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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/30150-0.txt b/30150-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..625fd03 --- /dev/null +++ b/30150-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,4671 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 30150 *** + +TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES: + + + Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_. + + The word "amoeba" uses oe ligature in the original on page 94. + + For consistency, a period has been added at the end of the word + "Editor" in some footnotes where it was missing. + + The following misprints have been corrected: + "spendid" corrected to "splendid" (page 78) + "stumblingblock" corrected to "stumbling block" (page 90) + "can can" corrected to "can" (page 140) + + Other than corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in + spelling, punctuation, hyphenation and ligature usage have been + retained. + + + + + PRIZE ORATIONS + OF THE + INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + + EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION + BY + STEPHEN F. WESTON, PH.D. + EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE ASSOCIATION + PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, ANTIOCH COLLEGE + YELLOW SPRINGS, OHIO + + + + FOREWORD BY + CHARLES F. THWING + + + BOSTON + THE WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION + 1914 + + + + + THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED + TO THE + MISSES MARY AND HELEN SEABURY + WHOSE INTEREST AND ASSISTANCE + HAVE MADE POSSIBLE THE ORATIONS OF THE + INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + FOREWORD vii + By CHARLES F. THWING, President of the Association + + THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION 1 + By STEPHEN F. WESTON, Executive Secretary of the Association + + THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE 25 + By PAUL SMITH, DePauw University, Indiana + + THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE 35 + By GLENN PORTER WISHARD, Northwestern University, Illinois + + THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE 45 + By LEVI T. PENNINGTON, Earlham College, Indiana + + THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE 55 + By ARTHUR FORAKER YOUNG, Western Reserve University, Ohio + + THE HOPE OF PEACE 65 + By STANLEY H. HOWE, Albion College, Michigan + + THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR 73 + By PERCIVAL V. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan + + NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS 81 + By RUSSELL WEISMAN, Western Reserve University, Ohio + + THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM 91 + By PAUL B. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan + + CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT 101 + By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Maryland + + THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE 111 + By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Illinois + + EDUCATION FOR PEACE 121 + By FRANCIS J. LYONS, University of Texas + + NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE 129 + By LOUIS BROIDO, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania + + THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT 137 + By RALPH D. LUCAS, Knox College, Illinois + + MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE 147 + By VICTOR MORRIS, University of Oregon + + THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 157 + By HAROLD HUSTED, Ottawa University, Kansas + + THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 167 + By BRYANT SMITH, Guilford College, North Carolina + + + + +FOREWORD + + +These orations are selected from hundreds of similar addresses spoken +in recent years by hundreds of students in American colleges. I +believe it is not too bold to say that they represent the highest +level of undergraduate thinking and speaking. They are worthy +interpreters of the cause of peace, but they are, as well, noble +illustrations of the type of intellectual and moral culture of +American students. Whoever reads them will, I believe, become more +optimistic, not only over the early fulfillment of the dreams of peace +among nations, but also over the intellectual and ethical condition of +academic life. + +For the simple truth is that the cause of peace makes an appeal of +peculiar force to the undergraduate. It appeals to his imagination. +This imagination is at once historic and prophetic. War makes an +appeal to the historic imagination of the student. His study of Greek +and Roman history has been devoted too largely to the wars that these +peoples waged. Marathon, Salamis, Carthage, are names altogether too +familiar and significant. By contrast he sees what this history, which +is written in blood, might have become. If the millions of men slain +had been permitted to live, and if the uncounted treasure spent had +been economically used, the results in the history of civilization +would have been far richer and nobler. He notes, too, does this +student, that if the last decades of the eighteenth century and the +first decades of the nineteenth had been free from wars in Europe, +humanity would now have attained a far higher level of physical and +intellectual strength. The historic imagination of the student +pictures, as his reason interprets, such conditions. His prophetic +imagination likewise exercises its creative function. The student sees +nations to-day dwelling in armed truces and moving to and fro as a +soldiery actual or possible. He realizes that war puts up what +civilization puts down, and puts down what civilization elevates. He +reads the lamented Robertson's great lecture on the poetry of war, but +he knows also, as Robertson intimates, that "peace is blessed; peace +arises out of charity." The poetry of peace is more entrancing than +the poetry of carnage. To this primary element in the mind of the +undergraduate--the imagination--our great cause therefore makes an +appeal of peculiar earnestness. + +To the reason of the college man, also, the cause of peace makes a +peculiar appeal through its simple logic. War is most illogical. It +breaks the law of the proper interpretation of causality. When two +nations of adjacent territory cannot agree over a boundary line, why +should settlement be made in terms of physical force? When two nations +fail to see eye to eye in adjusting the questions of certain fishing +rights, why should they incarnadine the seas in seeking for the truth +to be applied in settlement? In civil disputes, why, asks the student, +should rifles be employed to discover truth and right? War is an +intellectual anachronism, a breach of logic. Of course, one may reply, +humanity is not logical in its reasoning any more than it is exact in +its observing. Of course it is not; but the college is set to cast +out the rule of no-reason and to bring in the reign of reason. Peace +furnishes a motive and a method of such advancement. Peace is logic +for the individual and for the nation. + +The illogical character of war is also made evident by the contrast +between the college man as a thinker and war itself. The college man +who thinks sees truth broadly; war interprets life narrowly, at the +point of the bayonet. The college man who thinks sees truth deeply; +war makes its primary appeal to the superficial love of glory, of +pomp, and of circumstance. The college man who thinks sees truth in +its highest relations; war is hell. The college man who thinks sees +truth in long ranges and in far-off horizons; war is emotional, and +the warrior flings the years into the hours. The college man who +thinks, thinks accurately, with logic, with reason; war does not +think--it strikes. "Strike," the college man may also say, "but hear!" +he cries; "yes, think." If the college can make the student think, it +has created the greatest force for making the world and the age a +world and an age of peace. + +It is plain enough, too, that the economic side of war makes a +tremendous appeal to the student. The cost of the battleship _Indiana_ +was practically $6,000,000; the total value of grounds and buildings +of the colleges and universities in Indiana is slightly more than +$7,000,000, and the productive funds are $4,000,000. The total cost of +the battleship _Oregon_ was more than $6,500,000; the total value of +grounds and buildings of the universities and colleges of Oregon is +less than $2,000,000, and the productive funds amount to hardly more +than $2,000,000. The cost of the battleship _Iowa_ was nearly +$6,000,000, and the productive funds of all the colleges and +universities of the state are only $5,000,000. The battleship +_Kentucky_ cost $5,000,000; in the colleges of that state the total +amount of productive funds is only $2,000,000, and the total value of +grounds and buildings, $3,000,000. The battleship _Alabama_ cost more +than $4,500,000, and the entire property, real and personal, of all +the universities and colleges in that state is less than $4,000,000. +The cost of the battleship _Wisconsin_ was more than $4,500,000; the +whole value of all grounds and buildings of the colleges and +universities of the state is only slightly more than $7,000,000. The +battleship _Maine_ cost more than $5,000,000, and the entire value in +grounds, buildings, and productive funds of the colleges and +universities of that state is little more than $5,000,000. + +The value of the buildings of five hundred colleges and universities +in this country was estimated in a recent year at $262,000,000, and +the productive funds at $357,000,000. Leaving out those now in course +of construction, the total cost of the battleships and armored +cruisers of the United States named after individual states is +$325,000,000. + +The cost of maintaining these battleships during the fiscal year of +1910, though many were in commission but a small part of the year, +amounted to no less than $33,000,000. The amount which all the +colleges and universities in this country received in tuition fees in +1911 was only $20,000,000; and the entire income received both from +fees and productive funds was only about $34,000,000. In other words, +when one takes into account the depreciation of the battleship or +armored cruiser, the entire cost of the thirty-eight battleships for a +single year is greater than the administration of the entire American +system of higher education. + +Is it not painfully manifest that the cost of war constitutes a mighty +argument for the economic mind of the student? + +Moreover, I am inclined to believe that the very difficulties +belonging to the triumph of our great cause constitute ground for its +closer relationship to the college man. The college man wishes, as +well as needs, a hard job. The easy task, the rosy opportunity, makes +no appeal. He is like Garibaldi's soldiers, who, when the choice was +once offered them by the commander to surrender to ease and safety, +chose hardship and peril. The Boxer revolution in China was followed +by hundreds of applications from college men and women to be sent +forth to China to take the place of the martyrs. The difficulties in +the progress of the great cause are of every sort and condition. +Industrial narrowness and commercial greed, military and political +ambitions, sectional zeal, national jealousy, the sensitiveness of +each nation in matters of national honor, the glamour of the good and +the beautiful under the sentiment of patriotism, the historic honor +attending death for one's country, the ease of creating war scares +among the people, the looseness of the organization of the higher +forces of the world--all these conditions and more pile up into a +Pelion on Ossa as a part of the difficulties standing in the progress +of our great movement. But such difficulties inspire rather than +deter. The student says, "I will; therefore I can." He also says, "I +can; therefore I will." He knows that the forces fighting for him are +more than those that fight against him, strong as these are. Man in +his noblest relationships, the songs of the poet (the best +interpreter, from Homer and Virgil to the "Winepress" of Alfred +Noyes), the torture, the pains, the sufferings, the woes, the vision +of the prophet of a loving and perfect humanity, the reason of +logic--all these and more are to him inspirations, and strengthen him +in his great quest. He is a knight of the Holy Grail that is filled +from the river of the water of life. + +Perhaps, furthermore, the cause makes its most impressive appeal to +the collegian in its internationalism, or interpatriotism. This +internationalism addresses itself to his own international +appreciation. The collegian is a patriot. He is a patriot not only +against a foreign country but often against certain parts of his own +country--loyal to the interests which he believes a section of his own +nation properly represents. The German students have fought for their +Fatherland; they have also fought for the liberal sentiments of their +own land against reactionary movements, as in 1848. In the American +Civil War no brighter record is to be found than is embodied in the +tablets in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, or in Memorial Hall, Chapel Hill, +University of North Carolina. But the collegian possesses the +international sense, and possesses it more and more deeply with each +passing decade. His is the international mind, interpreting phenomena +in terms of common justice. His is the international heart, feeling +the universal joys and sorrows, woes and exultations. His is the +international will, seeking to do good to all men. His is the +international conscience, weighing right and duty in the scales of +divine humanity. Whatever interpretation he gives to the sayings of +Paul that God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of the +earth and has fixed the bounds of their habitation,--whether he stops +with the words "the face of the earth" or whether he goes on to +interpret the limitations of their residence,--it is nevertheless true +that his mind, his heart, his will, and his conscience do go out +toward all nations in their endeavor to realize their highest racial +and interracial peace. No man is a foreigner to him. + +I have, I trust, said enough to intimate that these orations arise out +of a natural and normal condition of the student mind and heart. They +also, in subject as well as in origin, bear a special message of cheer +and hopefulness to all who have a good will toward the collegian and +toward the great cause for which we all are laboring. + + CHARLES F. THWING + _President_ + + WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY + CLEVELAND, OHIO + + + + +PRIZE ORATIONS + +THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + +_Origin._ In the autumn of 1904 President Noah E. Byers of Goshen +College, Goshen, Indiana, a Mennonite college, invited to a conference +representatives of all the colleges in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio +that are conducted by those religious denominations that advocate +nonresistance as one of their essential religious principles. Such +bodies are the Mennonites, the Dunkards, and the Quakers. In the +spring of 1905 a more specific invitation was sent out, with the +result that a conference was held at Goshen College, June 22-23, 1905. +This date is important, since the call of President Byers for such a +conference was the first active step ever taken to interest the +college world, and particularly undergraduates, in the great movement +for world peace founded upon the idea of human brotherhood. While the +conference did not take place until a month after President Gilman had +suggested to the Lake Mohonk Conference, in May, 1905, that it should +extend its peace work to the colleges and universities, yet the call +for the conference was several months prior to the action of the +Mohonk Conference. + +Eight institutions were represented at this conference--Goshen, +Earlham, Central Mennonite, Ashland, Wilmington, Juniata, and Penn +colleges and Friends' University. No definite plan of work had been +mapped out, but a simple organization was effected, and arrangements +were made for a second conference at Earlham College (Society of +Friends). Professor Elbert Russell of Earlham College was elected +president, and upon him devolved most of the work of arranging for the +second conference, which was held April 13-14, 1906. For this +conference no denominational lines were drawn, it being felt that all +colleges and universities should be interested in this important work. +Hence invitations were sent to all institutions of higher learning in +both Indiana and Ohio. Eight institutions were represented: Indiana, +three--Earlham and Goshen colleges and Indiana University; Ohio, +five--Antioch, Denison, Miami, Wilmington, and Central Mennonite. This +representation was small, considering the importance of the conference +and the excellent program that had been arranged for by Professor +Russell. But notwithstanding the small number of institutions +represented, the conference was a marked success, made so very largely +by the many excellent addresses--among others, those of Edwin D. Mead, +Benjamin F. Trueblood, Professor Ernst Richard of Columbia University, +and Honorable William Dudley Foulke. + +On the last day of the conference the delegates from the different +colleges met and perfected a permanent organization, which it was +agreed should be called the Intercollegiate Peace Association. Thus, +after a year of preliminary work, the Intercollegiate Peace +Association came into definite and permanent existence on April 14, +1906. At this meeting Dean William P. Rogers of the Cincinnati Law +School was elected president, and Professor Elbert Russell, secretary +and treasurer. The president and the secretary, President Noah E. +Byers of Goshen College, and Professor Stephen F. Weston of Antioch +College constituted the executive committee. The writer has remained +on the executive committee from the beginning, as either an elected or +an ex-officio member. + +Two methods of propaganda were adopted: intercollegiate oratorical +contests, and public addresses on peace questions before the student +body and faculties of colleges and universities. It was also agreed +that the work should begin with Ohio and Indiana and gradually extend +to other states. Although no definite plan was formulated until a year +later, at the meeting at Cincinnati, it was understood from the outset +that it should be the aim gradually to extend the field of work, so +that ultimately most of the institutions of higher learning in +practically all of the states should be embraced within the +organization and participate in the contests. + +_Purpose._ The purpose of the association has been quite definitely +set forth in my "Historical Sketch"[1] and in my report for 1912. +From these the following statement is very largely borrowed. The +fundamental purpose of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is to +instill into the minds and hearts of the young men of our colleges +and universities the principle that the highest ideals of justice +and righteousness should govern the conduct of men in all their +international affairs quite as much as in purely individual and social +matters, and that, therefore, the true aim of all international +dealings should be to settle differences, of whatever nature, by +peaceful methods through an appeal to the noblest human instincts +and the highest ideals of life, rather than by the arbitrament of +the sword through an appeal to the lower passions; and, further, +both on humanitarian and economic grounds, to arouse in the youth of +to-day an appreciation of the importance of a peaceful settlement of +international disputes, and to inculcate a spirit antagonistic to the +inhuman waste of life and the reckless waste of wealth in needless +warfare. + + [1] Printed in _Antioch College Bulletin_, Vol. VII, No. 1, + December, 1910. + +This appeal to the idealism of youth is founded upon the psychological +fact that it is the ideals of life that determine the conduct of life. +It is ideals that rule the world; hence the importance of right ideals +based upon a comprehensive understanding of the real nature and +deepest implications of human fellowship. The alleged impracticability +is not in the ideal but in the difficulty of making the ideal such a +dominant part of our being that it shall consistently direct our +activities under every circumstance. One of the essential conditions +of human progress is the conviction that such ideals are vital to the +highest attainments and that these should be the aim of all our +strivings. Unfortunately such a standard of life is far from being +realized. Policy rules largely in the world of practical life; either +high ideals are considered impracticable, or there is no attempt to +enforce consistency between belief and practice. + +Mindful of the further fact that the ideals and habits of thought and +action that prevail in mature life are those that are formed in youth, +the Intercollegiate Peace Association turns to the young manhood of +the undergraduate for its field of operations. The aim is to give such +a firm mold to the ideals of the undergraduate that they shall for all +time shape his activities to the end of righteous conduct in all +international dealings. In particular, the aim is to cultivate in the +young men of our colleges and universities such sentiments and +standards of conduct as will insure their devotion to the furtherance +of international peace through arbitration and other methods of +pacific settlement rather than by battleships--standards of conduct +based upon the fundamental truth that conflicts between men, and +therefore principles of right and justice, can be rightly settled only +through the mediation of mind, and that every effort to settle them by +force is not only illogical, a psychological impossibility, but is the +way of the brute, not the way of man, whose nature touches the divine. +All the more important must this work with the undergraduate be +considered when we reflect that it is the young men in our colleges +and universities to-day who will mold the public opinion and the +national and international policy of the next generation; for it is +such young men as these that will control the pulpit and the press, +the legislation and the diplomacy of the future. It is this fact that +gives such peculiar importance to the work of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association. To quote from the report of the secretary for 1912: + +"Other peace societies are laboring to create a public sentiment +to-day in favor of international peace, through arbitration of all +international differences. This is very essential. But the +Intercollegiate Peace Association is founded upon the belief that the +cause of peace will not triumph in a day, and that it is therefore of +the utmost importance that right ideals be rooted into the minds of +those who will give expression to the public opinion of the future. In +brief, it is building more for the future than for the immediate +present. The millennium of peace will not come until the ideals of a +Christian civilization take deeper root in the minds and hearts of +those who are the leaders of thought and action. One of the crying +sins of to-day is that professions of righteous living in accordance +with Christian ethical ideals are not taken seriously. Note the +disgraceful policy that has been pursued with regard to Turkey by the +nations of Europe that profess to be disciples of the Prince of Peace. +Hence it is of the utmost importance that those who are to become the +future translators of ideals into action shall be imbued with right +principles of life and of human relations. To this end it is sought to +cultivate the right sentiment against war, and for international +peace, among the undergraduates of our colleges; for what the +undergraduate thinks about and reads about to-day will very largely +determine his future principles and his conduct, and it is he who is +destined to mold the ideals, shape the policies, and determine the +actions of the people of to-morrow." + +_Methods and Results._ To carry out these purposes two things are +essential: an awakened interest in the cause of peace, and some +definite and effective method for molding sentiments and habits of +thought that will persist with such vitality that they will give shape +to future conduct and activities. To arouse an interest in the +subject, on the part of both professors and students, it was believed +at the outset that public addresses would be effective, and it was +hoped that the association would be able to inaugurate a course of +such addresses in our colleges and universities. It was, however, soon +found that to finance such a course would require more money than we +could hope to command for some time to come. In consequence, very +little has been done along this line further than to arrange for +occasional addresses and to encourage chapel talks. It is this field +of work that the Lake Mohonk Conference voted to adopt at the +suggestion of Dr. Gilman. The conference also found it difficult to +carry out the plan, and our association was invited to assume the +whole of this work--a request we would gladly have accepted, but which +we were compelled to decline for want of funds. It is a very important +field of work and could be made very effective toward realizing the +ultimate goal of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, for its effect +would undoubtedly be the enlistment of a much larger number of the +students in the oratorical contests, which must be our chief reliance +for getting international peace ideas to take a vital root in the +undergraduate mind. If we cannot secure the necessary funds for +carrying on this important work, it is hoped that some other peace +society will do it for us, for such addresses could be made a most +effective complement to our work. + +Being compelled to abandon the public addresses for want of money, we +have concentrated most of our efforts upon the intercollegiate +oratorical contests as perhaps the most effective method for carrying +out the purpose of the association. The contests are bound to arouse +an interest in the subject, while the preparation of orations is sure +to ingrain thoughts, sentiments, and convictions that will be +indelible in the character of the young men who participate in the +contests. While the contests are oratorical in their nature, their +primary purpose is not the cultivation of oratory. Oratory is simply +used as a means to an end--the cultivation of right ideas of justice +and righteousness between nations. That such a result will accrue is +assured both in psychological principles and in experience. Every +student who produces a well-prepared oration in bound to make the +thoughts and sentiments expressed a part of his being. The oration +would not be effective if it were otherwise. The writer has heard +scores of these orations, and he is convinced of the sincerity and +earnestness of the orators. Moreover, letters written to him by those +who have won prizes, attesting their interest in and their devotion to +the cause, by reason of their participation in the contests, give +ample evidence that the contests are bearing fruit. Nor can one read +the orations in this volume without being convinced of their +sincerity. + +Indeed, the reason why we do not have intercollegiate debates instead +of contests in oratory is because of the psychological truth, amply +justified by experience, that the student who prepares for the +negative side of a peace question would tend to have his thoughts +permanently fixed along the lines of the advocates of great armaments. +It is not that the student should not know the arguments opposing the +ideas of the advocates of peace by arbitration. We would not cultivate +bigotry even in a good cause. We would have him know the facts, as +indeed he must before he can present any arguments for peace that +would have any significance. But an acquaintance with the opposing +arguments is quite a different thing, in its effect upon the thought +of the student, from making that thought his own and publicly +defending it. + +Other results may be mentioned. While the cultivation of oratory is +not a function of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, it does +foster oratory as a valuable if not an indispensable instrument for +effecting its own end. In fact, the oratorical contests are something +more than agencies for interesting undergraduates in the peace +movement. The cultivation of the art of expression and of public +speaking, now very generally provided for in college and university +curriculums, is of especial significance to the work of this +association. For it is not alone of importance that the graduate who +leaves his alma mater should be indoctrinated with a message of peace +for the world; that his message may be effective, he must also have +attained some proficiency in the art of clear and forceful diction and +in the art of delivering his message in a pleasing and convincing +manner. Therefore, it is not without reason that our contests are for +the most part under the immediate direction of the department of +English, or of whatever departments have charge of the public speaking +in the various colleges and universities. + +A further factor in these contests is their cultural value, both moral +and intellectual. They necessarily cultivate the highest ethical +conceptions, historical and political knowledge, and careful and +logical thinking. To quote from the secretary's report for 1912: "The +work of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is a great force for +righteousness between nation and nation, and so between man and man, +and therefore may be considered as supplementary to the more strictly +moral and intellectual culture in our institutions of higher learning. +The ethical value is not the only value of the contests. In the +preparation of orations the undergraduate necessarily informs himself +of historical conditions, of the economic and social effects of war, +of the legal and constitutional principles involved, and of the +problems, difficulties, and principles concerned with international +relations. It is this early beginning of an intelligent understanding +of the problems involved, together with the right moral insight, that +must count for future effectiveness in shaping international policies +and practices." Finally, while these contests have chiefly in mind the +shaping of the public opinion of coming generations, they are by no +means a negligible factor in their influence upon the public opinion +of to-day. The contests--local, state, and interstate--are heard by +many hundreds of people every year, and in many cases by persons who +would otherwise seldom come in contact with peace sentiments. The +permeating influence in college circles extends beyond those who +participate in the contests. The influence of any single contest may +indeed be small, but so too is the influence of any one peace +conference or congress. The task of molding public opinion along the +lines of any human uplift is always slow, and only gradually do the +influences of this character permeate and take possession of the +social mind; but every influence leaves its impression. It is only by +persistent activities and cumulative effects that the social mind can +be aroused to a full consciousness of any great moral issue, and still +more true is this when that moral issue is of national or +international importance. The many peace societies, the +Intercollegiate Peace Association among them, are just such persistent +activities, which, by gradually producing cumulative effects, will +ultimately reap their reward. But more perhaps than other peace +societies does the Intercollegiate Peace Association concern itself +with the social mind and the social conscience of the future. + +_The Contests._ The first oratorical contest was held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907. Arrangements