrangement of the parts when the whole was complete, we know that it was
+disturbed by Protestants separating the apocryphal writings and putting
+them all together.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V. USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT BY THE FIRST CHRISTIAN WRITERS, AND BY
+THE FATHERS TILL THE TIME OF ORIGEN.
+
+
+The writings of the New Testament show the authors' acquaintance with the
+apocryphal books. They have expressions and ideas derived from them. Stier
+collected one hundred and two passages which bear some resemblance to
+others in the Apocrypha;(90) but they needed sifting, and were cut down to
+a much smaller number by Bleek. They are James i. 19, from Sirach v. 11
+and iv. 29; 1 Peter i. 6, 7, from Wisdom iii. 3-7; Hebrews xi. 34, 35,
+from 2 Maccabees vi. 18-vii. 42; Hebrews i. 3, from Wisdom vii. 26, &c.;
+Romans i. 20-32, from Wisdom xiii.-xv.; Romans ix. 21, from Wisdom xv. 7;
+Eph. vi. 13-17, from Wisdom v. 18-20; 1 Cor. ii. 10, &c., from Judith
+viii. 14. Others are less probable.(91) When Bishop Cosin says, that "in
+all the New Testament we find not any one passage of the apocryphal books
+to have been alleged either by Christ or His apostles for the confirmation
+of their doctrine,"(92) the argument, though based on fact, is scarcely
+conclusive; else Esther, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, and other works might be
+equally discredited. Yet it is probable that the New Testament writers,
+though quoting the Septuagint much more than the original, were
+disinclined to the additional parts of the Alexandrian canon. They were
+Palestinian themselves, or had in view Judaisers of a narrow creed.
+Prudential motives, no less than a predisposition in favor of the old
+national canon, may have hindered them from expressly citing any
+apocryphal production. The apostle Paul and probably the other writers of
+the New Testament, believed in the literal inspiration of the Biblical
+books, for he uses an argument in the Galatian epistle which turns upon
+the singular or plural of a noun.(93) And as the inspiration of the
+Septuagint translation was commonly held by the Christians of the early
+centuries, it may be that the apostles and evangelists made no distinction
+between its parts. Jude quotes Enoch, an apocryphal work not in the
+Alexandrian canon; so that he at least had no rigid notions about the
+difference of canonical and uncanonical writings. Still we know that the
+compass of the Old Testament canon was somewhat unsettled to the
+Christians of the first century, as it was to the Hellenist Jews
+themselves. It is true that the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms were
+universally recognized as authoritative; but the extent of the third
+division was indefinite, so that the non-citation of the three books
+respecting which there was a difference of opinion among the Jews may not
+have been accidental. Inasmuch, however, as the Greek-speaking Jews
+received more books than their Palestinian brethren, the apostles and
+their immediate successors were not wholly disinclined to the use of the
+apocryphal productions. The undefined boundary of the canon facilitated
+also the recognition of all primitive records of the new Revelation.
+
+The early fathers, who wrote in Greek, used the Greek Bible, as almost all
+of them were ignorant of Hebrew. Thus restricted; they naturally
+considered its parts alike, citing apocryphal and canonical in the same
+way. Accordingly, Irenaeus(94) quotes Baruch under the name of "Jeremiah
+the prophet;"(95) and the additions to Daniel as "Daniel the prophet."(96)
+Clement of Alexandria(97) uses the apocryphal books like the canonical
+ones, for explanation and proof indiscriminately. He is fond of referring
+to Baruch, which he cites upwards of twenty-four times in the second book
+of his _Paedagogus_, and in a manner to show that he esteemed it as highly
+as many other parts of the Old Testament. A passage from Baruch is
+introduced by the phrase,(98) "the divine Scripture says;" and another
+from Tobit by(99) "Scripture has briefly signified this, saying." Assuming
+that Wisdom was written by Solomon, he uses it as canonical and inspired,
+designating it _divine_.(100) Judith he cites with other books of the Old
+Testament(101); and the Song of the three children in the furnace is used
+as Scripture.(102) Ecclesiasticus also is so treated.(103) Dionysius of
+Alexandria(104) cites Ecclesiasticus (xvi. 26), introducing the passage
+with "hear divine oracles."(105) The same book is elsewhere cited,
+chapters xliii. 29, 30(106) and i. 8. 9.(107) So is Wisdom, vii. 15(108)
+and 25.(109) Baruch (iii. 12-15) is also quoted.(110) The fathers who
+wrote in Latin used some of the old Latin versions of which Augustine
+speaks; one of them, and that the oldest probably dating soon after the
+middle of the second century, being known to us as the _Itala_. As this
+was made from the Septuagint, it had the usual apocryphal books. Jerome's
+critical revision or new version did not supplant the old Latin till some
+time after his death. Tertullian(111) quotes the Wisdom of Solomon
+expressly as Solomon's;(112) and introduces Sirach by "as it is
+written."(113) He cites Baruch as Jeremiah.(114) He also believes in the
+authenticity of the book of Enoch, and defends it as _Scripture_ at some
+length.(115) Cyprian often cites the Greek additions to the Palestinian
+canon. He introduces Tobit with the words "as it is written,"(116) or
+"divine Scripture teaches, saying;"(117) and Wisdom with, "the Holy Spirit
+shows by Solomon."(118) Ecclesiasticus is introduced with, "it is
+written;"(119) and Baruch with, "the Holy Spirit teaches by
+Jeremiah."(120) 1 and 2 Maccabees are used as Scripture;(121) as are the
+additions to Daniel.(122) The African fathers follow the Alexandrian canon
+without scruple. Hippolytus of Rome (about A.D. 220), who wrote in Greek,
+quotes Baruch as Scripture;(123) and interprets the additions to Daniel,
+such as Susanna, as Scripture likewise.(124)
+
+Melito of Sardis(125) made it his special business to inquire among the
+Palestinian Jews about the number and names of their canonical books; and
+the result was the following list:--the five books of Moses, Joshua,
+Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings, two of Chronicles, the Psalms of David,
+the Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, Job, Isaiah,
+Jeremiah, the twelve in one book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra.(126) Here Ezra
+includes Nehemiah; and Esther is absent, because the Jews whom he
+consulted did not consider it canonical.
+
+Origen's(127) list does not differ much from the Palestinian one. After
+the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings first and second, Samuel,
+Chronicles, come Ezra first and second, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Isaiah, Jeremiah with Lamentations and the epistle, Daniel,
+Ezekiel, Job, Esther. Besides these there are the Maccabees, which are
+inscribed _Sarbeth Sarbane el_.(128) The twelve prophets are omitted in
+the Greek; but the mistake is rectified in Rufinus's Latin version, where
+they follow Canticles, as in Hilary and Cyril of Jerusalem. It is
+remarkable that Baruch is given, and why? Because Origen took it from the
+MSS. of the Septuagint he had before him, in which the epistle is
+attributed to Jeremiah. But the catalogue had no influence upon his
+practice. He followed the prevailing view of the extended canon. Sirach is
+introduced by "for this also _is written_";(129) the book of Wisdom is
+cited as a _divine word_;(130) the writer is called a _prophet_;(131)
+_Christ_ is represented as speaking in it _through Solomon_;(132) and
+Wisdom vii. 17 is adduced as _the word of Christ himself_.(133) Tobit is
+cited as _Scripture_.(134) His view of the additions to the books of
+Daniel and Esther, as well as his opinion about Tobit, are sufficiently
+expressed in the epistle to Africanus, so that scattered quotations from
+these parts of Scripture can be properly estimated. Of the history of
+Susanna he ventures to say that the Jews withdrew it on purpose from the
+people.(135) He seems to argue in favor of books used and read in the
+churches, though they may be put out of the canon by the Jews. As divine
+Providence had preserved the sacred Scriptures, no alteration should be
+made in the ecclesiastical tradition respecting books sanctioned by the
+churches though they be external to the Hebrew canon.
+
+Most of the writings of Methodius, Bishop of Tyre(136) are lost, so that
+we know little of his opinions respecting the books of Scripture. But it
+is certain that he employed the Apocrypha like the other writings of the
+Old Testament. Thus Sirach (xviii. 30 and xix. 2) is quoted in the same
+way as the Proverbs.(137) Wisdom (iv. 1-3) is cited,(138) and Baruch (iii.
+14).(139)
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI. THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES.
+
+
+The first Christians relied on the Old Testament as their chief religious
+book. To them it was of divine origin and authority. The New Testament
+writings came into gradual use, by the side of the older Jewish documents,
+according to the times in which they appeared and the names of their
+reputed authors. The Epistles of Paul were the earliest written; after
+which came the Apocalypse, the Epistle to the Hebrews, and other
+documents, all in the first century. After the first gospel had undergone
+a process of translation, re-writing, and interpolation, from the Aramaic
+basis, _the discourses_,(140) of which Papias of Hierapolis speaks, until
+the traces of another original than the Greek were all but effaced; it
+appeared in its present form early in the second century. Soon after, that
+of Luke was composed, whose prevailing Pauline tendency was not allowed to
+suppress various features of a Jewish Essene type. The second gospel,
+which bears evidences of its derivation from the other synoptists, was
+followed by the fourth. The last document was the so-called second Epistle
+of Peter. It is manifest that tradition assumed various forms after the
+death of Jesus; that legend and myth speedily surrounded His sacred
+person; that the unknown writers were influenced by the peculiar
+circumstances in which they stood with respect to Jewish and Gentile
+Christianity; and that their uncritical age dealt considerably in the
+marvelous. That the life of the great Founder should be overlaid with
+extraneous materials, is special matter for regret. However conscientious
+and truth-loving they may have been, the reporters were unequal to their
+work. It is also remarkable that so many of them should be unknown;
+productions being attached to names of repute to give them greater
+currency.
+
+When Marcion came from Pontus to Rome (144 A.D.,) he brought with him a
+Scripture-collection consisting of ten Pauline epistles. With true
+critical instinct he did not include those addressed to Timothy and Titus,
+as also the epistle to the Hebrews. The gospel of Marcion was Luke's in an
+altered state. From this and other facts we conclude that external parties
+were the first who carried out the idea of collecting Christian writings,
+and of putting them either beside or over against the sacred books of the
+Old Testament, in support of their systems. As to Basilides (125 A.D.),
+his supposed quotations from the New Testament in Hippolytus are too
+precarious to be trusted.(141) Testimonies to the "acknowledged" books of
+the New Testament as Scripture have been transferred from his followers to
+himself; so that his early witness to the canon breaks down. It is
+inferred from statements in Origen and Jerome that he had a gospel of his
+own somewhat like St. Luke's, but extra-canonical. His son Isidore and
+succeeding disciples used Matthew's gospel. Jerome says that Marcion and
+Basilides denied the Pauline authorship of the epistle to the Hebrews and
+the pastoral ones.(142) It is also doubtful whether Valentinus's (140-166
+A.D.) alleged citations from the New Testament can be relied upon. The
+passages of this kind ascribed to him by the fathers belong in a great
+measure to his disciples. The fragment of a letter preserved by Clement of
+Alexandria in the second book of the Stromata, has been thought to contain
+references to the gospels of Matthew and Luke; but the fact is doubtful.
+Nor has Henrici proved that Valentinus used John's gospel.(143) But his
+followers, including Ptolemy (180 A.D.) and Heracleon (185-200 A.D.),
+quote the Gospels and other portions of the New Testament.(144) From
+Hippolytus's account of the Ophites, Peratae, and Sethians, we infer that
+the Christian writings were much employed by them. They rarely cite an
+apocryphal work. More than one hundred and sixty citations from the New
+Testament have been gathered out of their writings.(145) We may admit that
+these Ophites and Peratae were of early origin, the former being the oldest
+known of the Gnostic parties; but there is no proof that the acquaintance
+with the New Testament which Hippolytus attributes to them belongs to the
+first rather than the second half of the second century. The early
+existence of the sect does not show an early citation of the Christian
+books by it, especially of John's gospel; unless its primary were its last
+stage. Later and earlier Ophites are not distinguished in the
+_Philosophumena_. Hence there is a presumption that the author had the
+former in view, which is favored by no mention of them occurring in the
+"Adversus omnes Haereses" usually appended to Tertullian's _Praescriptiones
+Haereticorum_, and by Irenaeus's derivation of their heresy from that of
+Valentinus. The latter father does not even speak of the Peratae. Clement
+of Alexandria is the first who alludes to them. The early heretics were
+desirous of confirming their peculiar opinions by the writings current
+among Catholic Christians, so that the formation of a canon by them began
+soon after the commencement of the second century, and continued till the
+end of it; contemporaneously with the development of a Catholic Church and
+its necessary adjunct a Catholic canon.
+
+No New Testament canon, except a partial and unauthoritative one, existed
+till the latter half of the second century, that is, till the idea of a
+Catholic church began to be entertained. The living power of Christianity
+in its early stages had no need of books for its nurture. But in the
+development of a church organization the internal rule of consciousness
+was changed into an external one of faith. The Ebionites or Jewish
+Christians had their favorite Gospels and Acts. The gospel of Matthew was
+highly prized by them, existing as it did in various recensions, of which
+the gospel according to the Hebrews was one. Other documents, such as the
+Revelation of John; and the preaching of Peter, a Jewish-Christian history
+subsequently re-written and employed in the Clementine Recognitions and
+Homilies, were also in esteem. Even so late as 175-180 A.D., Hegesippus, a
+Jewish Christian, does not seem to have had a canon consisting of the four
+gospels and Paul's Epistles, but appeals to "the law and the prophets and
+_the Lord_," so that his leading principle was, the identity of Jesus's
+words with the Old Testament; agreeably to the tenets of the party he
+belonged to. The source whence he drew the words of Jesus was probably the
+Gospel according to the Hebrews, a document which we know he used, on the
+authority of Eusebius. He does not refer to Paul except by implication in
+a passage given in Photius from Stephen Gobar,(146) where he says that
+such as used the words "Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard," &c., falsified
+the Divine Scriptures and the Lord's words, "Blessed are your eyes for
+they see," &c. As Paul quoted the condemned language, he is blamed.(147)
+Though he knew Paul's epistles, he does not look upon them as
+_authoritative_. He betrays no acquaintance with the fourth gospel; for
+the question, "What is the door to Jesus?" does not presuppose the
+knowledge of John x. 2, 7, 9. Noesgen has failed to prove Hegesippus's
+Jewish descent; and Holtzmann's mediating view of him is incorrect.(148)
+
+The Clementine Homilies (161-180 A.D.) used the four canonical gospels
+even the fourth (which is somewhat singular in a writer who denies the
+deity of Christ), and assigned it to the apostle John. The gospel
+according to the Egyptians was also employed. Paul's epistles were
+rejected of course, as well as the Acts; since the apostle of the Gentiles
+was pointed at in Simon Magus, whom Peter refutes. It is, therefore,
+obvious that a collection of the New Testament writings could make little
+progress among the Ebionites of the second century. Their reverence for
+the law and the prophets hindered another canon. Among the Gentile
+Christians the formation of a canon took place more rapidly, though Judaic
+influences retarded it even there. After Paul's epistles were interchanged
+between churches, a few of them would soon be put together. A collection
+of this kind is implied in 2 Peter iii. 16. The pastoral epistles, which
+show their dependence on the authentic Pauline ones, with those of Peter,
+presuppose a similar collection; which along with the Synoptists, existed
+before the fourth gospel. The Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews
+were obnoxious to the Pauline churches, as Paul's letters were to the
+Jewish-Christian ones. Hence the former were outside the Pauline
+collections.
+
+The apostolic fathers quote from the Old Testament, which was sacred and
+inspired to them. They have scarcely any express citations from the New
+Testament. _Allusions_ occur, especially to the epistles.
+
+The first Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (about 120 A.D.), implies
+acquaintance with several of the epistles, with those to the Corinthians,
+Romans, Hebrews, and perhaps others. Two passages have also been adduced
+as derived from the gospels of Matthew and Luke, viz., in chapters xiii. 2
+and xlvi. 8; but probably some other source supplied them, such as oral
+tradition. It has also been argued that the quotation in the fifteenth
+chapter, "The Scripture says somewhere, This people honoreth me with their
+lips, but their heart is far from me," comes from Mark vii. 6 in which it
+varies from the Hebrew of Isaiah xxix. 13, as well as the Septuagint
+version. Clement therefore, so it is said, quotes the Old Testament
+through the medium of the gospels (Matthew xv. 8, Mark vii. 6). But the
+argument is inconclusive because the words agree closely enough with the
+Septuagint to render the supposition very probable that they are a
+memorized citation from it. As they stand, they coincide exactly neither
+with Mark nor the Septuagint.(149) Thus we dissent from the opinion of
+Gebhardt and Harnack. Wherever "Scripture" is cited, or the expression "it
+is written" occurs, the Old Testament is meant.
+
+Hermas (about 140 A.D.) seems to have used the epistle to the Ephesians
+and perhaps that to the Hebrews, as well as the epistle of James; but
+there is great uncertainty about the matter, for there is no _express_ or
+certain quotation from any part of the New Testament. The writer often
+alludes to words of Jesus, found in Matthew's gospel, so that he may have
+been acquainted with it. Keim(150) and others have discovered references
+to the fourth gospel; but they are invalid. There is no allusion to the
+Acts in vis. iv. 2, 4. The only _Scripture_ cited is the apocryphal book
+_Eldat and Modat_, now lost.(151) The writer seems to have known several
+Jewish Apocalypses.(152)
+
+Barnabas (about 119 A.D.) has but one quotation from the New Testament,
+if, indeed, it be such. Apparently, Matthew xx. 16 or xxii. 14 is
+introduced by "as it is written," showing that the gospel was considered
+_Scripture_.(153) This is the earliest trace of canonical authority being
+transferred from the Old Testament to Christian writings. But the citation
+is not certain. The original may be 4 Esdras, viii. 3; and even if the
+writer took the words from Matthew's gospel, it is possible that he used
+"it is written" with reference to their prototype in the Old Testament. Of
+such interchanges, examples occur in writers of the second century; and it
+is the more probable that this is one, from the fact that 4 Esdras is
+elsewhere considered a prophet and referred to in the same way as
+Ezekiel.(154) Barnabas's citation of a gospel as canonical is wholly
+improbable, since even Justin, thirty years after, never quotes the New
+Testament writings as _Scripture_. The thing would be anomalous and
+opposed to the history of the first half of the second century. When these
+post-apostolic productions appeared, the New Testament writings did not
+stand on the same level with the Old, and were not yet esteemed _sacred_
+and _inspired_ like the Jewish Scriptures. The Holy Spirit was thought to
+dwell in all Christians, without being confined to a few writers; and his
+influence was the common heritage of believers. There are evidences of
+Barnabas's acquaintance with the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians;
+nor is it improbable that he knew the canonical gospel of Matthew, though
+one passage _appears_ to contradict Matthew xxviii. 10, &c., without
+necessarily implying ignorance of what lies in it, viz., that the
+ascension of Jesus took place on the day of his resurrection.(155)
+Strangely enough, Keim thinks that the writer had John's gospel before
+him; but this opinion is refuted by the end of Barnabas's fifth
+chapter.(156) Holtzmann has ably disposed of the considerations adduced by
+Keim.(157) Barnabas quotes the book of Enoch as _Scripture_;(158) and an
+apocryphal prophecy is introduced with, "another prophet says."(159)
+
+As far as we can judge from Eusebius's account of Papias(160) (about 150
+A.D.), that writer knew nothing of a New Testament canon. He speaks of
+Matthew and Mark; but it is most probable that he had documents which
+either formed the basis of our present Matthew and Mark, or were taken
+into them and written over.(161) According to Andreas of Caesarea he was
+acquainted with the Apocalypse of John; while Eusebius testifies to his
+knowledge of 1 Peter and 1 John. But he had no conception of canonical
+authority attaching to any part of the New Testament. His language implies
+the opposite, in that he prefers unwritten tradition to the gospel he
+speaks of. He neither felt the want nor knew the existence of _inspired_
+gospels.
+
+We need not notice the three short Syriac epistles attributed to Ignatius,
+as we do not believe them to be his, but of later origin. Traces of later
+ideas about the canonicity of the New Testament appear in the shorter
+Greek recension of the Ignatian epistles (about 175 A.D.) There _the
+Gospel_ and _the Apostles_ are recognized as the constituents of the
+book.(162) The writer also used the Gospel according to the Hebrews, for
+there is a quotation from it in the epistle to the Smyrnians.(163) The
+second part of the collection seems to have wanted the epistle to the
+Ephesians.(164) The two leading parties, long antagonistic, had now become
+united; the apostles Peter and Paul being mentioned together.(165) In the
+Testaments of the twelve patriarchs (about 170 A.D.), Paul's life is said
+to be described in "holy books," _i.e._, his own epistles and the
+Acts.(166)
+
+Justin Martyr (150 A.D.) knew the first and third of the synoptic gospels.