were made for the +participation of only Ohio and Indiana colleges. State contests were +not held, but fourteen orations were submitted from as many different +institutions, nine from Ohio and five from Indiana. The writers of +eight of these were selected by judges on thought and composition to +take part in the speaking contest. Four were from Ohio and four from +Indiana. Indiana won both the first and the second prize. The first +prize was won by Paul Smith of DePauw University with the subject, +"The Conflict of War and Peace." The second prize went to Lawrence B. +Smelser of Earlham College, whose subject was "The Solving Principles +of Federation." + +The second contest was held at DePauw University, May 15, 1908. +Carrying out the plan adopted at the meeting at Cincinnati, the +contestants were selected by means of State contests, and an +invitation was extended to the colleges and universities of Michigan, +Illinois, and Wisconsin to participate in the contest. Wisconsin did +not respond, but contests were held in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and +Illinois. By special arrangement Juniata College was allowed to +represent Pennsylvania without a state contest. Glenn P. Wishard of +Northwestern University won the first prize; subject, "The United +States and Universal Peace." The second prize was won by H. P. Lenartz +of Notre Dame University; subject, "America and the World's Peace." + +The third Interstate contest took place at The University of Chicago, +May 4, 1909, in connection with the Second National Peace Congress. +Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin were represented, +all having held State contests. Levi T. Pennington of Earlham College +won the first prize; subject, "The Evolution of World Peace." The +second prize went to Harold P. Flint of Illinois Wesleyan University; +subject, "America the Exemplar of Peace." + +The fourth annual contest was held at the University of Michigan, May +13, 1910. There were six contestants, Pennsylvania having come +regularly into the association. Arthur F. Young of Western Reserve +University won the first prize; subject, "The Waste of War--The Wealth +of Peace." The second prize went to Glenn N. Merry of Northwestern +University; subject, "A Nation's Opportunity." + +The fifth annual contest was held at Johns Hopkins University, May 5, +1911, in connection with the Third National Peace Congress. There were +seven contestants, Maryland being represented for the first time. The +first prize was won by Stanley H. Howe, Albion College, Michigan, and +the second prize by Wayne Walker Calhoun, Illinois Wesleyan +University. Mr. Howe's subject was "The Hope of Peace," and Mr. +Calhoun's, "War and the Man." This contest was one of the most +successful that had been held up to that time. It was greeted by one +of the largest audiences that had attended any of the sessions of the +Peace Congress, and the comparison of the orations, in both thought +and delivery, with the speeches given in the congress, was very +favorable to the young orators. A general enthusiasm was evoked for +the contests. Yet there was much fear that this contest might prove to +be the last, there being no assurance ahead for adequate funds to +carry on the work. It was decided, however, not to give up without +further trial, a decision well justified by subsequent developments. + +Assistance being secured from the Carnegie peace fund, eleven states +held contests in 1912. In addition to the seven that participated in +the contest at Baltimore, four additional states were added--New York, +North Carolina, Iowa, and Nebraska. With so many states, it became +necessary for the first time to divide them into groups. Two groups +were formed, an Eastern and a Western. The Western Group, of five +states, held its contest at Monmouth College, Illinois, April 26, and +the Eastern Group, of six states, at Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, +May 3. No prizes were given at either of these contests, but an +arrangement was made with the Lake Mohonk Conference by which the +ranking orator in each contest should meet and contest for first and +second place at Mohonk Lake at the time of the Lake Mohonk Conference. +The contest at Mohonk was held May 16, the contestants being Percival +V. Blanshard of the University of Michigan, who represented the +Western Group, and Russell Weisman of Western Reserve University, who +represented the Eastern Group. The title of Mr. Blanshard's oration +was "The Roosevelt Theory of War," and that of Mr. Weisman's, +"National Honor and Vital Interests." The Misses Seabury gave a first +prize of $75 and a second prize of $50. The judges awarded the first +prize to Mr. Blanshard and the second prize to Mr. Weisman. So great, +however, was the interest of the guests at Mohonk Lake, and so nearly +equal in merit were the orations, that a gentleman present gave an +additional $25 to Mr. Weisman to make the prizes equal, and Mr. Joshua +Bailey of Philadelphia gave each of the contestants an additional $50. + +Five additional states--Maine, Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, and +South Dakota--participated in the contests of 1913, making sixteen +states holding contests. Of these states three groups were formed, an +Eastern, a Central, and a Western. The Central Group held its contest +at Goshen College, Indiana, April 25; the Western Group at St. Louis, +May 1, as part of the program of the Fourth American Peace Congress; +and the Eastern Group at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, May 13. The +same arrangements were made as in the preceding year--that the +contestant holding the highest rank in each group should meet in a +final contest at Mohonk Lake. No prizes were given, except that the +Business Men's League of St. Louis gave a prize of $100 for the +contest at St. Louis. The contest at Mohonk was held May 15, and three +prizes were given by the Misses Seabury--$100, $75, and $50. Paul B. +Blanshard of the University of Michigan, a twin brother of the Mr. +Blanchard who won the first prize in 1912, represented the Central +Group and won the first prize with the subject, "The Evolution of +Patriotism." Calvert Magruder, St. John's College, Annapolis, +Maryland, represented the Eastern Group and won the second prize. His +subject was "Certain Phases of the Peace Movement." Vernon M. Welsh, +Knox College, Illinois, represented the Western Group and won the +third prize. His subject was "The Assurance of Peace." + +_Growth._ The growth of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, like +that of most social movements, was slow in the first few years of its +existence, but with the gradual accretion of new states it has gained +in momentum, and is to-day increasing with such rapidity that only the +lack of financial support will prevent it from embracing in its +contests within another two years practically every state in the +Union. Starting with two states at the Earlham Conference in 1906 and +the first contest in 1907, it added three states in 1908, one in 1910, +and one in 1911, making seven states participating in the contests of +1911. Four more states were added for the contests of 1912, and five +additional ones for the contests of 1913 (nine states in two years), +making sixteen states in all. Since the contest in May, 1913, eight +states have been added for the contests of 1914, while the work of +organization is being carried on in several other states. By 1915 at +least thirty states will be holding contests if money can be secured +for properly financing them. Four groups are now definitely organized: +an Eastern, a Central, a Western, and a Southern. A Pacific Group is +in process of being organized. Thus, in seven years from the first +contest we have become a national association, extending from the +Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Lakes to the Gulf. + +_Prizes and Finances._ In order to encourage the young men to enter +the contests, the plan of offering prizes was adopted at the outset. +The national association made itself responsible for the state prizes, +leaving the local institutions to provide for such local prizes as +they could arrange for. In some places such prizes are given, being +provided for in different ways, and in some places no local prizes are +given. At first only $50 and $25 were given for the two state prizes, +but after the second year it was made a definite policy of the +association to make the first state prize $75 and the second prize +$50. With rare exceptions, in the case of the second prize, this +policy is now maintained. In New York, however, there is a first prize +of $200 and a second prize of $100, given by Mrs. Elmer Black. For the +past two or three years the national association has made itself +responsible for the first prize only, leaving the states to look after +the second prize, though the secretary also looks after many of the +second prizes. No prizes are regularly given in the group contests, +but it is hoped that a plan may be evolved for giving one prize, as +the expenses of the winning contestant are large. At the national +contest at Mohonk Lake, prizes are given to each contestant. In 1914 +these prizes will probably range from $40 to $100. + +The prize money has come from various sources. In 1908 Mr. Carnegie +gave $1000, and in 1909 he gave $700. The Misses Seabury, of New +Bedford, Massachusetts, gave $500 a year from the first. They gave +$750 in 1913 and will give $1000 for prizes in 1914. In Illinois La +Verne W. Noyes has annually given the first prize of $75 and Harlow N. +Higginbotham the second prize of $50. In Michigan R. E. Olds gave the +first prize until 1913, and J. H. Moores the second prize until 1914. +In Ohio Samuel Mather and J. G. Schmidlapp furnish the prizes for +1914. In New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland the +prizes are given by individuals at the instigation of peace societies. +In some states the second prize is given by some individual or through +a collection from a number of individuals. The balance of the prizes +are paid out of the subvention of $1200 that has been allowed for the +past three years out of the Carnegie endowment fund. In 1913 the +prizes amounted to $2400. In 1914 they approximate $3400, apart from +any local prizes that may be given. + +The annual subvention of $1200 from the Carnegie peace fund is wholly +inadequate to meet the growing needs of this association. Since this +subvention was first granted, the number of states has been more than +doubled, and it takes about $600 a year to run the secretary's office. +Unless more money is secured from some source, the association will be +unable to grow beyond its present limits. + +_Officers and Organization._ The organization of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association has been a gradual development, and has undergone +modifications to meet the changing conditions due to the considerable +enlargement of the territory embraced within its sphere of activity, +chief of which has been the practical impossibility of getting +representatives to a national meeting from such a large extent of +territory. At first there were a president, secretary, and treasurer, +and an executive committee, with the college presidents of Ohio and +Indiana as vice presidents. At the meeting at DePauw University, in +1908, it was decided to create state committees, that should have +charge of the work in their respective states. As the states grew in +numbers the plan of having vice presidents was abandoned. In 1911 the +chairmen of the state committees were made members of an advisory +council, and in 1913 the executive committee was reorganized so that +there should be one member from each group of states in addition to +the president and secretary. When the organization is fully matured +the elected members of the executive committee will be a +self-perpetuating body, only one or two going out of office in any +one year, reëlection being permitted. The executive committee will +elect the president, executive secretary, and treasurer, and the +president and the executive secretary will appoint the members of the +advisory council, who will be ex-officio chairmen of the state +committees. The officers up to date have been as follows: + +_Presidents:_ Dean William P. Rogers, Cincinnati Law School, +1906-1907; Professor George W. Knight, Ohio State University, +1907-1908; Professor Elbert Russell, Earlham College, 1908-1910; Dean +William P. Rogers, 1910-1911; President Charles F. Thwing, Western +Reserve University, 1911-. + +_Secretaries:_ Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Mr. George Fulk, +Cerro Gordo, Illinois, 1908-1911; Professor Stephen F. Weston, Antioch +College, 1911-. + +_Treasurers:_ Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Professor Stephen +F. Weston, 1908-. + +_Orations._ In the seven years in which the contests have been held, +about twelve hundred orations have been written, a little more than +one half of these in the past two years. The number written in 1914 +will not fall far short of five hundred. For some time we have desired +to publish a volume of the prize orations, and within the past few +years there has been considerable demand for such a volume, as many +would-be contestants are anxious to see what they will have to measure +up to in order to win. Outsiders interested in the contests have also +desired such a publication. The present collection was therefore +projected, and the World Peace Foundation willingly undertook to issue +it as one of the books in its International Library. + +The ten orations that have been selected for this volume out of the +twelve hundred have all won the first prize in interstate contests. +The first five are the first prize orations in the national contests +of the first five years before the group contests were organized, and +were selected by a series of local, state, and interstate contests out +of about five hundred and fifty orations delivered. The last five, +selected by a series of contests out of about six hundred and fifty, +are the first prize orations of the group contests of the past two +years. They were delivered in the national contests at Mohonk Lake at +the time of the Lake Mohonk Conferences. The fact that many of the +second prize orations, and indeed a number of the others, were given +first place by some of the judges is indicative of the general high +character of all the orations, so that the ten selected orations are +very fairly typical of the thought and sentiment of the whole twelve +hundred. It is therefore believed that the publication of these +orations will be of great value not only as a stimulus to prospective +contestants but as a convincing proof of the quality of the work that +the undergraduate students of the country are doing in the contests. +They are evidence that these contests call out a high grade of +intellectual and moral culture, showing as they do keen and clear +thinking and high moral ideals. + +There is included as an appendix to these orations the Pugsley prize +oration of 1913, by Bryant Smith, a senior in Guilford College, North +Carolina, a sample of the prize essays annually submitted for the +Pugsley prize of $100 offered through the Lake Mohonk Conference by +Chester DeWitt Pugsley of Yonkers, New York. The essay is also +fittingly printed in this volume because Mr. Smith represented the +state of North Carolina in the Eastern Group contest of the +Intercollegiate Peace Association in 1912, while still another reason +for including it is the hope that others who have taken part in the +oratorical contests, and who are thereby excluded from entering those +contests again, may be encouraged to try for the Pugsley prize. + +_Subjects of Orations._ In view of the fact that so many orations have +been written on peace subjects, it is worthy of note that the topics +have seldom been duplicated, and that when the same topic has been +twice used, the handling of it has been so different that little +duplication has been noticeable. Each oration well represents the +originality and the individuality of the writer or orator. Duplication +is shown in the quotations, and it is therefore suggested that +quotations be sparingly used. + +Not the least interesting feature of the orations is the combination +of idealism and practicality, which they reveal in the minds of the +contestants. Truly, these young men "have hitched their wagon to a +star," the star of universal good will. + +To show the wide range of subjects chosen, and therefore the scope and +many-sidedness of the peace question, the following list of titles +already used is given here. They are also given as suggestions to +future writers of orations, for there is no objection to choosing +subjects previously used. Even if there is some duplication of +thought, it makes little difference, since the contests are seldom +held twice in the same place. Included in the list are some titles +that show variations in the way of stating the same thing, and these +variations should be suggestive to future writers of orations. + + PARTIAL LIST OF SUBJECTS + + America the Exemplar of Peace + America and the World's Peace + America's Mission in the Peace Movement + America's Mission to Mankind + America's Obligation + The Arbiter of the World + Arbitration _versus_ War + The Challenge of Thor + The Conflict of War and Peace + A Congress of Nations + The Cost of Militarism + The Cost of Peace + The Crucial Parallelism + The Dawn of Peace + The Dawn of Universal Peace + Democracy and Peace + Diplomacy and Peace + Disillusionment + The Dominant Ideal + The End; and the Means + The Evolution of a Higher Patriotism + The Evolution of Justice + The Evolution of Law + The Evolution of National Greatness as a World Peacemaker + The Evolution of World Peace + The Fallacy of the Economics of War + The Federation of the World + Forces of War and Peace + The Foundations + From Chaos to Harmony + From History's Pages--Peace + Fruits of War and Fruits of Peace + Government and International Peace + The Growing Sentiment + The Growth of the Peace Movement + Honor Satisfied + The Ideal of the Century + Idealism and the Peace Movement + Immigration and Peace + The Inefficiency of War + Instead of War--What? + International Arbitration + International Justice and World Peace + International Peace + International Peace and the Prince of Peace + Justice and Peace + Justice by War or Peace + The Keynote of the Twentieth Century + The Lasting Wound + The Law of Peace + The Message of the Andes + Military Selection and its Effect on National Life + Modern Battlefields + A Nation's Opportunity + The New Anglo-Saxon + The New Brotherhood + The New Corner Stone + The New Era + The New Nobility + The New Patriotism + The Next Step + The Panama Canal + The Passing of War + The Pathway to Peace + Patriotism and Peace + Peace and Armaments + Peace and the Evolution of Conscience + Peace and the Fortification of the Panama Canal + Peace and Public Opinion + Peace Inevitable + Peace is our Passion + Peace on Earth + Peace, our Great Ideal + The Philosophy of Universal Peace + Physical and Psychical Aspects of War + A Plea for International Peace + A Plea for Peace + Popular Fallacies about War + Popular Government and Peace + Popular Sentiment and Purer Citizenship: The Right Road to Peace + The Power of International Tolerance + The Prince of Peace + Progress toward Justice + The Proposed Court of Arbitral Justice + The Rationality of Peace + The Real Power + The Redemption of Patriotism + The Regaining of the World's Lost Legacy + Right or Might + The Significance of the Hague Conferences + The Rightful Ruler + A Simple Method of Forwarding Universal Peace + The Solving Principles of Federation + Sovereignty in Arbitration + Statesmanship _versus_ Battleship + Thor or Christ + Ungrateful America + The United States and Universal Peace + The United States of the World + Universal Peace and the Brotherhood of Man + The Unnecessary Evil + A Vision of a Conquest + War and Christianity + War--The Demoralizer + War and its Elimination + War and the Laboring Man + War and the Man + War for Profit + War--Universal Brotherhood--Peace + The Warrior's Protest against War + The Waste of War--The Wealth of Peace + The Way of Peace + What, from Vengeance? + World Federation + The World Organization + +_Acknowledgments._ The Intercollegiate Peace Association is greatly +indebted to many state and city peace societies for coöperation and +assistance. They have materially strengthened our work and made +possible the enlargement of the field of our activities. To their +secretaries we are deeply indebted. The fullest coöperation of the +peace societies, each assisting and supplementing the work of others +wherever possible, will bring the most fruitful and the most speedy +results, and the fact that we have received such coöperation indicates +a full appreciation of the value of the work being done in these +contests. We wish also to express our gratitude to the many individual +contributors of prizes, especially to the Misses Seabury, for their +interest, encouragement, and generosity, because without their +assistance our association could not have survived. To the Misses +Seabury we are also under obligation for lending their rights over the +texts of orations for this publication. For the subvention from the +Carnegie Endowment for International Peace we thank the American Peace +Society, through whose agency it comes to us. For the publication of +this volume we are deeply grateful to the World Peace Foundation, +without whose coöperation the book could not have been published. To +Edwin D. Mead and Denys P. Myers the editor owes his sincere thanks +for suggestions and corrections of the manuscript. We trust that the +volume will be amply justified by the good that it will do. + + STEPHEN F. WESTON + _Executive Secretary_ + + +SUPPLEMENT + +_The Contests of 1914._ This volume was projected to be published +before the Lake Mohonk Conference in May, but it was decided to +include the five orations given in the national contest of 1914, and +so make the volume complete for the year of issue. The last five +orations, then, are the winning ones in the group contests of 1914, +contesting for place in the national contest at Mohonk Lake, May 16, +1914. They are the picked orations of over four hundred and fifty +prepared in one hundred and twenty colleges and universities, +representing twenty-two states. The fifteen orations in the volume are +the winning orations out of more than sixteen hundred and fifty +written by the student body of the country in the past eight years. + +In 1914 six additional states took part in the contests, making +twenty-two organized into five groups. The Pacific coast and Southern +groups were added during the year to the three groups organized in +1913. Three of the groups held their contests on May 1--the North +Atlantic at the College of the City of New York, the Central at +Western Reserve University, and the Western at Des Moines College. The +Southern Group held its contest at Vanderbilt University on May 10. On +the Pacific coast only Oregon was ready, and the winner of her state +contest was permitted to represent the group in the national contest. +Utah and California are planning to enter the contests of 1915. +Virginia, West Virginia, and South Carolina are organizing, and a +sixth group will then be formed--the South Atlantic Group. + + S. F. W. + + + + +THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE + +By PAUL SMITH, DePauw University, Greencastle, Indiana + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University of +Cincinnati, May 17, 1907 + + + + +THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE + + +The past ages have witnessed a long conflict between two opposing +principles--the principle of might and the principle of right. The +first instituted the duel between equals and condemned the impotent to +slavery; the second ordained the courts of civil justice and signed +the Emancipation Proclamation. The principle of might licensed +despotism and degraded the many in the service of the few; the +principle of right proclaimed democracy and consecrated the few to the +service of the many. Thus in the realm of the individual and of the +state the diviner conception has won its triumphs, and to-day force is +tolerated only as it serves the cause of justice. But in the larger +international sphere the advocates of might prolong the ancient cry +for war; the disciples of right protest in a gentler demand for peace. + +The partisans of war urge four capital reasons in behalf of their +principle: personal glory, moral education, class interest, and +national egoism. + +We have as a heritage of our military past, not a sense of the grim +tragedy of war, but traditions which award the highest meed of +personal glory to the warrior. The roster of the world's heroes +contains two classes of names--great soldiers and great altruists. +Poet and orator and populace unite to do honor to him who was not +afraid to fight and to die for his home, his king, his liberty, his +country, his convictions. Bravery has ever won its laurel crown, for +an instinct within us applauds physical courage and aggressiveness. +And the gilded uniform and clanking sword, the drumbeat and the bugle +call, the camp fire and the "far-flung battle line," stand as the most +dramatic expressions of a deep sentiment, primitive and thrilling. + +Akin to this martial hero worship is the argument that success in war +gives training for the higher contests of peace. Out of the war of +1776 the nation took George Washington for President; out of the +Mexican War, Zachary Taylor; out of the Civil War, General Grant; out +of the Spanish War, Theodore Roosevelt. The badge of the Grand Army of +the Republic is a certificate of merit. The cross of the Legion of +Honor opens the door to social and political and business prosperity. +Battle is regarded as a supreme test of sturdy manhood, and the harsh +discipline of the camp as education for the finer arts of the council. +War creates a heroism which later devotes itself to spiritual ends. + +Moreover, say the advocates, the interests of class require force for +their conservation. The hereditary nobility of Europe was founded by +military process for military purposes, and, with the passing of war, +loses its warrant for existence. On the other hand, it is claimed that +the under classes may come into the enjoyment of their inalienable +rights, common to all humanity, only by means of the sword. Witness +the peasantry of Russia! Even in America so great a prophet as Henry +Ward Beecher foresaw a tragic day when the bivouac of capital would be +set against the camp of labor. And lesser seers are not lacking who +freely predict, even for our democratic land, a desperate rebellion of +a proletariat of poverty against an aristocracy of wealth. + +Finally, the demands of national egoism are urged in behalf of war. +For example, Japan needs new territory for her growing millions and +must assume the conqueror's rôle. Or France goes mad with the lust of +empire and goes forth untamed until the day of Waterloo. Or Great +Britain must have new markets; and, falsely reasoning that trade +follows the flag, and the flag follows the bayonet, she seizes a realm +upon which the sun may never set. Or the interests of white men and +yellow men, of black men or red men, clash; and then the cannon must +be the final test, might must make right, and the strongest must +survive. The greed of territorial aggrandizement, the spirit of +national adventure, the longing for commercial supremacy, the honor of +a country, the pride of racial achievement--each is urged to justify +the necessity for bloodshed and carnage. Such are the arguments of the +advocates of war. + +To balance these, the advocates of peace plead four greater +considerations: against personal glory, the economic cost of +militarism; against the moral education of war, the higher heroism of +peace; against class interests, the sanctity of human life; and +against national egoism, the deeper spirit of national altruism. + +A single modern battleship costs more than the combined value of the +property and endowment of all the colleges of a certain great state. +Two thirds of the money passing through the treasury of the Republic +goes to the support of the military system. Computing two hundred +dollars a year as the average loss to society occasioned by the +withdrawal of each soldier and sailor from productive toil, and adding +this sum to the war budgets of the nations for the past fifty years, +we obtain a total of billions, beyond the reach of all imagination. +The money which armies, navies, wars, and pensions have cost the world +in fifty years would have installed in China a system of education +equal to that of the United States; would have transformed the arid +deserts of India into a modern Eden by irrigation; would have laid +railways from Cape Town to the remotest corner of Africa; would have +dug the Panama Canal; and, in addition, would have sent a translation +of the Bible, of Shakespeare, Homer, Goethe, and Dante to every family +on the globe. In a word, the wealth spent on wars in the last half +century would have transformed life for a majority of human beings. +The stoppage of this waste will shorten the hours of labor, reduce +pauperism, elevate the peasantry of Europe, lighten taxation, and work +an economic revolution. + +The argument for moral education mistakes national gratitude to +warriors for tribute to the training of the camp. But grant that war +develops the combative qualities, the argument forgets a darker moral +phase. It forgets the moral wrecks which are the sad products of war; +it forgets the effect of the loss of the refining influence of +womanhood upon the soldier; it forgets the debasement of sinking men +to the physical type of life. And the argument assumes that peace has +no "equivalent for war," declared by a famous educator to be the +greatest need of the age. Courage and endurance are as necessary in +social reforms as in carnal battle. To wrestle against principalities +and powers and rulers of the world-darkness calls forth the maximum +powers of manhood. Wendell Phillips stands in the ranks of heroes as +high as Philip Sheridan. The moral loss from war transcends the moral +gain. + +Yet war levies toll more tragic than any toll of dollars, more +appalling than any moral cost. A famous painting reveals the world's +conquerors, Xerxes, Cæsar, Alexander, Napoleon, and a lesser host, +mounted proudly on battle steeds, caparisoned with gorgeous trappings; +but the field through which they march is paved with naked, mutilated +corpses, the ghastly price of glory. The trenches at Port Arthur were +filled level-full with the bodies of self-sacrificed martyrs, and upon +this gruesome slope the final charges were made. Stripped of all +sentiment, war is organized and wholesale murder, a savage and awful +paradox which proclaims the shallowness of civilization. Said General +Sherman: "Only those who have never heard a shot, only those who have +never heard the shrieks of the wounded nor the groans of the dying, +can cry aloud for more blood, more vengeance, more desolation." God +grant the world may soon heed the Voice, sounding down from the +solemnity of Sinai, laying the divine command upon each man and each +nation: "Thou shalt not kill!" + +There yet remains the ethical argument for peace. Will any one say +that the supreme duty of altruism is binding upon men as individuals, +and not binding upon the same men acting conjointly as a nation? When +the people and the statesmen of one nation are able to put themselves +in the places of the statesmen and of the people of another nation; +when there is a common will to do international justice rather than to +despise the weaker country; when not selfish interest alone, but the +greatest good of the greatest number, becomes the driving impulse of +humanity; when the thrill of fraternity crosses geographical lines and +pauses not on the shores of the seas--then war will be impossible, +the energies of the world will turn to the constructive arts, and from +the midst of contentment unshadowed by hunger, from prosperity +unmenaced by want, in the peaceful spirit of the Christ, the world +will sing: + + "The crest and crowning of all good, life's final star is + brotherhood; + For it will bring again to Earth her long-lost Poesy and Mirth; + Will send new light on every face, a kingly power upon the race. + And till it come, we men are slaves, and travel downward to dust + of graves. + Come, clear the way, then, clear the way: blind creeds and kings + have had their day. + Break the dead branches from the path: our hope is in the aftermath. + Our hope is in heroic men, star-led to build the world again. + To this Event the ages ran: Make way for Brotherhood--make way for + man." + +All great reforms have begun with "star-led" men and have moved from +individuals to groups and from groups to the nation. In every distinct +advance of the race prophetic persons have anticipated the trend of +the ages and have adopted new codes for themselves; the higher +morality has spread by agitation to include a larger group, and +finally it has become the policy of the nation. Thus slavery went, and +political equality came. + +And thus war must go and peace must come. First, we find protest +against the killing of individuals by individuals. The duel fell into +disrepute and at last was forbidden by law. The carrying of weapons +became unfashionable and at length was made a crime. With the growth +of the moral sense, mutual trust took the place of armed neutrality. +The present situation is ready for the larger application of these +principles. The argument which abolished the carrying of weapons must +frown upon excessive national armaments. As the individual duel was +superseded by personal arbitration, so the national duel must be +superseded by national arbitration. The reason that maintains the +civil court for the settlement of individuals' disputes calls for a +higher court for the settlement of national disputes. Not alone among +men, not alone within states, but among the nations, right, not might, +must rule; not force, but justice; and written as the world's supreme +mandate, as the highest human law from which there may be no appeal, +must be the unshaken law of national righteousness. + +Tennyson's words were accounted a poet's fancy when he wrote: + + Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd + In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. + +Yet the present year[1] will witness the fulfillment of that prophecy. +Disarmament and arbitration will be considered this summer, not by +agitators, not by theorists, nor yet prophetically by poets; but in +June, at the invitation of our own President,[2] an actual +international conference will assemble, a Parliament of the World, +composed of official representatives of every nation of the globe. +Thus we see the foregleams of an approaching day. The time is +not far distant when war will glide into the grim shadows of a +scarce-remembered past, when battles will pass into the oblivion of +forgotten horrors. Then will society realize its dreams of a kingdom +of heaven upon earth, where the barbaric lure of fighting will be +lost; where no class lines may exist save those freely acknowledged by +a common justice; where national egoism maintains no armies for +conquest and no navies for aggrandizement; where economic resources +are devoted, not to mutual physical destruction, but to splendid +spiritual enlargement; where "every nation that shall lift again its +hand against a brother, on its forehead will wear forevermore the +curse of Cain"; and where, in the realization of a vast, racial +brotherhood, is fulfilled the prophetic angel's song, "Peace on earth, +good-will to men." Ruskin, the modern bard of peace, has sung: + + Put off, put off your mail, ye kings, and beat your brands to dust-- + A surer grasp your hands must know, your hearts a better trust; + Nay, bend aback the lance's point, and break the helmet bar-- + A noise is in the morning winds, but not the noise of war! + Among the grassy mountain paths the glittering troops increase-- + They come, they come!--how fair their feet,--they come that + publish peace. + + [1] The Hague Conference of 1907 is referred to. + + [2] By the courtesy of President Roosevelt the official call + for the Second Hague Conference was issued by the Emperor of + Russia. Forty-four nations were represented.--_Editor._ + + + + +THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE + +By GLENN PORTER WISHARD, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at DePauw University, +Greencastle, Indiana, May 15, 1908 + + + + +THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE + + +Political and religious reforms move slowly. We change our beliefs and +at the same time hold fast to old customs. Farsighted public opinion +has declared war to be unchristian; sound statesmanship has stamped it +as unjust; the march of events has, in a majority of cases, proved it +to be unnecessary--and yet we continue to build mammoth engines of +destruction as if war were inevitable. Truly, the millennium is not at +hand, nor is war a thing of the past; but whereas war was once the +rule, now it is the exception. This is an age of peace; controversies +once decided by force are now settled by arbitration. Europe, once the +scene of continuous bloodshed, has not been plundered by conquering +armies for more than a generation, while the United States has enjoyed +a century of peace marred by only five years of foreign war. The four +notable conflicts of the last decade have been between great and small +powers, and have been confined to the outposts of civilization; while +during the same period more than one hundred disputes have been +settled by peaceful means. The willingness to arbitrate has been +manifest; the means have been provided; the Permanent International +Court, established by the Hague Conference in 1899, actually lives, +and has already adjudicated four important controversies.[1] But +arbitration, you say, will never succeed because the decisions cannot +be enforced. You forget that already some two hundred and fifty +disputes have been settled by this method, and in not one instance has +the losing power refused to abide by the decision. + + [1] From October 14, 1902, the date of the first decision, + up to the end of 1913, the Permanent Court has rendered + thirteen decisions settling international + differences.--_Editor._ + +Yesterday the man who advocated universal peace was called a dreamer; +to-day throughout the world organized public opinion demands the +abolition of war. Yesterday we erected statues to those who died for +their country; to-day we eulogize those who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed our heads to the god of war; to-day we lift our +hands to the Prince of Peace. + +I do not mean to say that we have entered the Utopian age, for the +present international situation is a peculiar one, since we are at the +same time blessed with peace and cursed with militarism. This is not +an age of war, yet we are burdened by great and ever-increasing +armaments; the mad race for naval supremacy continues, while the +relative strength of the powers remains practically the same; the +intense and useless rivalry of the nations goes on until, according to +the great Russian economist, Jean de Bloch, it means "slow destruction +in time of peace by swift destruction in the event of war." In Europe +to-day millions are being robbed of the necessaries of life, millions +more are suffering the pangs of abject poverty in order to support +this so-called "armed peace." Note the condition in our own country. +Last year we expended on our army, navy, and pensions sixty-seven per +cent of our total receipts. Think of it! In a time of profound peace +more than two thirds of our entire expenditures are charged to the +account of war. + +We do not advocate radical, Utopian measures; we do not propose +immediate disarmament; but we do maintain that when England, Germany, +France, and the United States each appropriates from thirty to forty +per cent of their total expenditures in preparation for war in an age +of peace, the time has come for the unprejudiced consideration of the +present international situation. Why do the great powers build so many +battleships? President Roosevelt, Representative Hobson, and others +would have us believe that England, Germany, and France are actually +preparing for war, while the United States is building these engines +of destruction for the purpose of securing peace. But what right have +we to assume that our navy is for the purpose of preserving peace, +while the navies of the European powers are for the purpose of making +war? Is not such an assumption an insult to our neighbors? As a matter +of fact, England builds new battleships because Germany does, Germany +increases her navy because France does, while the United States builds +new dreadnoughts because other nations pursue that policy. Call it by +whatever honey-coated name you will, the fact, remains that it is +military rivalry of the most barbarous type, a rivalry as useless as +it is oppressive, a rivalry prompted by jealousy and distrust where +there should be friendship and mutual confidence. There is riot one of +the powers but that would welcome relief from the bondage of +militarism; the demand for the limitation of armaments is almost +universal. Believing that to decry war and praise peace without +offering some plan by which the present situation may be changed is +superficial, we hasten to propose something practicable. + +How, then, shall we put an end to this useless rivalry of the +nations? At present a general agreement of the great powers on the +limitations of military establishments seems impossible. It remains +for some powerful nation to prove to the world that the great +armaments are not necessary to continued peace, with honor and +justice. Some nation must take the first step.[2] Why not the United +States? The nations of Europe are surrounded by powerful enemies, +while the United States is three thousand miles from any conceivable +foe. They are potentially weak, while our resources are unlimited. +They have inherited imperialism; we have inherited democracy. Their +society is permeated with militarism; ours is built on peace and +liberty. Our strategic position is unequaled, our resources are +unlimited, our foreign policy is peaceful, our patriotism is +unconquerable. In view of these facts, I ask you, What nation has the +greatest responsibility for peace? Are not we Americans the people +chosen to lift the burden of militarism from off the backs of our +downtrodden brother? + + [2] The widely heralded proposal in 1913 for a naval holiday + by all the great powers is the first move in this + direction.--_Editor._ + +Now what are we doing to meet this responsibility? On the one hand, we +are performing a great work for peace. Many of our statesmen, business +men, and laborers, united in a common cause, are exerting a tremendous +influence in behalf of arbitration and disarmament. On the other hand, +we are spending more on our military establishment than any other +world power;[3] we are building more battleships than any other +nation;[4] we are no longer trusting our neighbors; we are warning +them to beware of our mailed fist; and we are thereby declaring to the +world that we have lost our faith in the power of justice and are now +trusting to the force of arms. + + [3] The orator is comparing the cost of the United States + army, navy, and pensions upkeep with the military + establishments of other powers.--_Editor._ + + [4] Since naval rivalry in its acute form has centered + between Great Britain and Germany, European naval building + programs have exceeded those of the United + States.--_Editor._ + +And why this paradoxical situation? Why do we at the same time prepare +for war and work for peace? It is simply because many of our statesmen +honestly believe that the best way to preserve peace is to prepare for +war. It is true that a certain amount of strength tends to command +respect, and for that reason a navy sufficient for self-defense is +warranted. Such a navy we now have. Why should it be enlarged? Naval +enthusiasts would have us prepare, not for the probable but for the +possible. Seize every questionable act of our neighbors, they say, +magnify it a thousand times, publish it in letters of flame throughout +the land, and make every American citizen believe that the great +powers are prepared to destroy us at any moment. Having educated the +people up to a sense of threatened annihilation, they burden them with +taxes, build artificial volcanoes dedicated to peace, parade them up +and down the high seas, and defy the world to attack us. Then, they +say, we shall have peace. Is this reasonable? As sure as thought leads +to action, so preparation for war leads to war. This argument that the +United States, since she is a peace-loving nation, should have the +largest navy in the world in order to preserve peace is illogical and +without foundation. By what divine right does the United States assume +the rôle of preserving the world's peace at the cannon's mouth? Since +when has it been true that might makes right, and that peace can be +secured only by acting the part of a bully? It is unjust, it is +unpatriotic, it is unstatesmanlike, for men to argue that the United +States should browbeat the world into submission; that she should +build so many battleships that the nations of the Eastern hemisphere +will be afraid to oppose the ironclad dragon of the Western +Hemisphere. Peace purchased at the price of brute force is unworthy of +the name. Surely the United States cannot afford to be guilty of such +an injustice. If we wish to be free; if we wish to remain a true +republic; if we purpose to continue our mighty work for humanity, we +must limit our preparations for war. The best way to preserve peace is +to think peace, to believe in peace, and to work for peace. + +The extent to which the great powers will go in order to secure +enthusiasm for their military establishments is almost beyond +comprehension. Each nation has its great military rendezvous, its +grand naval parades, its magnificent display of gorgeous military +uniforms, its wave of colors, blare of trumpets, and bursts of martial +music. The United States is now sending her navy around the world--for +the purpose of training the seamen?--certainly, but also that the +youth of our land may be intoxicated by the apparent glory of it all, +and thus enlist for service; that the American citizens may be aroused +to greater enthusiasm by this magnificent display of the implements of +legalized murder, and thus be willing to build more floating arsenals +rather than irrigate arid lands, develop internal waterways, build +hospitals, schools, and colleges. + +The trouble with such exhibitions is, that it displays only the bright +side of militarism. If in place of the Russian battleships they should +display the starving masses of dejected and despised beings who pay +for those battleships; if in place of the gay German uniforms they +should exhibit the rags of the disheartened peasants who pay for those +uniforms; if in place of the grand parade they should produce masses +of wounded men and rivers of blood; if in place of the stirring +martial music they should produce the writhing agonies and awful +groans of dying men; if in place of sham war they should produce +actual war,--their exhibitions would make militarism unbearable. + +Again, we are told that we have suddenly become a world power, and +that we must prepare to exercise a new diplomacy under new conditions. +We must increase our navy, they say, to enforce this new diplomacy. We +must prepare to fight in behalf of the Monroe Doctrine. But why, I +ask, cannot this new diplomacy be enforced as American diplomacy has +always been enforced? We promulgated the Monroe Doctrine without a +navy; we have maintained it for over eighty years without the show of +force. If our new diplomacy is right, it is as strong as the world's +respect for righteousness; if it is wrong, a hundred battleships +cannot enforce it. + +We have become a world power, and therefore we have a world-wide +responsibility, and that responsibility is to establish justice, not +force; to build colleges, not battleships; to enthrone love, not hate; +to insure peace, not war. Our mission is to strike the chains from the +ankles of war-burdened humanity. Our duty is to proclaim in the name +of the Most High our faith in the power of justice as opposed to the +force of arms. May it be said of us that we found the world burdened +with militarism, but left it blessed with peace; that we found liberty +among the strong alone, but left it the birthright of the weak; that +we found humanity a mass of struggling individuals, but left it a +united brotherhood. May it be said of us that we found peace purchased +by suffering, but left it as free as air; that we found peace bruised +and stained with militarism, but left it ruling the world through love +and liberty. May it be said of us that we fulfilled our mission as a +world power; that we were brave enough and strong enough to lead the +world into the path of universal peace. + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE + +By LEVI T. PENNINGTON, Earlham College, Richmond, Indiana + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at The University +of Chicago, May 4, 1909 + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE + + +In the progress of the world the dream of yesterday becomes the +confident hope of to-day and the realized fact of to-morrow. As old +systems fail to meet new conditions and new ideals, they are +discarded; and into the limbo of worse than useless things is passing +the system of human sacrifice to the Moloch of international warfare. +For centuries world peace has been the dream of the poet, the +philanthropist, the statesman, and the Christian. That dream is +becoming a confident hope. This generation should see it an +accomplished fact. + +There was a time when individual prowess determined the issue of every +difference. Might made right, so it was thought, and the winner in any +controversy was he who had the heaviest club, the strongest arm, or +the thickest skull. Man's interrelationships multiplied as humanity +advanced; with each new relation came new causes for quarrel, and for +a time advancing civilization brought but increase in murders and +assassinations. + +We know the process by which personal combat ceased; how the duel +replaced murder and ambush and assassination; how courts of law +replaced the duel. The dreamer saw the day when personal combat should +be no more; the man of mind refuted all the arguments in favor of the +duel of men; the constructive statesman of that early day instituted +courts of law and equity. Men who had a difference insisted that it +was their quarrel and they alone could settle it; but reason saw that +two combatants inflamed by passion are least fitted of all men to see +where justice lies. Many held that where honor is involved, no one can +adjust the difficulty but those most directly concerned; but reason +saw that a man's honor cannot be vindicated by killing his enemy or +being killed by him. Men said, "If personal combat is abolished, +courage and strength will perish from the earth." But reason saw that +personal combat in a selfish cause does not bring out the highest type +of courage; and that there are opportunities enough for the exercise +of the highest and best moral and physical courage to keep valor alive +forever. It was finally urged that there would be no power to enforce +the decree if personal differences were left to the adjudication of +others; but reason said, "That power will come with the need for it." +And so courts of law and equity arose, based on the need of humanity; +laws were passed defining rights and limiting aggression; and when one +man wronged another, that wrong was settled in court by the power of +the whole people and not in personal combat with the bludgeon or the +knife. + +For similar reasons wars between states and tribes have ceased; and +face to face with the inevitable logic of past progress stands the +world to-day. Though humanity has been slow to see it, the truth has +begun to dawn in the hearts of men--that international wars are no +more to be justified than civil strife, tribal warfare, or personal +combat. Gradually the omnipotent power of right is overcoming the +inertia of humanity, and the world is moving. One by one the awful +truths concerning war are forcing themselves upon the consciousness +and the conscience of men. The mighty power of fact is beating down +the opposition to world peace. + +Men have begun to realize the terrible cost, the unbelievable +wastefulness of actual war, and the preparation for possible war. When +we read that the armed peace of Europe the past thirty-seven years has +cost $111,000,000,000, nearly as much as the aggregate value of all +the resources of the United States, the richest nation on earth, the +figures are so appalling that mortal mind cannot conceive them, and +they lose their force. When we remember that two thirds of the +national revenues of the United States are spent on wars past or +prospective, the matter comes closer home. When we realize that the +cost of a single battleship exceeds the value of all the grounds and +buildings of all the colleges and universities in Illinois, the +figures have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship would +build a home for an American family, a comfortable home costing $1700, +the common man realizes that the richest nation on earth cannot afford +to go to war nor prepare for war. + +But mere money is one of the cheapest things in all the world. The +price of war never can be paid in gold. Not in national treasuries can +you see the payment of that price, where smug, well-groomed +politicians sign bonds and bills of credit. If you would see the +payment of that price of war, you must go to the place of war. With +all your senses open, step upon the battlefield. Smell the smoke of +burning powder, the reek of charging horses, the breath of fresh, red, +human blood. Feel the warmth of that blood as you seek to stanch the +wound in the breast of one of the world's bravest, dying for he knows +not what. Hear the screams of the shells, the booming roar of the +cannonade, the clash of the onslaught, the shrieks of the wounded, the +groans of the dying, the last gasp of him whose life has reached its +end. Such is the infernal music of war. See the victim of the conflict +reel in the saddle and fall headlong. Cast your eyes on the mangled +forms of godlike men, fallen in the midst of fullest life. Come in the +night after the battle and look upon the ghastly faces upturned in the +moonlight. Gaze on the windrows of the dead, Mars's awful harvest, +that impoverishes all and enriches none, and you know something of the +cost of war. + +And yet we have seen but little. Could we but enter the wasted homes +and see the broken hearts that war has made; could we go to the +almshouses and soldiers' orphans' homes and see widows and children by +the thousand suffering the doled-out charity of state or nation +because war has robbed them of their rightful protectors; could we but +realize the agony of the broken home, a thousandfold worse than the +agony of the battlefield,--then might we know more of the real cost of +war. + +And still our idea would be inadequate, though we realized the full +measure of every groan and heartache. Earth's most priceless treasures +are still more intangible things, the treasures of justice and +kindliness and love. In that higher realm the cost of war is most +terrible and most deadly. The spirit of war in the soldier sets aside +the moral law, makes human life seem valueless, human suffering a +thing to be disregarded, human slaughter an honorable profession. The +war spirit blinds the eye of the statesman, till wrong seems right, +folly seems expediency, and the death of thousands seems preferable +to the life and happiness of all under terms of peace not dictated by +his own will. Justice is dethroned, and revenge takes up the iron +scepter and lets fly the thunderbolt. The war spirit perverts the mind +of the publicist, till the achievements of honorable peace sink into +insignificance, and the press clamors for the war that means money to +the publisher but death to innocent thousands who can have no possible +interest in the conflict. The war spirit takes possession of the +pulpit, and the minister called to preach the loving message of the +Prince of Peace stirs up the spirit of contention and animosity, of +hate and murder. Could we but draw aside the curtain and, back of the +tinsel and gold braid, see the crime, the hate, the moral degradation +that war always brings, never again would a friend of humanity ask for +war. + +But the eyes of the world are opening to the fact that the cost of war +is far too high in money and in men, in suffering and sacrifice, and +in those higher values of justice and kindliness and love. And as the +thought once grew that personal differences might be settled without +personal combat, so men are looking toward the settlement of +international difficulties without recourse to the sword. They have +seen that every argument against the duel of men applies with still +greater force against the duel of nations. And the world has moved +farther toward world peace in the past twenty-five years than in all +the centuries of history that have preceded. World peace has become +not the dream of the poet but the confident hope of the world, whose +realization is the task whose accomplishment is set for the men of +this generation. + +One by one the obstacles to world peace are being broken down. +Commerce has destroyed much of international prejudice. Community of +interest has obviated many former causes of quarrel. The sophistical +arguments of the friends of war are being answered by the logic of +hard facts. Warfare has been ameliorated by international agreement. +Vast reaches of territory have been neutralized. Unfortified cities +are no longer to be bombarded in any country. Actual disarmament has +taken place between the United States and Canada, between Chile and +Argentina.[1] Norway and Sweden have separated peaceably. Bulgaria has +achieved her independence without bloodshed. The Dogger Bank incident, +which a century earlier would have plunged England and Russia into +war, has been adjusted amicably. Two Hague Conferences have advanced +tremendously the progress of international amity. Over eighty +arbitration treaties are now in force. We already have a permanent +high court of nations, to which are being referred questions that +would once have resulted in war. And we are nearer than the dreamer of +last century dared hope to "the Parliament of man, the Federation of +the world." + + [1] The famous "disarmament" between the Argentine Republic + and Chile was brought about by a series of four documents of + May 28, 1902, one of July 10, 1902, and one of January 9, + 1903. A preliminary protocol declares the disposition of both + countries "to remove all causes for trouble in their + international relations." A general treaty of arbitration + unlimited in scope was signed for a period of ten years. A + convention bound each country to "desist from acquiring the + vessels of war now building for them, and from henceforth + making new acquisitions." Article II says that "the two + governments bind themselves not to increase their naval + armaments during a period of five years, without previous + notice." As a result of arbitration resulting from this + series of agreements the frontier was disarmed and remains + free from military posts. New naval programs of both + countries were formulated after the expiration of the period + of abnegation, and dreadnoughts are now in course of + construction.