+His use of Mark's does not appear. His knowledge of the fourth is denied
+by many, and zealously defended by others. Thoma finds proofs that Justin
+knew it well, and used it freely as a text-book of gnosis, without
+recognizing it as the historical work of an apostle; an hypothesis
+encumbered with difficulties.(167) Whatever be said about Justin's
+acquaintance with this gospel; its existence before 140 A.D. is incapable
+either of decisive or probable proof; and this father's Logos-doctrine is
+less developed than the Johannine, because it is encumbered with the
+notion of miraculous birth by a virgin. The Johannine authorship has
+receded before the tide of modern criticism; and though this tide is
+arbitrary at times, it is here irresistible. Apologists should abstain
+from strong assertions on a point so difficult, as that each "gospel is
+distinctly recognized by him;" for the noted passage in the dialogue with
+Trypho does not support them.(168) It is pretty certain that he employed
+an extra-canonical gospel, the so-called gospel of the Hebrews. This
+Petrine document may be referred to in a passage which is unfortunately
+capable of a double interpretation.(169) He had also the older Acts of
+Pilate. Paul's epistles are never mentioned, though he doubtless knew
+them. Having little sympathy with Paulinism he attached his belief much
+more to the primitive apostles. The Apocalypse, 1 Peter, and 1 John he
+esteemed highly; the epistle to the Hebrews and the Acts he treated in the
+same way as the Pauline writings. Justin's canon, as far as divine
+authority and inspiration are concerned, was the Old Testament. He was
+merely on the threshold of a divine canon made up of primitive Christian
+writings, and attributed no exclusive sanctity to those he used because
+they were not to him the only source of doctrine. Even of the Apocalypse
+he says, "A man among us named John, &c., wrote it."(170) In his time none
+of the gospels had been canonized, not even the synoptists, if, indeed, he
+knew them all. Oral tradition was the chief fountain of Christian
+knowledge, as it had been for a century. In his opinion this tradition was
+embodied in writing; but the documents in which he looked for all that
+related to Christ were not the gospels alone. He used others freely, not
+looking upon any as _inspired_, for that idea could arise only when a
+selection was made among the current documents. He regarded them all as
+having been written down from memory, and judged them by criteria of
+evidence conformable to the Old Testament Scriptures. Though lessons out
+of Gospels (some of our present ones and others), as also out of the
+prophets, were read in assemblies on the first day of the week,(171) the
+act of converting the Christian writings into _Scripture_ was posterior;
+for the mere reading of a gospel in churches on Sunday does not prove that
+it was considered divinely authoritative; and the use of the epistles,
+which formed the second and less valued part of the collection, must still
+have been limited.
+
+Justin's disciple, Tatian (160-180 A.D.), wrote a _Diatessaron_ or harmony
+of the gospels, which began, according to Ephrem Syrus, with John i. 1;
+but our knowledge of it is uncertain. The author omitted the genealogies
+of Jesus and everything belonging to His Davidic descent. He seems also to
+have put into it particulars derived from extra-canonical sources such as
+the Gospel according to the Hebrews. Doubtless he was acquainted with
+Paul's writings, as statements made in them are quoted; but he dealt
+freely with them according to Eusebius, and even rejected several
+epistles, probably first and second Timothy.(172)
+
+In Polycarp's epistle (about 160 A.D.), which is liable to strong
+suspicions of having been written after the death of the bishop,(173)
+there are reminiscences of the synoptic gospels; and most of Paul's
+epistles as well as I Peter were used by the writer. But the idea of
+canonical authority, or a peculiar inspiration belonging to these
+writings, is absent.
+
+The author of the second Clementine epistle (about 150-160) had not a New
+Testament canon made up of the four gospels and epistles. His _Scripture_
+was the Old Testament, to which is applied the epithet "the Books" or "the
+Bible;" and the words of Christ. "The Apostles" immediately subjoined to
+"the Books," does not mean the New Testament, or a special collection of
+the apostolic epistles, as has been supposed.(174) The preacher employed a
+gospel or gospels as _Scripture_; perhaps those of Matthew and Luke, not
+the whole documents, but the parts containing the words of Christ.(175) He
+also used the Gospel of the Egyptians as an authoritative document, and
+quoted his sources freely. With the Johannine writings he seems to have
+been unacquainted.(176)
+
+Athenagoras of Athens wrote an apology addressed to Marcus Aurelius (176
+A.D.). In it he uses written and unwritten tradition, testing all by the
+Old Testament which was his only authoritative canon. He makes no
+reference to the Christian documents, but adduces words of Jesus with the
+verb "he says." It is not clear whether he quoted from the Synoptics;
+perhaps the passages which are parallel to Matthew v. 44, 45, 46,(177) and
+Mark x. 6,(178) were taken from these; but the matter is somewhat
+uncertain. His treatise on the resurrection appeals to a passage in one of
+Paul's epistles.(179)
+
+Dionysius of Corinth ( 170 A.D.) complains of the falsification of his
+writings, but consoles himself with the fact that the same is done to the
+"Scriptures of the Lord," _i.e._, the gospels containing the Lord's words;
+or rather the two parts of the early collection, "the gospel" and "the
+apostle" together; which agrees best with the age and tenor of his
+letters.(180) If such be the meaning, the collection is put on a par with
+the Old Testament, and regarded as inspired.
+
+In the second epistle of Peter (about A.D. 170) Paul's epistles are
+regarded as Scripture (iii. 16.) This seems to be the earliest example of
+the canonizing of any New Testament portion. Here a brotherly recognition
+of the Gentile apostle and his productions takes the place of former
+opposition. A false interpretation of his epistles is even supposed to
+have induced a departure from primitive apostolic Christianity.
+
+The letter of the churches at Vienne and Lyons (177 A.D.) has quotations
+from the epistles to the Romans, Philippians, 1 Timothy, 1 Peter, Acts,
+the gospels of Luke and John, the Apocalypse. The last is expressly called
+_Scripture_.(181) This shows a fusion of the two original tendencies, the
+Petrine and Pauline; and the formation of a Catholic church with a common
+canon of authority. Accordingly, the two apostles, Peter and Paul, are
+mentioned together.
+
+Theophilus of Antioch (180 A.D.) was familiar with the gospels and most of
+Paul's epistles, as also the Apocalypse. Passages are cited from Paul as
+"the divine word."(182) He ascribes the fourth gospel to John, calling him
+an inspired man, like the Old Testament prophets.(183) We also learn from
+Jerome that he commented on the gospels put together by way of
+harmony.(184)
+
+The author of the epistle to Diognetus (about 200 A.D.) shows his
+acquaintance with the gospels and Paul's epistles; but he never cites the
+New Testament by way of proof. Words are introduced into his discourse, in
+passing and from memory.(185)
+
+The conception of a Catholic _canon_ was realized about the same time as
+that of a Catholic _church_. One hundred and seventy years from the coming
+of Christ elapsed before the collection assumed a form that carried with
+it the idea of _holy_ and _inspired_.(186) The way in which it was done
+was by raising the apostolic writings higher and higher till they were of
+equal authority with the Old Testament, so that the church might have a
+rule of appeal. But by lifting the Christian productions up to the level
+of the old Jewish ones, injury was done to that living consciousness which
+feels the opposition between spirit and letter; the latter writings
+tacitly assuming or keeping the character of a perfect rule even as to
+form. The Old Testament was not brought down to the New; the New was
+raised to the Old. It is clear that the earliest church fathers did not
+use the books of the New Testament as sacred documents clothed with divine
+authority, but followed for the most part, at least till the middle of the
+second century, apostolic tradition orally transmitted. They were not
+solicitous about a canon circumscribed within certain limits.
+
+In the second half, then, of the second century there was a canon of the
+New Testament consisting of two parts called _the gospel_(187) and _the
+apostle_.(188) The first was complete, containing the four gospels alone;
+the second, which was incomplete, contained the Acts of the Apostles and
+epistles, _i.e._, thirteen letters of Paul, one of Peter, one of John, and
+the Revelation. How and where this canon originated is uncertain. Its
+birthplace may have been Asia Minor, like Marcion's; but it may have grown
+about the same time in Asia Minor, Alexandria, and Western Africa. At all
+events, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian agree in
+recognizing its existence.
+
+Irenaeus had a canon which he adopted as apostolic. In his view it was of
+binding force and authoritative. This contained the four gospels, the
+Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, the first epistle of John, and the
+Revelation. He had also a sort of appendix or deutero-canon, which he
+highly esteemed without putting it on a par with the received collection,
+consisting of John's second epistle, the first of Peter, and the Shepherd
+of Hermas. The last he calls _Scripture_.(189) The epistle to the Hebrews,
+that of Jude, James's, second Peter, and third John he ignored.
+
+Clement's collection was more extended than Irenaeus'. His appendix or
+deutero-canon included the epistle to the Hebrews, 2 John, Jude, the
+Apocalypse of Peter, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Epistles of Clement and
+Barnabas. He recognized no obligatory canon, distinct and of paramount
+authority. But he separated the New Testament writings by their
+traditionally apostolic character and the degree of importance attached to
+them. He did not attach the modern idea of _canonical_ in opposition to
+_non-canonical_, either to the four gospels or any other part of the New
+Testament. Barnabas is cited as an apostle.(190) So is the Roman
+Clement.(191) The Shepherd of Hermas is spoken of as _divine_.(192) Thus
+the line of the Homologoumena is not marked off even to the same extent as
+in Irenaeus.
+
+Tertullian's canon consisted of the gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of
+Paul, the Apocalypse, and 1 John. As an appendix he had the epistle to the
+Hebrews, that of Jude, the Shepherd of Hermas, 2 John probably, and 1
+Peter. This deutero-canon was not regarded as authoritative. No trace
+occurs in his works of James' epistle, 2 Peter, and 3 John. He used the
+Shepherd, calling it _Scripture_,(193) without implying, however, that he
+put it on a par with the usually acknowledged canonical writings; but
+after he became a Montanist, he repudiated it as the apocryphal Shepherd
+of adulterers, "put among the apocryphal and false, by every council of
+the churches."(194) It was _not_, however, reckoned among the spurious and
+false writings, either at Rome or Carthage, in the time of Tertullian. It
+was merely placed outside the universally received works by the western
+churches of that day.
+
+These three fathers did not fix the canon absolutely. Its limits were
+still unsettled. But they sanctioned most of the books now accepted as
+divine, putting some extra-canonical productions almost on the same level
+with the rest, if not in theory, at least in practice.
+
+The canon of Muratori is a fragmentary list which was made towards the end
+of the second century (170 A.D.). Its birthplace is uncertain, though
+there are traces of Roman origin. Its translation from the Greek is
+assumed, but that is uncertain. It begins with the four gospels in the
+usual order, and proceeds to the Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, the
+epistles of John, that of Jude, and the Apocalypse. The epistle to the
+Hebrews, 1 and 2 Peter, 1 John and James are not named. The Apocalypse of
+Peter is also mentioned, but as not universally received. Of the Shepherd
+of Hermas, it is stated that it may be read in the Church. The epistle "to
+the Laodiceans" may either be that to the Ephesians, which had such
+superscription in Marcion's canon, or less probably the supposititious
+epistle mentioned in the codex Boernerianus,(195) after that to Philemon,
+and often referred to in the middle ages.(196) That "to the Alexandrians"
+is probably the epistle to the Hebrews; though this has been denied
+without sufficient reason. According to the usual punctuation, both are
+said to have been forged in Paul's name, an opinion which may have been
+entertained among Roman Christians about 170 A.D. The Epistle to the
+Hebrews was rejected in the west, and may have been thought a
+supposititious work in the interests of Paulinism, with some reason
+because of its internal character,(197) which is at least semi-Pauline,
+though its Judaistic basis is apparent. The story about the origin of the
+fourth gospel with its apostolic and episcopal attestation, evinces a
+desire to establish the authenticity of a work which had not obtained
+universal acceptance at the time.(198) It is difficult to make out the
+meaning in various places; and there is considerable diversity of opinion
+among expositors of the document.(199) In accord with these facts we find
+Serapion bishop of the church at Rhossus, in Cilicia,(200) allowing the
+public use of the gospel of Peter;(201) which shows that there was no
+exclusive gospel-canon at the end of the second century, at least in
+Syria. The present canon had not then pervaded the churches in general.
+
+What is the result of an examination of the Christian literature belonging
+to the second century? Is it that a canon was then fixed, separating some
+books from others by a line so clear, that those on one side of it were
+alone reckoned inspired, authoritative, of apostolic origin or sanction;
+while those on the other were considered uninspired, unauthoritative,
+without claim to apostolicity, unauthentic? Was the separation between
+them made on any clear principle or demarcation? It cannot be said so. The
+century witnessed no such fact, but merely the incipient efforts to bring
+it about. The discriminating process was begun, not completed. It was
+partly forced upon the prominent advocates of a policy which sought to
+consolidate the Jewish and Gentile-Christian parties, after the decline of
+their mutual antagonism, into a united church. They were glad to transfer
+the current belief in the infallible inspiration of the Old Testament, to
+selected Christian writings, as an effective means of defence against
+those whom they considered outside a new organization--the Catholic Church.
+
+The stichometrical list of the Old and New Testament Scriptures in the
+Latin of the Clermont MS. (D), was that _read_ in the African Church in
+the third century. It is peculiar. After the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges,
+Ruth, and the historical books, follow Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes,
+Canticles, Wisdom, Sirach, the twelve minor prophets, the four greater;
+three books of the Maccabees, Judith, Esdras, Esther, Job, and Tobit. In
+the New Testament, the four gospels, Matthew, John, Mark, Luke, are
+succeeded by ten epistles of Paul, two of Peter, the epistle of James,
+three of John, and that of Jude. The epistle to the Hebrews (characterized
+as that of Barnabas), the Revelation of John, Acts of the Apostles, the
+Shepherd of Hermas, the Acts of Paul, the Revelation of Peter, follow. The
+last three constitute a sort of appendix; and the number of their verses
+is given. It is possible that the carelessness of a transcriber may have
+caused some of the singularities observable in this list; such as the
+omission of the epistles to the Philippians and Thessalonians; but the end
+shows a freer idea of books fit for reading than what was usual even at
+that early time in the African Church.(202)
+
+In Syria a version of the New Testament for the use of the church was made
+early in the third century. This work, commonly called the Peshito, wants
+2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and the Apocalypse. It has, however, all the
+other books, including the epistle of James and that to the Hebrews. The
+last two were received as apostolic.
+
+Towards the middle of the third century, Origen's(203) testimony
+respecting the Canon is of great value. He seems to have distinguished
+three classes of books--authentic ones, whose apostolic origin was
+generally admitted, those not authentic, and a middle-class not generally
+recognized or in regard to which his own opinion wavered. The first
+contained those already adopted at the beginning of the century both in
+the East and West, with the Apocalypse, and the epistle to the Hebrews _so
+far as it contains Pauline ideas_;(204) to the second belongs the Shepherd
+of Hermas, though he sometimes hesitated a little about it,(205) the
+epistle of Barnabas, the Acts of Paul, the gospel according to the
+Hebrews, the gospel of the Egyptians, and the preaching of Peter;(206) to
+the third, the epistle of James, that of Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John.(207)
+The separation of the various writings is not formally made, nor does
+Origen give a list of them. His classification is gathered from his works;
+and though its application admitted of considerable latitude, he is
+cautious enough, appealing to the tradition of the church, and throwing in
+qualifying expressions.(208)
+
+The Canon of Eusebius(209) is given at length in his _Ecclesiastical
+History_.(210) He divides the books into three classes, containing those
+writings _generally received_,(211) those _controverted_,(212) and the
+_heretical_.(213) The first has the four gospels, the Acts, thirteen
+epistles of Paul, 1 John, 1 Peter, the Apocalypse.(214) The second class
+is subdivided into two, the first corresponding to Origen's _mixed_(215)
+or _intermediate_ writings, the second to his _spurious_(216) ones. The
+former subdivision contains the epistle of James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3
+John; the latter, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter,
+the epistle of Barnabas, the Doctrines of the Apostles, the Apocalypse of
+John, the gospel according to the Hebrews. The third class has the gospels
+of Peter, of Thomas, the traditions of Matthias, the Acts of Peter,
+Andrew, and John. The subdivisions of the second class are indefinite. The
+only distinction which Eusebius puts between them is that of
+ecclesiastical use. Though he classes as _spurious_ the Acts of Paul, the
+Shepherd, the Revelation of Peter, the epistle of Barnabas, the doctrines
+of the Apostles, the Apocalypse of John, the gospel according to the
+Hebrews, and does not apply the epithet to the epistle of James, the 2 of
+Peter, 2 and 3 John; he uses of James's in one place the verb _to be
+counted spurious_.(217) In like manner he speaks of the Apocalypse of
+Peter and the epistle of Barnabas as _controverted_.(218) The _mixed_ or
+_spurious_ of Origen are vaguely separated by Eusebius; both come under
+the general head of the _controverted_; for after specifying them
+separately he sums up, "all these will belong to the class of the
+_controverted_," the very class already described as containing "books
+well known and recognized by most," implying also that they were read in
+the churches.(219)
+
+It is somewhat remarkable that Eusebius does not mention the Epistle of
+Clement to the Corinthians in this list. But he speaks of it in another
+place as a production whose authenticity was generally acknowledged,(220)
+and of its public use in most churches both formerly and in his own time.
+This wide-spread reading of it did not _necessarily_ imply canonicity; but
+the mode in which Eusebius characterizes it, and its extensive use in
+public, favor the idea that in many churches it was almost put on equality
+with the productions commonly regarded as authoritative. The canonical
+list was not fixed immovably in the time of Eusebius. Opinions about books
+varied, as they had done before.
+
+The testimony of Eusebius regarding the canon, important as it is, has
+less weight because of the historian's credulity. One who believed in the
+authenticity of Abgar's letters to Christ, and in the canon of the four
+gospels at the time of Trajan, cannot take rank as a judicious collector
+or sifter of facts.
+
+About 332 A.D. the Emperor Constantine entrusted Eusebius with the
+commission to make out a complete collection of the sacred Christian
+writings for the use of the Catholic Church. How this order was executed
+we are not told. But Credner is probably correct in saying that the code
+consisted of all that is now in the New Testament except the Revelation.
+The fifty copies which were made must have supplied Constantinople and the
+Greek Church for a considerable time with an authoritative canon.
+
+Eusebius's catalogue agrees in substance with that of Origen's. The
+historian followed ecclesiastical tradition. He inquired diligently into
+the prevailing opinions of the Christian churches and writers, with the
+views held by others before and contemporaneously with himself, but could
+not attain to a decided result. His hesitation stood in the way of a
+clear, firm, view of the question. The tradition respecting certain books
+was still wavering, and he was unable to fix it. Authority fettered his
+independent judgment. That he was inconsistent and confused does not need
+to be shown.
+
+The exact principles that guided the formation of a canon in the earliest
+centuries cannot be discovered. Strictly speaking there were none.
+Definite grounds for the reception or rejection of books were not
+apprehended. The choice was determined by various circumstances, of which
+apostolic origin was the chief, though this itself was insufficiently
+attested; for if it be asked whether all the New Testament writings
+proceeded from the authors whose names they bear, criticism cannot reply
+in the affirmative. The example and influence of churches to which the
+writings had been first addressed must have acted upon the reception of
+books. Above all, individual teachers here and there saw the necessity of
+meeting heretics with their own weapons, in their own way, with _apostolic
+records_ instead of oral tradition. The circumstances in which the
+orthodox were placed led to this step, effecting a bond of union whose
+need must have been felt while each church was isolated under its own
+bishop and the collective body could not take measures in common. Writings
+of more recent origin would be received with greater facility than such as
+had been in circulation for many years, especially if they professed to
+come from a prominent apostle. A code of apostolic writings, divine and
+perfect like the Old Testament, had to be presented as soon as possible
+against Gnostic and Manichaean heretics whose doctrines were injurious to
+objective Christianity; while the multiplication of apocryphal works
+threatened to overwhelm genuine tradition with a heap of superstition. The
+Petrine and Pauline Christians, now amalgamated to a great extent, agreed
+in hastening the canon-process.
+
+The infancy of the canon was cradled in an uncritical age, and rocked with
+traditional ease. Conscientious care was not directed from the first to
+the well-authenticated testimony of eye-witnesses. Of the three fathers
+who contributed most to its early growth, Irenaeus was credulous and
+blundering; Tertullian passionate and one-sided; and Clement of
+Alexandria, imbued with the treasures of Greek wisdom, was mainly occupied
+with ecclesiastical ethics. Irenaeus argues that the gospels should be four
+in number, neither more nor less, because there are four universal winds
+and four quarters of the world. The Word or Architect of all things gave
+the gospel in a fourfold shape. According to this father, the apostles
+were fully informed concerning all things, and had a perfect knowledge,
+after their Lord's ascension. Matthew wrote his gospel while Peter and
+Paul were preaching in Rome and founding the church.(221) Such assertions
+show both ignorance and exaggeration.
+
+Tertullian affirms that the _tradition of the apostolic churches_
+guarantees the four gospels,(222) and refers his readers to the churches
+of Corinth, Philippi, Ephesus, &c., for the _authentic epistles_ of
+Paul.(223) What is this but the rhetoric of an enthusiast? In like manner
+he states that bishops were appointed by the apostles, and that they
+existed from that time downward, the succession originating so early.(224)
+
+Clement contradicts himself in making Peter authorize Mark's gospel to be
+read in the churches; while in another place he says that the apostle
+neither "forbad nor encouraged it."(225)
+
+The three fathers of whom we are speaking, had neither the ability nor the
+inclination to examine the genesis of documents surrounded with an
+apostolic halo. No analysis of their authenticity and genuineness was
+seriously attempted either by them or by the men of their time. In its
+absence, custom, accident, taste, practical needs directed the tendency of
+tradition. All the rhetoric employed to throw the value of their testimony
+as far back as possible, even up to or at least very near the apostle John
+is of the vaguest sort. Appeals to the continuity of tradition and of
+church doctrine, to the exceptional veneration of these fathers for the
+gospels, to their opinions being formed earlier than the composition of
+the works in which they are expressed, possess no force. The ends which
+the fathers in question had in view, their polemic motives, their
+uncritical, inconsistent assertions, their want of sure data, detract from
+their testimony. Their decisions were much more the result of pious
+feeling biased by the theological speculations of the times, than the
+conclusions of a sound judgment. The very arguments they use to establish
+certain conclusions show weakness of perception. What are the
+manifestations of spiritual feeling, compared with the results of logical
+reasoning? Are they more trustworthy than the latter? Certainly not, at
+least in relation to questions of evidence. It is true that their
+testimony has a value; but it is one proportionate to the degree of
+credibility attaching to witnesses circumstanced as they were, whose
+separation of canonical from uncanonical gospels, or rather their
+canonizing of certain writings apart from others, and their claiming of
+inspiration for the authors of the former, must be judged by the
+reasonableness of the thing itself, in connection with men of their type.