--_Editor._ + +But not yet has the millennium dawned. In the face of all this +progress, armies and navies are stronger and more burdensome than +ever. The United States spends more on wars past and prospective than +for all educational purposes, and England, France, Germany, Russia, +groan under the burdens of the armed peace of Europe. Armed to the +teeth, the nations of the world lie watching one another. The mind of +the world is convinced that war is futile and terribly wasteful. The +heart of the world is convinced that war is cruel and inexcusable. The +conscience of the world has admitted that war is wrong and morally +unjustifiable. And still the preparation for war goes on, and unless +conditions are changed, war is inevitable. What is to be done? The +world's will must be moved, and men must be led to do what they have +already admitted is right and just and expedient. + +As we have led in other days, so must America lead to-day. As the +light of republican government and complete justice to the individual +first saw full dawn in the United States, so the eyes of the world are +turned toward us to see the dawn of world peace, and full justice to +all the nations. It is ours to lead. The example of the United States +will do more than a century of argument and conference. America should +begin the disarmament that will eventually mean the triumph of world +peace. + +We have naught to fear. We are far distant from the storm centers of +the world. We have no foes within that demand a large standing army, +and there are no enemies without that are anxious to try conclusions +with us on land or sea. Then away with war talk and war scares and +"jingoism." In time of peace let us prepare for peace, that all the +world may enjoy peace. American disarmament will be a tremendous +stride toward the accomplishment of the world's desire--the cessation +of international warfare; a great world's court, to settle all +international differences; an international police force, to give +effect to the decrees of this court; and the end of the burdens of +armies and navies under which the whole world is groaning. Let heart +and voice and pen, pulpit and press and platform, soldier and +statesmen and private citizen, ask for peace, and not for war. + +This is a part of the world's larger hope. Pessimists there are who +say that human nature is belligerent, and that war will never be +abolished. But international warfare has already seen the handwriting +on the wall. Mars has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. +The fruitless slaughter of the millions is not to be forever nor for +long. Let us hasten the day when the rolling war drum will be hushed +forever, the bugle note no longer call to carnage; when "nation shall +not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any +more." Love shall take the place of Hate, and Justice sit on the +throne instead of Greed. Some day in the not distant future the +nations that have all these centuries bowed before the god of war +shall own eternal allegiance to the Prince of Peace. And "of the +increase of His government and of Peace there shall be no end." + + + + +THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE + +By ARTHUR FORAKER YOUNG, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University +of Michigan, May 13, 1910 + + + + +THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE + + +In the worship of Mars, Herodotus tells us, the ancient Scythian +erected an old scimitar at the summit of a huge brush heap. To this, +as a symbol of the great god of war, he offered not only the produce +of the land but also human life in sacrifice. We shudder as we picture +the priest standing over his victim, his hands wet with the blood of +his fellow man. We cry out in horror as we think of the lives these +peoples sacrificed. We call it an inhuman glorification of a pagan +deity. We call it a ruthless waste of wealth and human life. These +practices we pronounce to be the result of a popular delusion--a false +sense of obligation to the spirit of war. Yet from the time the +Scythian drew the blood of his victim in homage to the great war god, +even down to our own day, the nations have paid homage to Mars. + +Though we boast of our progress in civilization, history reveals the +fact that we, too, have been the victims of the Scythian's delusion. +Is it not a fact that one of the most terrible customs of savage men +counts among its followers to-day all the nations of the earth? The +subtlest skill of the scientist, the keenest intelligence of the +statesman, vast stores of the world's resources, are devoted to +maintaining great armies and navies, to inventing new means of attack +or defense, to enlarging and making more deadly the enginery of war. +What is our boast of civilization, while we tolerate this devotion of +so many men and so much of wealth to war? Is this not a sacrifice +essentially pagan in spirit? Are we not still paying unrighteous +homage to Mars? + +Why, then, we ask, do nations make provision for war the first +necessity of national life? Behold Russia. A few years ago, in time of +famine, spending millions of money for war equipment when millions of +her own peasantry were slowly starving for the lack of one dollar's +worth of food per month. What motive impelled Russia to this heathen +conduct? It was solely that Germany, France, England, Japan, and the +United States had great armies and navies against which starving +Russia must be prepared to defend herself. What dire stress compels +England to-day to perpetuate her program of naval supremacy when she +is struggling in the throes of budget difficulties which seem all but +unsolvable? What is it that compels Germany and France to tax +themselves until they fairly stagger under the burden of military +expenditures? Naught other than a suicidal lust for military power. +Naught other than the infatuation of the dizzy, competitive war dance +of mutual destruction--each nation blindly driven by all, and all by +each. + +We as Americans profess to find in the conduct of Russia, in the +militarism of England and Germany and France, examples of militarism +run rampant. How our hearts have warmed within us when we have thought +of our own republic as the happy envied nation, free from the burden +of militarism! Our farmer has gone singing about his work, apparently +not having to carry on his back a soldier, as does the European +peasant. Our mechanic has freely plied his trade without thought of +supporting a sailor. Yet how can we say that the United States in +buying battleships and erecting coast defenses, in arming her soldiers +with Krag-Jörgensens, has not been deprived of schools, colleges, and +opportunities essential to happiness and prosperity? In a decade we +have spent nearly a billion dollars on our navy alone. Yes, we have +aped the military fashions of Europe and have set a new standard of +military waste. + +Verily our national advancement waits on militarism. Inland waterways +should be improved; forests must be safeguarded; other natural +resources of untold value should be conserved; millions of acres of +desert lands should be improved; millions in swamps should be +redeemed. The problem of the nation's food supply is becoming urgent; +for its solution we must look more and more to scientific methods in +agriculture. Yet contrast the support our government gives these vital +interests with war's mighty drain on our treasury. Congress +appropriated $648,000,000 for all expenditures in 1910. Of this amount +$407,000,000 were appropriated for war expenditures and the glories of +militarism. For this same year agriculture received for all its needs +the comparatively paltry sum of $12,000,000. In spite of the fact that +our nation is devoting two thirds of its enormous national +expenditures to war, our militarists point to our vast national wealth +and sneer at the niggardly mortals who object to spending it for guns. + +It is evident that no nation is yet beyond the infatuation for display +of the splendors of war, yet in every one there are signs of a new +power that is coming upon us. All are thinking less of the glories of +war--of the beat of the drum, of the rhythmic tread of regiments, of +glittering sabers and of monster battleships--and are thinking more +and more of the glories of peace, of thriving industries, of +magnificent libraries, of comfortable homes, and of more efficient +schools. Obviously, though we still possess a war spirit, we are +seeing with a clearer vision that the waste of war is depriving us of +the fullest measure of the wealth of peace. Our frame of mind is much +the same as that of the ragged street urchin who, having lost his +day's earnings, thinks of a hundred things which he might have spent +it for. The same spirit is permeating every nation. The American +manufacturer, the Russian peasant, the English mechanic, the German +scientist, the French scholar, are all asking themselves, "Why need +the world continue to carry this Atlantean burden of war?" + +Already this sentiment has accomplished practically all that can be +done in humanizing war. It has outlawed the dumdum bullet, it has +enforced radical sanitary measures, it has neutralized the Red Cross +and brought its ministrations to the relief of the sufferings of war. +But humanized war is not the goal of this sentiment. As long as there +is an increase of armaments there will be war; as long as the battle +rages there will be waste and suffering. The same sentiment which has +humanized war now demands war's abolition. It has already accomplished +something toward this end in making the settlement of international +disputes through arbitration more probable than war. What it has not +accomplished is the discrediting of militarism. It has failed to stop +the growth of armaments. Can we expect our regiments to find +contentment in the irksome routine of training camp with never a +thought of charging the enemy? Can we expect to man the seas with +fleets of war just for gay parade and cruises around the world? Can we +expect that our skilled gunners will be satisfied to practice, +practice always, and never long for human targets? It is against +arming nations for battle and tempting them to fight that the peace +sentiment is rousing itself and is being organized. It is in this +labor that peace societies the world over are performing valiant +service. Their great mission is the creation of an intelligent public +opinion, a force more potent than government itself. + +What, for instance, was the purpose of the founder of this +Intercollegiate Peace Association? Not, I take it, to give men a +chance to win petty oratorical triumphs; not, I suppose, to bring +together speakers to entertain such audiences as this--or to weary +them. But their object must have been to set the men of our colleges +to thinking on the great question of peace. In such ways are peace +societies using the platform and the press to establish a firm basis +for unity and peace throughout the world. + +Yesterday the advocate of world peace was called a dreamer; to-day +rapidly organizing public opinion demands the abolition of war and +recognizes the wealth and culture of peace. Yesterday we erected +statues to those who died for their country; to-day we cheer the +Gladstones, the McKinleys, the Roosevelts, who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed the knee to Mars; to-day we join in peans to the +Prince of Peace. Yes, the new spirit of the day is fraternal; it is +undaunted; it is for mankind. Even now the world's geniuses are +mustering the soldier citizens of every nation for a peaceful +conflict. The great battles of to-morrow are to be fought in quiet +laboratories, in legislative halls, in courts of justice, and on the +broad battlefields of productive labor. + +The final outcome is, indeed, irresistible. Racial movements have +mixed all peoples; the oceans have become the world's common highways; +the air is filled with voices speaking from city to city and from +continent to continent; an international postal system makes the +world's ideas one; there is quick participation of mankind in the +fruits of invention and research. We behold financial and economic +enterprises world-wide in their outreach; we feel the force of social +projects and social ideals that concern not one but every nation; and +we are participating in missionary movements that affect not one but +every race, and are changing the very face of nature itself. Our world +is a world unified beyond all possible conception a century ago, and +the world unity is a certain stepping stone to world peace. + +The world never offered grander opportunity to the nations for +leadership--not for leadership in military splendor, but for +leadership in the sublime paths of peace. For the United States this +call means not only opportunity but even obligation. Already this +country has performed well her duty in fostering international +arbitration. She has been a party to half of the cases where disputes +between nations have been referred to the Hague Tribunal. Arbitration +is performing its mission with more and more efficiency, yet each year +the war budgets of the nations are increasing. The peace sentiment now +demands a decrease of armaments, a conversion of the waste of war into +the wealth of peace. To demonstrate that this is practicable is the +immediate opportunity before us, our present obligation. What is our +waste of war expressed in terms of the wealth of peace? Notice! Two +thirds of the cost of one dreadnought, like the mammoth _Florida_ +launched but yesterday, would erect and furnish a veritable palace for +every foreign ambassador and minister of the United States, thus +solving a perplexing problem of our diplomatic service. One +twenty-second of the cost of one dreadnought would support for one +year the entire force of the American Board of Foreign Missions in +their work of proclaiming our gospel of peace. One half the cost of +one dreadnought would erect and equip twenty-five manual-training +schools, teaching the rudiments of a trade to forty thousand young +people each year. The cost of two dreadnoughts would provide every +state in the Union with a half-million dollars with which to save the +juvenile delinquents from criminal courts and schools of vice behind +prison bars. The cost of one dreadnought, wisely spent each year in +the fight against tuberculosis, would make the white plague in a +single generation a disease as rare as smallpox is to-day. + +Where now we are erecting battleships and forts, it is for us to build +libraries and schools. Where now we drain our treasuries in equipping +men to fight their fellow men, it is for us to arm against the common +enemy, disease. Where now we pour out our wealth before the pagan +Mars, it is for us to devote our treasure to supporting the works of +the Prince of Peace. + +Such a victory for peace would make America not simply a world power: +it would make her the world leader. Will we stop tagging at the heels +of Great Britain and Germany and travel this broadening road in which +we can be first? How humiliating to struggle along, a trailer in the +military procession! How noble to set the daring example of living up +to the belief in peace! Will we say: "See our hands; we bear no +bludgeons. Search us; we carry no concealed weapons. Militarism we +have thrown to the scrap heap of practices discredited and vicious. We +have stopped war's wanton waste of men and treasure; we rejoice in the +growing wealth of peace ideals realized"? Thus shall we speed the +steadily growing public opinion of the world, to the bar of which must +finally come every nation which does aught to break or hinder the +world's peace. + + + + +THE HOPE OF PEACE + +By STANLEY H. HOWE, Albion College, Albion, Michigan + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Johns Hopkins +University, May 5, 1911 + + + + +THE HOPE OF PEACE + + +The history of civilization is a record of changing ideals, and ideals +are best reared in the hearts of the world's young men. Inevitably, +nations look toward the cradle for their future and intrust the care +of their destiny to the hands of youth. "Tell me what are the +prevailing sentiments that occupy the minds of your young men," +declared Edmund Burke, "and I will tell you what is to be the +character of the next generation." When the blood of youth is sluggish +and impure; when the young hold wealth more dear than worth, remove +the check of virtue from their selfish aims, establish Mammon as their +god, and, ambitious to govern the world, forget how to govern +themselves,--then nations choke and die. But when the blood of youth +is rich and pure, pulsating through the veins of the universe with +strong, resistless surge; when fathers teach anew the angel's message +of good will and peace, and sons build high their goal upon a pedestal +of service and of truth,--then nations breathe and live. What hope, +then, asks the world, finds the doctrine of peace in the ideals and +aspirations of America's youth to-day? + +The nation faces a charge of militarism. It is the indictment of her +critics that never before in American history has the government +entertained an attitude so hostile toward her neighbors and so +dangerous to the interests of peace. They point to the attempt to +fortify the Canal and cry out that America would drain her treasury +to build a monument of reproach to international integrity. They +criticize the vast appropriations for the navy and declare that +America is starving her poor that she may more pompously parade the +seas. They protest against the "war-game" on the Rio Grande[1] and +even charge that in the interest of a Wall Street king America invites +the world to arms. And these are not illusions. The lure of gold has +turned the nation from her mission. The spirit of commercialism has +eclipsed the sentiment of brotherhood and tempted the Republic to +barter her honor for the price of imperial supremacy. Wherein, then, +again asks the world, finds America hope for the future? And to the +charges of her critics, with their dismal prophecy of a "wrong forever +on the throne," this is the nation's answer and defense--that an +eclipse is never permanent, that the world stays not in the valley of +the shadow forever, and that the solution of the problem, the +fulfillment of a national mission, and the hope of world peace find +their common assurance in the changing ideals of America's aspiring +young men. + + [1] Part of the United States army was mobilized on the + frontier for maneuvers, in 1911, owing to the Mexican + revolutionary disturbances.--_Editor._ + +The young American is essentially ambitious. He is wont to seek the +shortest path to leadership, and, when blocked at one highway, to turn +with undiminished ardor to another. And his ideal is a mirror of the +age in which he lives. In revolutionary days he covets the glory of a +minuteman, and in the deeds of Warren and Putnam finds the +consummation of his hopes. Again, in the hour of civil war his eyes +turn toward the battlefield--and from her boys under twenty-one the +Union draws eighty-five per cent of her defenders. But fortunately for +America this drama of the youth's ideal has one more act. The lure of +fife and drum has become a thing of the past. The glamour of military +life has become a dream of yesterday. The young man is learning that +the prize of battle is never equal to the price. And with the growing +conviction of the folly and futility of international strife must +disappear the last apology for war. Nations will cease to struggle, +not when they have learned that war is a tragedy but when they have +discovered that it is a farce. + +And the youth of to-day is learning it. In the same deplorable +conditions which the nation's critics have regarded as an alarming +tendency toward militarism, he reads a message of the absurdity of +war. Militarism itself is revealing a mission. Based as it is on the +spirit of aggrandizement, it is teaching to youth the economic value +of a human life. It is uncovering its own selfish motives and +betraying its own senseless ends. It is impressing the world with the +truth that battles are fought for purse string and not for principle. +It is teaching to youth a new ideal; it is itself the answer to +complaints of friends and calumnies of foes. It is the cloud before +the dawn. It heralds the coming of the brightest epoch yet chronicled +in American history. It is the realization of that glorious prophecy +of John Hay that the time is coming when "the clangor of arms shall +cease, and we can fancy that at last our ears, no longer stunned by +the din of armies, may hear the morning stars singing together and all +the sons of God shouting for joy." + +And is this but the dream of a visionary? Is it merely the fancied +perception of an inexistent star? Is it nothing more than a +groundless hope and an alluring vagary? The answer is visible +everywhere. And the hope of peace finds its safest assurance among the +institutions of learning in America. James Bryce has referred to the +United States as the nation having the largest proportion of its young +men in college. In the last month of June more than fifty thousand +collegians wore the cap and gown of graduation. It is to the trust of +the college-bred man that the peace movement confides its future, and +modern education assumes no greater responsibility than the training +of the new world-citizen. Already the school has become the most +potent factor in the new uplift. The youth is no longer dependent upon +the newspaper for his knowledge of world-politics. An intelligent +study of foreign affairs is at last regarded as of as much importance +as a study of the past. To broaden the young man's vision of the +world, prominent educators are even advocating traveling fellowships. +In twenty-five of the larger universities of America an association of +Cosmopolitan Clubs is establishing the groundworks for a wider +international fraternity. Plans are already under way to have an +organized delegation of more than a hundred students of all +nationalities present at the third Hague Conference. Day by day the +problem of world-unity is becoming more and more deeply embedded in +the mind and thought of the rising generation. More and more is +youthful patriotism becoming a realization of the truth that "Above +all nations is humanity." The lure of war is losing its magnetic power +and the brotherhood of man becoming more and more an international +reality. A sentiment for universal peace is sweeping the world, and +behind the defenses of advancing civilization, armed with the strength +of a lofty and unselfish purpose, stands an army of America's young +men, mustered from the nation's colleges, enlisted to serve for an +eternity, and invulnerable in the protection of a new and a conquering +ideal. + +Therefore the significance of the young man in the world's affairs +to-day is something more than a fancy. Again and again the plea for +world-harmony hears a response in the changing ideals of a new +generation. The growing sentiment of the educated youth of Japan finds +its crystallization in the efforts of Count Okuma toward the +consummation of world-disarmament. The spirit of the youth of England +finds expression in the ambitious dream of George V, whose hope it is +to tie the bond of Anglo-Saxon unity, long since dissevered by George +III. Among the young men of Russia the life of the great philosopher +of world-citizenship has left a lasting conviction of the +senselessness of war. Even in imperialistic Germany the reckless +building of dreadnoughts brings out a vigorous and uncompromising +protest from the thinking youth of the land. In America a vision of +the international parliament of man, growing large in the minds of her +leading statesmen, finds expression in the continued philanthropy of a +great industrial king. And, most significant of all, these are the +world-wide examples that the college man enthrones in the empire of +his thoughts. Sixty thousand European students, bound together by the +cosmopolitan ties of a peace fraternity, have ceased to glorify the +triumphs of the battlefield. The commentaries of the hero-worshiper +to-day do not record the names of a Marlborough or a Bonaparte. Rather +does the young man find his idols in the more humble annals of a +Tolstoy or a Hay. And the new ideal of international peace is not +merely the religion of a few enthusiasts. In an individual way these +apostles of peace voice to the world the spirit of the unnumbered +thousands of obscurer men whose lives and talents are directed, not to +the construction of material kingdoms but to the building of a better +and more world-wide brotherhood. + +Such is the Hope of Peace. The nation's critics may continue their +indictment, and, pointing out the crises of the hour, paint in dismal +hues a picture of the problems never to be solved except by shot and +shell. Her skeptics, blinded by thought of the errors of the past, may +prophesy the desecration of her honor and the disappointing failure of +her hopes. The press may pen a graphic story of the military spirit of +the age, and frowning patriarchs relate the deeds of golden days gone +by. But underneath this cloud that overhangs, and almost hidden in the +gloom of history's disparagement, the new world-citizen discerns the +birth-light of a brighter and more steadfast star,--perceives the +coming triumph of good will and peace,--and the awakened eyes of +expectant America look forward with promise to the dawn of that new +day when a nation shall be judged by the weight of its cross and not +by the wealth of its crown. + + + + +THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR + +By PERCIVAL V. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor + +First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1912, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912 + + + + +THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR + + +Ex-President Roosevelt has made this astounding statement, "By war +alone can we acquire those virile qualities necessary to win in the +stern strife of actual life." These words, coming from the lips of a +nation's idol, have fallen like a bomb shell in the camp of the +pacifists. Not that Mr. Roosevelt's opinion was of overwhelming +weight, but that he was voicing the opinion of some of the most +influential thinkers of the modern world. Not long before the German +philosopher Nietzsche had taken a like position, and he was indorsed +by Von Moltke, the statesman; Ernest Renan, the historian; Hegel, the +philosopher; Charles Kingsley and Canon Farrar, the divines. We must +have a care, we peace advocates, how we treat such men's opinions. If +they are right; if, as they maintain, war develops a nation, then we +are fighting against the instrument of our own salvation and +smothering the only hope of the nation itself. + +But are they right? Does war make for national greatness? Before we +can give a rational verdict we must answer certain other questions. +What is our nation, anyway? What are the factors that make for its +greatness? And how does war affect these factors? + +Plainly our nation is not some abstraction that haunts the marble +halls at Washington. Nor is it our vast dominion on which, like +England's, the sun never sets. You will find it rather in workshop and +store and factory; it is no more nor less than our men. If the +capital at Washington is founded on pygmy manhood, it will be blown +away like thistledown before some passing wind of revolution. Russia, +Turkey, Spain, will tell you that. If our men are giants, the nation +will be lasting as adamant. England and Germany and America are +monumental testimonies. + +Now what are the qualities in our men that make the nation great? + +Here a problem in analysis confronts us. Let us go about it as does +the student in the laboratory. He dissects a plant or mineral to find +the mysteries of its nature. We are to dissect a civilization to find +the factors of its strength. One little specimen will reveal the +secrets of the whole species. So one sample of civilization will show +the hidden springs of all. Go with me to the public square of any +modern city and there you will behold the qualities that build all +civilization. From the hum and rattle and roar that rises from the sea +of humanity come a thousand various voices, but all speak of one +theme--industry. There in the center of the throng and press a slender +monument rises, crowned perhaps with a figure of Liberty or Justice. +It tells you a simple story of Idealism. Yonder stands a silent, +vine-clad church, crowned by a mighty finger pointing heavenward and +beckoning always to the higher life. What need of going farther? +Industry, Idealism, Morality--already we have found the secret of +human success, the triple key to all advance, of man or group or +nation. Here is Carlyle, with his gospel of labor, the labor that +conquers all things; here is Ruskin, with his exalting idealism, that +gives an aim and purpose to all human toil; here is the great apostle +Paul himself, who transfigures that toil and exalts that purpose with +his everlasting gospel of moral sublimity. Here is our threefold +criterion, by which every nation must stand or fall. The Anglo-Saxon +is what he is through unceasing industry, perpetual aspiration, and +moral strength. The Central African is what he is through inbred +sluggishness, total lack of purpose, and almost total absence of +morality. + +These are the basic elements of national greatness. But the great +question still remains, How does war affect them? + +Concerning the effect of war on labor, we declare unhesitatingly that +the two are everlasting foes, and that whenever War lays hands on +Labor's throat, it strangles her. This is part of the inevitable +program of war, for note that it is on the laboring men that the +dreadful claims of war must fall. Mark its course. A bugle sounds the +call to arms. From workshop, mill, and factory the laborers pour +forth; out go the men into a trade where plunder and robbery are a +means of livelihood; when pillage and slaughter wane, indolence +becomes the order of the day; commerce degenerates into +blockade-running by sea and marauding by land. How tame the life of +peace to this wild life of war! And all the time the love of toil is +fading from men's minds; at home the factory wheels are turning more +and more feebly, and when at last the sword is laid aside, there is +only "confusion worse confounded," for the channels of labor are +choked with men reared in habits of indolence or trained in the school +of vice. Before the scar on that nation's industry can finally be +healed, decades and perhaps centuries of peace must pass away. + +But if war is a scar on the nation's industry, it is likewise a blot +on her ideals. Though this element of idealism at first seems +visionary and impractical, it is one of the foundation stones of +progress. The fixed gulf between what man is and what he knows he +might be is the decisive factor in his advance. Ideals are the pulleys +of the unseen, round which man throws his hopes and aims, by which he +pulls himself across the chasm and into the larger life. To advance at +all, man must have ideals--for himself, for his family, for his +nation. But mark the effect of war on these ideals. In place of the +ideal of peace--to serve men and uplift them--one is taught the ideal +of war--to make himself the most widely feared of professional +murderers. Instead of the ideal of peace--to make his family +comfortable, happy, and prosperous--comes in the war ideal, by whose +terms the family head deserts his own flock to kill other family heads +for the eternal glory of the Stars and Stripes. As for his ideal of +the nation's greatness, we have ample testimony that when bullets and +cannon balls cone crashing through the splendid structure of his +purpose, it speedily crumbles into an ignominious desire to hide +himself behind the nearest tree. No; do not say that war builds up +ideals; it tears them down and tramples them in the dust; aye more, it +sets back crime itself where they should rightly stand. + +But if war so dethrones a nation's ideals, what may it not do to a +nation's morality? Imagine if you can a million men, the core of the +national power, turning themselves into machines to carry out blindly +the schemes of leaders who may be right or wrong; schooled in the +belief that manslaughter is manliness, that the rash courage of the +brute is above the moral courage of a man; forgetful of the meaning +of human life; thoughtless of a thing so common as death; heedless of +its eternal consequences. No wonder Channing cried so bitterly: "War +is the concentration of all human crimes. Under its standard gather +violence, malignity, rage, fraud, rapacity, and lust. If it only slew +men, it would do little. But it turns man into a beast of prey. Here +is the evil of war, that man, made to be the brother, becomes the +deadly foe of his kind; that man, whose duty is to mitigate suffering, +makes the infliction of suffering his study and end." + +No, Mr. Roosevelt, for once at least you are wrong! We cannot believe +that war builds up a nation. Rather will we believe those words of +Herbert Spencer, more sweeping but far more true, "Advance to the +highest forms of man and society depends on the decline of militancy +and the growth of industrialism." + +"But wait," you say; "all this is theory and abstraction. We want +matters of fact. Your case may be true as philosophy, but you have +failed to ground it in example." So it is to history that our last +appeal must be made, for, says Bolingbroke, "History is philosophy, +teaching by example." Every decree of her stern tribunal is impartial +and irrevocable. War the tonic or war the poison? She is the final +judge. She will take you back, if you will, to her childhood days and +point you out vast empires, owning the known world, Babylonians, +Assyrians, Egyptians, Medes, and Persians, fearful fighters all of +them. But no, not quite all either. On a sandy stretch of seashore, +half hidden by the unwieldy empires around it, we see a timid, +peaceful little people called the Hebrews; they alone, from all that +mighty company, have stood the "wreckful siege" of thirty centuries. +Watch its sinister movement down the ages and you will see the war +cloud hover over Greece, and her republics melt to nothing in disunion +and decay. It hovers over the Huns, and they suddenly sink from sight; +over Islam, and its civilization crumbles faster than it grew; over +Spain, and all the New World treasures cannot save her from decay. +Finally, like the cloud no bigger than a hand, it rises from the +island of Corsica and moves toward Central Europe. All too well does +Europe know its meaning. From north and south, from east and west, she +pours into the field the finest armies that the Old World ever saw. +Then she pauses. Europe grows tense with a nameless dread. The storm +cloud blackens, hovers lower, then bursts with all its fury through +the continent. For ten long years, at the command of an imperial +butcher, the soil is drenched with blood, the sky grows lurid from +burning Paris to burning Moscow, three million homes are draped in +black. Grand, indeed, and glorious! But Europe lost more than her +gorgeous standards, more than her ruined cities; she left her manhood +on those bloody fields. + +We might extend the awful picture, but the story is the same, dread +tale of death for nations as for men. Is not this enough? Is it not +clear that this traitor to labor, this despoiler of ideals, this foe +to morality, is not the benefactor but the destroyer of nations? And +shall we not "here highly resolve" no longer to walk in this "valley +of the shadow of death," but to hasten toward the dawning of a +brighter, purer day? For in spite of pessimism, in spite of +scholarship, in spite of history, the day is + + "coming yet, for a' that-- + When man to man, the world o'er, + Shall brothers be for a' that." + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS + +By RUSSELL WEISMAN, Western Reserve University Cleveland, Ohio + +First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1912, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912 + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS + + +The day for deprecating in general terms the evils of war and of +extolling the glories of peace is past. Such argument is little +needed. International trade requires peace. International finance +dictates peace. Even armies and navies are now justified primarily as +agents of peace. Yet so wantonly are these agents looting the world's +treasuries that they are themselves forcing their own displacement by +courts of arbitration. The two hundred and fifty disputes successfully +arbitrated in the past century challenge with trumpet-tongued +eloquence the support of all men for reason's peaceful rule. To-day no +discussion is needed to show that if war is to be abolished, if navies +are to dwindle and armies diminish, if there is to be a federation of +the world, it must come through treaties of arbitration. In this way +alone lies peace; yet in this way lies the present great barrier to +further progress--the conception which many nations, especially the +United States, hold of "national honor and vital interests." The +reservation from arbitration of so-called matters of national honor +and vital interests constitutes the weak link in every existing +arbitration treaty between the great powers of the world. This +reservation furnishes the big-navy men all the argument they need. It +destroys the binding power of the treaties by allowing either party to +any dispute to refuse arbitration. It was by this reservation that the +United States Senate so lately killed the British and the French +treaties. And I contend here to-night that the one subject which +imperatively demands discussion is national honor and vital interests. +That the next important step must be the exposure of the reactionary +influence of the United States in excepting these matters from +arbitration. + +Only fifteen months ago President Taft made his memorable declaration +that this barrier ought to be removed from the pathway of peace. He +proposed that the United States negotiate new treaties to abide by the +adjudication of courts in every international issue which could not be +settled by negotiation, whether involving honor or territory or money. +The next morning the proposal was heralded by the press throughout the +world. A few days later the halls of Parliament resounded with +applause when Great Britain's secretary of state for foreign affairs +announced that his government would welcome such a treaty with the +United States. France soon followed. Then, to the surprise of all, +hesitating Germany and cautious Japan showed a like willingness to +enter into such agreements. Universal peace seemed all but realized. + +The cause was at once borne up on a mighty wave of public opinion. The +peace societies were in a frenzy of activity. Mass meetings of +indorsement were held in England and America. Editorials of approval +appeared in all parts of the world. The movement was now irresistible. +Within eight months the British and the French treaties were drafted. +Three of the greatest nations of the world were at last to commit +themselves unreservedly to the cause of international peace. Even +disputes involving national honor should not halt the beneficent work +of high courts of law and of reason. The day when the treaties were +signed, August 3, 1911, was hailed as a red-letter day in the annals +of the civilized world. It was proclaimed the dawn of a new and +auspicious era in the affairs of men and of nations. + +During all the months preceding the action of the Senate on these +treaties the only statesman of any prominence to raise his voice in +opposition was ex-President Theodore Roosevelt. The gist of his +successive and violent attacks on the treaties is contained in this +utterance, which I quote, "It would be not merely foolish but wicked +for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute that affects our +vital interests or our independence or our honor." In this spirit, to +the surprise and disappointment of the whole nation, the Senate +amended the treaties out of their original intent, and placed upon +them limitations that defeated their purpose. By the Senate's action +the United States is still committed to the pretense that there may be +occasion for a just and solemn war, that vital interests and national +honor may force us to fight. + +What, then, are the vital interests that can be conserved only by +saber and bullet? Nothing more, nothing less, according to various +acknowledged authorities, than a state's independence and its +territorial integrity. Did the keen mind of our former president +really foresee the seizure of some of our territory by England or +France? Yet he protests it that it would be "not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute that +affects our vital interests." Did Senator Lodge and his threescore +colleagues who amended the treaties actually fear an attempt to +overthrow our form of government, to destroy our political +institutions, or to take away those individual rights and sacred +privileges upon which our government was founded? Yet to save us from +such fate they refused unlimited arbitration. + +For the United States to except from arbitration her vital interests +is obvious pretense. To add thereto her national honor is extreme +hypocrisy. What is national honor? No man knows. It is one thing +to-day; another, to-morrow. It may involve an indemnity claim, a +boundary line, a fisheries dispute. In fact, any controversy may be +declared by either party, at will, to be a question of national honor. +Thus in the hands of an unskilled or malicious diplomacy, any question +which was originally a judicial one may become a question of national +honor. What, then, will we arbitrate? Every case in which a favorable +award is assured us. If we want Texas, we send an army after it. Every +case that does not rouse our anger. Let the _Maine_ blow up and we +fight. A treaty with an elastic exception like this is a farcical sham +and a delusion. + +It is high time the true and humiliating significance of these +fearsome phrases should be as familiar to every taxpayer as is the +burden of bristling camps and restless navies. Read the record of +Great Britain's first offer of unlimited arbitration in the +Olney-Pauncefote treaty of 1897. There, too, you will find national +honor and vital interests clogging the machinery of universal peace. +By these same exceptions the Senate emasculated that treaty and +defeated the spirit of the agreement. Is it conceivable that the +Senate actually feared that our interests would be imperiled by that +treaty? Did it delve out some hidden dangers which escaped the careful +scrutiny of both the English and American embassies, some peril +unforeseen by the keen judicial mind of President Cleveland, who +characterized the defeat of the treaty as "the greatest grief" of his +administration. + +But this is not all. The American representatives at both Hague +Conferences were the first to place these same limitations on all +arbitration proposals. + +Look at it from what point of view you will, our government's conduct +must appear humiliating. Considering the fact that universal +arbitration treaties have proved practical, it is well-nigh +incredible. Behold our bellicose sister American republics. Argentina +and Chile, Brazil and Argentina, Bolivia and Peru, all have agreements +for the arbitration of all questions whatsoever. All the Central +American republics are bound by treaty to decide every difference of +whatever nature in the Central American Court of Justice. Denmark's +three treaties with Italy, Portugal, and the Netherlands withhold no +cause, however vital, from reason's peaceful sway. Norway and Sweden +likewise have an agreement to abide by the decision of the Hague Court +in whatever disputes may occur. The very existence of all these +treaties is significant, yet even more significant is the fact that +they have been triumphantly tested. Norway and Sweden at one extremity +of the globe and Argentina and Chile at the other have thus quietly +settled disputes in which their honor and interests were seriously +involved. + +Do you ask further evidence of the hypocrisy with which our Senate +parades our national honor and our vital interests to the undoing of a +grand work? Search our history and you will find it in abundance. In +the great case of the Alabama claims, Charles Francis Adams pronounced +the construction of Confederate ships in English ports to be a +violation of the international law of neutrality. This certainly was a +question of national honor and vital interests, yet he pleaded for +arbitration. In reply Lord John Russell said, "That is a question of +honor which we will never arbitrate, for England's honor cannot be +made the subject of arbitration." The case was debated for six years. +Then came England's "Grand Old Man," the mighty Gladstone, with a +different view. "It is to the interest," he said, "not only of England +and the United States, but of the world, peaceably to settle those +claims." He submitted them to a joint high commission. England lost +and paid. Thus the honor of both nations was successfully arbitrated. +Likewise the Newfoundland fisheries case had been a bone of contention +between Great Britain and America from the day our independence was +recognized. As late as 1887 it threatened to become the cause of war. +No question ever arose which more vitally affected the interests of +America, yet the Senate recently accepted a settlement by arbitration. +Similarly, the Alaska fur seal dispute, the Alaskan and the Venezuelan +boundary disputes, and the northeast boundary controversy all involved +both the vital interests and the national honor of England and +America, yet all were satisfactorily and permanently arbitrated. So +excited were we over our northwest boundary that the principal issue +of a political campaign was "The whole of Oregon or none! Fifty-four +forty or fight!" Yet we peaceably acquiesced in a treaty that gave us +neither. + +Yes, our honor may be arbitrated. If we are ill-prepared for war, we +arbitrate. If we are sure of a favorable award, we arbitrate. But we +must have a loophole, an ever-ready escape from obligation. Posing as +the most enlightened nation on the face of the globe, we refuse +entirely to displace those medieval notions according to which +personal honor found its best protection in the dueling pistol, and +national honor its only vindication in slaughter and devastation. To +unlimited arbitration we refuse to submit. + +Fifteen years ago England, the mighty England, gave us her pledge that +no cause should ever justify war. This pledge our Senate in the name +of honor refused. Unlimited arbitration agreements were suggested at +both Hague Conferences. Americans promptly placed restrictions upon +them in the name of honor. Again has England with enthusiasm just +offered us unrestricted arbitration. Again she is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. France, too, bears to our doors an +unqualified pledge of arbitration. France, too, is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. Germany and Japan express a desire to +settle every question at the bar of justice. Impelled by honor we pass +their desire unheeded. Our Clevelands, our Olneys, our Edward Everett +Hales, our Carl Schurzes, our John Hays, have all urged unlimited +arbitration. Our Davises and Clarks and Platts and Quays in Senate +seats have undone their work in the name of honor. Our Charles Eliots +and Nicholas Butlers, our Albert Shaws and Hamilton Holts, now plead +for universal peace through unlimited arbitration. Senators Bacon and +Lodge and Heyburn and Hitchcock, apparently impelled by constitutional +prerogative, party prejudice, or personal animosity, now cast their +votes for limitations in the name of honor. From the platform of peace +conferences, from the halls of colleges, from the pulpit and the +bench, from the offices of bankers and merchants and manufacturers, +from the press, with scarcely a column's exception, there arises a +swelling plea for treaties of arbitration that know no exceptions. In +the name of honor that plea is defied. + +Honor? No, an ocean of exception large enough to float any number of +battleships for which pride and ambition may be willing to pay! Honor? +No, a finical and foolish reservation that at any moment may become a +maelstrom of suspicion and rage and hatred and destruction and death! +Honor? No, a mountainous barrier to peace that must be leveled before +there can be progress! Honor? No, the incarnation of selfishness, the +cloak of shrewd politics, the mask of false patriotism! National +honor? No, national dishonor! + +Before the nations of the world the United States stands to-day in an +unenviable light. It is a false light. Since the days of William Penn +and Benjamin Franklin our people have led in much of the march upward +from the slough of weltering strife. Many a stumbling block to +progress we have removed from the rugged pathway, but for fifteen +years our government has refused to touch the barrier of national +honor and vital interests. England and France have now laid this duty +squarely at our door. "It is a social obligation as imperative as the +law of Moses, as full of hope as the Great Physician's healing touch." +Let us here highly resolve that there shall be uttered a new official +interpretation of national honor and vital interests, an +interpretation synonymous with dignity and fidelity, sincerity, and +integrity, and confidence in the vows both of men and of nations. "If +we have 'faith in the right as God gives us to see the right,' we +shall catch a vision of opportunity that shall fire the soul with a +spirit of service which the darkness of night shall not arrest, which +the course of the day shall not weary." + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM + +By PAUL B. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor + +First Prize Oration in the Central Group Contest, 1913, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM + + +Robert Southey has asked through the lips of a little child the +greatest peace question that the world has known. He pictures a summer +evening on the old battlefield of Blenheim. On a chair before his +vine-clad cottage sat old Kaspar while his grandchildren, Wilhelmine +and Peterkin, played on the lawn. Suddenly Peterkin from a nearby +brook unearthed a skull and, running, brought it to Kaspar's knee. The +old man took the gruesome thing from the boy, and told him that this +had been the head of a man killed in the great battle of Blenheim. +Then little Wilhelmine looked up into her grandfather's face and said: + + "Now tell us all about the war, + And what they fought each other for." + +Here we have the central question in the problem of war. Why do men +fight? Through the answer to that question lies the path to +world-peace. + +Few men fight to-day for glory. Modern militarism has no place for +Lancelots and Galahads. The glory of the regiment has absorbed the +glory of the individual. Few men fight to-day to gain great wealth. +The treasures that glittered before Pizarro do not tempt our soldiers. +Material wealth is more easily won in factory or farm or mill. Few men +fight to-day for religion. The conquest of religion has become a +conquest of peace; the very ideal of peace is an end of religion +itself. Glory, wealth, religion--these are no longer the causes of +war. Then why do men fight? The answer is obvious. Men fight to-day +for patriotism. Patriotism is the cause of war. + +The next step in our reasoning is more difficult. If patriotism is the +cause of war, how shall we treat the cause to destroy the result? +Shall we attempt to abolish patriotism as Tolstoy would have us do, or +shall we try to change its nature so that war as a natural result will +be impossible? To answer these questions we must study patriotism from +its very beginnings. We must ask: What is patriotism? Where did it +come from? What place has it in our life? + +Observe first the simplest cell of life, the amoeba. We can watch it +through the microscope. It is so tiny that it keeps house in a drop of +water. It has neither emotion nor consciousness, in the human sense. +It lives a while, and then splits in two to form other cells that have +no connection with each other. Yet this infinitesimal bit of life has +an instinct, the instinct to save itself. Watch an amoeba as fire is +brought near. It immediately moves away. Its every act is regulated by +this one instinct, self-preservation. + +Now let us leave the microscope and go outdoors. Over there is a bird +in a tree top, feeding its young in a nest. Suppose that a fire should +suddenly consume the tree. Would the mother bird fly away in safety? +No, it would die on its nest in the effort to save its young. There is +more than self-preservation here. The scientist will tell you that the +instinct has expanded to include the preservation of the offspring. + +And now turn to primitive man. The recent excavations in Sussex will +give us a picture of him. He is a wild, gorilla-like figure that +creeps beneath the trees. He can leap with lightning force on his +prey. He drapes his body with bearskins, and eats meat from fingers +that end in claws. And yet with all his savage ferocity, this is more +than an animal. This is a man. In his breast there stir the instincts +of a man. In his life we see the vital element of patriotism, love. +His little savage family is more precious to him than all the world. +He will fight and die, not only for self-preservation but for those +who to him are "brother and sister and mother." This is the stamp of +the human. This is the potentially divine. + +But as the storms of war beat about these little savage families, the +sense of common danger welded them into one. Out of grim necessity +friendship came, and friendship gave birth to patriotism. Loyalty and +sacrifice were not limited to the family; men fought and died for +their tribe. + +And now let us turn the microscope upon ourselves. We would fight for +our country. We say because we love our country. We call that feeling +patriotism. It is more extended than the savage love of tribe; it +gives loyalty to a great government and democratic principles. We +speak of that feeling as divine, but it is terribly human. Its +expression is the same harsh ferocity that inspired the life of the +savage. + +To-morrow America goes to war. In great black type we read the call +for men, and a sense of common danger thrills us. In the evening by a +street lamp's glare we watch a passionate agitator who points to a +flag that we have learned to love. The tramp, tramp of passing +regiments and the sound of martial music thrill us. We lay down our +tool or pen and march to the front. And then comes the first +engagement. The air is blackened with rifle smoke; the roar of +cannonry deafens us. Dazed, we crouch behind an earthwork while the +enemy creeps through the smoke. Suddenly they charge. We fire, but +they surge on through the smoke. They mount the earthwork. We leap +together! Men scream hoarsely! Musket butts crash! Daggers plunge into +quivering flesh! Divine feeling! Glorious patriotism! + +The passing of this savage patriotism is inevitable. The whole course +of nature is against it. The very history of development will tell you +that. Loyalty has never been an immutable thing. It has been a +ceaseless and irresistible growth from the individual to the family, +to the tribe, to the nation. The time for a world-patriotism has come. +Why should men limit their loyalty by a row of stones and trees that +we call a boundary? Why are men patriots, anyway, except to save their +privileges and their government? The primitive patriot had no choice +but to fight. He was put down in a little plot of cleared ground +hemmed in by mighty forests, and made to hew out a home in a vast +world of enemies. But how far we have come from him! The +twentieth-century world is a little world. Our earth is like an open +book. We have cut through the jungle wastes of Africa; we have +photographed the poles. We sell and buy things from Greenland and +Java. In such a civilization war-patriotism has no place. It is no +longer the only guide to self-preservation; it has become the most +terrible instrument of self-destruction. And for just this reason +war-patriotism must go. It runs counter to the whole trend of nature +itself. It is diametrically opposed to the mission of patriotism in +the world. Just as those little savage families joined hands in +tribal loyalty, just as the scattered clans and tribes united under +national government, so nations must clasp hands around the globe in a +new spirit of "worldism" that shall make war impossible. + +But we cannot gain a world-spirit by a sudden destruction of our +patriotism. We will never usher in tranquillity with a crash. The +nihilism of Tolstoy would plunge us into lawlessness and anarchy, for +the chief element of patriotism we must keep. "What is that element?" +you ask. It is the willingness of the individual to sacrifice his +welfare for the welfare of the group. There we have the stem of the +world-spirit of to-morrow. But the blossom will not burst forth in a +night. It must come by an unfolding and a growth. We cannot climb to +universal peace upon a golden ladder and cut the rungs beneath us. +Evolution builds on the past. The final spirit of "worldism" will be a +broadening and a deepening and a humanizing of the spirit of sacrifice +which is the noblest element in our patriotism. + +"But," you ask, "if the evolution of patriotism is inevitable, what +have we to do with it? Why should we meddle with the course of +nature?" We reply that the evolution must come through you. We are not +"puppets jerked by unseen wires." "Consciousness," says Bergson, "is +essentially free." Man the savage or man the philosopher--he alone can +decide. Let him purify patriotism with Christianity and he has +brotherhood; adulterate it with avarice and he has war. The evolution +of patriotism is not a physical thing. Listen to Huxley, "Social +progress means a checking of the cosmic process at every step and the +substitution for it of the ethical process." The evolution of +patriotism, then, is a moral thing, and morality is man-made. We are +men, but we can be supermen. We are patriots of a nation. We can be +patriots of the world. + +The evolution of patriotism is no theorist's dream. It is a palpable +fact. The patriot of one age may be the scoundrel of the next. A turn +of the kaleidoscope and Paul the convict trades places with Nero the +Emperor. Who was the ideal ancient patriot? The statesman, Pericles? +The thinker, Plato? No. The most efficient murderer, a Macedonian boy. +"I must civilize," he says. So he starts into his neighbor's country +with forty thousand fighters at his back. Does Persia yield its +banner? No. Then crush it. Does Thebes resist? Then burn it to the +ground. Do the women prate of freedom? Load them with slave chains. +What? Do they still hold out? Then slaughter the swine. And as men +watch him wading through seas of blood, riding roughshod over +prostrate lives and dead hopes and shattered empires, the blind age +cries out, "O godlike Alexander!" + +"Godlike!" Oh, but there's new meaning in that word to-day. How much +nobler a picture our modern patriot presents! Not waving the brand of +destruction, not a king of murder will you find the great patriot of +to-day. His thunderbolt of conquest was a host of righteousness. His +empire was built in the hearts of men. In the teeming slums of the +world's greatest city he lifted the standard of the Christ. Haggard +children stretched out hands for bread. He fed them with his last +crust. Thousands were dying in the city's filth. He pointed them to a +more Beautiful City where pain should be no more. And when the body of +William Booth was borne through the silent throngs of London streets, +a million heads were bowed in reverence to this patriot of a purer +day. In every hamlet of civilization some heart called him godlike. + +Is not the trend of patriotism clear? Are not the seeds of a new +world-loyalty already in our soil? The trumpet call to war can never +rouse this newer patriotism. The summons "peace on earth and good will +to men"--that is the future bugle call. And for us the task is clear. +To take our destiny into our own hands, to throw off the prejudices of +nationalism, to turn our faces resolutely to the future and strive for +that summit of brotherhood and universal peace, that + + "One far-off divine event + To which the whole creation moves." + + + + +CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT + +By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland + +First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1913, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT + + +Ladies and Gentlemen: + +We are gathered here this evening in the confident expectation that a +rule of reason will soon be established among the nations. It has been +a hard, at times almost a discouraging, fight--for it is difficult to +convince the world of its own insanity, and lovers of peace have often +been tempted to cry in their despair, "How long, O Lord, how long?" + +But there have always been men, with vision unaffected by martial +glamour, who have foreseen in the logic of the world's history the +inevitable end of war, and we have progressed now to a point where +peace is the normal condition in international relationships. But it +is an armed peace, founded on the false principle of suspicion and +distrust, and we come now to consider the practical question of what +the third Hague Conference can do to establish peace upon a firm and +enduring foundation. + +You will remember that the First Hague Conference established a +so-called Permanent Court of Arbitration. It is not a definite, +tangible tribunal, but merely a panel of a hundred or more men from +whom the arbiters in each specific case may be selected; and +therefore, though it is a great step in the right direction and though +it has accomplished some good work, it has not commanded full +confidence and recognition. To supplement this court the Conference +of 1907 proposed a new organization--a Judicial Court of Arbitration, +to be composed of seventeen judges of recognized legal authority, to +sit for terms of twelve years, and to be competent to decide all +cases. Here, then, is the nucleus of an easily accessible supreme +court of the world, whose decisions would soon build up a new system +of international law. Its composition, jurisdiction, and procedure are +agreed upon. The vital problem, a mode of selecting the judges, +remains unsettled. Evidently, then, the first great duty of the next +Hague Conference is to put into operation this court, of which all the +nations recognize the need and desirability. + +Following logically the establishment of competent machinery for +arbitration comes the second great duty of that conference--the +passage of a convention binding the nations to resort to this court in +all cases that fail of ordinary diplomatic settlement. The Judicial +Court of Arbitration, if the nations are not bound to use it, would +certainly fail of its purpose. A general treaty making arbitration +obligatory is not too much to demand, for the Conference of 1907 +declared itself unanimous "in recognizing the principle of compulsory +arbitration." Separate arbitration treaties mounting into the hundreds +have been negotiated between individual nations, but almost all +contain that fatal reservation of questions of "honor and vital +interests." Honor and vital interests--could any words be more vague +and indefinite? Are these not the very cases which interested nations +are least competent to decide? A complete answer to that silly +reservation is found in our hundred years' peace with Great Britain. +As John W. Foster, that keen student of our diplomatic history, has +said, "The United States can have no future dispute with England more +seriously involving the territorial integrity, the honor of the +nation, its vital interests, or its independence, than those questions +which have already been submitted to arbitration." Denmark has agreed +with Italy and the Netherlands to arbitrate all questions that fail of +diplomatic settlement, thus insuring perpetual peace between those +nations. Here indeed is the pathway of true national honor. + +Coincident with the establishment of the legal machinery for +arbitration and the growth thereof, we would naturally have expected a +cessation in the mad race for armament-supremacy. But the very reverse +has happened, and to deal firmly with this contradictory situation is +the third great duty of the next Hague Conference. Of what avail are +our Courts of Arbitral Justice when this intolerable economic waste is +permitted! To limit armaments was the avowed purpose of the First +Hague Conference, but nothing was accomplished save the adoption of a +neatly worded resolution that the limitation aforesaid is "highly +desirable for the enlargement of the material and moral well-being of +humanity." In 1907 the subject was again under discussion, the nations +exhorted to a serious examination of the question--and there the +matter rested. We have reached now an insufferable stage where +effective action must be taken. Let us hear no more that deceptive +catch phrase, "If you want peace prepare for war." When bad blood is +likely to arise between individuals the very worst policy to pursue is +to furnish them with weapons. And so it is with nations. Consider, if +you will, the neck-and-neck race between Great Britain and the German +Empire in the construction of battleships. What fool will call that +preparation for war a guaranty of peace? We might be disposed to admit +the sincerity of those who say we must arm and ever arm to maintain +peace, except that they are too often men with professional and +business interests at stake. In England there have been amazing +revelations of this sinister condition--armament companies with peers, +members of Parliament, newspaper owners, officers of the army and +navy, as stockholders; enormous appropriations forced through +Parliament by interested parties; periodic war scares in newspapers +inspired by armament syndicates. Only recently we read how the great +Krupp firm of Germany had been exposed in its practice of bribing +officials to obtain valuable military information and furnishing +French newspapers with war-scare articles calculated to induce Germany +to increase her armament orders. In Russia and France they face a +similar state of affairs. Here in the United States we are undoubtedly +not free therefrom. And then there are the navy leagues in every +country, playing upon the fears of the nations by startling tales of +what the others are doing, and so on through an endless chain, +manufacturing a demand for battleships in the name and under the guise +of patriotism. We shrink from the contemplation of such greed and +selfishness, and appeal for relief to the third Hague Conference. + +We come now to a consideration of the fourth prime duty devolving upon +that conference. Ocean commerce in war should be rendered inviolable. +In effecting this we not only abolish a barbarous custom, but at the +same time remove one of the chief causes of great navies. As long as +the safety of the merchant marine is not guaranteed by international +agreement, just so long will nations with commercial aspirations +build enormous navies for their protection. It is true England has +hitherto opposed this reform,--confident in her naval supremacy,--but +she cannot again fly in the face of a general demand without too great +a sacrifice of prestige. + +Here, then, are four important problems of the peace movement, all +difficult, but not impossible of solution when we remember that the +Conference of 1907, in good faith, I believe, adopted the following +declaration, "That, by working together during the past four months, +the collected powers not only have learnt to understand one another +and to draw close together, but have succeeded ... in evolving a very +lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity." Whether these +fine words breathe sincerity