+The second century abounded in pseudonymous literature; and the early
+fathers, as well as the churches, were occupied with other things than the
+sifting of evidence connected with writings considerably prior to their
+own time. The increase of such apocryphal productions, gospels, acts, and
+apocalypses among the heretical parties stimulated the orthodox bishops
+and churches to make an authentic collection; but it increased the
+difficulties of the task.
+
+Textual criticism has been employed to discredit the true dates of the
+present gospels; and the most exaggerated descriptions have been given of
+the frequent transcription of the text and its great corruption in the
+second century. The process of corruption in the course of frequent
+transcription has been transferred even to the first century. It is true
+that the gospels at the end of that century exhibited a text which bears
+marks of transcription, interpolation, and addition; but they were not the
+complete works as we have them now, being then but in progress, except the
+fourth. The assumption that "advanced corruption" existed in the present
+text of the synoptists as early as the first century is gratuitous; unless
+the process by which they were gradually built up is so called. No attempt
+to get a long history behind the canonical gospels at the close of the
+first century out of "advanced corruption" can be successful. It is
+attested by no Christian writer of the century; and those in the first
+half of the second, both heretical and orthodox, did themselves treat the
+text in a manner far short of its implied infallibility. The various
+readings with which they had to do, do not carry up _the canonical
+gospels_ far into the first century. The transcription, enlargement, and
+interpolation of the materials which make up the body of them, must not be
+identified with the corruption of their _completed texts_, in order that
+the latter may be relegated to an early period; for the synoptists did not
+come forth full-blown, each from the hand of a single person. The old
+Latin version or versions used by Tertullian and the interpreter of
+Irenaeus, have been pressed into the same service, but in vain.
+
+In like manner the Curetonian Syriac version of the gospels has been put
+as early as possible into the second century, though it can hardly have
+been prior to the very close of it, or rather to the beginning of the
+third. Here the strong assertions of apologetic writers have been freely
+scattered abroad. But the evidence in favor of the authors traditionally
+assigned to the gospels and some of the epistles, is still uncertain. A
+wide gap intervenes between eye-witnesses of the apostles or apostolic men
+that wrote the sacred books, and the earliest fathers who assert such
+authorship. The traditional bridge between them is a precarious one. As
+the chasm cannot be filled by adequate external evidence, we are thrown
+back on the internal character of the works themselves. One thing appears
+from the early corruption of the sacred records spoken of by Irenaeus,
+Origen, and others, that they were not regarded with the veneration
+necessarily attaching to infallible documents. Their being freely handled
+excludes the idea of rigid canonization. The men who first canonized them
+had no certain knowledge of their authors. To them, that knowledge had
+been obscured or lost; though a sagacious criticism might have arrived at
+the true state of the question even in their day.
+
+In the sub-apostolic age Ebionitism passed into Catholicism, Jewish into
+Pauline Christianity, the mythical and marvelous into the dogmatic, the
+traditional into the historic, the legendary into the literary. The
+conflict of parties within the sphere of Christianity gave rise to
+productions of various tendencies which reflected the circumstances out of
+which they arose. These were accepted or rejected by the churches
+according to the prevailing opinions of the persons composing the
+churches. Common usage led to the authorization of some; others were
+neglected. The state of the second century in its beliefs, credulity,
+idiosyncracies of prominent teachers, antagonistic opinions and mystic
+speculations, throws a light upon the New Testament writings and
+especially on the formation of the canon, which explains their genesis.
+Two things stand out most clearly, the comparatively late idea of a
+_canonical_ New Testament literature; and the absence of critical
+principles in determining it. The former was not entertained till the
+latter part of the second century. The conception of canonicity and
+inspiration attaching to New Testament books did not exist till the time
+of Irenaeus.
+
+When it is asked, to whom do we owe the canon? the usual answer is, to the
+Church. This is true only in a sense. The unity attributed to Christians
+before Irenaeus and Tertullian, consisted in their religious consciousness.
+It was subjective. The idea of _the church_ was that of inward
+fellowship--the fellowship of the spirit rather than an outward organism.
+The preservation of the early Christian writings was owing, in the first
+instance, to the congregations to whom they were sent, and the neighboring
+ones with whom such congregations had friendly connection. The care of
+them devolved on the most influential teachers,--on those who occupied
+leading positions in the chief cities, or were most interested in
+apostolic writings as a source of instruction. The Christian books were
+mostly in the hands of the bishops. In process of time the canon was the
+care of assemblies or councils. But it had been made before the first
+general council by a few leading fathers towards the end of the second
+century in different countries. The formation of a Catholic Church and of
+a canon was simultaneous. The circumstances in which the collection
+originated were unfavorable to the authenticity of its materials, for
+tradition had been busy over them and their authors. Instead of
+attributing the formation of the canon to the Church, it would be more
+correct to say that the important stage in it was due to three teachers,
+each working separately and in his own way, who were intent upon the
+creation of a Christian society which did not appear in the apostolic
+age,--a visible organization united in faith,--where the discordant opinions
+of apostolic and sub-apostolic times should be finally merged. The canon
+was not the work of the Christian Church so much as of the men who were
+striving to form that Church, and could not get beyond the mould received
+by primitive Christian literature. The first mention of a _Catholic
+Church_ occurs in _The Martyrdom of Polycarp_, an epistle that cannot be
+dated earlier than 160 A.D., and may perhaps be ten years later. But
+though the idea is there, its established use is due to Irenaeus,
+Tertullian, and Cyprian. The expression has a different and narrow sense
+in the seven Ignatian epistles which we believe to be supposititious and
+later than Justin. Neither the three epistles published in Syriac by
+Cureton, nor the seven Greek ones enumerated by Eusebius are authentic;
+though Zahn has tried to prove the latter such, dating them A.D. 144. His
+arguments, however, are far from convincing; and the whole story of(226)
+Ignatius's martyrdom at Rome rather than Antioch is still doubtful; for
+the circumstances under which he is said to have been dragged to Rome, and
+his writing letters to the churches by the way, are highly improbable. The
+testimony of Malalas that Ignatius suffered at Antioch in December, 115,
+in the presence of Trajan, may be quite as good as that of Chrysostom and
+the Syriac monthly calendar on which Zahn relies so confidently. The fact
+of the priority of the last two to Malalas is of little weight as
+evidence. The main point is _the locality_ in which Ignatius suffered;
+which Malalas, himself a native of Antioch and a historian, ought to have
+known better than Chrysostom, because he copied preceding historians.
+
+It is necessary to be precise on this subject because some speak of _the
+church_ as though it were contemporary with the apostles themselves, or at
+least with their immediate disciples; and proceed to argue that
+dissensions arose soon after "within the church" rendering an appeal to
+the written word necessary. When the authority of _traditional teaching_
+gave way to that of _a written rule_, a change came over the condition of
+_the church_. Such a view tends to mislead. There were dissensions among
+the earliest Christians. The apostles themselves were by no means
+unanimous. Important differences of belief divided the Jewish and Gentile
+Christians from the beginning. The types of Christian truth existing from
+the first gradually coalesced about the middle of the second century; when
+heretics, especially the Gnostics, appeared so formidable that a catholic
+church was developed. Along with this process, and as an important element
+in it, the writings of apostles and apostolic men were uncritically taken
+from tradition and elevated to the rank of divine documents. It was not
+the rise of new dissensions "within the church" which led to the first
+formation of a Christian canon; rather did the new idea of "a catholic
+church" require a standard of appeal in apostolic writings, which were now
+invested with an authority that did not belong to them from the beginning.
+
+Origen was the first who took a somewhat scientific view of the relative
+value belonging to the different parts of the biblical collection. His
+examination of the canon was critical. Before him the leading books had
+been regarded as divine and sacred, the source of doctrinal and historic
+truth. From this stand-point he did not depart. With him ecclesiastical
+tradition was a prevailing principle in the recognition of books belonging
+of right to the New Testament collection. He was also guided by the
+inspiration of the authors; a criterion arbitrary in its application, as
+his own statements show. In his time, however, the collection was being
+gradually enlarged; his third class. _i.e._, _the mixed_, approaching
+reception into the first. But amid all the fluctuations of opinion to
+which certain portions of the New Testament were subject, and the
+unscientific procedure both of fathers and churches in the matter, though
+councils had not met to discuss it, and vague tradition had strengthened
+with time, a certain spiritual consciousness manifested itself throughout
+the East and West in the matter of the canon. Tolerable unanimity ensued.
+The result was a remarkable one, and calls for our gratitude,
+notwithstanding its defects. Though the development was pervaded by no
+critical or definite principle, it ended in a canon which has maintained
+its validity for centuries.
+
+It is sometimes said that the history of the canon should be sought from
+definite catalogues, not from isolated quotations. The latter are supposed
+to be of slight value, the former to be the result of deliberate judgment.
+This remark is more specious than solid. In relation to the Old Testament,
+the catalogues given by the fathers, as by Melito and Origen, rest solely
+on the tradition of the Jews; apart from which they have no independent
+authority. As none except Jerome and Origen knew Hebrew, their lists of
+the Old Testament books are simply a reflection of what they learned from
+others. If they deviate in practice from their masters by quoting as
+Scripture other than the canonical books, they show their judgment
+over-riding an external theory. The very men who give a list of the Jewish
+books evince an inclination to the Christian and enlarged canon. So Origen
+says, in his _Epistle to Africanus_, that "the churches use Tobit." In
+explaining the prophet Isaiah, Jerome employs Sirach vi. 6, in proof of
+his view, remarking that the apocryphal work is in the Christian
+catalogue.
+
+In like manner Epiphanius, in a passage against Aetius, after referring to
+the books of Scripture, adds, "as well as the books of Wisdom, _i.e._, the
+Wisdom of Solomon and of Jesus, son of Sirach; finally, all the other
+books of Scripture." In another place he gives the canon of the Jews
+historically, and excludes the apocryphal Greek books; here he includes
+some of the latter. We also learn from Jerome that Judith was in the
+number of the books reckoned up by the Nicene Council. Thus the fathers
+who give catalogues of the Old Testament show the existence of a Jewish
+and a Christian canon in relation to the Old Testament; the latter wider
+than the former; their private opinion being more favorable to the one,
+though the other was historically transmitted. In relation to the New
+Testament, the synods which drew up lists of the sacred books show the
+view of some leading father like Augustine, along with what custom had
+sanctioned. In this department no member of the synod exercised his
+critical faculty; a number together would decide such questions summarily.
+Bishops proceed in the track of tradition or authority.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII. THE BIBLE CANON FROM THE FOURTH CENTURY TO THE REFORMATION.
+
+
+It will now be convenient to treat of the two Testaments together, _i.e._,
+_the canon of the Bible_. The canons of both have been considered
+separately to the end of the third century; they may be henceforward
+discussed together. We proceed, therefore, to the Bible-canon of the
+fourth century, first in the Greek Church and then in the Latin. The
+Council of Laodicea (A.D. 363), at which there was a predominant semiarian
+influence, forbad the reading of all _non-canonical_ books. The 59th canon
+enacts, that "private psalms must not be read in the Church, nor
+uncanonized books; but only the canonical ones of the New and Old
+Testament." The 60th canon proceeds to give a list of such. All the books
+of the Old Testament are enumerated, but in a peculiar order, somewhat
+like the Septuagint one. With Jeremiah is specified _Baruch_, then the
+Lamentations and _Epistle_. The prophets are last; first the minor, next
+the major and Daniel. In the New Testament list are the usual seven
+Catholic epistles, and fourteen of Paul, including that to the Hebrews.
+The Apocalypse alone is wanting. Credner has proved that this 60th canon
+is not original, and of much later date.(227)
+
+The Apostolic Constitutions give a kind of canon like that in the 59th of
+Laodicea. After speaking of the books of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Kings,
+Chronicles, those belonging to the return from the captivity, those of
+Job, Solomon, the sixteen prophets, and the Psalms of David; our Acts, the
+epistles of Paul, and the four gospels are mentioned. It is remarkable
+that the Catholic epistles are not given. That they are indicated under
+Acts is altogether improbable. The Antiochian Church of that time doubted
+or denied the apostolicity of these letters, as is seen from Theodore,
+Cosmas, and others. Hence, their absence from these Constitutions, which
+are a collection belonging to different times; the oldest portion not
+earlier perhaps than the third century.(228)
+
+Cyril of Jerusalem, who took part in the Council of Laodicea,(229) gives a
+list "of the divine Scriptures." The books of the Old Testament are
+twenty-two, and the arrangement is nearly that which is in the English
+Bible. With Jeremiah is associated "Baruch and the Epistle." All the New
+Testament books are given except the Apocalypse. The list agrees very
+nearly with that of Eusebius, by taking the latter's "controverted"
+writings into the class of the "generally received."(230) The writer
+insists on the necessity of unity in the Church upon the subject, and
+forbids the reading of writings not _generally received_. None but these
+are allowed. Yet he refers to Baruch (iii. 36-38) as _the prophet;_(231)
+and in adducing the testimonies of the prophets for the existence of the
+Holy Spirit, the last he gives is Daniel xiii. 41, 45. Sirach iii. 21, 22
+is cited;(232) Wisdom is quoted as Solomon's (xiii. 5);(233) the song of
+the three children is used (verse 55)(234) with verses 27, 29;(235) and
+Daniel (xiii. 22, 45) is quoted.(236)
+
+In Athanasius's festal epistle (365 A.D.) the archbishop undertakes "to
+set forth in order, the books that are canonical and handed down and
+believed to be divine." His list of the Old Testament nearly agrees with
+Cyril's, except that Esther is omitted and Ruth counted separately, to
+make out the twenty-two books. He adds, "there are other books not
+canonical, designed by the fathers to be read by those just joining us and
+wishing to be instructed in the doctrine of piety;" _i.e._, the Wisdom of
+Solomon and the Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther and Judith and Tobit, and the
+Doctrine of the Apostles so called, and the Shepherd; "those being
+_canonical_, and these being _read_, let there be no mention of apocryphal
+writings," &c. The New Testament list is the same as Cyril's, with the
+addition of the Apocalypse.(237) He quotes several of the apocryphal books
+in the same way as he does the canonical. Thus he introduces Judith (viii.
+16) with "the Scripture said;"(238) and Baruch (iii. 12) is cited as if it
+were Scripture.(239) Wisdom (vi. 26) has the epithet Scripture applied to
+it.(240) Sirach (xv. 9) is introduced with "what is said by the Holy
+Spirit."(241) Baruch (iv. 20, 22) and Daniel (xiii. 42) are referred to in
+the same way as Isaiah.(242) Tobit (ii. 7) has "it is written" prefixed to
+it.(243) Canonical and apocryphal are mentioned together; and similar
+language applied to them.
+
+Eusebius of Caesarea cites Wisdom as a _divine oracle_;(244) and after
+adducing several passages from Proverbs, subjoining to them others from
+the same book with the introductory formula "these are also said to be the
+same writers," he concludes with "such is the scripture."(245) Sirach is
+cited as Solomon's along with various passages from Proverbs.(246) After
+quoting Baruch, he says, "there is no need to appeal to the divine voices,
+which clearly confirm our proposition."(247) The additions to Daniel are
+also treated as Scripture.(248)
+
+Basil of Caesarea(249) had a canon agreeing with that of Athanasius. Along
+with the usual books reckoned as belonging to the canon, he used the
+apocryphal productions of the Old Testament. Thus the book of Wisdom (i.
+4)(250) is quoted by him. So are Sirach (xx. 2);(251) Baruch, (iii.
+36)(252) called Jeremiah's; Judith (ix. 4);(253) and Daniel (xiii.
+50).(254)
+
+Gregory of Nazianzus(255) puts his list into a poetical form. In the Old
+Testament it agrees with Athanasius's exactly, except that he mentions
+none but the canonical books. Like Athanasius, he omits Esther. In the New
+Testament he deviates from Athanasius, by leaving out the Apocalypse,
+which he puts among the spurious.(256) He does not ignore the apocryphal
+books of the Old Testament, but quotes Daniel xiii. 5.(257)
+
+Amphilochius of Iconium(258) gives a metrical catalogue of the Biblical
+books. The canon of the Old Testament is the usual one, except that he
+says of Esther at the end, "some judge that Esther should be added to the
+foregoing." He notices none of the apocryphal books. His New Testament
+canon agrees with the present, only he excludes the Apocalypse as
+_spurious_; which is given as the judgment of the majority. He alludes to
+the doubts that existed as to the epistle to the Hebrews, but regards it
+as Pauline; and to the number of the catholic epistles (seven or
+three).(259) The concluding words show that no list was universally
+received at that time.
+
+Epiphanius(260) follows Athanasius in his canon. As to the number of the
+Old Testament books, he hesitates between twenty-two and twenty-seven; but
+the contents are the same. At the end of the twenty-seven books of the New
+Testament, Wisdom and Sirach are mentioned as "divine writings;" elsewhere
+they are characterized as "doubtful."(261) His practice shows his
+sentiments clearly enough, when Sirach (vii. 1) is introduced with "the
+Scripture" testifies(262); vii. 9 is elsewhere quoted(263); Wisdom (i. 4)
+is cited as Solomon's;(264) Baruch (iii. 36) is introduced with, "as the
+Scripture says,"(265) and Daniel (xiii. 42) is quoted with, "as it is
+written."(266) He mentions the fact that the epistles of Clement of Rome
+were read in the churches.(267)
+
+Didymus of Alexandria(268) speaks against 2 Peter that it is not in the
+canons.(269)
+
+Chrysostom(270) does not speak of the canon; but in the New Testament he
+never quotes the last four catholic epistles or the Apocalypse. All the
+other parts he uses throughout his numerous works,(271) including the
+Apocrypha. Thus he introduces Wisdom (xvi. 28) with "Scripture says."(272)
+He quotes Baruch (iii. 36, 38);(273) and Sirach (iv. 1.).(274)
+
+Didymus of Alexandria(275) cites Baruch (iii. 35) as Jeremiah,(276) and
+treats it like the Psalms.(277) Daniel (xiii. 45) is also quoted.(278) He
+says of Peter's Second Epistle that it is not in the canon.
+
+Theodore of Mopsuestia(279) was much freer than his contemporaries in
+dealing with the books of Scripture. It seems that he rejected Job,
+Canticles, Chronicles, and the Psalm-inscriptions; in the New Testament
+the epistle of James, and others of the catholic ones. But Leontius's
+account of his opinions cannot be adopted without suspicion.(280)
+
+The canon of Cyril of Alexandria(281) does not differ from Athanasius's.
+Like other writers of the Greek Church in his day he uses along with the
+canonical the apocryphal books of the Old Testament. He quotes 1 (iii.)
+Esdras (iv. 36) with "inspired Scripture says."(282) Wisdom (vii. 6) is
+introduced with, "according to that which is written."(283) In another
+place it has the prefix "for it is written" (i. 7);(284) and is treated as
+Scripture (ii. 12).(285) Sirach (i. 1) is cited.(286) Baruch also (iii.
+35-37) is introduced with, "another of the holy prophets said."(287)
+
+The catalogues of the Old Testament contained in the manuscripts B, C, and
+{~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~} need not be given, as they are merely codices of the Septuagint, and
+have or had the books canonical and apocryphal belonging to that version.
+The list of the New Testament books in B is like that of Athanasius.
+Imperfect at the end, the MS. must have had at first the Epistles to
+Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and the Apocalypse. C (cod. Ephraemi rescriptus)
+has fragments of the New Testaments, which show that it had originally all
+the present books in the same order as Athanasius's. {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~} or the Sinaitic
+manuscript has the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas, in
+addition to the New Testament.
+
+The progress made by the Greek Church of the fourth and former part of the
+fifth century, in its conception of the canon seems to be, that the idea
+of ecclesiastical settlement, or public, legal, definitive establishment
+was attached to the original one. A writing was considered canonical when
+a well-attested tradition put it among those composed by inspired men,
+apostles or others; and it had on that account a determining authority in
+matters of faith. Books which served as a rule of faith and were
+definitively set forth by the Church as divinely authoritative, were now
+termed _canonical_. The canon consisted of writings settled or determined
+by ecclesiastical law.(288) Such was the idea added to the original
+acceptation of canon. To canonical were opposed apocryphal writings,
+_i.e._, _heretical_ and _fabricated_ ones; while an intermediate class
+consisted of those read in the churches, which were useful, but not
+decisive in matters of belief. Another advance in the matter of the canon
+at this period was the general adoption of the Hebrew canon, with a
+relegation of the Greek additions in the Septuagint to the class _publicly
+read_.(289) Yet doubts about the reception of Esther into the number of
+the canonical books were still entertained, though it was one of the
+Jewish canon; doubtless on account of its want of harmony with Christian
+consciousness. And the catholic epistles which had been doubted before,
+Jude, James, Second Peter, were now generally received. But there was a
+division of opinion about the Apocalypse.
+
+We come to the period of the Latin, corresponding to that of the Greek
+Church which has just been noticed. Augustine(290) gave great attention to
+the subject, laboring to establish a complete canon, the necessity of
+which was generally felt. According to him the Scriptures which were
+received and acknowledged by all the churches of the day should be
+canonical. Of those not universally adopted, such as are received by the
+majority and the weightier of the churches should be preferred to those
+received by the fewer and less important churches. In his enumeration of
+the forty-four books of the Old Testament, he gives, after Chronicles,
+other histories "which are neither connected with the order" specified in
+the preceding context, "nor with one another," _i.e._, Job, Tobit, Esther,
+Judith, the two books of the Maccabees, and Esdras. Wisdom and
+Ecclesiasticus, he thinks, should be numbered among the prophets, as
+deserving of authority and having a certain likeness to Solomon's
+writings.(291) He says of the Maccabees that this "Scripture has been
+received by the Church not uselessly, if it be read or heard
+soberly."(292) The famous passage in the treatise on Christian doctrine,
+where he enumerates the whole canon, is qualified by no other; for though
+he knew the distinction between the canonical books of the Palestinian
+Jews and the so-called apocryphal ones, as well as the fact of some New
+Testament writings not being received universally, he thought
+_church-reception_ a sufficient warrant for canonical authority. Hence, he
+considered the books of the Maccabees canonical, because so received by
+the Church; while he says of Wisdom and Sirach that they merited
+_authoritative_ reception and numbering among the _prophetic_
+Scriptures.(293) Of the former in particular he speaks strongly in one
+place, asserting that it is worthy to be venerated by all Christians as of
+divine authority.(294) But he afterwards retracted his opinion of the
+canonical authority of Sirach.(295) He raises, not lowers, the authority
+of the so-called apocryphal books which he mentions. He enumerates all the
+New Testament books, specifying the Pauline epistles as fourteen, and so
+reckoning that to the Hebrews as the apostle's; but he speaks of it
+elsewhere as an epistle about which some were uncertain, professing that
+he was influenced to admit it as canonical by the authority of the
+Oriental churches.(296) In various places he speaks hesitatingly about its
+Pauline authorship.
+
+In 393, the African bishops held a council at Hippo where the canon was
+discussed. The list of the canonical Scripture given includes, besides the
+Palestinian one, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and the two books
+of Maccabees. The New Testament canon seems to have agreed exactly with
+our present one.(297) The Council of Carthage (397) repeated the statute
+of its predecessor, enumerating the same books of the Bible as
+canonical.(298) Augustine was the animating spirit of both councils, so
+that they may be taken as expressing his views on the subject.
+
+Jerome(299) gives a list of the twenty-two canonical books of the Old
+Testament, the same as that of the Palestinian Jews, remarking that some
+put Ruth and Lamentations among the Hagiographa, so making twenty-four
+books. All besides should be put among the Apocrypha. Wisdom, Sirach,
+Judith, Tobit, the Shepherd are not in the canon. The two books of
+Maccabees he regarded in the same light.(300) But though Jerome's words
+imply the apocryphal position of these extra-canonical books, he allows of
+their being read in public for the edification of the people, not to
+confirm the authority of doctrines; _i.e._, they belong to "the
+ecclesiastical books" of Athanasius. His idea of "apocryphal" is wider and
+milder than that of some others in the Latin Church. It has been
+conjectured by Welte,(301) that the conclusions of the African councils in
+393 and 397 influenced Jerome's views of the canon, so that his later
+writings allude to the apocryphal works in a more favorable manner than
+that of the _Prologus galeatus_ or the preface to Solomon's books. One
+thing is clear, that he quotes different passages from the Apocrypha along
+with others from the Hebrew canon. In his letter to Eustochius, Sirach
+iii. 33 (Latin) comes between citations from Matthew and Luke; and is
+introduced by _which is written_, in a letter to Pammachius; and xxii. 6
+has _divine Scripture_ applied to it.(302) Ruth, Esther, and Judith are
+spoken of as _holy volumes_. The practice of Jerome differed from his
+theory; or rather he became less positive, and altered his views somewhat
+with the progress of time and knowledge. As to the New Testament, he gives
+a catalogue of all that now belongs to it, remarking of the epistle to the
+Hebrews and of the Apocalypse that he adopts both on the authority of
+ancient writers, not of present custom. His opinion about them was not
+decided.(303) In another work he gives the Epistle of Barnabas at the end
+of the canonical list. He also states the doubts of many respecting the
+Epistle to Philemon, and about 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John. According to
+him the first Epistle of Clement of Rome was publicly read in some
+churches.(304)
+
+Hilary of Poitiers(305) seems to have followed Origen's catalogue. He
+gives twenty-two books, specifying "the epistle" of Jeremiah; and remarks
+that some added Tobit and Judith, making twenty-four, after the letters of
+the Greek alphabet. He cites Wisdom and Sirach as "prophets."(306) In the
+New Testament he never quotes James, Jude, 2 and 3 John, nor 2 Peter. 2
+Maccabees (vii. 28) is introduced with "according to the prophet;"(307)
+Sirach (xxxi. 1) is introduced with "nor do they hear the Lord
+saying;"(308) Wisdom is cited as Solomon's (viii. 2);(309) Judith (xvi. 3)
+is cited;(310) so is Baruch (iii. 36);(311) and Daniel xiii. 42.(312)
+
+Optatus of Mela(313) has the usual canonical books, but omits the epistle
+to the Hebrews. He uses the apocrypha without scruple, introducing Sirach
+(iii. 30) with "it is written;"(314) and Wisdom (i. 13) with "it is
+written in Solomon."(315)
+
+Lucifer of Cagliari(316) uses the apocrypha equally with the canonical
+books. Thus 1 Maccabees (i. 43) is quoted as "holy Scripture."(317) So is
+2 Maccab. (vi. 1).(318) Judith (ix. 2) is cited,(319) as are also Wisdom
+(xvii. 1, 2);(320) Tobit (iv. 6);(321) and Daniel (xiii. 20).(322)
+
+Ambrose of Milan(323) had the same canon as most of the Westerns in his
+time. With some others, he considered the Epistle to the Hebrews to have
+been written by St. Paul. In the Old Testament he used the apocryphal
+books pretty freely. Wisdom (vii. 22) is cited as authoritative
+Scripture.(324) Sirach (xi. 30) is also cited as Scripture.(325) Baruch
+(iv. 19) is quoted;(326) Daniel (xiii. 44, 45) is treated as Scripture and
+prophetic;(327) and Tobit is expounded like any other book of
+Scripture.(328)
+
+Rufinus(329) enumerates the books of the Old and New Testaments which "are
+believed to be inspired by the Holy Spirit itself, according to the
+tradition of our ancestors, and have been handed down by the Churches of
+Christ." All the books of the Hebrew canon and of the New Testament are
+specified. After the list he says, "these are they which the fathers
+included in the canon, by which they wished to establish the assertion of
+our faith." He adds that there are other books not _canonical_, but
+_ecclesiastical_--the Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Tobit, Judith, and the
+books of the Maccabees. Besides the usual New Testament works, he speaks
+of the Shepherd of Hermas, and the "Judgment of Peter" as read in the
+churches, but not as authoritative in matters of faith.(330)
+
+Philastrius(331) of Brescia gives some account of the Scriptures and their
+contents in his time. The canonical Scriptures, which alone should be read
+in the Catholic Church, are said to be the law and the prophets, the
+gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, and seven others, _i.e._, two of
+Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James. Of the Old Testament
+apocrypha he asserts that they ought to be read for the sake of morals by
+the perfect, but not by all. He speaks of _heretics_ who reject John's
+gospel and the Apocalypse. Respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews which is
+omitted in his canon, he speaks at large, but not very decidedly,
+affirming that some attributed its authorship to Barnabas, or Clement of
+Rome, or Luke. "They wish to read the writings of the blessed apostle, and
+not rightly perceiving some things in the epistle, it is not therefore
+read by them in the church. Though read by some, it is not read to the
+people in the church; nothing but Paul's thirteen epistles, and that to
+the Hebrews sometimes."(332) The influence of the East upon the West
+appears in the statements of this father upon the subject. He had several
+canonical lists before him; one at least from an Oriental-Arian source,
+which explains some assertions, particularly his omission of the
+Apocalypse.
+
+Innocent I. of Rome wrote to Exsuperius (405 A.D.), bishop of Toulouse,
+giving a list of the canonical books. Besides the Hebrew canon, he has
+Wisdom and Sirach; Tobit, Judith, the two Maccabees. The New Testament
+list is identical with the present. He also refers to pseudepigraphical
+writings which ought not only to be rejected but condemned.(333)
+
+A canonical list appears in three different forms bearing the names of
+Damasus (366-384), Gelasius I. (492-496), and Hormisdas (514-523).
+According to the first, the books of the Old Testament are arranged in
+three orders. In the first are the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four
+Kings, two Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom,
+and Ecclesiasticus; in the second, all the prophets, including Baruch; in
+the third, Job, Tobit, Judith, Esther, Esdras, two Maccabees. The New
+Testament books are the four gospels, fourteen epistles of Paul, the
+Apocalypse, and Acts, with seven Catholic epistles.
+
+That which is called the Decree of Gelasius is almost identical with the
+preceding. It wants Baruch and Lamentations. It has also two Esdrases
+instead of one. In the New Testament the epistle to the Hebrews is absent.
+
+The Hormisdas-form has the Lamentations of Jeremiah: and in the New
+Testament the Epistle to the Hebrews.
+
+The MSS. of these lists present some diversity; and Credner supposes the
+Damasus-list a fiction. But Thiel has vindicated its authenticity. It is
+possible that some interpolations may exist in the last two; the first,
+which is the shortest, may well belong to the time of Damasus.(334)
+
+In 419 A.D. another council at Carthage, at which Augustine was present,
+repeated the former list of books with a single alteration, viz., fourteen
+epistles of Paul (instead of thirteen).(335)
+
+The preceding notices and catalogues show a general desire in the Western
+Church to settle the canon. The two most influential men of the period
+were Augustine and Jerome, who did not entirely agree. Both were unfitted
+for a critical examination of the topic. The former was a gifted spiritual
+man, lacking learning and independence. Tradition dominated all his ideas
+about the difficult or disputed books. He did not enter upon the question
+scientifically, on the basis of certain principles; but was content to
+take refuge in authority--the prevailing authority of leading churches. His
+judgment was weak, his sagacity moderate, and his want of many-sidedness
+hindered a critical result. Jerome, again, was learned but timid, lacking
+the courage to face the question fairly or fundamentally; and the
+independence necessary to its right investigation. Belonging as he did to
+both churches, he recommended the practice of the one to the other. He,
+too, was chiefly influenced by tradition; by Jewish teachers in respect to
+the Old Testament, and by general custom as to the New. The question was
+not susceptible of advancement under such manipulation; nor could it be
+settled on a legitimate basis. Compared with the eastern Church, the
+western accepted a wider canon of the Old Testament, taking some books
+into the class of the _canonical_ which the former put among those _to be
+read_. In regard to the New Testament, _all_ the Catholic epistles and
+even the Apocalypse were received. The African churches and councils
+generally adopted this larger canon, because the old Latin version or
+versions of the Bible current in Africa were daughters of the Septuagint.
+If the Latins apparently looked upon the Greek as the original itself, the
+apocryphal books would soon get rank with the canonical. Yet the more
+learned fathers, Jerome, Rufinus and others, favored the Hebrew canon in
+distinguishing between _canonical_ and _ecclesiastical_ books. The
+influence of the Eastern upon the Western Church is still visible, though
+it could not extinguish the prevailing desire to include the disputed
+books. The Greek view was to receive nothing which had not apparently a
+good attestation of divine origin and apostolic authority; the Latin was
+to exclude nothing hallowed by descent and proved by custom. The former
+Church looked more to the sources of doctrine; the latter to those of
+edification. The one desired to contract those sources, so as not to be
+too rich; the other to enlarge the springs of edification, not to be too
+poor. Neither had the proper resources for the work, nor a right
+perception of the way in which it should be set about; and therefore they
+were not fortunate in their conclusions, differing as they did in regard
+to points which affect the foundation of a satisfactory solution.
+
+Notwithstanding the numerous endeavors both in the East and West to settle
+the canon during the 4th and 5th centuries, it was not finally closed. The
+doubts of individuals were still expressed; and succeeding ages testified
+to the want of universal agreement respecting several books. The question,
+however, was _practically_ determined. No material change occurred again
+in the absolute rejection or admission of books. With some fluctuations,
+the canon remained very much as it was in the 4th and 5th centuries.
+Tradition shaped and established its character. General usage gave it a
+permanency which it was not easy to disturb. No definite principles guided
+the course of its formation, or fixed its present state. It was dominated
+first and last by circumstances and ideas which philosophy did not
+actuate. Its history is mainly objective. Uncritical at its commencement,
+it was equally so in the two centuries which have just been considered.
+
+The history of the canon in the Syrian church cannot be traced with much
+exactness. The Peshito version had only the Hebrew canonical books at
+first; most of the apocryphal were rendered from the Greek and added in
+the Nestorian recension. In the New Testament it wanted four of the
+catholic epistles and the Apocalypse. Ephrem (A.D. 378) uses all the books
+in our canon, the apocryphal as well as the canonical. The former are
+cited by him in the same way as the latter. Sirach ii. 1 is quoted with
+_as the Scripture says_;(336) and Wisdom iv. 7 with _it is written_.(337)
+Daniel xiii. 9, belonging to the Greek additions, is also cited with _as
+it is written_.(338) It should be observed that the quotations given are
+all from Ephrem's Greek, not Syriac, works; and that suspicions have been
+raised about the former being tampered with. The Syrian version of the New
+Testament made by Polycarp at the request of Philoxenus of Mabug, had the
+four catholic epistles wanting in the Peshito. It had also the two
+epistles of Clement to the Corinthians, if we may judge by the Harclean
+recension, A.D. 616; for a MS. in the Cambridge University Library
+contains those epistles immediately after the Catholic ones, and before
+those of St. Paul; so that they are put on an equality with the canonical
+writings. The Apocalypse is wanting. Junilius, (though an African bishop
+about 550 A.D.), says that he got his knowledge from a Persian of the name
+of Paulus who received his education in the school of Nisibis. He may,
+therefore, be considered a witness of the opinions of the Syrian church at
+the beginning of the 6th century. Dividing the biblical books into those
+of _perfect_, those of _intermediate_, and those of _no authority_, he
+makes the first the canonical; the second, those added to them by many
+(plures); the third, all the rest. In the first list he puts
+Ecclesiasticus. Among the second he puts 1 and 2 Chronicles, Job, Ezra and
+Nehemiah, Judith, Esther, 1 and 2 Maccabees; and in the New Testament,
+James, 2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John. He also says that the Apocalypse of
+John is much doubted by the Orientals. In the third list _i.e._, books of
+no authority added by some (quidam) to the canonical, are put Wisdom and
+Canticles.(339) The catalogue is confused, and erroneous at least in one
+respect, that Jerome is referred to, as sanctioning the division given of
+the Old Testament books; for neither he nor the Jews agree with it.
+
+The canon of the Abyssinian church seems to have had at first all the
+books in the Septuagint, canonical and apocryphal together, little
+distinction being made between them. Along with the contents of the Greek
+Bible there were Enoch, 4 Esdras, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Jubilees,
+Asseneth, &c. That of the New Testament agrees with the present Greek one.
+At a later period in the Arabic age a list was made and constituted the
+legal one for the use of the church, having been derived from the Jacobite
+canons of the apostles. This gives, in the Old Testament, the Pentateuch,
+Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Judith, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah,
+Esther, Tobit, two books of Maccabees, Job, Psalms, five books of Solomon,
+minor and greater prophets. The Wisdom of Sirach (for teaching children)
+and the book of Joseph ben Gorion, _i.e._, that of the Maccabees, are
+external. The New Testament has four gospels, Acts, seven apostolic
+epistles, fourteen of Paul, and the Revelation of John. Later catalogues
+vary much, and are often enlarged with the book of Enoch, 4 Esdras, the
+Apocalypse of Isaiah, &c. The canon of the Ethiopic church was
+fluctuating.(340)
+
+The canon of the Armenians had at first the Palestinian books of the Old
+Testament, twenty-two in number, and the usual New Testament ones, except
+the Apocalypse. It was made from the Syriac in the fifth century by Sahak
+and Mesrob. The deutero-canonical books and additions were appended, after
+the disciples of those two men who had been sent by them into different
+places, brought back authentic copies of the Greek Bible from the
+patriarch Maximian, by which the version already made was interpolated and
+corrected; as it was subsequently corrected by others despatched to
+Alexandria and Athens, who, however, did not return till their teachers
+were dead. The MSS. of this version were afterwards interpolated from the
+Vulgate; Oskan himself translating for his edition (which was the first
+printed one, A.D. 1666), Sirach, 4 Esdras and the Epistle of Jeremiah from
+the Latin. The book of Revelation does not seem to have been translated
+till the eighth century. Zohrab's critical edition (1805) has Judith,
+Tobit, the three books of Maccabees, Wisdom, and the Epistle of Baruch
+among the canonical books; and in an appendix, the fourth book of Esdras,
+the prayer of Manasseh, the Epistle of the Corinthians to Paul and his
+answer, the Rest (end) of the apostle and evangelist John, the prayer of
+Euthalius. Like the edition of Oskan, this has all the deutero-canonical
+books, which were derived from the Septuagint, and incorporated by the
+first translators with their original version. Another edition published
+at St. Petersburgh (1817), for the use of the Jacobite Church, has the
+prayer of Manasses and 4 Esdras after the Apocalypse.
+
+The Georgian version consisted of the books and additions in the Greek
+translation from which it was made. The New Testament has the canonical
+books in the usual order. Jesus Sirach and two books of the Maccabees (2d
+and 3d) were not in the Georgian MS. used by Prince Arcil for the edition
+of 1743, but were rendered out of the Russian. The Moscow Bible printed
+under the direction and at the cost of Arcil, Bacchar and Wakuset, is the
+authorized edition of the Georgian Christians.
+
+The Bible canon of the Eastern church in the middle ages shows no real
+advance. Endeavors were made to remove the uncertainty arising from the
+existence of numerous lists; but former decisions and decrees of councils
+were repeated instead of a new, independent canon. Here belongs the
+catalogue in the Alexandrian MS., of the fifth century, which is peculiar.
+After the prophets come Esther, Tobit, Judith, Ezra and Nehemiah, 4
+Maccabees, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, the
+all-virtuous Wisdom, the Wisdom of Jesus of Sirach. In the New Testament,
+the Apocalypse is followed by two epistles of Clement. The list was
+probably made in Egypt. That of Anastasius Sinaita,(341) patriarch of
+Antioch, is similar to Nicephorus's Stichometry, which we shall mention
+afterwards. Baruch is among the canonical books; Esther among the
+antilegomena. The Apocalypse is unnoticed. The 85th of the Apostolic
+canons gives a list of the Old and New Testament books, in which the usual
+canonical ones of the former are supplemented by Judith and 3 Maccabees;
+those of the latter by the two epistles of Clement, with the Apostolic
+constitutions. This catalogue cannot be put earlier than the fifth or
+sixth century, and is subject to the suspicion of having been
+interpolated. We have also Nicephorus's _Stichometry_ (806-815;)(342) of
+which we may remark that Baruch is among the canonical books of the Old
+Testament; while the Revelation is put with the Apocalypse of Peter, the
+epistle of Barnabas and the Gospel according to the Hebrews, among the
+antilegomena of the New Testament. It is also surprising that the
+Apocalypse of Peter and the Gospel according to the Hebrews are not among
+the Apocrypha, where Clement's epistles with the productions of Ignatius,
+Polycarp, and Hermas appear. The list is probably older than that of the
+Antioch patriarch Anastasius Sinaita. Cosmas Indicopleustes (535) never
+mentions the seven Catholic epistles of the New Testament or the
+Apocalypse. The Trullan council (A.D. 692) adopts the eighty-five
+Apostolic canons, rejecting, however, the Apostolic Constitutions.
+Photius, patriarch of Constantinople,(343) follows the eighty-fifth
+Apostolical canon of the Trullan Council.(344) But in his Bibliotheca(345)
+he speaks differently regarding the epistles of Clement, and does not
+treat them as canonical. Though the first was thought worthy to be read in
+public, the second was rejected as spurious; and his own opinion was not
+altogether favorable to them. John of Damascus;(346) the second Nicene
+council (787); the Synopsis divinae Scripturae Vet. et Novi Test. (about
+1000); Zonaras (about 1120); Alexius Aristenus (about 1160); and
+Nicephorus Callistus (1330), call for no remark.
+
+In the Western church of the Middle Ages, diversity of opinion respecting
+certain books continued. Though the views of Augustine were generally
+followed, the stricter ones of Jerome found many adherents. The canon was
+fluctuating, and the practice of the churches in regard to it somewhat
+lax. Here belong Cassiodorus (about 550); the list in the Codex Amiatinus
+(about 550); Isidore of Seville(347) who, after enumerating three classes
+of Old Testament books gives a fourth not in the Hebrew canon. Here he
+specifies Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, 1 and 2 Maccabees, saying
+that the church of Christ puts them among the divine books, honors and
+highly esteems them.(348) There are also the fourth council of Toledo
+(632); Gregory the Great(349) Notker Labeo;(350) Ivo (about 1092);
+Bede;(351) Alcuin;(352) Rabanus Maurus;(353) Hugo de St Victor;(354) Peter
+of Clugny;(355) John of Salisbury;(356) Thomas Aquinas;(357) Hugo de St
+Cher;(358) Wycliffe;(359) Nicolaus of Lyra,(360) &c., &c. Several of
+these, as Hugo de St Victor, John of Salisbury, Hugo de St Cher, and
+Nicolaus of Lyra, followed Jerome in separating the canonical and
+apocryphal books of the Old Testament.(361)
+
+The Reformers generally returned to the Hebrew canon, dividing off the
+additional books of the Septuagint or those attached to the Vulgate. These
+they called _apocryphal_, after Jerome's example. Though considered of no
+authority in matters of doctrine, they were pronounced useful and
+edifying. The principal reason that weighed with the Reformers was, that
+Christ and the apostles testified to none of the Septuagint additions.