or hypocrisy the next Hague Conference +has ample opportunity to prove. + +And now, what shall we say of the position of America in this war +against war? Her boundless resources; her amalgamation of men from all +parts of the world into one people; her impregnable geographical +situation; her embodiment of the three cardinal principles of +world-union (federation, interstate free trade, interstate courts); +the genius and ideals of our government--all give America a logical +leadership. She can boast of the first peace society in the world, of +a glorious record of arbitration, of a long list of the wisest +international statesmen, of a most advanced position at The Hague upon +the questions of ocean commerce, courts of justice, arbitration, +limitation of armaments. But there is the darker view. The treaties +negotiated by Secretary Knox with France and with England, agreeing to +arbitrate every question that fails of diplomatic settlement--those +treaties were rejected by the United States Senate. There was a +transcendent opportunity to lay the foundation for a speedy +realization of peace universal, with France and England willing, yes, +even anxious to coöperate--and America failed! Mr. Taft has shown that +if the position of the Senate is accepted as international law, then +we may as well bid farewell to any hopes of leadership in the peace +movement, for our nation could then enter upon no general arbitration +agreements because of the prerogative of the Senate in each specific +case to accept or refuse arbitration. + +It is at this point, Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is work for the +humblest of us to do. In the intellectual field we can aid in the +creation of an intelligent, forceful public opinion that will induce +the Senate to recede from its fatal attitude, and that will resist a +false, cheap patriotism which is relentlessly endeavoring to crush +America 'neath the burden of militarism. Then in the moral field we +can stimulate and foster a peaceful attitude, a sentiment for peace, +in the hearts of our countrymen; and until this is accomplished there +can be no peace universal, for, as Senator Root has said, "The +questions at issue between disputing nations are nothing, the spirit +that deals with them is everything." And finally, in the educational +field, let us take heed that the men and women of our rising +generation are taught the glorious pages of our arbitration history as +well as they know the battles of our country. Let us take care that it +is grounded into their minds and habits of thought from earliest +years, that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." + +In conclusion, let us not be deceived by that vain apology for war, +that it is necessary to keep alive the heroic spirit and to stimulate +manly courage. Despite the noble side in war, its bestial side +predominates; its larger effect upon men is demoralizing. And if it be +glorious to die for a cause, how much nobler to live and strive for an +ideal, utilizing the talents that God gave us for its realization! The +movement for peace is not one of weaklings and mollycoddles. It is +championed by red-blooded men, daring to bear the ridicule of the +thoughtless and to fight for the preconceptions of humanity. Peace has +her heroes in daily life--miners, mariners, policemen, firemen, men of +every station, displaying the nobility of their souls often unheralded +and unsung. The venerable William T. Stead, bearing across the ocean +his message of international good will, sacrificed his life on the +_Titanic_ that others might live. He was a hero, yes, but a hero of +peace. + +It would be an insult to your intelligence to prove the self-evident +proposition that war is uneconomic, unscientific, unchristian. The +movement for its elimination, above all, is logical and practical, and +should appeal to every man. Is it nothing to you? Yes, it is a great +deal to you. Merely let your imaginations picture the day when the +seventy per cent of our national revenue now sacrificed on the altar +of folly is diverted to the arts of peace, to the amelioration of +social conditions, to advancing the happiness of our people--at peace +with all other peoples in the assurance of international law and love. +Ladies and Gentlemen, if we but do our duty, the dawn of that great +day will come in our generation! + + + + +THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE + +By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois + +First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1913, and Third +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE + + +The birth and rapid rise of the present movement for international +peace are events of recent years. The nineteenth century found its +welcome in the smoking cannon and crimsoned fields of Hohenlinden. At +its close the first great peace conference of The Hague was in +session. One hundred years ago Napoleon was sweeping across Europe in +his terrible attempt to create an empire. To-day France, England, and +America have agreed on treaties that declare for unbroken peace. +Touched by the wand of progress, the Utopian ideal of yesterday has +become the dominant political issue of to-day. It is pertinent, then, +that we seek the true nature of this revolution. Is it borne on the +crest of a popular impulse that will recede as rapidly as it has +risen, or is it a permanent movement, the product of natural forces +working through ordinary channels? + +The nineteenth century represents a break with the past. Swept into +the mighty current of transition, the habits and customs of a thousand +years have disappeared. With the development of natural resources, the +establishment and growth of the factory system, the use of means of +rapid communication, nations have entered upon a new era. Commerce and +industry have come to dominate thought and action and are transforming +the very life of the world. Defying the rigorous climate of both the +poles, trade has penetrated the frozen recesses of Hudson Bay and +made of the Falkland Islands a relay station in the progress of +victorious industry. Nor is the equatorial heat more discouraging. The +thick jungles of Africa have yielded their secrets, and the muddy +waters of the Amazon are churned by propellers a thousand miles from +the sea. International trade routes traverse the seas, connecting +continent with continent. In forty years this commerce has increased +from two billions to thirty billions. Giant corporations have ignored +political boundaries, carried trade wherever profitable, and are +supplying the varied demands of entire communities. Tariff walls, but +lately effective barriers, are crumbling before the onslaught of +trade. Nations are no longer independent. The wheat from Canada and +the Dakotas feeds the mill workers of Sheffield and the nobility of +Berlin. The failure of the Georgia cotton crop halts the looms of +England and raises the cost of living throughout Europe. Nations can +no longer exist as self-sufficient economic units. Never before were +they so mutually interdependent. Never before has the welfare and +security of one state depended upon the enterprise and diligence of +another. And the movement for international peace is the chance +offspring of these new social forces, at once a protest and a warning +against the wrecking of modern economic structures by the ruthless +hand of war. + +Commerce, the most important of these new forces, flourishes +unprejudiced by armaments and military prestige. In the open +competition of the world's markets stronger powers meet and suffer +from the rivalry of states that have no military standing. Relative to +population, Norway has a carrying trade three times as great as +England's. With her million trained warriors Germany is beaten by the +merchants of Holland. The flag of little Denmark flies at more +mastheads than does the Stars and Stripes. Where then is the +commercial advantage supposed to attend superior military strength? + +But it is to prevent the seizure of its commerce by others that +nations must empty their treasuries to keep ironclads afloat. Yet what +could be gained by attempted confiscation? If Germany annihilated +England's navy to-morrow, how would she profit? Commerce is a process +of exchange, the continuance and promotion of which is dependent upon +the degree of mutual profit. Commercial gain is not a consequent of +military success. It is since England seized the gold fields, diamond +mines, and fertile plateaus of lower Africa that British securities +have dropped twenty points. In 1871 Germany humbled and humiliated +France almost beyond toleration, yet her share of the world's commerce +has not been augmented thereby. So would it be with England. True, +Germany might commit some depredations and hinder the passage of +trade, but what would be her motive? How could she gain? Even if the +British Isles were depopulated, it is doubtful whether Germany would +benefit. For by what miracle would Germany be able to develop the +facilities, the shipyards, mills, factories, foundries, mines and +machinery, to supply the trade which the foremost of commercial +nations has been generations in building up? Germany's banner might +wave over the Bank of England, her excise boats police the Thames and +the Clyde, yet she would behold the trade of a conquered province +going to foreign nations. Trade does not follow the flag. Undisturbed +by political changes or military reverses, it flows in constantly +widening channels wherever productive fields are found. + +And in the waging of war, do we reckon the direct cost to commerce? +The commercial relations of the entire world are disturbed. Prolonged +conflict is accompanied by the closing of the bank and the factory, +the dismantling of the shop and mill, and the lengthening of the bread +line in every city and town. In what state of prosperity and happiness +might not France have been had Napoleon never lived? With half a +century gone, our own country is still suffering from the devastation +of the Civil War. Our commerce with South America is scarcely beyond +the point it had reached before our week-end tiff with Spain. Yet +there are those who prate of national honor and of war as insuring +prosperity. From the leader of a newborn national party we hear that +without a periodic war America would become effeminate and weak, her +aggressive commercial life timid and corrupt, and within a few brief +years the great Republic would sink to a fourth-rate power. Up, brave +Americans, and man the guns! Awake, sons of freedom, and sweep the +seas! Fourteen years without a war; our beloved land is ruined. You +men of the factory and mill, you men of property and business, you +producers of the nation's wealth, forward into the carnage; burn the +homes of thrift and industry, for commerce will be enriched thereby; +ravage the fields and despoil the cities, for this will insure +vigorous national life; impoverish happy peoples, spread famine and +pestilence through fertile valleys, mark the sites of contented +villages with smoldering ruins, defy your Christian God, and kindle +the fires of hell in human breasts; commit violence, treachery, +rapine, ay, murder,--for the eternal glory of the Stars and Stripes. +Yet commerce and industry--the glittering prizes which every nation +covets when it builds a dreadnought or enlarges its army--demand that +the creative forces of peace supplant the destructive wastes of war. + +To-day the financial relationships of nations are inextricably +entangled. The big banks in the capitals of the world are in +communication with each other every second of the day. During the +American crisis in 1907 the bank rate in England went up to seven per +cent, forcing many British concerns to suspend operations. Because of +the Balkan War the bank rate in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna is the +highest in twenty years, and European securities have depreciated over +six billion dollars. Foreign investments are raising insuperable +barriers to war. Should the French bombard Hamburg to-day they would +destroy the property of Frenchmen. Let Emperor William capture London, +loot the Bank of England, and he will return to find German industry +paralyzed, the banks closed, and a panic sweeping the land. Let +English regiments again move to invade the United States, English +warships draw up in battle line to attack our seaports, and four +billions of the earnings of the English people would bar the way. To +the victor of the present the spoils of war are valueless. Japan, +victor over the great Russian Empire, staggers under a colossal debt. +The Italian government hears rumbles of discontent, because the cost +of winning a victory has been too great. What better proof do we need +that war is profitless, that it means financial suicide? It has been +transformed from a gainful occupation into economic folly, and war +will cease because the price is becoming prohibitive. + +In this movement for peace, capital's strongest ally is her most +active enemy. Raised to a position of independence and power by the +Industrial Revolution, labor is wielding an effective influence. The +complexity of modern business has aroused workingmen in every country +to a common interest and sympathy. The International Congress of Trade +Unions, representing twenty countries and over ten million men, has +declared for universal disarmament. Just last month eighty-five +thousand coal miners in Illinois resolved that if the United States +declared war on a foreign power, they would call a general strike. + +And why not? Why should the workingmen of one country offer themselves +as targets for those of another? Why should the workers of Germany be +taxed to support a war against England, Germany's best market? Can the +rice growers of Japan profit by killing Americans to whom they sell +their produce? War means suffering and want, and the laborer has come +to know it. He is cold to the sight of its flaunting flags and the +sound of its grand, wild music, for he sees the larder bare, funds +exhausted, and hunger at the door. He refuses to sacrifice his body +and the welfare of his family upon the altar of Mars. No longer can +kings and emperors satisfy their grasping ambitions. Armed by the +ballot, the masses are to-day supreme. Never again will the cruel hand +of tyranny press to their lips the poisoned cup of death. Their sway +is absolute. The destinies of nations are in their keeping. The decree +has gone forth that war must cease. + +Born of these greater movements, a host of influences bring nearer the +dawn of peace. The express and the wireless have supplanted the oxcart +and the courier. Chicago and Boston are closer to-day than New York +and Albany a century ago. Within the hour of their occurrence events +that happen in Paris are published in Chicago and St. Louis. Political +boundaries are fading before larger interests. Every railroad train +crossing the frontier, every ship plying the seas, every article of +commerce, every exchange of business, every cable conveying news from +distant lands--all these are potent factors in the cause of +international peace. Add to these the conciliating influence of +foreign investments, the telephone and telegraph, travel, education, +democracy, religion, and you have marshaled a host for peace whose +clarion trumpets shall never sound retreat. Casting aside the +prejudice of ages, modern industrialism flings around the world the +economic bonds against which the forces of militarism are powerless. + +Here, then, in the world-wide operations of commerce and industry is +the _assurance of peace_. The skeptic may scoff and the cynic point to +Mexico and the Balkans, but the Industrial Revolution has produced a +multitude of influences that are knitting the nations into an +indissoluble unity. Men are beginning to realize the integrity of +mankind, and a world-consciousness is arising. Kindness and +justice--yesterday but community ideals--are extending their sway +throughout the earth. Even while bayonets are bared in conflict and +cannon thunder against hostile camps, the magic of our civilization is +weaving bonds of union that cannot be broken. Peace, not war, is the +true grandeur of nations; love, not hate, is the immutable law of +God; and so surely as governments and kings are powerless to divide +when home and factory would bind, some not too distant day will find +the battle flags all furled, the sword's arbitrament abandoned, and +the world at peace. + + + + +EDUCATION FOR PEACE + +By FRANCIS J. LYONS, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, +representing the Southern Group + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914 + + + + +EDUCATION FOR PEACE + + +Time was when war was beneficial. Historians have justified the spread +of knowledge by the sword. At the world's awakening, it was well that +the new thought should be diffused even at the sacrifice of human +blood. It was justified because there was no other means. We have to +cast our imagination back through the centuries and realize that then +there were no railroads, no telegraph, no newspapers; that man was +bound by narrow limits; and the elemental processes of the world were +undiscovered. We do not criticize Alexander for conquering the eastern +perils, for he carried in his phalanxes the spirit of new-discovered +thought. We do not denounce Rome for piercing the unknown realms with +her legions, for she was the mother of a new belief. But this was at +the dawn of history, when erudition was in its struggling embryo, and +the physical was the better part of man. Man went forth to battle as a +religion. + +The world grew partly wise, and man preached the gospel of +brotherhood. But it did not last. The changing of the peoples +smoldered the fires of rising intelligence, and the world rolled back +again in darkness--a darkness long and black. Centuries passed, and a +new light came, slowly but courageously. Man blinkingly came forth, +dazed and unsteady. The light grew, and man grew with it; but rooted +deep in his heart was the love of war of his ancestors. In a different +spirit, it is true; but it was there, and he went forth to battle not +because it was religion, but because it was brave. + +The world rolled on; war grew; it developed with the state; it became +an art; was studied--and now our cycle turns. It faces us as a custom +backed up by the centuries--deep-rooted, a consumer that yields no +returns and, what with our modern appliances, a terror to the hearts +of all the world. Men fought in the early ages because they thought it +was just; men fought in the Middle Ages because they considered it +brave; men of our modern age will banish war because it is a fallacy. + +Do you know that to maintain our so-called prestige we spend seventy +per cent of our national income? Think of it! Seventy per cent to +maintain our present status and to prepare for the future! Think of +that awful drain; think, if applied in other channels, what good could +be done! We are proud of our battleship _Texas_. She is a noble war +dog; yet do you realize that if we had applied the money spent on her +in our own state we could have had one gigantic paved highway twice +the distance from El Paso to Galveston? We could have had two hundred +high schools, representing $75,000 each. We could have raised our +institutions of higher learning to a level with any of the East or +North. Fifteen millions gone for a floating war machine which in +twenty years will be a piece of rusted, useless iron; fifteen millions +for a sailing dragon who, each time one of her big guns speaks, wastes +the equivalent of a four-year college education for some +youth--$1700--for a single shot. Our war dogs sail the seas; our +soldiers parade our forts; and we look on and raise a joyous hubbub as +the nations of the world rush madly on, wasting themselves in the +race for military supremacy. + +Have you ever considered yourself transported to some celestial +height, and there, from the regions of the infinite, allowed to view a +battle on earth? How foolish it must seem, these pygmies coming forth +to make war. See them as they charge and wound and kill! See brother +slay brother! See the wounded left to die! Hear the cries of distress, +and picture the grief that follows all! Men battling to conquer; men +assuming the prerogative of a god--how foolish, yet how serious! And +these artificial lines that men call boundaries, how punctiliously +they are guarded! "Take but a hundred feet, and we shall war with +thee." How foolish this too must seem when viewed from above--that we +should carry on war over even a slight infraction on any imaginary, +mathematical line. + +We cherish the thought that the youth of our land are being taught +self-restraint. It is ever impressed upon them that there are courts +of justice for the settlement of controversies. Law and order have +become stock phrases, dinned into their ears at every turn. The man +who would settle his difficulty by trying the physical metal of his +adversary is of the past. By the new order he is taboo as a savage. +Individual self-restraint rings out in our vocabulary as nationally +descriptive. The babe at the mother's knee learns first the virtue of +it; the child at school is tutored to it soundly; the man in life is +lectured with it regularly. Brotherhood! Love! Self-restraint! + +But what of the self-restraint of the nation? In the teaching of the +individual, is it not odd and inconsistent that we forget the +teaching of the unit? We paint the inner rooms of our national +character with colors bright and pleasing, but the exterior, though +weathering the heavier storms, is forgotten. If the child be taught +that individuals should arbitrate their differences, can he not learn +that the individual nations are subject to the same rule? If +arbitration is best for each man, surely it must be best for all. If +the child be taught that self-restraint is the boasted characteristic +of the model American, should he not learn that the model American +nation should be self-restraining? Let us learn this lesson, and +surely we will never war. Herein shall we find the solution of this +great problem. We can preach about peace and write pretty orations, +but if we are to impress it upon the hearts of the world, we must +teach it, and in a systematic manner. It is not to be learned in a +day. It is the labor of a generation and more. It must be a fully +developed characteristic. Man is learning self-development; now we +must turn to the bigger ideals--national restraint, national +development, international brotherhood. + +Do you say this is idealism--visionary? On the contrary, it is +thoroughly practicable. The only way to attain world-peace is for the +individual citizen to think peace, to teach peace, and to act in +accordance with such thoughts and teachings. Just as public opinion +causes war, so only through cultivated public opinion can we hope for +peace. I do not say to sink our battleships and turn free our army. I +do not argue that we should quit guarding ourselves and throw +ourselves open to the world; but what I seek is that we should turn +our faces with bright hope to the future, eager to assist in the +abolition of all that tends to war, eager to assist in the only +proper way--the enlightenment of the world-nations. + +The call comes naturally to America, the land of new belief; America, +the New World of Opportunity, as Emerson calls it; the land cut off +from the conventional past; a land that has taken world-leadership in +the march of a single century. To America, where problems are studied +and fallacies dethroned, the birthplace and the abiding home of +democracy; to America, the Christian, the civilized! What will the +answer be? Already we can hear the faint responses, as yet vague and +indistinct, the drowned murmurings of the wiser tongues. These must +grow into a national anthem whose echo will challenge the powers of +the world and startle them into the consciousness of the new +brotherhood. We will answer: + +"Yes, we have learned the lessons of the centuries--that war is a +fallacy, and armed peace its ill-sprung child; that man is no longer +savage; that with enlightened mind he has controlled his warring +instinct; that human love is a mightier power than war; and that we +are one in the brotherhood of the Master. + +"Let us stand before the nations, clad in simple honesty, panoplied in +elemental justice; let us appeal to the common conscience of the +world; let us say to the war-made powers, there is a way out, and we +will lead. We will help you police the sea; we will give our +constabulary to a quota of peace, but we are through. No great +standing army, no more leviathan battleships. We trust to what we +boast of as the highest attainment of the age, the innate justice of +civilized humanity." + +To such a national summons, how will Texas respond? Facing the Mexican +boundary for eight hundred miles, Texas is to-day peculiarly the +guardian of our nation. The situation calls not for agitation and +jingoism, bit for rare patience, sanity, and self-control. Through +troubled waters our chosen captain is guiding the Ship of State. It is +no time for mutiny, but rather a time for obedience. + +In this critical hour let every loyal citizen say with a contemporary +poet: + + In this grave hour--God help keep the President! + To him all Lincoln's tenderness be lent, + The grave, sweet nature of the man that saw + Most power in peace and let no claptrap awe + His high-poised duty from its primal plan + Of rule supreme for the whole good of man. + + In this grave hour--Lord, give him all the light, + And us the faith that peace is more than might, + That settled nations have high uses still + To curb the hasty, regulate the ill, + And without bloodshed from the darkest hour + Make manifest high reason's nobler power. + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE + +By LOUIS BROIDO, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, +representing the North Atlantic Group + +Second Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914 + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE + + +Since the dawn of history the teachers, thinkers, and prophets of +mankind have prayed and labored for the abolition of war. In the +process of the centuries, their hope has become the aspiration of the +mass of men. Growing slowly, as do all movements for righteousness, +the cause of peace first claimed the attention of the world in the +year 1899, when Nicholas of Russia called the nations together to +discuss ways and means for the arbitration of international +differences and for the abolition of war. From that day on, the +movement for peace has progressed by leaps and bounds, and to-day it +has reached the highest point of its development. + +Already nations have signed treaties to arbitrate many of their +differences. Holland, Denmark, Argentina, and Chile have agreed to +arbitrate every dispute. But these nations are not potent enough in +world affairs for their action to have an international influence. It +remains for the great powers like England, France, Germany, and the +United States to agree to submit every difficulty to arbitration, and +thus take the step that will result in the practical abolition of war. + +If one would find the reasons that thus far have kept the great powers +from agreeing to submit _all_ differences to arbitration, his search +need not be long nor difficult. The Peace Conference of 1907 reports +that the objections to international arbitration have dwindled to +four. Of these objections the one commonly considered of most weight +is this: "We will not submit to arbitration questions involving our +national honor." Even so recently as the spring of 1912, our own +Senate refused to give its assent to President Taft's proposed +treaties with France and England to arbitrate all differences, and +refused on the ground that "we cannot agree to arbitrate questions +involving our national honor." This is the statement that you and I as +workers for peace are constantly called upon to refute. + +Let us, therefore, consider what honor is. For centuries honor was +maintained and justice determined among men by a strong arm and a +skillfully used weapon. It mattered not that often the guilty won and +the dishonorable succeeded. Death was the arbiter, honor was appeased, +and men were satisfied. But with the growth of civilization there +slowly came to man the consciousness that honor can be maintained only +by use of reason and justice administered only in the light of truth. +Then private settlement of quarrels practically ceased; trial by +combat was abolished; and men learned that real honor lies in the +graceful and manly acceptance of decisions rendered by impartial +judges. + +As men have risen to higher ideals of honor in their relations with +one another, so nations have risen to a higher standard in +international affairs. Centuries ago tyrants ruled and waged war on +any pretext; now before rulers rush to arms, they stop to count the +cost. Nations once thought it honorable to use poisoned bullets and +similar means of destruction; a growing humanitarianism has compelled +them to abandon such practices. At one time captives were killed +outright; there was a higher conception of honor when they were +forced into slavery; now the quickening sense of universal sympathy +compels belligerent nations to treat prisoners of war humanely and to +exchange them at the close of the conflict. At one time neutrals were +not protected; now their rights are generally recognized. A few +hundred years ago arbitration was almost unknown; in the last century +more than six hundred cases were settled by peaceful means. + +During the last quarter of a century we have caught a glimpse of a new +national honor. It is the belief that battle and bloodshed, except for +the immediate defense of hearth and home, is a blot on the 'scutcheon +of any nation. It is the creed of modern men who rise in their majesty +and say: "We will not stain our country's honor with the bloodshed of +war. God-given life is too dear. The forces of vice, evil, and disease +are challenging us to marshal our strength and give them battle. There +is too much good waiting to be done, too much suffering waiting to be +appeased, for us to waste the life-blood of our fathers and sons on +the field of useless battle. Here do we stand. We believe we are +right. With faith in our belief we throw ourselves upon the altar of +truth. Let heaven-born justice decide." Here is honor unsmirched, +untainted! Here is pride unhumbled! Here is patriotism that is +all-embracing, that makes us so zealous for real honor that we turn +from the horrors of war to combat the evils that lie at our very +doors. + +We know that faith in such national honor will abolish war. We know, +too, that men will have war only so long as they want war. If this be +true, then, just as soon as you and I, in whose hands the final +decision for or against war must ever rest, express through the force +of an irresistible public opinion the doctrine that our conception of +national honor demands the arbitration of every dispute, just so soon +will our legislators free themselves from financial dictators and +liberate the country from the dominance of a false conception of +national honor. + +Do you say this ideal is impractical? History proves that questions of +the utmost importance can be peacefully settled without the loss of +honor. The Casa Blanca dispute between France and Germany, the +Venezuela question, the North Atlantic Fisheries case, the Alabama +claims--these are proof indisputable that questions of honor may be +successfully arbitrated. "Does not this magnificent achievement," says +Carl Schurz of the Alabama settlement, "form one of the most glorious +pages of the common history of England and America? Truly, the two +great nations that accomplished this need not be afraid of +unadjustable questions of honor in the future." + +In the face of such splendid examples, how meaningless is the doctrine +of the enemies of peace, "We will not arbitrate questions of national +honor. We will decide for ourselves