+
+Besides the canonical books of the Old Testament, Luther translated
+Judith, Wisdom, Tobit, Sirach, Baruch, 1 and 2 Maccabees, the Greek
+additions to Esther and Daniel, with the Prayer of Manasseh. His judgment
+respecting several of these is expressed in the prefaces to them. With
+regard to 1 Maccabees, he thinks it almost equal to the other books of
+Holy Scripture, and not unworthy to be reckoned among them. Of Wisdom, he
+says, he was long in doubt whether it should be numbered among the
+canonical books; and of Sirach that it is a right good book proceeding
+from a wise man. But he speaks unfavorably of several other apocryphal
+productions, as of Baruch and 2 Maccabees. It is evident, however, that he
+considered all he translated of _some_ use to the Christian Church. He
+thought that the book of Esther should not belong to the canon.
+
+Luther's judgment respecting some of the New Testament books was freer
+than most Protestants now are disposed to approve. He thought the epistle
+to the Hebrews was neither Paul's nor an apostle's, but proceeded from an
+excellent and learned man who may have been the disciple of apostles. He
+did not put it on an equality with the epistles written by apostles
+themselves. The Apocalypse he considered neither apostolic nor prophetic,
+but put it almost on the same level with the 4th book of Esdras, which he
+spoke elsewhere of tossing into the Elbe. This judgment was afterwards
+modified, not retracted. James's epistle he pronounced unapostolic, "a
+right strawy epistle." In like manner, he did not believe that Jude's
+epistle proceeded from an apostle. Considering it to have been taken from
+2 Peter, and not well extracted either, he put it lower than the supposed
+original. The Reformer, as also his successors, made a distinction between
+the books of the New Testament similar to that of the Old; the _generally
+received_ (homologoumena) and _controverted_ books (antilegomena); but the
+Calvinists afterwards obliterated it, as the Roman Catholics at the
+Council of Trent did with the old Testament.(362) The epistle to the
+Hebrews, those of Jude and James, with the Apocalypse, belong to the
+latter class. The distinction in question proceeded from genuine critical
+tact on the part of the early Lutheran Church which had canonical and
+deutero-canonical writings even in the New Testament collection. Nor did
+the Reformers consider it a dangerous thing to bring the fact before the
+people. To make it palpable, Luther attached continuous numbers to the
+first twenty-three books of his version, bringing the four antilegomena
+after these, without numbers; and this mode of marking the difference
+continued till the middle of the 17th century.(363) Luther was right in
+assigning a greater or less value to the separate writings of the New
+Testament, and in leaving every one to do the same. He relied on their
+internal value more than tradition; taking the _word of God_ in a deeper
+and wider sense than its coincidence with the Bible.
+
+Bodenstein of Carlstad examined the question of canonicity more thoroughly
+than any of his contemporaries, and followed out the principle of private
+judgment in regard to it. He divides the biblical books into three
+classes--1. Books of the highest dignity, viz., the Pentateuch and the
+Gospels; 2. Books of the second dignity, _i.e._, the works termed
+prophetic by the Jews, and the fifteen epistles universally received; 3.
+Books of the third and lowest authority, _i.e._, the Jewish Hagiographa
+and the seven Antilegomena epistles of the New Testament. Among the
+Apocrypha he makes two classes--such as are out of the canon to the Hebrews
+yet hagiographical (Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, the two
+Maccabees), and those that are clearly apocryphal and to be rejected
+(third and fourth Esdras, Baruch, Prayer of Manasseh, a good part of the
+third chapter of Daniel, and the last two chapters of Daniel.)(364)
+
+Zwingli asserts that the Apocalypse is not a biblical book.(365)
+
+Oecolampadius says--"We do not despise Judith, Tobit, Ecclesiasticus,
+Baruch, the last two Esdras, the three Maccabees, the last two chapters of
+Daniel, but we do not attribute to them divine authority with those
+others."(366) As to the books of the New Testament he would not compare
+the Apocalypse, James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John with the rest.(367)
+
+Calvin did not think that Paul was the author of the epistle to the
+Hebrews, or that 2 Peter was written by the apostle himself; but both in
+his opinion are canonical.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII. ORDER OF THE NEW TESTAMENT BOOKS.
+
+
+I. The arrangement of the various parts comprising the New Testament was
+fluctuating in the second century; less so in the third. In the fourth
+century the order which the books had commonly assumed in Greek MSS. and
+writers was; the Gospels, the Acts, the Catholic Epistles, the Pauline,
+and the Apocalypse. This sequence appears in the Vatican, Sinaitic,
+Alexandrian and Ephrem (C) MSS.; Cyril of Jerusalem, in the 60th Canon of
+the Laodicean Council, Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, &c.
+
+II. Another order prevailed in the Latin Church, viz., the Gospels, the
+Acts, the Epistles of Paul, the Catholic Epistles, and the Apocalypse.
+This appears in Melito, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augustine,
+Jerome, the Vulgate, the Councils of Carthage, held in A.D. 397 and 419;
+and is now the usual arrangement.
+
+Within the limits of the two general arrangements just mentioned, there
+were many variations. Thus we find in relation to _the gospels_.
+
+III. (_a_) Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; in the MSS. of the old Italic marked
+_a_, _b_, _d_, _e_, _ff_, and in the cod. argenteus of Ulfila's Gothic
+version.
+
+(_b_) Matthew, John, Mark, Luke; in the council of Ephesus A.D. 431, Cyril
+of Alexandria, Theodoret, the stichometry of the Clermont MS. Such was the
+usual order in the Greek Church of the fifth century.
+
+(_c_) Mark is put first, followed by Matthew; in the fragment of a Bobbian
+MS. of the Itala at Turin marked _k_.
+
+(_d_) Matthew, Mark, John, Luke; in the Curetonian Syriac gospels. They
+are mentioned in the same order in Origen's I. Homily on Luke.
+
+The reason of the order in, (_a_) and (_b_) lies in apostleship. The works
+of apostles precede those of evangelists. The established sequence, which
+is already sanctioned by Irenaeus and Origen, has respect to the supposed
+dates of the gospels. Clement of Alexandria says that ancient tradition
+supposed those gospels having the genealogies to have been written before
+the others.
+
+IV. As to the _Acts of the Apostles_, not only is this work put
+immediately after the gospels, which is the order in the Muratorian canon,
+but we find it in other positions.
+
+(_a_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Acts; in the Sinaitic MS., the
+Peshito,(368) Jerome,(369) and Epiphanius.
+
+(_b_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Catholic Epistles, Acts; in Augustine,
+the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent I., Eugenius IV., and the
+Spanish Church generally.
+
+(_c_) Gospels, Pauline, Catholic Epistles, Apocalypse, Acts; in the
+stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+
+V. As to _the Epistles of Paul_, besides the place they now occupy in our
+Bibles, they sometimes follow the gospels immediately.
+
+(_a_) Gospels, Pauline Epistles; the Sinaitic MS., Jerome, Epiphanius,
+Augustine, the third council of Toledo, Isidore, Innocent I., Eugenius
+IV., the stichometry of the Clermont MS.
+
+(_b_) The usual order of the Greek Church is, Gospels, Acts, Catholic
+Epistles, Pauline, &c., as in Cyril of Jerusalem, the Laodicean Council
+(60), Athanasius, Leontius of Byzantium, the MSS. A. B., but not {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}. The
+critical Greek Testaments of Lachmann and Tischendorf adopt this order.
+
+(_c_) They are placed last of all in a homily attributed to Origen, but
+this does not necessarily show that father's opinion.(370)
+
+(_d_) They stand first of all in a Gallican _Sacramentarium_ cited by
+Hody.(371)
+
+VI. With respect to the order of the individual epistles, the current one
+has been thought as old as Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria. But the
+proof of this is precarious. It appears in the fourth century, and may
+have been prior to that. It is in Epiphanius, who supposes that the
+arrangement was the apostle's own. Not only was it the prevalent one in
+the Greek Church, but also in the Latin as we see from the codex
+Amiatinus, and the Vulgate MSS. generally. It rests upon the extent of the
+epistles and the relative importance of the localities in which the
+believers addressed resided.
+
+(_a_) Marcion had but ten Pauline epistles in the following order:
+Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, the
+Laodiceans, (Ephesians), Colossians, Philemon, Philippians.
+
+(_b_) 1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Galatians,
+1 and 2 Thessalonians, Romans, Philemon, Titus, 1 and 2 Timothy, to the
+Laodiceans, the Alexandrians (the Epistle to the Hebrews); in the
+Muratorian canon.
+
+(_c_) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians,
+Thessalonians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews; in
+Augustine, and several MSS. of the Vulgate in England.(372)
+
+(_d_) Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Thessalonians, Ephesians,
+Philippians, Colossians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews; in the
+so-called decree of Gelasius in the name of Hormisdas, in Labbe's text.
+But here different MSS. vary in regard to the position of the Thessalonian
+epistles.
+
+VII. The Laodicean letter was inserted either before the pastoral
+epistles, as in several MSS. of the Vulgate in England; or before the
+Thessalonian epistles preceding them; or at the end of the Epistle to the
+Hebrews, as in a MS. of the Latin Bible at Lembeth. Its insertion in
+copies of the Vulgate was owing to the authority of Gregory the Great, who
+looked upon it as authentic.
+
+VIII. The position of the Epistle to the Hebrews usually was either before
+the pastoral epistles, _i.e._, immediately after those to the
+Thessalonians; or after the pastoral ones and Philemon. The former method
+was generally adopted in the Greek Church from the fourth century. The
+latter prevailed in the Latin Church from Augustine onward.
+
+(_a_) Pauline epistles to churches (the last being the second to the
+Thessalonians), Hebrews, Timothy, Titus, Philemon; in the MSS. {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}, A. B. C.
+H., Athanasius, Epiphanius; Euthalius,(373) Theodoret. Jerome mentions it
+after the epistles of Paul to the seven churches as an eighth excluded by
+the majority, and proceeds to specify the pastoral ones. But Amphilochius
+and Ebedjesu the Syrian have the western order, viz., the following--
+
+(_b_) Pauline Epistles, Hebrews (following immediately that to Philemon);
+in Augustine and the Vulgate version generally. It is so in the canons of
+the councils at Hippo and Carthage (A.D. 393 and 397), and in the MSS. D.
+and G., in Isidore of Spain, and the council of Trent.
+
+IX. With respect to the order of the _Catholic Epistles_, which were not
+_all_ adopted into the canon till the end of the fourth century; Eusebius
+putting all except 1 John and 1 Peter among the _antilegomena_; while
+Jerome, and the council of Carthage (A.D. 397) admit them unreservedly;
+the usual order, viz., James, 1 and 2 Peter, John, Jude, prevailed in the
+Eastern Church. It is in the Peshito or old Syriac version, Eusebius,
+Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, the 60th of the Laodicean canons,
+Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Amphilochius, the stichometry of
+Nicephorus, the MSS. {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}. A. B. C., and most Greek MS. But the 76th of the
+Apostolic canons has Peter, John, James and Jude. The canon, however, is
+comparatively late.
+
+(_a_) Peter, John, Jude, James; in Philastrius of Brescia. If we may rely
+on Cassiodorus's account of Augustine, the African father followed the
+same arrangement.
+
+(_b_) Peter, James, Jude, John; in Rufinus.
+
+(_c_) Peter, John, James, Jude; in the councils of Carthage, A.D. 397,
+419, Cassiodorus, and a Gallican Sacramentarium. The Vulgate and council
+of Trent follow this arrangement.
+
+(_d_) John, Peter, Jude, James; in the list given by Innocent I., and the
+third council of Toledo.
+
+The Eastern church naturally set the Epistle of James, who was Bishop of
+Jerusalem, at the head of the others; while the Western put Peter, the
+Bishop of Rome, in the same place.
+
+X. The Revelation varied little in position.
+
+(_a_) In the decree of Galasius, according to its three recensions, the
+Revelation follows Paul's epistles, preceding those of John and the other
+Catholic ones.
+
+(_b_) In D or the Clermont MS. it follows the _Catholic_ epistles, and
+precedes the Acts; which last is thrown to the end of all the books, as if
+it were an appendix to the writings of the apostles.(374)
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX. SUMMARY OF THE SUBJECT.
+
+
+(_a_) In relation to the Old Testament, the prevailing tendency in the
+Greek Church was to follow the Palestinian canon. Different lists appeared
+from time to time in which the endeavor there to exclude apocryphal,
+_i.e._, spurious works, was apparent. In addition to the _canonical_, a
+class of _ecclesiastical_ books was judged fit for reading in the
+Church,--a class intermediate between the canonical and apocryphal. The
+distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical writings appears in
+Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius, Epiphanius, &c. The Latin Church showed a
+disposition to elevate the ecclesiastical books of the Greek Church to the
+rank of the canonical, making the line between the two indistinct; as we
+see from the acts of the councils at Hippo and Carthage, in the end of the
+fourth and beginning of the fifth century, where Augustine's, influence
+was predominant. But notwithstanding this deviation from the stricter
+method of the Greeks, learned men like Jerome adhered to the Palestinian
+canon, and even styled the ecclesiastical books _apocryphal_, transferring
+the epithet from one class to another. Hilary and Rufinus also followed
+the Greek usage.
+
+During the sixth and following centuries, it cannot be said that the canon
+of the Greek Church was definitely closed, notwithstanding the decrees of
+councils and references to older authorities. Opinions still varied about
+certain books, such as Esther; though the Palestinian list was commonly
+followed. During the same period, the enlarged canon of the Alexandrian
+Jews, which went far to abolish the distinction between the canonical and
+deutero-canonical books, prevailed in the West, at least in practice;
+though some followed the shorter one, sanctioned as it had been by Jerome.
+As both lists existed, no complete or final settlement of the question was
+reached in the Latin Church. Neither in the East nor in the West was the
+canon of the Old Testament really closed; for though the stricter
+principle of separation prevailed in theory, it was not carried out in
+practice consistently or universally. The two men most influential about
+the canon were Jerome and Augustine; the one representing its Palestinian,
+the other its Alexandrian type. After them no legal or commanding voice
+fixed either, to the absolute exclusion of its rival.
+
+(_b_) The charge of Constantine to Eusebius to make out a list of writings
+for the use of the Church and its performance may be considered as that
+which first put the subject on a broad and permanent basis. Its
+consequences were important. If it cannot be called the completion or
+close of the New Testament canon, it determined it largely. Eusebius made
+a Greek Bible containing the usual books, except the Revelation. Though
+the historian of the church was not well fitted for the task, being
+deficient in critical ability and trammeled by tradition, he doubtless
+used his best judgment. Hence, about the year 337, the Constantinian
+Church received a Bible which had an influential origin. No binding
+authority indeed attached to the list of the Christian books it presented;
+but it had weight in the Greek Church. It did not prevent different
+opinions, nor deter individuals from dissent. Thus Athanasius, who
+disliked Eusebius and his party, issued a list of the sacred writings
+which included the Revelation. The canon of the Laodicean Council (A.D.
+363) agreed with the Constantine one.
+
+That variations still existed in the Eastern Church is shown by the lists
+which vied with one another in precedence. The apostolic canons adopted
+the seven general epistles, while the apostolic constitutions excluded
+them. The Alexandrian MS. added to the ordinary books of the New
+Testament, Clement's two epistles; and Cosmas Indicopleustes omitted the
+general epistles as well as the Apocalypse. At length the Council of
+Constantinople, usually called the _Trullan_ (A.D. 692), laid down
+positions that fixed the canon for the Greek Church. The endeavor in it
+was to attain to a conclusion which should unite East and West. This
+council did not enumerate the separate books, but referred to older
+authorities, to the eighty-five canons of the apostles, the decrees of the
+synods of Laodicea, Ephesus, Carthage, and others; to Athanasius, Gregory
+of Nazianzus, Amphliochius of Iconium, Cyril of Alexandria, Gennadius, &c.
+After the fourth century there was a general desire to fall back on
+apostolic times, to appeal to the Church, to ascertain the opinion of
+synods or assemblies; in a word, to rely on authority.
+
+Less discrepancy and activity were manifested about the canon in the
+Western Church. Here the chief doubts were directed to the epistle to the
+Hebrews and the seven general ones. The former was early excluded, and
+continued to be so even in the time of Jerome. The latter were adopted
+much sooner. The impulse given by Constantine to determine the books of
+Scripture re-acted on the West, where the Church considered it its own
+privilege. Augustine's influence contributed much to the settlement of the
+question. The synods of Hippo (A.D. 393) and of Carthage (A.D. 397)
+received the epistle to the Hebrews and the seven general ones, thus
+fixing the New Testament canon as it now is. In 419 the African bishops,
+in the presence of a Papal delegate, repeated their former decision. After
+the West Goths joined the Catholic Church in the sixth century, the Romish
+and Spanish Churches gave prominence to the fact of accepting both the
+Apocalypse and the epistle to the Hebrews. The canon of the West was now
+virtually closed; the fourth Council of Toledo (A.D. 632) at which Isidore
+was present, agreeing with the Augustinian list, ratified as that list had
+been by Innocent the First. The reception of the epistle to the Hebrews
+was facilitated by the objections of the Arians and Semiarians; while
+opposition to the Priscillianists in Spain strengthened adherence to the
+traditional canon. Augustine and the Trullan Council fixed the number of
+the New Testament books as they are now.
+
+With regard to the Bible canon in general, we see that councils had weight
+when they enumerated the sacred books; that prominent teachers delivered
+their opinion on the subject with effect, and that tradition contributed
+to one result; but no general council closed the canon once for all, till
+that of Trent promulgated its decrees. This body, however, could only
+settle the subject for Romanists, since, while the right of private
+judgment is exercised, no corporation can declare some books inspired and
+others not, some authoritative in matters of faith, others not, without
+presumption. Though the present Bible canon rests upon the judgment of
+good and learned men of different times, it can never be finally or
+infallibly settled, because the critical powers of readers differ, and all
+do not accept church authority with unhesitating assent.
+
+It is the way of men to defer unduly to the opinions expressed by synods
+and councils, especially if they be propounded dogmatically; to acquiesce
+in their decisions with facility rather than institute independent
+inquiry. This is exemplified in the history of the canon, where the
+fallibility of such bodies in determining canonicity is conspicuous. It is
+so in the general reception of the book of Esther, while the old poem, the
+Song of Songs, was called in question at the synod of Jamnia; in the
+omission of the Revelation from the canonical list by many belonging to
+the Greek Church, while the epistles to Timothy and Titus were received as
+St. Paul's from the beginning almost universally.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X. THE CANON IN THE CONFESSION OF DIFFERENT CHURCHES.
+
+
+The second Helvetic Confession (A.D. 1566) speaks of the apocryphal books
+of the Old Testament as those which the ancients wished to be read in the
+churches, but not as authoritative in matters of faith.(375)
+
+The Gallic Confession (A.D. 1559) makes a distinction between canonical
+and other books, the former being the rule and norm of faith, not only by
+the consent of the Church, but much more by the testimony and intrinsic
+persuasion of the Spirit, by whose suggestions we are taught to
+distinguish them from other ecclesiastical books, which, though useful,
+are not of the kind that any article of faith can be constituted by
+them.(376)
+
+The Belgic Confession (A.D. 1561) makes a distinction between the sacred
+and apocryphal books. The latter may be read by the Church, but no
+doctrine can be derived from them. In the list of New Testament books
+given there are _fourteen_ epistles of Paul.(377)
+
+The canon of the Waldenses must have coincided at first with that of the
+Roman Church; for the Dublin MS. containing the New Testament has attached
+to it the Book of Wisdom and the first twenty-three chapters of Sirach;
+while the Zurich codex of the New Testament has marginal references to the
+Apocrypha; to Judith, Tobit, 4 Esdras, Wisdom, Sirach, and Susanna. The
+_Nobla Leyczon_ containing a brief narration of the contents of the Old
+and New Testaments confirms this opinion. It opposes, however, the old law
+to the new, making them antagonistic. The historical document containing
+the articles of "The Union of the Valleys," A.D. 1571, separates indeed
+the canonical and apocryphal books, purporting to be founded on a
+Confession of Faith as old as A.D. 1120; but the latter is mythical, as
+appears from a comparison of it with the epistle which the legates of the
+Waldensians gave to OEcolampadius. The articles of that "Union" are copied
+from Morel's account of his transactions with OEcolampadius and Bucer in
+1530. The literature of this people was altered by Hussite influences and
+the Reformation; so that though differing little from the Romanists at
+first except in ecclesiastical discipline, they diverged widely afterwards
+by adopting the Protestant canon and doctrines.(378) Hence, the Confession
+issued in 1655 enumerates as Holy Scripture nothing but the Jewish
+Palestinian canon, and the usual books of the New Testament.(379)
+
+The canon of the Anglican Church (1562), given in the sixth article of
+religion, defines holy Scripture to be "those canonical books of the Old
+and New Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church."
+After giving the names and number of the canonical books, the article
+prefaces the apocryphal ones with, "And the other books (as Hierome saith)
+the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but
+yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine? Such are these
+following," &c., &c. At the end it is stated that "all the books of the
+New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive and account
+them canonical." The article is ambiguous. If the canonical books
+enumerated are those meant in the phrase "of whose authority was never any
+doubt in the Church," the statement is incorrect. If a distinction is
+implied between the canonical books and such canonical ones as have never
+been doubted in the Church, the meaning is obscure. In either case the
+language is not explicit.