what is right and for that right +we will stand, even if this course plunges us into the maelstrom of +war. We will not allow our country to be dishonored by any other." +Well has Andrew Carnegie expressed the modern view: "Our country +cannot be dishonored by any other country, or by all the powers +combined. It is impossible. All honor wounds are self-inflicted. We +alone can dishonor ourselves or our country. One sure way of doing so +is to insist upon the unlawful and unjust demand that we sit as judges +in our own case, instead of agreeing to abide by the decision of a +court or a tribunal. We are told that this is the stand of a weakling, +that progress demands the fighting spirit. We, too, demand the +fighting spirit; but we condemn the military spirit. We are told that +strong men fight for honor. We answer with Mrs. Mead: 'Justice and +honor are larger words than peace, and if fighting would enable us to +get justice and maintain honor, I would fight! But it is not that +way!'" For it is impossible to maintain honor by recourse to arms; +right may fall before might, and, viewed in the light of its awful +cost, even victory is defeat. In the words of Nicholas Murray Butler: +"To argue that a nation's honor must be defended by the blood of its +citizens, if need be, is quite meaningless, for any nation, though +profoundly right in its contention, might be defeated at the hands of +a superior force exerted in behalf of an unjust and unrighteous cause. +What becomes of national honor then?" + +Too long have we been fighting windmills; we must struggle with +ourselves; we must conquer the passions that have blinded our reason. +We have been enrolled in the army of thoughtlessness; the time has +come to enroll in the army of God. We have followed a false ideal of +honor; we must disillusion ourselves and the world. If men declare +that the preservation of courage and manliness demand that we fight, +let us lead them to the fight, not against each other, but against all +that is unrighteous and undesirable in our national life. Men still +cling to an ancient conception of national honor; let us convince them +that there is a newer and higher conception. Men still declare that +peace is the dream of the poet and prophet; let us prove by historical +example that questions, even of national honor, can be happily +settled by arbitration. If men despair, let us remind them that +to-day, as never before, the mass of men are slowly and surely working +out God's plan for this great cause. + +The day of triumph is not far distant. Already the moving finger of +Time paints on the wide horizon, in the roseate tints of the dawn, the +picture of Peace--Peace, the victory of victories, beside which +Marathon and Gettysburg pale into insignificance; victory without the +strains of martial music, unaccompanied by the sob of widowed and +orphaned; victory on God's battlefield in humanity's war on war. + + + + +THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT + +By RALPH D. LUCAS, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois, representing the +Central Group + +Third Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT + + +Nationalism is a precious product of the centuries. The world has paid +a tremendous price to widen the political unit until its boundaries +include continents. It has been an equally difficult task to weld the +spirit of diverse peoples into a homogeneous whole. And the story of +this development constitutes a heritage not soon to be given up. The +tales of victory and defeat are held even more dear to a united people +than life itself. Rightly will any nation jealously defy him who dares +advance to plunder its possessions. And it is well that men do not +wish to surrender it upon slight provocation. That has been a good +diplomacy that sought to protect the nation by war. By the extension +of political unity peoples gain moral and physical strength. Thrift +becomes more common and moral courage greater when a people strike +forward with common aims. And in proportion as the nation as a whole +enjoys these advantages and opportunities, the individual widens his +horizon in peaceful association with fellow men and receives a benefit +beyond computation. + +But, good as nationalism has been in the past, a gradual change seems +to be overtaking the world's politics. National diplomacy hesitates +where a century ago it was firm. Forces which once drove the nations +apart seem now to be drawing them together. The discord of disputes +seems to be disappearing in the harmony of coöperation. It is no +longer possible to determine easily what a nation's interests really +are. And it is of the forces that are bringing about this change in +the policies of nations, of this new nationalism and its bearing upon +the peace movement, that I wish to speak. + +Within the last two centuries economic forces have worked a mighty +revolution. Continents have been converted into communities. The +prosperity of our eastern industries controls the activities of the +West, and a disturbance from any section throws a tremor over all. +Tribal barter has developed into a world-wide commerce until the most +distant nation may easily acquire the products of another. Steel rails +weave a web of commercialism among the peoples, and the cable welds +them in a mighty network which, responsive to every flash of news, +brings all the nations into a mutuality of interests. So +interdependent are the nations and so vital are their relations that a +single fluctuation in the most distant market finds a response in our +own. A slight disorder in Wall Street strains the whole financial +world. And thus through intercourse in commerce, industry, the press, +Christian missions, and scholastic research a system has been +developed that holds no place for the selfish policy of exploiting +backward peoples. We no longer consider the advance of alien peoples +in wealth and prosperity as a menace to our own. There is being +developed a strong international public opinion which realizes that +anything that destroys the well-being of one member is the concern of +all. + +In the light of these facts, future world-politics can have no place +for the settlement of disputes by force. A declaration of war by one +of the large powers to-day would be more terrible than it has ever +been in the past. The man of business, of education, of philanthropy, +of civic advancement cannot reasonably advocate a policy that would +ruin business, stagnate education, increase poverty, and turn progress +over to the ravages of manslaughter. Industry cannot continue when the +shoulder that should turn the wheels of industry grows weary beneath +the weight of the musket. Education cannot proceed when libraries and +lecture halls are deserted for the camp and fortress. A Tolstoy with +all his power of vivid presentation does not overdraw the picture. The +moral fiber and physical strength of a people must forever afterward +bear their scars. A struggling people can never rid themselves of the +evil effects of the conflict, although they may rejoice in the valor +of their heroes. Nations cannot afford to become the theaters of +carnage and bloodshed and the rendezvous of commercial and moral +pirates and civic grafters. + +Why, then, do nations throw away their strength in the building and +equipping of armies and navies? The advocates of militarism tell us +that we need a navy to protect our commerce. Possibly it is true that +under the present system of international law this is somewhat +excusable; for although private property on land is exempt from +confiscation and the old forms of privateering have long ago been +abolished by an agreement of the powers, yet the policy does not apply +to maritime warfare. Enemy's goods in enemy's ships are still subject +to seizure. But while this argument does hold for the present, the +condition could easily be remedied. Because a man with foreign capital +operates ships instead of factories, why is there any special reason +for exposing his property to depredation? In the light of common sense +such a policy seems absurd. And it should be one of the first aims of +our diplomats to eliminate all possibility of this licensed robbery, +for as long as it exists there will always be the cry for extravagant +expenditure in order to preserve international peace. + +But even if we should not need a navy to protect our commerce, again +the opponents of the policy of settling international disputes by +arbitration say that we need armies and navies to preserve our honor. +They tell us that there are certain questions which cannot be +submitted to any tribunal; that a nation must reserve the right to +submit only those questions it sees fit. Surrender this right, and +prestige and self-respect are gone and we become a nation of +"mollycoddles" whose patriotism has no virile qualities. It is true +that the independence and security of each nation is essential to +international life. It is self-governing nations, not subjugated ones, +that make possible a strong international life. But the converse is +equally true. An international life made up of independent, +coöperating, and mutually helpful nations is the best security by +which national life can be guaranteed. Those who say that questions of +national honor cannot be submitted to a tribunal have a wrong +conception of the essence of national life. Love of country means more +than a mere willingness to serve as a target for the enemy's guns. We +would not deduct one iota from the respect and honor due those who +have served the nation on the field of battle. But what a service they +might have rendered if they had been spared that life to live serving +their fellow men and contributing to the vigor of the race! None of +us will give up his firm resolve to defend his own country with all +his strength. But theirs is a cheap patriotism which depends for its +expression upon the thrilling note of fife and drum. The great test of +patriotism is the everyday purpose to deal justly with one's neighbor. +Let him who would be a patriot and serve the nation put his life into +the work close at hand, and, with a civic temper and moral courage +that can grip the scourge, rid our social life of its damning +influences. This is the spirit of true national honor. This it is that +makes of a nation a real nation. The call to arms is but another +signal of the defeat of the underlying principles of civilization. + +Only slowly will any large number of the people accept these new +conceptions. But there are already hopeful signs. The growing +sentiment is rapidly crystallizing. The developing code of +international equity as expressed by the establishment of such an +institution as the Hague Court is a step in the right direction. The +peaceful settlement of the Venezuelan boundary dispute was an honor to +the nations involved. And the work of the International Commission of +Inquiry in the Dogger Bank episode between Russia and England is +significant of the trend. Again, a modern innovation was wrought when +the International Conference in 1906 settled the conflicting interests +of Germany, France, and Spain in Morocco. Within the last century the +powers ratified over two hundred treaties, each providing for the +peaceful settlement by tribunals of specified international disputes. +It is true that most peace treaties have dealt almost exclusively with +legal questions. The nations have hesitated to submit all +international differences to a court of arbitration. But the spirit +for arbitral settlement is widening. And this spirit is not for a mere +avoidance of war, but seeks the substitution of a better method than +war for determining justice between nations. Each nation has its own +individual problems to deal with, and in this respect all cannot +proceed according to set rules. The movement does not mean the +extinction and obliteration of nationality and national rights. The +individual has not been minimized because he consents to submit his +differences with his fellow men to a court for settlement. And this +must be the ultimate attitude of nations whose honor we have a right +to guard jealously. + +What, then, shall be our program? Whatever attitude is to be adopted, +most people agree that the day of universal peace is far in the +future. The Balkans and Mexico remind us of the difficulty lying +before the coming generations. But the numerous peace societies whose +purpose it is to circulate authentic documents, that the great mass of +citizens may be brought into sympathetic touch through accurate +information, are doing much for the cause. The erection of the Hague +Court gives something lasting and tangible to work from. And, above +all, the nations will rise to higher standards principally by adopting +the ideals of the individual. As man has risen above his barbaric +ideals, so will the nations throw their military expenditures into the +coffers of public welfare as they come more and more to judge their +successes, not by victories in war but by achievements in education, +commerce, industry, and artizanship. And, proceeding with such aims, +the established international court must be the medium through which +all differences will be settled. We shall discover that our internal +policy of dealing with the individual can be more easily applied to +international relations than was at first supposed. And having reached +this point in the evolution of international peace, there must be +added to the international court a world-wide police force. As the +system develops and our prejudices are abandoned, a method of policing +must stand as an enforcer of international law. Until then there is +little hope that military expenditures will radically diminish, for we +cannot reasonably abolish our present methods unless we have something +secure to substitute. + +Perhaps such a system will not abolish the utter possibility of war. +Only the future can tell us what heights of success the policy will +reach. There are those of us who have high hopes because we believe in +the good sense of the American people and of our great contemporaries. +By the past we are made confident of the future. But if the goal is to +be reached, it is for us as individual citizens to contribute our +influence toward developing the attitude of peace among our fellow +men. For our international welfare and for the honor of the newest of +great nations, may we in this issue throw our influence, as a united +people, on the side of a higher international morality! May the united +peoples of the world abolish the prejudices of misconceptions and, +drawn together by common interests, resolve that the priceless +heritage of centuries shall not be imperiled by war! And thus over a +warring humanity the breaking day of peace shall be hastened, at whose +high noon there shall be heard not the clashing of arms but the +increasing hum of prosperity under the sway of the new and better +national life. + + + + +MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE + +By VICTOR MORRIS, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon representing +the Pacific Coast Group + +Fourth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE + + +Two thousand years ago the coming of a Prince of Peace, the Prince of +Peace, inaugurated the fulfillment of the prophetic promise that +"peace shall cover the earth," and that "man shall learn war no more +forever." From the time of Jesus until now men have passively accepted +the idea, but have failed to do their part in its fulfillment. To-day +there are few indeed but believe that it would be desirable to abolish +war. Many also feel in a way that war is brutal. But here our feelings +on this great question largely end. We are not aroused to talk, and +work, and fight against war as inhuman, as economic folly, as +unreason, and especially as an immorality and a sin. Now we are not +here to harangue about the physical sufferings wrought through war, +but we are here to inquire and find out what we can do about it. How +are we going to attack the war problem in order to bring about action, +instead of simply talk and discussion? In considering this war problem +it is well to bear in mind the fact that war is a resultant of a +deeper cause, the war spirit. The war spirit is the spirit of him who +first made war in heaven; the war spirit--ambitious, aggressive, +covetous and revengeful, rampant through the centuries, never +conquered by force, in war subdued only by exhaustion. This war spirit +still exists to scourge the nations with war, to stagger with its +problem of war the brains of statesmen believing in peace. How are we +to attack this stupendous problem? What appeal can we make to the +nations that will be strong enough to do away with the war spirit? + +In order to overthrow this mighty evil, certainly every possible force +must be enlisted. The thought which I wish to bring to you is this: +While such appeals as those to economy and to reason are of value, +they are not in themselves strong enough to cause the nations to +abolish war; and hence, in view of the real inner nature of the war +spirit, man's moral nature, working through a developed conscience +upon war, is the only force strong enough to effect universal peace. + +Against war peace-advocates appeal with force from a business +standpoint, on grounds of economy and financial expediency. The vast +system of international trade and commerce calls for world peace. The +prosperity of world-industries and business requires good will and +brotherhood between the nations. So heavy, also, have the burdens of +war and militarism become that three fourths of our own expenditures +go for war purposes, past and present, and in Great Britain two thirds +are so spent.[1] Every German citizen, it is said, carries a soldier +on his back. By the testimony of financiers and ministers of state +themselves, nothing but financial ruin and bankruptcy await the +nations if the present military tragedy continues. But has this +obvious condition of affairs affected the race for armaments? Not +unless it has accelerated it. To every appeal to economy the reply is +that the outlay is necessary if we are to exist at all. But even +suppose that for a season the economic motive should lead us to +abolish war, as soon as financial advantage was apparent to a nation +through war it is evident that all restraints would be removed and war +ensue again. The same motive used to abolish war would bring war once +more. Again, when we remember that it is the deeper cause, the war +spirit, that we must quench, we can understand why this appeal is +often made to those who bear not. So far as the great mass of men is +concerned, purely economic considerations cannot change the spirit and +impulses of the soul. History reveals no great uplifting of humanity +or change in ideals as having arisen through purely economic or +financial considerations. + + [1] The percentages as a matter of fact are not so large, but + the argument is not impaired by the fact.--_Editor._ + +The peace plea has also been based on grounds of reason. Clearly has +it been pointed out that reason demands that no person shall sit in +judgment on his own case, yet this we do in a resort to arms. War is +not arbitrament by reason, but arbitrament by the sword. Every plain +argument of reason condemns war and militarism. The arguments of +reason have, indeed, been strong, and have attracted much attention, +resulting in the settlement of many disputes by arbitration. But as +concerns the final wiping out of war and the surrendering of heavy +armaments, reason alone cannot present a permanent powerful appeal, +for it is easy in times of stress to plead that reason and justice +demand the war. Never was there a fight but the contending parties +claimed they were justified. But the chief fact that seems to put +reason in the category of impotent appeals is the fact that it is an +appeal to the mind, while the war spirit can only be removed by an +appeal to the heart, wherein it resides. We may reason with nations +all we please, but when the war fury arises, then all the reasoning +proves to have been in vain, the appeal to the mind turns out to be +too feeble. + +Appeals to economy and reason, then, are appeals we must make, but +they are too weak in themselves to make a permanent impression against +the war spirit. We must then look for some additional, some more +compelling, force. + +Let us examine the real inner nature of war, for this ought surely to +throw some light upon our problem. War is not economy; it is not +reason. Is war, then, morality? Is it virtue? It would hardly seem +necessary for us to answer this question, for modern civilized nations +long ago recognized blood feuds with their kindred as contrary to real +morality, as nothing but murder; but they seem unable to recognize +that war is just the same--nothing but legalized, organized murder. +From the use of violence in settling our international disputes arise +all the deadly passions of the soul, such as treachery, insolence, +revenge, and a murderous spirit, with the accompanying fruits of +robbery, misery, and blood. Surely, O nations! nothing which bears +such fruits can be anything but corrupt, for a good tree cannot bring +forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit. + +Look also at its relationship to civilization and citizenship, and its +effects upon theme. "War and civilization," said one of the great +English ministers, "are contradictory terms, even as Christ and Mars." +Particularly damaging is the effect of war upon citizens. For does it +not blunt the sensibilities, harden the heart, inflame the mind with +passions, and deaden the consciences of men? Said the same great +English preacher, "The sword that smites the enemy abroad, also lays +bare the primeval savage within the citizen at home." And again, "War +is not so horrible in that it drains the dearest veins of the foe, but +in that it drains our own hearts of the yet more precious elements of +pity, mercy, generosity, which are the lifeblood of the soul." + +What now must be our conclusion about war? Had we ten thousand voices, +surely every one would be in honor bound to declare war an immorality. +Every incident of war declares it such. Every result of battle hands +down the same decree. In the words of a famous Russian battle painter, +we too may define war as "the antithesis of all morality." + +This clear idea of the real inner nature of war ought surely to enable +us to find our ground of attack. Since war is sin and war is crime, +the conclusion which we draw is, that if it is possible ever to +abolish war, man's conscience, his sense of right and wrong, is the +only force powerful enough to accomplish the result. + +The great searchlight of morality must be turned on war--a searchlight +which is always bright and strong and which never has failed to reveal +the truth. To turn this on full and strong means to awaken the +consciences of men. It must be an individual proposition--not simply +the developed consciences of a few leaders who may be submerged by the +war spirit of the masses, but there must be developed consciences of +all the people individually. All our arbitration treaties and the +actual settlement of disputes by arbitration are of great value and +should be pressed as far as possible; but are these sufficient forces +to develop the consciences of men against war as an immorality and a +sin? What are the forces that have always come to our support against +an immorality and a sin? + +How about our churches? Have they been doing their duty? Have they +made it clear that war is sin and war is crime? Has not the Church +been too easy? Has its voice sounded clear and strong on this +world-evil? Surely a duty rests upon the ministry to be insistent in +its characterization of war. What peace-advocates must do is to urge +this upon the Church and bring it to a realization of its duty. Church +members know the character of war and simply need to have the matter +brought home to their hearts. + +What about our schools,--not simply the colleges and universities, but +all the schools,--which offer fertile ground to sow the seeds of +peace? Thus far in the history of our schools too much emphasis has +been laid upon military history, etc. Dates and events of national +wars have been thoroughly drilled into students, and the glory and +blaze of war brought out. We have actually made it a glory and a +virtue. One of the most encouraging signs of the times, however, is +the fact that many of our text-books are dropping out the prolonged +study of wars and centering more on the peaceful pursuits of the +nation and the commercial relations with foreign powers. How about +direct peace teaching in the lower schools? How much of it do we +include in the work? None at all. Many are the speakers who address +the schools on war reminiscences, but few indeed are the appeals made +for peace. Not until this movement is strongly emphasized in our +schools from the very beginning can we hope completely to drive out +the war spirit; for time is required to develop in the individual +conscience a full realization of the real nature of war, and such +development should begin with the plastic period of youth. + +With Church and school lined up on the side of peace, the home +teaching will soon fall in line; and Church, school, and home combined +can develop so strong a conviction concerning war, can make so +forceful an appeal to man's moral nature, that the war spirit will +take its leave and be gone forever. + +We always look to history for a confirmation of our beliefs, and let +us glance now to the records of the past and learn her teachings. + +First of all, look at the duel as the mode of settling a personal +difficulty if peaceful settlement appeared impossible. First, it was +heartily accepted as a gentlemanly, honorable, and brave mode of +settlement. Then, tolerated and simply suffered to exist. Finally, +condemned by conscience as an immorality and a sin, it was banished +from civilized nations. + +Look also at slavery. At first heartily accepted as a divine +arrangement. Then tolerated by the world as undesirable, yet not +necessarily wrong. Next its overthrowal attempted on grounds of pity +and of reason; until finally, recognized as an immorality and a sin, +it too was blotted from the pages of civilization. + +No great uplift of humanity, no great movement in civilization, but +has found its path to success in the developed moral sense of man. No +great change in civilized institutions but has found itself produced +by the dynamic, moving forces of morality. + +War must be abolished. Only the great powers of morality are vital +enough, are dynamic and powerful enough, to carry out our peace +program. These forces lie dormant, and simply need stimulation and +development. Recognizing the impotency of appeals to economy and to +reason, what are we going to do? + +In the name of humanity let us impeach war and the war spirit. It is a +traitor to every ideal of civilization and of justice. It is the +instrument of hatred and of pride, the agent of jealousy and of +avarice. In the name of the dead and dying, in the name of justice, +which it dethrones, in the name of those whose loved ones it demands, +we impeach war as a traitor, guilty of all high crimes and +misdemeanors. What else shall we do? Stir up from its greatest depths +the heart of man. Educate his conscience till he is unwilling to +suffer war to exist. Begin early in Church, school, and home to instil +in the minds of young and old continually the true conception of war, +that it is an immorality, contrary to every principle of Christianity +and to every teaching of our Christ. + +Let us bring into the conflict against war the great, dynamic, motive +force--the Moral Nature of Man. And when we shall have thus developed +the consciences of men, there will henceforth be laid up for us a +crown of victory, as there will then be a fuller realization that in +man's moral nature is the Hope of Universal Peace. + + + + +THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY + +By HAROLD HUSTED, Ottawa University, Ottawa, Kansas, representing the +Western Group + +Fifth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY + + +Age by age, civilization advances. Each successive era has contributed +that invention or accomplished that achievement which has placed +another round in the great ladder of civilization. The development of +many small states into powerful nations, and many wonderful +improvements in other fields, such as steam navigation, the railroad, +the telegraph, and wireless communication, crown the last as the +greatest of centuries in the history of the human family. It is +difficult to understand why the human mind, whence these mighty +inspirations originated, has been incapable of realizing that there +still remains the most degrading, the most deteriorating, the foulest +blot that ever disgraced this world--the killing of civilized men, by +men, as a permissible mode of settling international disputes. This +world can never attain its highest standard of civilization until this +one disgraceful blemish, called war, is obliterated. It is the +collective task of the people living in this twentieth century to +bring into reality the millennium of Tennyson, + + Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd + In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World. + +The beginning of this social task, then, is the enlightenment of the +peoples as to the immorality, waste, and ineffectiveness of war. God +commanded, "Thou shalt not kill." Who shall presume to declare that +this precept was directed not to nations but to individuals only? +that one man shall not kill, but nations may? We are horrified at the +report of a single murder, yet, if viewed from the light of truth, +what is war but wholesale murder? What tongue, what pen, can describe +the bloody havoc of the battle of Gettysburg, where, between the rise +and set of a single sun, fifty thousand of our fellow men sank to +earth, dead or wounded? + +What sentiment in human hearts which needs to be perpetuated sent rank +after rank, column after column, of blue soldiers against the +impregnable stone wall of Fredericksburg? And who will place the blame +for the carnage of Cold Harbor elsewhere than upon the folly of +misguided patriotism and cruel, selfish interests that made the bloody +battle possible? + +Every soldier is connected, as all of us, by dear ties of kindred, +love, and friendship. Perhaps there is an aged mother, who fondly +hoped to lean her bending form on his more youthful arm; perhaps a +young wife, whose life is entwined inseparably with his; perchance a +sister, a brother. But as he falls on the field of battle, must not +all these suffer? His aged mother surely falls with him. His young +wife is suddenly widowed, his children orphaned. That husband's +helping hand is forever stayed. A parent's voice is stilled, and the +children's plaintive cries for their loving father fall on unheeding +ears. Tell me, friends, you who know the bitterness of parting with +dear ones whom you watched tenderly through the last hopeful moments, +can you measure your anguish? Yet, what a contrast! Your dear ones +departed soothed by kindness and love, while the dying soldier gasped +out his life on the battlefield alone. + +And what a waste is war! We are just beginning to realize the +tremendous cost, the incalculable wastefulness, not only of actual war +but of the preparation for future possible wars. For the current +fiscal year ending June 30, 1914, the United States has appropriated +in round numbers $535,000,000, in preparation for future wars and +because of wars fought in the past. Sixty-seven cents out of every +dollar expended by our national government goes to feed the +present-day mania for war, present and past, leaving only thirty-three +cents out of each dollar for the combined expense of the executive, +legislative, and judicial departments of our national government. When +we realize that the cost of a single battleship exceeds the total +value of all the grounds and buildings of all the colleges and +universities in the state of Kansas, the