+
+The Scottish or Westminster Confession of Faith gives a list of all the
+books of the Old and New Testaments as the Word of God written; adding
+that those called the apocrypha are not of divine inspiration, and no part
+of the canon,--of no authority in the Church, nor to be approved or made
+use of otherwise than human writings.
+
+The Roman Catholic canon was finally determined at the Council of Trent
+(1546), which adopted all the books in the Vulgate as sacred and
+canonical, without distinction. Third and fourth Esdras, third Maccabees,
+and the prayer of Manasseh were not included; though the first and last
+appeared in the original Clementine edition of 1592, but apart from the
+canonical books. They are not in the Sixtine edition of 1590.(380) A
+council at Florence in 1441 had set the example which was followed at
+Trent. But this stringent decree did not prevent individual Catholics from
+making a distinction between the books, in assuming a first and second
+canon or proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books; as did Sixtis
+Senensis, B. Lamy, Anton a matre Dei, Jahn, and others; though it is
+hardly consistent with orthodox Catholicism or the view of those who
+passed the decree. When the writings are said to be of different
+authority--some more, others less--the intent of the council is violated.
+The Vatican council (1870) confirmed the Tridentine decree respecting the
+canon.
+
+The Greek Church, after several ineffectual attempts to uphold the old
+distinction between the canonical and ecclesiastical books by Metrophanes
+Critopulus patriarch of Alexandria in 1625, and Cyril Lucaris patriarch of
+Constantinople (1638 A.D.),(381) came to the same decision with the
+Romish, and canonized all the apocrypha. This was done at a Jerusalem
+synod under Dositheus in 1672.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI. THE CANON FROM SEMLER TO THE PRESENT TIME, WITH REFLECTIONS ON
+ITS READJUSTMENT.
+
+
+Semler(382) was the most conspicuous scholar after the Reformation who
+undertook to correct the prevailing ideas respecting the canon. Acquainted
+with the works of Toland and Morgan, he adopted some of their views, and
+prosecuted his inquiries on their lines chiefly in relation to the New
+Testament. He had no definite principles to guide him, but judged books
+chiefly by their christian value and use to the Church. Though his views
+are sometimes one-sided and his essays ill-digested, he placed the subject
+in new lights, and rendered a service to truth which bore abundant fruit
+in after years.(383) He dealt tradition severe blows, and freed theology
+from the yoke of the letter. He was followed by his disciple Corrodi, by
+G. L. Oeder, J. D. Michaelis, Herder, Lessing, and Eichhorn,--most of whom
+recommended their views by a freshness of style which Semler did not
+command. The more recent works of Gesenius, De Wette, Zunz, Ewald, Hitzig,
+Geiger and Herzfeld have contributed to form a juster opinion of the true
+position which the books of the Bible occupy.
+
+In the New Testament, the writings of F. C. Baur have opened up a new
+method of investigating the canon, which promises important and lasting
+results. Proceeding in the track of Semler, he prosecuted his researches
+into primitive Christianity with great acuteness and singular power of
+combination. Though his separation of Petrine and Pauline christianity is
+not new, he has applied it in ways which neither Toland nor Morgan was
+competent to manage. These writers perceived the difference between the
+leading principle of the twelve and that of Paul, they had some far-seeing
+glimpses of the origin and differences of the New Testament writings,(384)
+but they propounded them in an unsystematic way along with untenable
+conjectures. It was reserved for the Tuebingen professor to elaborate the
+hypothesis of an Ebionite or primitive christianity in contra-distinction
+from a Pauline, applying it to the origin and constitution of christian
+literature; in a word, to use a _tendenz-kritik_ for opening up the genius
+of the sacred writings as well as the stages of early christianity out of
+which they arose. The head of the Tuebingen school, it is true, has carried
+out the antagonism between the Petrine and Pauline christians too
+rigorously, and invaded the authenticity of the sacred writings to excess;
+for it is hazardous to make a theory extremely stringent to the
+comparative neglect of modifying circumstances, which, though increasing
+the difficulty of criticism, contribute to the security of its processes.
+Yet he has properly emphasized internal evidence; and many of his
+conclusions about the books will stand. He has thrown much light on the
+original relations of parties immediately after the origin of
+Christianity, and disturbed an organic unity of the New Testament which
+had been merely _assumed_ by traditionalists. The best Introductions to
+the New Testament must accept them to some extent. The chief
+characteristic of the school is the application of historic criticism to
+the genesis of the New Testament writings, irrespective of tradition--a
+striving to discover the circumstances or tendencies out of which the
+books originated. Baur's _tendenz_-principle judiciously applied cannot
+but produce good results.
+
+We have seen that sound critical considerations did not regulate the
+formation of the three collections which made up the entire canon of the
+Old Testament. Had it been so, the Pentateuch would not have been
+attributed to Moses. Neither would a number of latter prophecies have been
+accepted as Isaiah's and incorporated with the prophet's authentic
+productions. All the Proverbs, the book of Ecclesiastes, and the Song of
+Songs would not have been assigned to Solomon; Jonah would have been
+separated from the prophets, and Daniel must have had a later position in
+the Hagiographa. We cannot, therefore, credit the collectors or editors of
+the books with great critical sagacity. But they did their best in the
+circumstances, preserving invaluable records of the Hebrew people. In like
+manner, it has appeared, that the ecclesiastics to whom we owe the New
+Testament collection were not sharp-sighted in the literature with which
+they had to do. It is true that well-founded doubts were entertained by
+the early Christians about several portions, such as the second Epistle of
+Peter, the Epistle to the Hebrews, &c., but the Revelation was needlessly
+discredited. They accepted without hesitation the pastoral epistles as
+Pauline, but doubted some of the Catholic Epistles, which bear the impress
+of authenticity more strongly, such as James. It is therefore incorrect to
+say that 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, James, Jude, Epistle to the Hebrews, and
+the Apocalypse "have been received into the canon on evidence less
+complete" than that belonging to the others. The very general admission of
+the fourth gospel as the apostle John's, is a curious example of facile
+traditionalism. Biblical criticism, however, scarcely existed in the first
+three centuries. It is for us to set the subject in another light, because
+our means of judging are superior. If the resources of the early fathers
+were inadequate to the proper sifting of a copious literature, they should
+be mildly judged.
+
+The question of the canon is not settled. It is probably the work of
+successive inquirers to set it on a right basis, and adjust the various
+parts in a manner consistent with historic criticism, sound reason, and
+religion. The absolute and relative worth of books; the degrees in which
+they regulate ethics and conduct; their varying values at the times of
+their first appearance and our own; their places in the general history of
+human progress--all these must be determined before the documents of
+Judaism and Christianity be classified aright. Their present arrangement
+is external. Based on no interior principle, it furnishes little help
+toward a thorough investigation of the whole. Those who look upon the
+question as historical and literary take a one-sided view. It has a
+theological character also. It needs the application, not only of historic
+criticism, but the immediate consciousness belonging to every Christian.
+The two Testaments should be separated, and their respective positions
+assigned to each--the Old having been preparatory to the New. Should it be
+said bluntly, as it is in the 7th Article of the Anglican Church, that the
+Old is not contrary to the New Testament? Luther at least expressed his
+opinion of the difference between them pretty clearly;(385) though the
+theologians of Germany after him evinced a desire to minimise the
+difference.(386) Should the general opinion of the Protestant Church that
+the authority of the Old Testament is not subordinate to that of the New,
+be rigidly upheld? According to one aspect of the former it may be so,
+viz., its prophetic and theological aspect, that in which it is brought
+into close union with the latter; the essence of the one being
+foreshadowed or implied in the other, as Justin Martyr supposed. And this
+view has never lost supporters, who by the help of double senses, types,
+and symbols, with assumed prediction of the definite and distant future,
+transform the old dispensation into an outline picture of the new; taking
+into it a body of divinity which is alien from its nature. According to
+another aspect, viz., the moral and historical, the equality can scarcely
+be allowed. Schleiermacher is right in saying that the Old Testament seems
+to be nothing but a superfluous authority for doctrine; an opinion
+coinciding with that of the early Socinians, who held that it has a
+historical, not a dogmatic, value. Only such of our pious emotions as are
+of a general nature are accurately reflected in the Old Testament; and all
+that is most decidedly Jewish is of least value to christians. The alleged
+coincidence of the Old Testament with the New must be modified by the
+doctrine of development. It has been fostered by types and prophecies
+supposed to refer to christian times; by the assumed _dictation_ of all
+Scripture by the Holy Spirit; by fancied references of the one
+dispensation to the other; by the confounding of a Jewish Messiah sketched
+in various prophets, with Jesus Christ, as if the latter had not changed,
+exalted and purified the Messianic idea to suit his sublime purposes of
+human regeneration. The times and circumstances in which the Old Testament
+Scriptures appeared, the manners, usages, civilization, intellectual and
+moral stage of the Semitic race combine to give them a lower position than
+that of the New Testament books which arose out of a more developed
+perception of the relations between God and men. Spiritual apprehension
+had got beyond Jewish particularism, especially in the case of the apostle
+Paul, who gave the new religion a distinct vitality by severing it from
+its Jewish predecessor.
+
+The agreement of the New Testament books with themselves must be modified
+by the same doctrine of development. Jewish and Pauline christianity
+appear in different works, necessarily imparting a difference of views and
+expression; or they are blended in various degrees, as in the epistles to
+the Hebrews and the first of Peter. Hence, absolute harmony cannot be
+looked for. If the standpoints of the writers were so diverse, how can
+their productions coincide? The alleged coincidence can only be
+intersected with varieties proportioned to the measures in which the
+authors possessed the Spirit of God. These varieties affect the matter as
+well as the manner of the writings. It is therefore unphilosophical to
+treat the Bible as a whole which was dictated by the Spirit and directed
+to one end. Its uniformity is chequered with variety; its harmony with
+disagreement. It is a bundle of books; a selection from a wider
+literature, reflecting many diversities of religious apprehension. After
+the two Testaments have been rightly estimated according to their
+respective merits, the contents of each should be duly
+apportioned--internal evidence being the test of their relative importance,
+irrespective of _a priori_ assumptions. Their traditional origin and
+authority must be subordinated to the inherent value they bear, or the
+conformity of the ideas to the will of God. The gradual formation of both
+canons suggests an analysis of the classes into which they came to be put;
+for the same canonical dignity was not attributed by the Jews to the books
+contained in the three divisions; and the controverted writings of the New
+Testament found gradual recognition very slowly. Luther made important
+distinctions between the canonical books;(387) and Carlstadt put the
+Antilegomena of the New Testament on a par with the Hagiographa of the
+Old.
+
+In the Old Testament the three classes or canons have been generally
+estimated by the Jews according to their respective antiquity; though the
+sacrificial worship enjoined in the Pentateuch never formed an essential
+part of the Jewish religion; the best prophets having set small value upon
+it. The pure monotheistic doctrine of these last writers, chiefly
+contained in the second canon, lifts that class up to the highest rank;
+yet the Decalogue in the Pentateuch is sufficient to stamp the first canon
+with great worth. It must be confessed, however, that the Mosaic law was
+meagre, in the domain of pure ethics; and that it promoted among the
+people a slavish spirit of positivism by laying more stress on acts than
+dispositions, and insisting on small regulations. For this reason, the
+prophets combated its narrow externality. The three canons were regarded
+with a degree of veneration corresponding to the order in which they
+stand. To apportion their respective values to the individual parts of
+them is a difficult task.
+
+As to the New Testament writings, we think that some of them might
+conveniently occupy the position of _deutero-canonical_, equivalent to
+those of the Old Testament having that title. We allude to 2 and 3 John,
+Jude, James, 2 Peter, the Revelation. It is true that a few of these were
+prior in time to some of the universally-received gospels or epistles; but
+time is not an important factor in a good classification. Among the
+Pauline epistles themselves, classification might be adopted; for the
+pastoral letters are undoubtedly post-Pauline, and inferior to the
+authentic ones. In classifying the New Testament writings, three things
+might be considered--the reception they met with from the first, their
+authenticity, above all, their internal excellence. The subject is not
+easy, because critics are not universally agreed about the proper rank and
+authenticity of a few documents. The Epistle to the Colossians, for
+example, creates perplexity; that to the Ephesians is less embarrassing,
+its post-Pauline origin being tolerably clear.
+
+What is wanted is a rational historic criticism to moderate the
+theological hypothesis with which the older Protestants set out, the
+supernatural inspiration of the books, their internal inseparability, and
+their direct reference to the work of salvation. It must be allowed that
+many points are independent of dogmatics; and that the right decision in
+things historical may be reached apart from any ecclesiastical standpoint.
+
+Again, should the distinction between the apocryphal and canonical books
+of the Old Testament be emphasized as it is by many? Should a sharp line
+be put between the two, as though the one class, with the period it
+belonged to, were characterized by the errors and anachronisms of its
+history; the other by simplicity and accuracy; the one, by books written
+under fictitious names; the other, by the power to distinguish truth from
+falsehood or by honesty of purpose? Should the one be a sign of the want
+of truthfulness and discernment; the other, of religious simplicity? Can
+this aggregation of the Apocrypha over against the Hagiographa, serve the
+purpose of a just estimate? Hardly so; for some of the latter, such as
+Esther and Ecclesiastes, cannot be put above Wisdom, 1st Maccabees,
+Judith, Baruch, or Ecclesiasticus. The doctrine of immortality, clearly
+expressed in the Book of Wisdom, is not in Ecclesiastes; neither is God
+once named in the Book of Esther as author of the marvelous deliverances
+which the chosen people are said to have experienced. The history narrated
+in 1st Maccabees is more credible than that in Esther. It is therefore
+misleading to mark off all the apocryphal works as _human_ and all the
+canonical ones as _divine_. The divine and the human elements in man are
+too intimately blended to admit of such separation. The best which he
+produces partakes of both. The human element still permeates them as long
+as God speaks through man; and He neither dictates nor speaks otherwise.
+In the attributes claimed for the canonical books no rigid line can be
+drawn. It may be that the inspiration of their authors differed in degree;
+that the writer of Ecclesiastes, for example, was more philosophical than
+Jesus, son of Sirach; but different degrees of inspiration belong to the
+canonical writers themselves. Undue exaltation of the Hebrew canon does
+injustice to the wider Alexandrian one. Yet some still speak of "the pure
+Hebrew canon," identifying it with that of the Church of England. We admit
+that history had become legendary, that it was written in an oratorical
+style by the Alexandrian Jews, and was used for didactic purposes as in
+Tobit and Judith. Gnomic poetry had survived in the book of Sirach;
+prophecy, in Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah, though here the language
+is already prosaic. Imitation is too observable in the matter and manner
+of the Apocrypha. They have parallels, however, among the Hagiographa,
+which originated in an age when the genuine breath of prophetic
+inspiration had ceased; when history and prophecy had degenerated; so that
+the transition from Esther and Malachi to Judith and Baruch, as also from
+Proverbs to Wisdom, is not great.
+
+The _Talmudic_ canon is generally adopted at the present day. It was not,
+however, universally received even by the Jews; for Esther was omitted out
+of it by those from whom Melito got his catalogue in Palestine; while
+Sirach was annexed to it as late as the beginning of the 4th century.
+Baruch was also added in several Jewish circles, doubtless on account of
+its supposed authorship. Thus "the pure Hebrew canon" was not one and the
+same among all Jews; and therefore the phrase is misleading. Neither is it
+correct to say that it is the only canon distinctly recognized during the
+first four centuries, unless the usage of the early fathers be set over
+against their _assumed_ contrary judgment; nor can all who followed the
+Alexandrian canon be pronounced uncritical, including Origen himself. A
+stereotyped canon of the Old Testament, either among Jews or Christians of
+the first four centuries, which excluded all the apocryphal books and
+included all the canonical ones, cannot be shown. And in regard to "the
+critical judgment" of Jews and Christians in that period it is arbitrary
+to suppose that such as adopted the present canonical books alone were
+more discerning than others. They were more traditional and conservative;
+their discriminating faculty not corresponding to the degree of their
+reliance on the past.
+
+The aim of the inquirer should be to find from competent witnesses--from
+contemporaneous or succeeding writers of trustworthy character--the authors
+and ages of the biblical books. When evidence of this kind is not
+available as often happens, the only resource is the internal. The
+external evidence in favor of the canon is all but exhausted, and nothing
+of importance can be added to it now. Its strength has been brought out;
+its weakness has not been equally exhibited. The problem resolves itself
+into an examination of internal characteristics, which may be strong
+enough to modify or counterbalance the external. The latter have had an
+artificial preponderance in the past; henceforward they must be regulated
+by the internal. The main conclusion should be drawn from the contents of
+the books themselves. And the example of Jews and Christians, to whom we
+owe the Bible canon, shows that _classification_ is necessary. This is
+admitted both by Roman Catholic writers and orthodox Protestants. A
+gloss-writer on what is usually called the "decree of Gratian," _i.e._,
+the Bolognese canonist of the 12th century, remarks about the canonical
+books, "all may be received but may not be held in the same estimation."
+John Gerhard speaks of a _second order_, containing the books of the New
+Testament, about whose authors there were some doubts in the Church;(388)
+and Quenstedt similarly specifies _proto-canonical_ and
+_deutero-canonical_ New Testament books, or those of the first and second
+order.(389) What are degrees or kinds of inspiration assumed by many, but
+a tacit acknowledgment of the fact that books vary in intrinsic value as
+they are more or less impregnated with divine truth or differ in the
+proportion of the eternal and temporal elements which commingle in every
+revealed religion? Doubtless the authors from whom the separate books
+proceeded, if discoverable, should be regarded; the inspiration of an
+Isaiah is higher than that of a Malachi, and an apostle is more
+authoritative than an evangelist; but the authors are often unknown.
+Besides, the process of redaction through which many of the writings
+passed, hinders an exact knowledge of authorship. In these circumstances
+the books themselves must determine the position they should occupy in the
+estimation of those who are looking at records of the past to help their
+spiritual life. And if it be asked, What principle should lie at the basis
+of a thorough classification? the answer is, the _normative element_
+contained in the sacred books. This is the characteristic which should
+regulate classification. The time when a book appeared, its author, the
+surrounding circumstances that influenced him, are of less consequence
+than its bearing upon the spiritual education of mankind. The extent of
+its adequacy to promote this end determines the rank. Such books as embody
+the indestructible essence of religion with the fewest accidents of time,
+place and nature--which present conditions not easily disengaged from the
+imperishable life of the soul, deserve the first rank. Whatever Scriptures
+express ideas consonant with the nature of God as a holy, loving, just and
+good Being--as a benevolent Father not willing the destruction of any of
+his children; the Scriptures presenting ideas of Him consistent with pure
+reason and man's highest instincts, besides such as set forth our sense of
+dependence on the infinite; the books, in short, that contain a revelation
+from God with least admixture of the human conditions under which it is
+transmitted--these belong to the highest class. If they lead the reader
+away from opinion to practice, from dogma to life, from non-doing to
+obedience to the law of moral duty, from the notion that everything in
+salvation has been done for him to the keeping of the commandments, from
+particularist conceptions about the divine mercy to the widest belief of
+its overshadowing presence--such books of Scripture are in that same
+proportion to be ranked among the best. In regard to the Old Testament,
+conformity to Christ's teaching will determine rank; or, which is
+tantamount, conformity to that pure reason which is God's natural
+revelation in man; a criterion which assigns various ranks to such
+Scriptures as appeared among a Semite race at a certain stage of its
+development. In the New Testament, the words and precepts of Jesus have a
+character of their own, though it is very difficult to select them from
+the gospels. The supposition that the apostles' productions possess a
+higher authority than those of their disciples, is natural. But the
+immediate followers of Christ did not all stand on one platform. Differing
+from one another even in important principles, it is possible, if not
+certain, that some of their disciples' composition may be of higher value.
+The spirit of God may have wrought within the apostles generally with
+greater power and clearness than in other teachers; but its operation is
+conditioned not merely by outward factors but by individual idiosyncrasy;
+so that one who had not seen the Lord and was therefore not an apostle
+proper, may have apprehended his mind better than an immediate disciple.
+Paul stood above the primitive apostles in the extent to which he fathomed
+the pregnant sayings of Jesus and developed their latent germs. Thus the
+normative element--that which determines the varying degrees of authority
+belonging to the New Testament--does not lie in apostolic authorship but
+internal worth; in the clearness and power with which the divine Spirit
+enabled men to grasp the truth. By distinguishing the _temporal_ and the
+_eternal_ in christianity, the writings necessarily rise or sink in
+proportion to these elements. The _eternal_ is the essence and gem of
+revealed truth. Perfectibility belongs only to the _temporal_; it cannot
+be predicated of the _eternal_.
+
+The multitudinous collection of books contained in the Bible is not
+pervaded by unity of purpose or plan, so as to make a good classification
+easy. Least of all is it dominated by such substantial unity as has been
+connected with one man; for the conception of a Messiah was never the
+national belief of Judaism, but a notion projected by prophets into the
+future to comfort the people in times of disaster; the forecasting of
+aspirations doomed to disappointment. From the collection presenting
+various degrees of intellectual and moral development, it is difficult to
+see a sufficient reason for some being canonized to the exclusion of
+better works which were relegated to the class of the _apocryphal_.
+
+Mr. Jones's(390) statement that the primitive Christians are proper judges
+to determine what book is canonical, requires great modification, being
+too vague to be serviceable; for "primitive Christians" is a phrase that
+needs to be defined. How far do they extend? How much of the first and
+second centuries do they cover? Were not the primitive Christians divided
+in their beliefs? Did the Jewish and the Pauline ones unite in accepting
+the same writings? Not for a considerable time, until the means of
+ascertaining the real authors of the books and the ability to do so were
+lacking.
+
+As to the Old Testament, the Palestinian Jews determined the canonical
+books by gradually contracting the list and stopping it at a time when
+their calamities throwing them back on the past for springs of hope, had
+stiffened them within a narrow traditionalism; but their brethren in
+Egypt, touched by Alexandrian culture and Greek philosophy, received later
+productions into their canon, some of which at least are of equal value
+with Palestinian ones. In any case, the degree of authority attaching to
+the Biblical books grew from less to greater, till it culminated in a
+divine character, a sacredness rising even to infallibility. Doubtless the
+Jews of Palestine distinguished the canonical from the apocryphal or
+deutero-canonical books on grounds satisfactory to themselves; but their
+judgment was not infallible. A senate of Rabbis under the old dispensation
+might err, as easily as a synod of priests under the new. Though they may
+have been _generally_ correct, it must not be assumed that they were
+_always_ so. Their discernment may be commended without being magnified.
+The general feeling of leaning upon the past was a sound one, for the best
+times of Judaism had departed, and with them the most original effusions;
+yet the wave of Platonism that passed over Alexandria could not but
+quicken even the conservative mind of the Jew. Greek thought blended with
+echoes of the past, though in dulled form. Still a line had to be drawn in
+the national literature; and it was well drawn on the whole. The feeling
+existed that the collection must be closed with works of a certain period
+and a certain character; and it was closed accordingly, without preventing
+individuals from putting their private opinions over against authority,
+and dissenting.
+
+At the present day a new arrangement is necessary; but where is the
+ecclesiastical body bold enough to undertake it? And if it were attempted
+or carried out by non-ecclesiastical parties, would the churches approve
+or adopt the proceeding? We venture to say, that if some books be
+separated from the collection and others put in their place--if the
+classification of some be altered, and their authority raised or
+lowered--good will be done; the Bible will have a fairer degree of normal
+power in doctrine and morals, and continue to promote spiritual life.
+Faith in Christ precedes faith in books. Unless criticism be needlessly
+negative it cannot remove this time-honored legacy from the position it is
+entitled to, else the spiritual consciousness of humanity will rebel.
+While the subject is treated reverently, and the love of truth overrides
+dogmatic prejudices, the canon will come forth in a different form from
+that which it has had for centuries--a form on which faith may rest without
+misgiving.
+
+The canon was a work of divine providence, because history, in a religious
+view, necessarily implies the fact. It was a work of inspiration, because
+the agency of the Holy Spirit has always been with the people of God as a
+principle influencing their life. It was not, however, the result of a
+_special_ or _peculiar_ act of divine inspiration at any one time, but of
+a gradual illuminating process, shaped by influences more or less active
+in the divine economy.
+
+The canonical authority of Scripture does not depend on any church or
+council. The early church may be cited as a _witness_ for it; that is all.
+Canonical authority lies in Scripture itself, and is inherent in the books
+so far as they contain a declaration of the divine will. Hence, there is
+truth in the statement of old theologians that the authority of Scripture
+is from God alone. It was the early church indeed that made the canon,
+selecting the books which appeared to have been written by apostles or
+apostolic men, and carrying over to them authority from alleged
+authenticity more than internal value. But the latter is the real index of
+authority; and God is the fountain from whom spiritual endowments
+proceed.(391) The _canonicity_ of the books is a distinct question from
+that of their _authenticity_. The latter is a thing of historic criticism;
+the former of doctrinal belief. Their ecclesiastical authority rests on
+outward attestation; their normal, on faith and feeling.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+    1 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+_    2 Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, pp 3-68.
+
+    3 Clement. Hom. _ap. Coteler_, vol. i. p. 608.
+
+_    4 Stromata_, vi. 15, p. 803, ed. Potter.
+
+_    5 Adv. Haeres._, i. 95.
+
+_    6 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., v. 24.
+
+_    7 De praescript. Haereticorum_, chs. 12, 13.
+
+_    8 Comment._ in _Mat._ iii. p. 916; ed. Delarue.
+
+    9 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+_   10 Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum historiam petinentia_, ed. Dupin,
+      p. 168.
+
+   11 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+   12 At the end of the _Iambi ad Seleucum_, on the books of the New
+      Testament, he adds, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PSI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+_   13 Prologus galeatus_ in ii. Reg.
+
+_   14 Expos. in Symb. Apost._, 37, p. 374, ed. Migne.
+
+   15 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+   16 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} and {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+   17 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   18 Such as {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   19 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} or {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   20 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+_   21 Orat. de Ordin._, vol. ii. p. 44.
+
+   22 {~HEBREW LETTER GIMEL~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER ZAYIN~}. The Jews applied the word _genuzim_ to books withdrawn from
+      public use, whose contents were thought to be out of harmony with
+      the doctrinal or moral views of Judaism when the canon was closed.
+      See Fuerst's _Der Kanon des alten Testaments_, p. 127, note; and
+      Geiger's _Urschrift_, p. 201.
+
+   23 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+   24 H. E. Il. 23, III. 3-16.
+
+_   25 Stromata_, lib. iii. p. 1134, ed. Migne.
+
+_   26 Prolog. ad Cant., opp._, vol. iii. p. 36.
+
+   27 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PSI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+   28 See Suicer's _Thesaurus_, _s.v._
+
+   29 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, libri ecclesiastici.
+
+   30 In his epistle to Laeta he uses the epithet in its customary sense,
+      of books unauthentic, not proceeding from the authors whose names
+      they bear. _Opp._ vol. i. p. 877, ed. Migne.
+
+   31 Num. xxi. 14.
+
+   32 Joshua x. 12, 13; 2 Sam. i. 18.
+
+   33 2 Sam. viii. 16; 1 Kings iv. 3.
+
+   34 Isaiah, xl.-lxvi.
+
+   35 Chap. xiv. 23-50, &c. See Hilgenfeld's _Messias Judaerorum_, p. 107.
+
+   36 See Buxtorf's _Tiberias_, chap. x., p. 88, &c.; and Herzfeld's
+      _Geschichte des Volkes Israel_, vol. i. p. 380, &c. Zwoelfter
+      Excursus.
+
+   37 Chapter i.
+
+   38 {~HEBREW LETTER AYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~} {~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER DALET~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}. Does this mean _for, instead of_, as Bloch understands it?
+      Waehner inserts, to fill up the sense, "some of which, however, were
+      composed by;" but this is far-fetched. See _Antiquitates Ebraeorum_,
+      p. 13.
+
+   39 Fol. 15, 1.
+
+   40 {~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER HET~}{~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}.
+
+_   41 Studien zur Geschichte der Sammlung der althebraeischen Literatur_,
+      p. 127, &c.
+
+   42 vii. 12, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}, not {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH OXIA~}.
+
+   43 That the Scribes always adhered to the prohibition to write no
+      religious laws and ordinances cannot be held, even in the face of
+      the Talmudic saying, {~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER HET~}{~HEBREW LETTER KAF~} {~HEBREW LETTER HE~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~}{~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER HE~} {~HEBREW LETTER KAF~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER RESH~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL PE~} {~HEBREW LETTER HET~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER RESH~}{~HEBREW LETTER HE~} (writers of Halacoth are
+      like a burner of the law). This may apply to the late scribes or
+      bookmen, not to the earlier. The greater part of Geiger's
+      _Urschrift_ is based on the opposite idea. As the reverence for
+      former scholars increased, the Talmudic saying might be accepted.
+      See _Temura_, 14 b.
+
+   44 Chapter ix. 2.
+
+   45 Chapter ii. 13.
+
+   46 Antiq. xii. 10, 1.
+
+   47 Josephus's Antiq., xiii. 5, 8; 1 Maccab., xii. 35.
+
+   48 1 Maccab., xiii. 36.
+
+   49 Sota, 24 a.
+
+   50 {~HEBREW LETTER MEM~}{~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~}, Nehemiah viii. 3.
+
+   51 Talmudic tradition, which attributes the redaction of the book to
+      the men of the great synagogue who are said to have acted under the
+      influence of the divine spirit, separates the three apocryphal
+      pieces from the rest; but this arose from the desire of
+      discountenancing the idea that the work consists of romance and
+      legend. Such later tradition took curious ways of justifying the
+      canonicity of Daniel and the redaction of it by the great synagogue,
+      _ex gr._, the assumption that the second part arose out of a series
+      of unconnected _Megiloth_ which were not reduced to chronological
+      order. Still the Midrash maintains that Daniel, or the person
+      writing in his name, was no prophet, like Haggai, Zechariah, and
+      Malachi, but a man of visions, an _apocalyptist_. It was a general
+      belief, that _visions_ had come into the place of _prophecy_ when
+      the book appeared. The Greek translation could not have been long
+      after the original, because it is used in the First Book of
+      Maccabees. The interval between the Hebrew and the Greek was
+      inconsiderable. The translator not only departed from, but added to,
+      the original, inserting such important pieces as the Prayer of
+      Azarias, the Song of the Three Children, the history of Susanna, and
+      that of Bel and the Dragon. Whether any of these had been written
+      before is uncertain. Most of the traditions they embody were
+      probably reduced to writing by the translator, and presented in his
+      peculiar style. The assertion, that Josephus was unacquainted with
+      these additions is hazardous, since the way in which he speaks of
+      Daniel's fame (Antiq. x. 11, 7), and especially of _the books_ he
+      wrote ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}), supposes some relation to them. Elsewhere he
+      speaks of _one book_ (x. 10, 4; xi. 8, 5), where he may have thought
+      of the canonical part.
+
+   52 {~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER TAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER SAMEKH~}, translated by the Greek {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, hagiographa.
+
+   53 It has been thought that the phrase {~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER AYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER MEM~}{~HEBREW LETTER PE~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER TAV~} in the ninth verse
+      alludes to the great council or synagogue. This conjecture is
+      plausible on various grounds. The reasons for attributing the
+      epilogue to a later time than the writer of the book appear to be
+      stronger than those assigning it to the original author. The 13th
+      and 14th verses in particular, are unlike Coheleth.
+
+   54 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}; {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}. The younger Sirach does
+      not use {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~}, which would have been a proper translation of
+      _c'tubim_. Does not this {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} imply the non-application of the
+      specific title _c'tubim_ to the hagiographa at that time, and
+      therefore the idea that the third canon was still open?
+
+_   55 Contra Apion_, i. 8.
+
+   56 In Maaser Sheni, Sota 24. 1, the duumvirate or suggoth, consisting
+      of the president, Nasi, and vice-president, Ab-beth-din, are
+      referred to Hyrcanus's creation. Zunz affirms that it originated in
+      the time of Simon, son of Mattathias, 142 B.C.
+
+   57 Antiq., xiv., 9.
+
+_   58 Der gerichtliche Beweis_, p. 68.
+
+   59 The Sanhedrim _properly so called_ ceased under R. Judah I.,
+      Ha-Nasi, when the council of seventy members which sat at Sepphoris
+      before his patriarchate, transferred its privileges to him, on his
+      removal to that place. The court was then merged in the patriarch.
+
+   60 {~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER ZAYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~} literally concealed, withdrawn from public use.
+
+   61 See Fuerst's _Der Kanon des alten Testaments, u.s.w._ pp. 147, 148.
+
+_   62 Tract. Sabbat._ ch. i.
+
+   63 Because of its profane spirit and Epicurean ideas; see Adoyot v. 3.
+
+   64 Yadayim v. 3.
+
+   65 See Graetz's _Kohelet_, pp. 162, 163.
+
+   66 The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth apocryphal, because its
+      statements are contradictory. And why have they not declared it
+      apocryphal? Because it begins with words of the law, and ends with
+      words of the law, for it opens with the words "What advantage has
+      man in all his labor wherewith he labors under the sun?" &c.,
+      &c.--Sabbat. 30 b.
+
+      So also in the Midrash: "The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth
+      apocryphal," &c., &c.--Vayyikra rabba 161 b.
+
+   67 R. Simeon ben Asai said, "I have received it from the mouth of the
+      72 elders in the day that R. Eleasar ben Asaria was appointed elder,
+      that the Song of Songs and Coheleth pollute the hands."--Yadayim v.
+      3.
+
+   68 This language was based on a figurative interpretation of the Song.
+      One who said, "Whoever reads such writings as Sirach and the later
+      books loses all part in everlasting life," can have no weight. He
+      outheroded the Palestinian tradition respecting the Jewish
+      productions of later origin, which merely affirms that they "do not
+      pollute the hands."--(_Toss. Yadayim_, c. 2)
+
+_   69 Studien zur Geschichte, u. s. w._, p. 150, &c.
+
+   70 Geiger's _Urschrift_, p. 288.
+
+   71 See De Goeje in the _Theologisch Tijdschriff Jaargang II._ (1868) p.
+      179, &c.
+
+   72 Zunz's _Die gottesdienstlichen Vortraege_, pp. 101, 102.
+
+   73 V. 20, p. 124, ed. Ueltzen.
+
+   74 Dillmann, in the _Jahrbuecher fuer deutsche Theologie, dritter Band_,
+      p. 422.
+
+   75 In his _Antiq._, x. 4, 5, and xi. 1-5.
+
+   76 iv. 6, sec. 3, and vi. 2, sec. 1.
+
+   77 xi. 8, sec. 5.
+
+   78 Article "Kanon" in Herzog's _Encyklopaedie_, vol. vii., p. 253; and
+      the same author's _Prolegomena zur Theologie des alt. Test._, pp.
+      91, 92.
+
+   79 See Abulfatach's _Annal. Samar._, p. 102, 9, &c.
+
+   80 Kirschbaum, Weisse, and Noack.
+
+_   81 Einleitung in das alte Testament_, vol. i. p. 133.
+
+_   82 De vita contemplativa_, Opp. Tom. ii., P. 475, ed. Mangey.
+
+   83 See Credner's _Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, p. 124.
+
+_   84 De mens. et pond._, chapters 22, 23, vol. ii. p. 180, ed. Petav.
+
+_   85 Baba Bathra_, fol. 14, 2.
+
+   86 See _Fuerst, Der Kanon u. s. w. p._ 14, &c.
+
+_   87 Studien zur Geschichte der alttestamentliche Literatur, u. s. w._,
+      p. 18, etc.
+
+   88 Hody _De Bibliorum textibus originalibus_, p. 644.
+
+   89 Hody gives lists of the order in which the books stand in some early
+      printed editions and in a few MSS., p. 645.
+
+_   90 Die Apokryphen, u. s. w._, p. 14, &c.
+
+_   91 Studien und Kritiken_ for 1853, p. 267, &c.
+
+_   92 A Scholastical History of the Canon_, p. 22.
+
+   93 See Rothe, _Zur Dogmatik, Studien u. Kritiken_ for 1860, p. 67, &c.
+      The apostle's argument rests on the occurrence of the singular
+      (_seed_, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}) in Genesis xvii. 8 (LXX.), not the plural (_seeds_,
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}); though the plural of the corresponding Hebrew word could
+      not have been used, because it has a different signification.
+      Grammatical inaccuracy is made the basis of a certain theological
+      interpretation. Those who wish to see a specimen of labored
+      ingenuity unsuccessfully applied to the justification of St. Paul's
+      argument in this passage, may consult Tholuck's _Das alte Testament
+      in neuem Testament_, p. 63, etc. Vierte Auflage. (Epist. to the
+      Galatians iii. 16.)
+
+   94 Died 202 A.D.
+
+_   95 Advers. Hares._, v. 35, referring to Baruch iv. 36, and v. p. 335,
+      ed. Massuet.
+
+_   96 Ibid._, iv., 26, referring to Daniel xiii. 20 in the Septuagint.
+
+   97 Died 220A.D.
+
+_   98 Paedagog._ vi. 3.
+
+_   99 Stromata_, ii. 23.
+
+_  100 Stromata_, iv. 16.
+
+_  101 Ibid._, ii. 7.
+
+_  102 Ex Script. prophet. eclogae_, c. 1.
+
+_  103 Stromateis_, ii. 15.
+
+  104 Died 264 A.D.
+
+_  105 De Natura; Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae_, vol. iv. p. 356.
+
+_  106 Fragment. Nicet._, in _Reliq. Sacrae_, vol. ii. p. 404.
+
+_  107 Ibid._, p. 407.
+
+_  108 Ibid._, p. 406.
+
+_  109 Epistola ad. Dionys. Roman_, in _Reliq. Sacr._, vol. iii. p. 195.
+
+_  110 Reliq. Sacr._, vol. ii. p. 408.
+
+  111 Died 220 A.D.
+
+_  112 Advers. Valentinianos._ ch. 2.
+
+_  113 De Exhortatione Castitatis_, ch. 2.
+
+_  114 Contra Gnosticos_, ch. 8.
+
+_  115 De Habitu Muliebri_, ch. 3.
+
+_  116 Epist._ 55, p. 110, ed. Fell.
+
+_  117 De Orat. Domin._ p. 153.
+
+_  118 De Exhortat. Martyrii_, ch. 12, p. 182.
+
+_  119 De Mortal_, p. 161.
+
+_  120 De Orat. Domin._, p. 141.
+
+_  121 Testim._ iii. 4, p. 62.
+
+_  122 De Lapsis_, p. 133, &c.
+
+_  123 Adv. Noel._ v.
+
+  124 See Migne's edition, p. 689, &c.
+
+  125 Died after 171.
+
+_  126 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 26.
+
+  127 Died 254, A.D.
+
+_  128 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., lib. iv. ch. 25.
+
+_  129 Comment. in Joann._ tom. xxxii. ch. 14, ed. Huet. p, 409.
+
+_  130 Contra Cels._ iii. 72; vol. i. p. 494, ed. Delarue.
+
+_  131 In Exodus_, Hom. vi. i; Levit. Hom. v. 2.
+
+_  132 In Levit._, Hom. xii. 4.
+
+_  133 In Lukam_, Hom. 21.
+
+_  134 De Oratione_, ii. p. 215.
+
+_  135 Opp. ed_ Delarue, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  136 Died 311.
+
+_  137 Convivium decem virginum_, in Combefis's Auctarium bibliothecae
+      Graecorum patrum, p. 69.
+
+_  138 Ibid._, p. 69.
+
+_  139 Ibid._, p. 109.
+
+  140 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}. _Ap._ Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.
+
+  141 Davidson's _Introduction to the Study of the N. Testam._ vol. x. p.
+      388.
+
+_  142 Explanatio in Epist. ad Titum_, vol. iv. p. 407, ed. Benedict.
+
+_  143 Die Valentinianische Gnosis und die heilige Schrift_, p. 75.
+
+  144 A good deal of manipulation has been needlessly employed for the
+      purpose of placing these heretics as early as possible; but nothing
+      definite can be extracted from Irenaeus's notices of them.
+      Hippolytus's use of the present tense, in speaking of them, renders
+      it probable that they were nearly his contemporaries.
+
+  145 See the Indexes to Duncker and Schneidewin's edition.
+
+_  146 Bibliotheca_, cod. 232.
+
+  147 It is an unfounded assumption that Paul cited the passage by "mere
+      accident;" on the contrary, he gives it as canonical, with "as it is
+      written" (1 Corinth. ii. 9). It may be that the Gnostics are
+      referred to as using the objectionable passage; but it is special
+      pleading _to limit_ it to them, when Paul has expressly used the
+      same, deriving it either from Isaiah lxiv. 4, or some unknown
+      document; just as it is special pleading to identify {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}
+      standing beside {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}, with _the New Testament_. The
+      word excludes Paul's Epistles from the canon; nor is there any
+      evidence to the contrary, as has been alleged, in the two Syriac
+      epistles attributed to Clement, which Wetstein published. Comp.
+      _Eusebius's H. E._ iv. 22, _Photius's Bibliotheca_, 232. Apologists
+      have labored to prove Hegesippus an orthodox Catholic Christian,
+      like Irenaeus; but in vain. He was a Jewish Christian of moderate
+      type, holding intercourse with Pauline Christians at the time when
+      the Catholic Church was being formed.
+
+  148 See _Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift_ for 1875-1878.
+
+  149 There is {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} instead of the Septuagint's and Mark's (Tischend.)
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}.
+
+_  150 Geschichte Jesu von Nazara_, vol. 1, p. 144.
+
+  151 See Vision ii, 3, 4, with the prolegomena of De Gebhardt: and
+      Harnack, p. lxxiii.
+
+  152 See Holtzmann in Hilgenfeld's _Zeitschrift_ for 1875, p. 40, &c.
+
+  153 Epist. ch. iv.
+
+  154 Chapter xii. pp. 30, 31, ed. 2, Hilgenfeld.
+
+  155 See Chapter xv. end, with Hilgenfeld's note, _Barnabae epistula ed._
+      _altera_, pp. 118, 119.
+
+_  156 Epis._ p. 13 ed. Hilgenfeld.
+
+_  157 Zeitschrift fuer wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1871, P. 336, etc.
+
+  158 Chapters xvi. and iv. In the former the reference is to Enoch
+      lxxxix. 56, 66, 67, but the latter is not in the present book of
+      Enoch, though Hilgenfeld thinks he has discovered it in lxxxix.
+      61-64 and xc. 17. (_Dillmann's Das Buch Henoch_, pp. 61, 63). Was
+      another apocryphal Jewish book current in the time of Barnabas,
+      under the name of Enoch; or did he confound one document with
+      another, misled by the Greek translation of an apocalyptic work
+      which had fallen into discredit? See Hilgenfeld's _Barnabae
+      Epistula_, ed. 2 pp. 77, 78.
+
+  159 Chapter xi.
+
+_  160 Hist. Eccles._ iii. 39.
+
+  161 A small body of literature originating in the fragment of Papias
+      preserved by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. iii, 39, 1-4) has appeared;
+      though it is difficult to obtain satisfactory conclusions. Not only
+      have Weiffenbach and Leimbach written treatises on the subject, but
+      other scholars have entered into it more or less fully,--Zahn,
+      Steitz, Riggenbach, Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Keim, Martens, Loman,
+      Holtzmann, Hausrath, Tietz, and Lightfoot. The fragment is not of
+      great weight in settling the authenticity of the four gospels.
+      Indirectly indeed it throws some light on the connection of two
+      evangelists with written memoirs of the life of Jesus; but it rather
+      suggests than solves various matters of importance. It is tolerably
+      clear that the gospels, if such they may be called, of which he
+      speaks as written by Matthew and Mark, were not identical with the
+      works now existing under the names of these evangelists; and that no
+      safe conclusion can be drawn from Papias's silence about John's and
+      Luke's as not then in existence. Neither the present gospels nor any
+      other had been converted into _Scripture_; since he regarded oral
+      traditions as more credible than written memoirs. Those who hold
+      that the presbyter John was none other than the apostle, Eusebius
+      having misunderstood the fragment and made a different John from the
+      apostle, as well as the critics who deduce from the fragment the
+      fact that John suffered martyrdom in Palestine, have not established
+      these conclusions. Papias refers to the material he got for
+      explaining the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, rather than the source whence they were drawn.
+      But whether he learnt directly from the elders, or indirectly as the
+      preposition ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~}) would seem to indicate, and whether the sentence
+      beginning with "What Andrew," &c., ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~} {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}.) stands in
+      apposition to the "words of the elders," ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}) or not, are things uncertain.
+
+_  162 Epist. ad Philadelph._, ch. 5 See Hefele's note on the passage. The
+      other well-known passage in chapter viii. is too uncertain in
+      reading and meaning to be adduced here.
+
+  163 Chapter iii.
+
+  164 To the Ephesians, chapter xii.
+
+_  165 Epist. ad Romanos_, iv.
+
+_  166 Testam. Benj._ 11, p. 201, ed. Sinker.
+
+_  167 Zeitschrift fuer wissenschaftliche Theologie_, 1875, p. 490, _et
+      seq._
+
+  168 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}. Sec. 103. Here "the
+      apostles" are not necessarily Matthew and John. Apocryphal gospels
+      then current bore the name of apostles or their attendants,--of
+      Peter, James, Nicodemus, Matthias, &c.
+
+  169 {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}. {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}.
+      Dial. cum Tryph., 106. Here the pronoun {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} probably refers to
+      Peter. And the expression "his memoirs" can hardly mean Mark's
+      gospel, since Jerome is the first that calls it such.
+
+_  170 Dialogus_, part ii., p. 315, ed. Thirlby. Comp. on Justin,
+      Tjeenk-Willink's _Justinus Martyr in zijne Verhouding tot Paulus_.
+
+_  171 Apolog._ i. 97, ed. Thirlby.
+
+_  172 Hieronymi Prooem._ in _Epist. ad Titum._
+
+  173 Comp. chap. xii., where {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~} is applied to the apostolic epistles;
+      a title they did not receive so early as the age of Polycarp. Zahn
+      himself admits this.
+
+  174 Chapter xiv. 2.
+
+  175 Chapter ii. 4.
+
+  176 See _Clementis Romani ad Corinthios quae discuntur epistulae, ed. de
+      Gebhardt et Harnack_, 2., sec. 10, Prolegomena.
+
+_  177 Legat. pro Christ._ II, 12.
+
+_  178 Ibid._ 33.
+
+  179 Chapter xviii.
+
+_  180 Ap._ Euseb. H. E., iv. 23.
+
+_  181 Ap_. Euseb. H. E., v. 1, p. 144, ed. Bright.
+
+  182 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}. _Ad Autolycum_, iii. 14, p. 1141, ed Migne.
+
+_  183 Ibid._, ii. 22.
+
+  184 Epist. 151, ad Algasiam.
+
+  185 See Overbeck's _Studien zur Geschichte der alten Kirche, Abhandlung_
+      I., in which the date of the letter is brought down till after
+      Constantine. Surely this is too late.
+
+  186 Davidson's _Introduction to the Study of the New Testament_, vol.
+      ii. p. 508, &c.
+
+  187 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}.
+
+  188 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}.
+
+_  189 Adves. Haeres._, iv. 20, 2.
+
+_  190 Stromateis_, ii. 6, p. 965, ed. Migne.
+
+_  191 Ibid._, iv. 17, p. 1312.
+
+_  192 Ibid._, i. 29, p. 928.
+
+_  193 De Oratione_, cap. 12.
+
+_  194 De Pudicitia_, cap. 10-20.
+
+  195 G. of St. Paul's epistles, a MS. of the ninth century according to
+      Tischendorf.
+
+  196 See Anger's _Ueber den Laodicener Brief_, 1843.
+
+_  197 Fertur etiam ad Laudecences alia ad Alexandrinos Pauli nomine
+      fincte ad hesem Marcionis el alia plura quae in Catholicam ecclesiam
+      recepi non potest._ Perhaps a comma should be put after _nomine_,
+      and _fincte_ joined to what follows, to the _alia plura_ said to be
+      forged in the interest of Marcion.
+
+_  198 Quarti evangeliorum Johannis ex discipulis cohortantibus
+      condiscipulis et episcopis suis dixit conjejunate mihi odie triduo
+      el quid cuique fuerit revelatum alterutrum nobis ennarremus eadem
+      nocte revelatum Andreae ex apostolis ut recogniscentibus cunctis
+      Johannis suo nomine cuncta discriberet._
+
+  199 It is printed and largely commented on by Credner in his _Geschichte
+      des neutestamentlichen Kanon_ edited by Volkmar, p. 141, &c., and by
+      Westcott _On the Canon_, Appendix C, p. 466, 2d edition. Many others
+      have explained it; especially Hilgenfeld.
+
+  200 About A.D. 190.
+
+_  201 Euseb._ H. E. vi. 12.
+
+  202 Tischendorf edited the Pauline epistles from this MS. Lipsiae, 1852.
+
+  203 Died 254 A.D.
+
+  204 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI AND YPOGEGRAMMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  205 In one place, however, he calls it _very useful and divinely
+      inspired_. _Comment. in ep. ad Roman._, xvi. 14.
+
+  206 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  207 Ap. Euseb, _Hist. Eccles._, vi. 25; iii. 25, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  208 See Euseb. _H. E._ vi. 25. _Comment. in Malth._, iii. p. 463;
+      _Ibid._, p. 814; _Comment. in ep. ad Roman._, iv. p. 683; _in
+      Matth._, iii. p. 644; _Homil._ viii. _in Numb._, ii. p. 294; _Contra
+      Cels._, i. 63, p. 378; _De Principiis praef._, i. p. 49. _Opp._, ed.
+      Delarue.
+
+  209 Died 340 A.D.
+
+_  210 Hist. Eccles._, iii. 25; also 31, 39; vi. 13, 14.
+
+  211 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  212 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}
+      {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  213 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI~}; {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} (iii. 31).
+
+  214 This last with the qualification {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}. In another place he
+      states that it was rejected by some, and therefore it is also along
+      with the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} or {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  215 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}.
+
+  216 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  217 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}. _Hist. Eccles._, ii. 23. Christophorson, Schmid, and Hug
+      think that Eusebius gave the opinion of others in this word: but it
+      is more likely that he gave his own, as Valesius thinks. See the
+      note in Schmid's _Historia antiqua et vindicatio Canonis, &c._, p.
+      358.
+
+_  218 Ibid._, vi. 14.
+
+  219 See Weber's _Beitraege zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons_,
+      p. 142, &c.
+
+  220 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}. _Hist. Eccles._, iii. 16.
+
+_  221 Adversus Haeres_, iii., II, 8.
+
+_  222 Adv. Marc._ iv. 5.
+
+_  223 De praescript. haeret._ c. 36.
+
+_  224 De praescript. haeret._ c. 32.
+
+_  225 Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles._ ii. 15 and vi. 14.
+
+_  226 Ignatius von Antiochien_, 1873; and Prolegomena to the _Patrum
+      Apostolicorum opera_, by de Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, Fasciculus,
+      ii.
+
+_  227 Geschichte des neutest. Kanon_, p. 217, &c.
+
+  228 See _Constit. Apostol._, p. 67, ed Ueltzen.
+
+  229 Died 386 A.D.
+
+_  230 Catech._, iv. 22, pp. 66, 67, ed. Milles.
+
+_  231 Ibid._, xi. p. 142.
+
+_  232 Ibid._, vi. p. 80.
+
+_  233 Ibid._, ix. pp. 115, 122.
+
+_  234 Ibid._, ix. p. 115.
+
+_  235 Ibid._, ii. p. 31.
+
+_  236 Ibid._, xvi. p. 239.
+
+  237 Athanasii _Opp._ ed. Benedict. i. 2, pp. 962, 963.
+
+_  238 Orat. contra Arianos_, ii. 35, vol. i. 503, ed. Benedict.
+
+_  239 Ibid._, ii. 42, i. p. 510.
+
+_  240 Ibid._, ii. 79, i. p. 546.
+
+_  241 Epist. ad episcop. AEgypt._, &c., i. 1, p. 272.
+
+_  242 Contra Arian._, i. 12, i. p. 416.
+
+_  243 Apolog. contra Arianos_, ii. vol. i. p. 133.
+
+_  244 Praepar Evan._, i. 9.
+
+_  245 Ibid._, xi. 14.
+
+_  246 Ibid._, xii. 18.
+
+_  247 Ibid._, vi. 11.
+
+_  248 Demon. Evang._, vi. 19.
+
+  249 Died 379 A.D.
+
+_  250 Homil. in princip. proverb. Opp._ ed. Garnier altera, vol. ii. p.
+      140.
+
+_  251 Constitutiones Monast._, c. iii. 2. _Ibid._, p. 779.
+
+_  252 Adv. Eunom_, vol. i. p. 417.
+
+_  253 De Spiritu Sancto_, c. viii. vol. iii. p. 23.
+
+_  254 In Princip. Proverb_, vol. ii. p. 152.
+
+  255 Died 389 A.D.
+
+_  256 Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.
+
+  257 Gregorii Nazianzeni, _Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. iii. pp. 473, 474.
+
+  258 Died 395 A.D.
+
+  259 Iambi ad Seleucum; in Greg. Naz. _Opp._ ii. p. 194.
+
+  260 Died 403 A.D.
+
+  261 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}. _Adv. Haeres_, i. p. 19. See _Haeres_, iii. tom. i. p. 941.
+      De ponder. et mensur. 23.
+
+_  262 Advers. Haeres_, lib. i., tom. 2 ed. Petav. Paris, 1662, p. 72.
+
+_  263 Ibid._, lib. ii. tom. ii. p. 781.
+
+_  264 Ibid._, lib. ii. tom. i. p. 580.
+
+_  265 Ibid._, lib, ii. tom. i. p. 481.
+
+_  266 Ibid._, lib. i. tom. ii. p. 157.
+
+_  267 Haeres_, xxx. 15.
+
+  268 Died 392 A.D.
+
+  269 Enarrat. in ep. S. Petri secundam, p. 1774 ed Migne.
+
+  270 Died  407 A.D.
+
+  271 See Montfaucon in his edition of Chrysostom's Works, vol. vi. pp.
+      364, 365, ed. Paris, 1835.
+
+  272 Expos. in Psalm cix. 7. See also xi. 1 in Genes, where Wisdom xiv. 3
+      is cited.
+
+  273 Expos. in Psalm xlix. 3.
+
+  274 De Lazaro, ii. 4.
+
+  275 Died 392 A.D.
+
+_  276 De Trinitate_, iii. 2. p. 792 ed. Migne.
+
+  277 Fragmenta in Epist. 2 ad Corinthios, when Baruch, iii. 3, is quoted
+      like Psalm 101, p. 1697.
+
+  278 De Spirit. sanct. i. p. 1033.
+
+  279 Died 428 A.D.
+
+  280 See Leontius Byzantinus contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos, lib. iii.
+      in _Gallandi Bibliotheca_, xii. p. 690. Comp. Fritzsche _De Theodori
+      Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis_, Halae, 1836.
+
+  281 Died 444 A.D.
+
+  282 Contra Julian, i. p. 541, ed. Migne.
+
+_  283 Ibid._, p. 815.
+
+_  284 Ibid._, p. 921.
+
+  285 In Isaim, ed. Migne, p. 93.
+
+  286 P. 859, vol. i.
+
+  287 P. 910, vol. i., ed. Migne.
+
+  288 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  289 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}.
+
+  290 Died 430 A.D.
+
+  291 The forty-four books are, 5 of Moses, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 4 Kings,
+      2 Chronicles, Job, Tobit, Esther, Judith, 2 Maccabees, Ezra,
+      Nehemiah, Psalms, 3 of Solomon, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 12 Prophets,
+      4 greater do. _De Doctrina Christiana_ ii. 8.
+
+_  292 Contra Gaudent._ i. 38. _Opp._ Paris, 1837, vol. ix. p. 1006.
+
+_  293 De Doctr. Christ._ ii. 8. _Civitat. Dei._ xviii. 20, 1.
+
+_  294 De Praesdest. Sanct._ i. 11.
+
+_  295 Retractt._ i. 10.
+
+_  296 De Peccat. merit._ i. 50; _Opp._ vol. x. p. 137, ed. Migne.
+
+_  297 Mansi_, tom. iii. p. 924.
+
+_  298 Ibid._, p. 891.
+
+  299 Died 420 A.D.
+
+_  300 Prologus galeatus in Libros Regum. Epist. ad Paulinum._
+
+  301 In Herbst's _Einleit._, _erster Theil_, p. 37.
+
+_  302 Opp._ ed. Benedict., Vol. IV., pp. 679, 684, 750.
+
+  303 Ep. ad Dardan. _Opp._ vol. i. P. 1103, ed. Migne.
+
+  304 See _Onomastica Sacra_; Comment. in Ep. ad Philem; De Viris illustr.
+
+  305 Died 368 A.D.
+
+  306 Prolog. in Psalm., _Opp._ ed. Migne, vol. i. p. 241.
+
+_  307 De Trinitate_ iv. 16.
+
+_  308 Ex. Op. Hist. Fragmentum_, iii. vol. ii. p. 672 ed. Migne.
+
+  309 In cxxvii. Psalm.
+
+  310 In Psalm cxxvi. 6.
+
+  311 In Psalm lxviii. 19, and _De Trinitate_, iv. 42.
+
+_  312 Ibid._, iv. 8.
+
+  313 Died about 370 A.D.
+
+_  314 De Schismate Donatist_, iii. 3.
+
+_  315 Ibid._, ii. 25.
+
+  316 Died about 370 A.D.
+
+_  317 De non parcendo_, &c., ed. Coleti, p. 190.
+
+_  318 Ibid._, p. 236.
+
+_  319 Ibid._, p. 187.
+
+_  320 Pro Athanasio_, lib. i. p. 98.
+
+_  321 Ibid._, p. 105.
+
+_  322 Ibid._, lib. ii. pp. 127, 128.
+
+  323 Died 397 A.D.
+
+_  324 De Spiritu Sancto_ iii. 18.
+
+_  325 De bono mortis_ viii.
+
+  326 In Psalm cxviii., Sermo. 118, 2.
+
+_  327 De Spirit. Sancto._ iii., vi. 39.
+
+_  328 Liber de Tobia_.
+
+  329 Died 410 A.D.
+
+_  330 Expos. in Symbol. Apostol._, pp. 373, 374, ed. Migne.
+
+  331 Died about 387 A.D.
+
+  332 De Haeres. chs. 60 and 61, in Galland, vii. pp. 424, 425.
+
+  333 Apud Mansi, iii. pp. 1040, 1041.
+
+  334 Credner's _Zur Geschichte des Kanons_, p. 151, &c., and Thiel's
+      _Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum genuinae_, tom. i.
+
+  335 Mansi iv. p. 430.
+
+_  336 Opp. Graec._, tom. ii. P. 327, ed. Rom. 1746.
+
+_  337 Ibid._, tom. i. p. 101.
+
+  338 Tom. iii. p. 60.
+
+  339 Galland, xii. p. 79, &c.
+
+  340 See Dillmann in Ewald's _Jahrbuecher_, v. p. 144, &c.
+
+  341 Died 599 A.D.
+
+  342 See Credner's _Zur Gesch. des Kanons_, p. 97, &c.
+
+  343 Died 891 A.D.
+
+_  344 Nomocanon, Titulus III._, cap. 2, vol. iv. pp. 1050, 1051 ed.
+      Migne.
+
+  345 See Codd. 113, 126.
+
+  346 Died 754 A.D.
+
+  347 Died 636 A.D.
+
+_  348 Etymolog._ vi. 1.
+
+  349 Died  604 A.D.
+
+  350 Died 912 A.D.
+
+  351 Died 735 A.D.
+
+  352 Died 804 A.D.
+
+  353 Died 856 A.D.
+
+  354 Died 1141 A.D.
+
+  355 Died 1156 A.D.
+
+  356 Died 1182 A.D.
+
+  357 1270 A.D.
+
+  358 Died 1263 A.D.
+
+  359 Died 1384 A.D.
+
+  360 Died 1340 A.D.
+
+  361 See Hody, p. 648, &c.
+
+  362 Chemnitz calls seven books of the New Testament _apocryphos_,
+      because of their uncertain authorship (see _Examen Concilii
+      Tridentini_, p. 45, &c.)
+
+  363 See Tholuck's _Kommentar zum Briefe an die Hebraeer, zweite Auflage_,
+      pp. 55, 86.
+
+  364 Carlstadt's treatise is reprinted in Credner's _Zur Geschichte des
+      Kanons_.
+
+  365 Werke, edited by Schuler and Schulthess, vol. ii. p. 169.
+
+_  366 Ep. ad. Valdenses_, 1530, _apud. Sculteti annal. evang. renovat
+      decas secunda_, pp. 313, 314.
+
+_  367 Ibid._
+
+  368 Hug says that his copy of Widmanstad's edition had the Acts
+      immediately following the Gospels.
+
+  369 Epist. ad Paulinum.
+
+  370 Hom. vii. in Josua.
+
+  371 De Bibliorum textibus originalibus, &c., p. 654.
+
+_  372 Ibid._, p. 664.
+
+  373 See Zacagni's _Collectanea monumentorum veterum Praefat_, p. lxxi.,
+      &c.
+
+  374 See Volkmar's _Anhang_ to _Crednet's Geschichte des N. T. Kanon_, p.
+      341, &c.; and Hody _De Bibliorum textibus originalibus_, p. 644, &c.
+
+_  375 Niemeyer's Collectio Confessionum_, p. 468.
+
+_  376 Ibid._, p. 330.
+
+_  377 Ibid._, pp. 361, 362.
+
+  378 See Herzog's _Die Romanischen Waldenser_, p. 55, &c.; and his
+      programm _De origine et pristino statu Waldensium_, &c., pp. 17, 40,
+      41.
+
+  379 Leger's _Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises_, vol. i., p. 112, &c.
+
+  380 The reason given for their being added as a separate appendix is
+      that they are cited by some fathers and found in some Latin Bibles.
+
+  381 Kimmel's _Monumenta fidei eccles. orient_, part i. p. 467.
+
+  382 Died 791 A.D.
+
+_  383 Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des Canons_, 4 parts, Halle,
+      1771-1775.
+
+  384 See Toland's _Nazarenus_, p. 25, &c., second edition; and Morgan's
+      _Moral Philosopher_, vol. i. p. 56, &c.
+
+  385 For example, "Moses is dead; his rule went out when Christ came--he
+      is of no further service here.... We are willing to regard him as a
+      teacher, but we will not regard him as our lawgiver, _unless he
+      agree with the New Testament and the law of nature_." _Saemmtliche
+      Schriften_, ed. Walch. dritter Theil., pp. 7, 8.
+
+  386 Such as Calovius, Chemnitz, John Gerhard, W. Lyser, Quenstedt,
+      Brochmand, Hollaz, &c. Melancthon also makes no important
+      distinction between the two Testaments in his _Loci theologici_.
+      Calvin's theology was derived from the Old Testament more than the
+      New.
+
+  387 His full sayings are collected in Bretschneider's _Luther an unsere
+      Zeit_, pp. 186-224; and in Krause's _Opuscula theologica_, pp.
+      205-241.
+
+_  388 Loci Theologici_ Tom. i. pp. 186, 187, ed. Cotta, 1762.
+
+_  389 Theologia Didactico-polemica_, p. 340.
+
+  390 See Jones's new and full method of settling the canonical authority
+      of the New Testament, Vol. I., Part i., chap. 5. page 52, ed. 1726.
+
+  391 Ecclesia sua autoritate nullum librum facit canonicum, quippe
+      canonica scripturae autoritas est a solo Deo, &c. Gerhard's _Loci
+      Theologici_, tom. i. p. 4, ed. Cotta. Autoritas scripturae quoad nos
+      nihil allud est, quam manifestatio et cognitio unicae illius divinae
+      et summae autoritatis, quae scriptum est interna et insita. Ecclesia
+      igitur non confert scripturae novam aliquam autoritatem quoad nos,
+      sed testificatione sua ad agnitionem illius; veritatis nos deducit.
+      Concedimus, ecclesiam esse scripturae sacrae _testem, custodem,
+      vindicem, praeconem, et interpretem_; sed negarnus, ex eo effici,
+      quod autoritas scripturae sive simpliciter sive quoad nos ab ecclesia
+      pendeat et quidem unice, pendeat.--_Ibid._, tomus secundus, p. 39,
+      ed. Cotta.
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CANON OF THE BIBLE***
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