figures indicating this +expense have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship is $1700, +enough to send a young man through college, the common man realizes +that the United States cannot afford to go to war or even prepare for +war. + +And all this suffering and cost are to no purpose. War is utterly +ineffectual to secure or advance its professed object. The +wretchedness it involves contributes to no beneficial result, helps to +establish no right, and, therefore, in no respect promotes harmony +between the contending nations. + +When the Saviour was born, angels from heaven sang to the children of +the human family this benediction: + + Glory to God in the highest, + Peace on earth, good will toward men. + +And at last, in the beginning of this twentieth century, nations seem +to be visibly approaching that unity so long hoped and prayed for; and +that nation which shall precede all others in the abolition of war +will be crowned by history with everlasting honor. The risk will be +very little, the gain incalculable. + +We are coming to believe that the most significant fact about man and +his civilization is their improvability. Individual inventive genius +has added improvement after improvement until it would seem that man's +mastery over nature is to be well-nigh complete as these ideas and +inventions are socialized and extended to benefit all. We are now +entering the era of social achievement when mankind unitedly +undertakes by organization and coöperation mightier tasks than ever +accomplished before. Many dreadful diseases are disappearing before +preventive medicine, and sanitary science is eliminating many plagues; +pestilence is coming to be a thing of the past. Human welfare is now +the concern of coöperative mankind, and social science will condemn +and banish war or fail to establish itself as an applied science. It +_can_ be done! It _ought_ to be done! It _will_ be done! + +And although this consummation seems to many far away, it may be +accomplished by very simple methods. It only waits the time of +concerted action on the part of the leading nations when the +principles of arbitration can be invoked more fully, and a world-court +established with plenary powers for settling all disputes between the +nations. + +International legislation has occurred repeatedly, though no +world-court has as yet been established. In the case of the Universal +Postal Union we have what is tantamount to world-legislation, in that +all civilized nations have entered into a formal agreement regarding +the delivery of mail. Another instance of practical world-legislation +is that of the International Bureau of Weights and Measures. Many +other examples might be given in which several nations are parties to +an agreement regarding some important measure, such as the respect +paid to the flag of truce, the regulations concerning commerce on the +high seas, and the etiquette of diplomacy. Paramount in +world-importance has been the agreement of the leading nations of the +world in the establishment of the Hague conferences for the +amelioration of war. + +Since a conference of nations can meet and decide on the mitigation of +the horrors of war, it is certainly conceivable that a tribunal of +nations can prevent war. Such a tribunal would in no respect differ +from the Supreme Court of the United States in its fundamental +foundations. As our Supreme Court is final in settling all disputes in +this country, so the international court would be final in adjusting +all controversies between the nations. And such a court is clearly the +next decisive step in the promotion of this great task of securing +world-peace. + +If nations can agree to establish war as their arbiter of peace, why +can they not establish a more peaceful substitute? It is possible, for +there is nothing in the nature of strife that cannot be settled, no +quarrel that cannot be judged, no difficulty that cannot be +satisfactorily adjusted. + +With the establishment of a true world-court, there would rise on the +vision of the nations for the first time the prospect of justice for +the united whole of mankind. Justice to the smaller countries would +be secured; encroachments by the strong upon the weak would be +prevented; the moral standard of politics would be uplifted; and +though every step would be exposed to the selfishness, corruption, and +love of despotism that are prevalent in all men, yet is it not +reasonable to suppose that, as progress is now being made in the +various nations for overcoming these evils, so it would be made in +this united whole, to the unspeakable benefit of mankind? + +This country has been foremost in the promotion of this great movement +to organize the world. It is especially fitting that the United States +should take the lead. The greatest nation having a government of the +people and by the people, with the longest experience and the greatest +success, is best fitted to lead others. We have the form of national +government which foreshadows the form of world-government. +Theoretically, our states are sovereign; all rights which are not +formally surrendered by accepting the Constitution of the United +States are reserved to them. In a like manner, referring to the +establishment of a world-court, the nations individually will be +expected to surrender to the nations collectively only such +jurisdiction as pertains to the settling of their controversies. + +A world-court would appeal to the strongest, the purest, and the +deepest thinkers of every race. It would cover a new field, appealing +to reason and altruism and justice. It would by its very effect upon +individuals tend to develop the qualities it demands, and would prove +a mighty influence for uplifting the intellectual and moral standards +not only of men but nations. It would by its very international nature +annihilate all national antipathies and promote an era of universal +good will and genuine understanding. + +To send a husband or father, glorious in the perfection of physical +manhood, out on the field of carnage to be slain in an effort to +settle international difficulty or to uphold fancied national honor, +is unquestionable barbarism. It is far more humane to terminate +disputed questions by arbitration than by the keen-edged sword. +International peace compacts can hold mankind together by unbreakable +yet unburdensome bonds and greatly promote prosperity and social +progress. The wanton woe and waste that inevitably follow in the train +of war will soon be things of the past. The twentieth century, already +so full of radiant promise, so enlivened by a new social conscience, +will devote its collective energies to the abolition of war and the +substitution of its successor--a world-court, based on the facts of +humane solidarity and the principles of international peace. + + + + +THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION + +By BRYANT SMITH, Guilford College, North Carolina, a Senior in +Guilford College + +Prize-Winning Essay in the Pugsley Contest, 1912-1913 + + +THE PUGSLEY PRIZE-ESSAY CONTESTS + +In 1908 Mr. Chester DeWitt Pugsley, then an undergraduate student in +Harvard University, gave $50 as a prize to be offered by the Lake +Mohonk Conference for the best essay on "International Arbitration" by +an undergraduate student of an American college. The prize was won by +L. B. Bobbitt of Baltimore, a sophomore in Johns Hopkins University. +The following year (1909-1910) a similar prize, of $100, was won by +George Knowles Gardner of Worcester, Massachusetts, a Harvard +sophomore. A like prize of $100 in 1910-1911 was won by Harry Posner +of West Point, Mississippi, a senior in the Mississippi Agricultural +and Mechanical College. + +The prize of 1911-1912, of which John K. Starkweather of Denver, +Colorado, a junior in Brown University, was the winner, was the first +offered to men students only (other similar prizes having been offered +to women students) in the United States and Canada. + +In the fifth Pugsley contest (1912-1913) the prize was awarded to +Bryant Smith of Guilford College, North Carolina, a senior in Guilford +College at the same place, whose essay follows. The judges were +Chancellor Elmer Ellsworth Brown of New York University, Rollo Ogden, +editor of the New York _Evening Post_, and Lieutenant General Nelson +A. Miles, U.S.A., retired. + +Each winner is invited to the Lake Mohonk Conference next following, +where he publicly receives the prize from its donor, Mr. Pugsley. + + + + +THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION + + +The first concerted effort looking toward an eventual world-wide peace +was the Hague Conference of 1899, where representatives of twenty-six +nations assembled in response to a rescript from the Czar of Russia, +whose avowed purpose, as set forth in the rescript, was to discuss +ways and, if possible, devise means, to arrest the alarming increase +in expenditures for armaments which threatened to bankrupt the +national governments. + +Unable to accomplish anything definite in this respect because of the +vigorous opposition headed by Germany, the delegates turned their +attention toward giving official recognition and concrete form to +ideas which had already obtained in the settlement of international +disputes, and toward the formation of a court before which the nations +might have their differences adjudicated. The principles embodied in +good offices and mediation and commissions of inquiry have given +gratifying evidence of their efficiency, each in its respective +capacity. The original achievement of the conference, however, was the +Permanent Court of Arbitration. The composition of this court was to +include not more than four persons from each of the signatory powers; +from which panel, in case of an appeal to arbitration, each party was +to select two judges, who, in turn, should elect their own umpire +unless otherwise provided by the disputants. That it would be subject +to criticism might have been expected. That twenty-six nations could +unanimously agree upon any court whatever was the real occasion for +surprise. The four cases arbitrated during the eight years intervening +between this and the Second Hague Conference served to bring out its +defects, chief of which were its decentralized and intangible nature. +Nominally a court, in reality it was but a panel scattered all over +the world from which a court could, with great difficulty and expense, +be selected. Nominally permanent, in reality it had to be re-created +for each case to be judged. + +The Second Hague Conference, working on a basis of this short +experience, undertook to remedy these inherent defects in the arbitral +machinery by leaving the Permanent Court just as it was, and by +creating besides an International Court of Prize to serve a special +function indicated by its name, and a court of Judicial Arbitration to +supplement the work of, if not eventually to supplant, the former +court. To insure greater impartiality and also to encourage the weaker +powers the expenses of the new court, instead of falling upon the +litigants in each case, were to be prorated among the ratifying +powers. To insure greater tangibility and permanency the new court was +to be composed of only seventeen members, each to serve a term of +twelve years at a salary of $2400 per annum, with an additional $40 +for each day of actual service. Furthermore, the court was to meet +once a year and to elect each year a delegation of three of its +members to sit at The Hague for settling minor cases arising in the +interval between regular sessions, having the power also to call extra +sessions of the entire court whenever occasion should demand. To +insure a more judicial personnel the convention specifies that members +shall be qualified to hold high legal posts in their respective +countries. The method by which members of the court were to be +appointed--the one point upon which the delegates were unable to +agree--was deferred for subsequent determination. + +This, in addition to the one hundred and fifty-odd treaties privately +entered into by two or more nations, many of which contain pledges to +submit certain classes of disputes to the Permanent Court, is, in +brief, what has been accomplished by way of constructive political +organization by the modern peace movement. + +How much does this signify? In view of the present attitude of the +social mind, what are we to infer from this as bearing upon the +ultimate outcome of international arbitration? It shall be the purpose +of this paper to answer that question. + +In an address before the Mohonk Conference of 1911 Dr. Cyrus Northrup, +ex-president of the University of Minnesota, said: "What is really +wanted is not continued talking in favor of peace with the idea of +converting the people; for the people are already converted! They are +ready for peace and arbitration!" In the October number of the _Review +of Reviews_ for 1909, Privy Councillor Karl von Stengel, one of the +German delegation to the First Hague Conference, is quoted as follows: +"It must be stated emphatically that in its ultimate aims the peace +movement is not only ... Utopian, but ... dangerous...." These +quotations are given as typical of the attitude manifested by the two +extremes, the injudiciously optimistic and the ultraconservative, +toward every social reform. All true progress pursues a course +intermediate to these two. + +The idea entertained by so many enthusiastic peace advocates, that the +world is ready for peace if we but had institutional facilities +adequate to carry out the will of the people, is erroneous. In all +democratic states political institutions are but a concrete expression +of the social mind, the media created by the people, through which +society executes its will. "With a given phase of human character ... +there must go an adapted class of institutions."[1] Therefore, I +submit that if the people were ready for peace they could easily +provide the means necessary for its accomplishment. + + [1] Herbert Spencer, "The Study of Sociology." + +The first gentleman quoted above drew his conclusion from the +indications that of the two million inhabitants of his state, one +million nine hundred thousand would favor arbitration as shown by the +enthusiasm manifested at a meeting of the state peace society a few +weeks before. Similar conditions in other parts of the country, he +thought, would corroborate the application of his assertion to the +entire country. Such a conclusion is fallacious in that it fails to +consider three essential facts about the people of the United States +which largely determine the attitude of any people toward war. First, +they have no grievance. Second, no appeal is being made to their +patriotic bias. Third, their emotions and passions are quiescent. + +The first of these needs only brief mention. No people in this +enlightened age wishes to fight as a matter of course, regardless of +any reasonable pretext. If nations never had any personal interests +involved, there would, of course, be no more war. In this respect the +people of the United States are not ahead of the other parts of the +civilized world. Disinterested parties have been in favor of peace for +two thousand years. + +The other two facts deserve more extended consideration. + +The disposition in individuals to pluck motes out of their neighbors' +eyes and leave beams in their own, in the nation becomes what Herbert +Spencer calls the bias of patriotism. According to him patriotism is +but an extended self-interest. We love our country because our own +interests and our country's interests are one. Unable to view +international affairs apart from national interests, we are +handicapped in making those balanced judgments necessary to judicial +arbitration. An act reprehensible under the Union Jack becomes +patriotic under the Stars and Stripes. At both Hague Conferences all +the powers were seemingly in favor of curtailing expenditures for +armaments. The unprecedented increase in expenditures which followed +bespeaks their sincerity, or, rather, bespeaks each nation's mistrust +of the sincerity of others. A number of years ago the Farmers' +Alliance, organized in some of the Southern tobacco states, voted to +reduce the acreage of tobacco for a given year in order to raise the +price. So many members tried to profit by this opportunity to realize +a high price for a big crop that there was a greater acreage planted +that year than ever before. Can we expect better of groups than of the +individuals of which the groups are composed? Most nations question +the justice of Russia's policy leading up to the war with Japan, +England's course in South Africa, and America's attitude toward the +Philippines; yet the body of citizens of each of these three +countries, while concurring in the general opinion concerning the +other two, justifies its own government's actions with patriotic +pride. + +The chief respect in which this bias interferes with the progress of +international arbitration is in restricting the scope of general +arbitration treaties, the average formula of such treaties excluding +all questions which involve "national honor and vital interests." A +greatly modified survival of the spirit which in primitive peoples +regarded the tribe over the mountain or across the stream as a fit +object of hatred and fear, the objection to a judicial settlement of +such questions assumes that a nation's honor and vital interests are +goods peculiar in that they may be inconsistent with justice. The +attitude of the United States toward the recently proposed treaty +between England and America may be taken as typical of the attitude +which prevails on this subject generally. The formulators of the +treaty took an advanced step in that, instead of reserving questions +of national honor and vital interests, they provided for the +arbitration of all differences which are "justiciable in their nature +by reason of being susceptible of decision by the application of +principles of law or equity," thereby recognizing the judicial nature +of arbitration. The action of the Senate, however, which sustained the +opinion of the majority report of the Senate Committee on Foreign +Relations, objecting to the last clause of Article III of the +treaty,[2] would indicate that the significance of a general +arbitration treaty attaches not so much to the definition of its scope +as to who shall determine what cases conform to the definition. It +would seem that the nature of the reservation is relatively +unimportant so long as its interpretation devolves upon the parties at +variance. The majority report, objecting to the delegation to the +joint high commission of the power to determine the arbitrability of +cases in terms of the treaty, contains this statement[3] in which the +minority report likewise concurs: "Every one agrees that there are +certain questions which no nation ... will ever submit to the decision +of any one else." As cases of this nature it enumerates territorial +integrity, admission of immigrants, and our Monroe Doctrine. The +significance of this insistence upon a means of evasion is evident. +There is not yet enough international confidence. The powers are not +yet ready to submit to unlimited arbitration. + + [2] The clause, referring to the commission of inquiry, + reads: + + "It is further agreed, however, that in cases in + which the Parties disagree as to whether or not a + difference is subject to arbitration under Article I + of this Treaty, that question shall be submitted to + the Joint High Commission of Inquiry; and if all or + all but one of the members of the Commission agree + and report that such difference is within the scope + of Article I, it shall be referred to arbitration in + accordance with the provisions of this + treaty."--_Editor._ + + [3] See Senate Document 98, 62d Cong., 1st Sess., + 9-10.--_Editor._ + +The other enemy to rational judgment--and rational judgment must be +the only basis of arbitration--is the danger of emotionalism. The +average man is yet largely irrational. When cool and self-possessed, +and when his prejudices and traditions do not interfere, he can pass +rational judgment upon questions in which his own interests are not +concerned; but when his passions are aroused he dispenses with any +effort to reason and acts in obedience to blind impulse. He knows that +it is expensive to fight, that it is dangerous, and that it is wrong; +but when he is provoked, he fights. The characteristics of the average +man are the characteristics of society. We have not yet outgrown the +mob. + +Interwoven with this impulsive temperament and associated with some of +the most cherished affections of the human heart is the spirit of war, +developed by thousands of generations of ancestral conflict and passed +on to us as a heritage to be rooted out of our nature before we shall +realize in its fullness the ideal for which we strive. Mortal conflict +sanctified by religion, devastation idealized by literature, pillage +justified by patriotism, fellow-destruction ennobled by +self-sacrifice--these form a complex of contradictory emotions from +which men are as yet unable to unravel the one essential +characteristic of war; namely, the attempt to dispense justice in a +trial by battle, and make it stand out in its revealed inconsistency, +dissociated from its traditional concomitants of which it is neither +part nor parcel. The romance of knighthood and chivalry still appeals +to the human heart, notwithstanding the fact that war, love, and +religion, the knight's creed, are an inconsistent combination. Most +men can be made to see this in their minds, but cannot be made to feel +it in their souls. Many old Civil War veterans, who would not consent +for their sons to volunteer in the Spanish-American War, would have +gone themselves had they been able. Some did go. To men so disposed it +is useless to talk of the horrors of war. Give us a just grievance; +let some competent enthusiast inflame this passion with a war cry like +"Remember the Maine," "Fifty-four forty or fight," "Liberty or death," +and, reënforced by the animal inherent in man, it will arouse popular +demonstrations devoid of all reason, creating a force that cannot be +controlled by a cold, calculating intellect. Can you listen to a bugle +call on a clear, still night without a quickening of the pulse as +there flashes through your soul a suggestion of all past history with +its marshaling hosts and heroic deeds? Can you see a military parade +without a suggestion of "Dixie" and the Star Spangled Banner, or +feeling your bosom swell with patriotic pride? This association may +be, and doubtless is, a delusion, but it is a delusion developed and +fortified by thousands of years of custom and precedent and it would +be contrary to the history of human progress if man should become +disillusionized in one generation. It may take centuries. If we are to +have international arbitration in the near future, we must have it in +spite of this spirit of war rather than by destroying the spirit. In +fact, the only practical way to destroy it is to let it, like +vestigial organs of which biologists tell us, degenerate from disuse. +This inherited emotional tendency remains as a threat with which we, +as exponents of arbitration, must reckon before we are justified in +saying that the world is ready for peace. + +Because of these two social characteristics--the patriotic bias +which perverts judgment, and uncontrolled passions which submerge +reason--the educational propagandists still have a task to perform. + +Let us now examine the stand-pat idea that unlimited arbitration is +but a dream as expressed in the quotation from Privy Councillor +Stengel. This is farther from the truth than the other extreme just +discussed. He who will, with an unprejudiced mind, examine cross +sections of history at widely separated stages, cannot fail to see +that along with the growing tendency of reason to predominate over +passion, superstition, and custom there has been a parallel tendency +to restrict militarism as a social activity. From a war conceived as +religion to war as patriotism, then war as commercialism and the tool +of ambition, man is now coming to the more rational conception of war +as the despoiler of nations. David speaks of the "season of the year" +when nations went forth to battle. Fifteen hundred years later +governments pretended at least to justify their military operations on +rational grounds. To-day war is the last resort, and even its most +ardent defenders do not attempt to justify it except in disputes which +involve national honor and vital interests. + +In view of the foregoing facts it is evident that the modern peace +movement has by no means the whole of the task to perform. Rather, we +can almost justify ourselves in the assumption that war is not long to +remain one of our social inconsistencies and that it is now making its +last, and, therefore, most determined, stand on questions of national +honor and vital interests. + +Among the numerous forces contributing to this evolution of +international peace, the chief agencies have been, and still are, +moral and industrial. These same forces are working to-day with +cumulative effect. + +Warfare is becoming more and more inconsistent with the ethical spirit +of the times. Men may talk of the expenses, horrors, and devastations +of war as paramount causes for the tendency to substitute arbitration; +but antedating all other causes, underlying and strengthening all +others, is the slowly changing social conscience which, as each +generation passes, appreciates more fully warfare's inconsistency with +justice and antagonism to right. This same cause found civilized +society taking keen delight in the heathen barbarity of a gladiatorial +combat, and has transformed and lifted it up to where it is horrified +at a bull-baiting or a prize fight. It found human beings with +absolute power of life and death over other human beings and has +evolved the view that all men are created free and equal. It found +individuals settling questions of honor by a resort to arms, and has +substituted therefor a judge, counsel, and a jury. These three +institutions--gladiatorial combats, slavery, and dueling--were no more +regarded in their day as only temporary phenomena of social evolution +than is war so regarded by military sympathizers of to-day; yet these +have one by one been eliminated, and war is fast becoming as much out +of harmony with the ethical spirit of this age as was each of the +above out of harmony with the spirit of the age which dispensed with +it, and the effort to demonstrate that war is just as dispensable is +meeting with success. The teachings of Christ, who two thousand years +ago announced the doctrine of human brotherhood and surrendered his +life to make this doctrine effective, have slowly but surely wrought +their leavening influence upon the source of all war; namely, the +hearts of men. Warfare has for centuries been gradually yielding to +this deepening consciousness and that it must eventually, if not soon, +take its place beside the long-discarded gladiatorial profession, the +outlawed slave trade, and the discountenanced custom of the duelist +must be evident to any one who takes more than a superficial view of +the great determining forces which shape human progress. + +Besides moral forces, industrial forces were mentioned as a factor +tending to the adoption of arbitration. During recent times, under the +impetus caused by the relatively modern innovations of steam, +electricity, and the press, this class of causes has been unusually +effective. Industry has overstepped international boundary lines. +Through the division of labor we are passing from the independence of +nations to the interdependence of nations. International banking, +transportation, and commerce, by establishing communities of interest +in all parts of the world, are binding the peoples of the earth into +one great industrial organization. As striking evidence of this +development, more than one hundred and fifty international +associations[4] and more than thirty-five international unions of +states have been formed. The modern intricate system of communication +is a veritable nervous system which, in the event of any local +paralysis or upheaval, informs the entire industrial organism. The +figure is no longer "the shot heard, round the world," but becomes +"the pulse-beat felt, round the world." If Spencer's definition of +patriotism--that is, coextensive with personal interests--is correct, +the bias of patriotism cannot retard the progress of arbitration much +longer, for patriotism will be a world-wide feeling, since personal +interests are no longer restricted to nationality. + + [4] "Annuaire de la Vie Internationale," 1910-1911, reports + on 510.--_Editor._ + +No, Herr Stengel, each passing year finds the causes which make for +war weakened and the causes which make for arbitration proportionately +reënforced. The skeptics are the dreamers and the peace workers are +the practical men of affairs. + +From the foregoing synopsis of the technical accomplishments of the +modern peace movement to date, and from the effort to interpret their +significance in the light of fundamental social characteristics and +the present social attitude, I trust three things have become evident: + +_First._ The movement for international peace through arbitration, far +from being a mere bubble on the surface of society to be burst by the +first war cloud which appears on the horizon, is a movement, centuries +old, coincident with social evolution, deep-rooted in the very nature +of a developing world-wide civilization. + +_Second._ International peace through arbitration is not to be a +ready-made affair, coming in on the crest of some wave of popular +enthusiasm as was expected by many in 1899. + +_Third._ Being an outgrowth of the natural laws of human development, +a result so much deeper and more fundamental than political laws can +produce, international peace through arbitration may be furthered, but +cannot be accomplished, by legislation; may be delayed, but cannot be +prevented, by the neglect to legislate. To undertake to hasten +arbitration by forcing legislative proceedings beyond what the people +will indorse, would be as futile as to turn up the hands of the clock +to hasten the passage of time. + +To those who can appreciate these facts there is no occasion for +discouragement in the suspicious attitude manifested by the powers +toward any definite step in the direction of unrestricted arbitration, +apparently so inconsistent with their general pacific professions. +"Rapid growth and quickly accomplished reforms are necessarily +unsound, incomplete, and disappointing."[5] + + [5] F. H. Giddings, "The Elements of Sociology." + +With the truth of these deductions granted, it would seem safe to +assume that the institutions for the settlement of international +difficulties will develop in much the same way as have the +institutions for the settlement of difficulties between individuals. +It should be profitable, therefore, to compare the present growth of +arbitration with the evolution and decay of the various modes of trial +as the idea of judicial settlement diffused itself through the mind of +the English people causing established forms to give way to something +better. Dispensing with the blood feud, which hardly deserves the name +of trial, the oldest form of such institution was trial by ordeal +which, according to Thayer in his "Evidence at the Common Law," seems +to have been "indigenous with the human creature in the earliest +stages of his development." This form gradually fell into disuse +before the more rational form of compurgation introduced into Teutonic +courts in the fifth century. In 1215 it was formally abolished. +Compurgation was abolished in 1440 as its inferiority to trial by +witnesses became fully recognized. In the latter form, instituted +early in the ninth century, when the witnesses disagreed the judicial +talent of the day conceived of no other method of decision than to +fight it out. Thus we have trial by witnesses and trial by battle +developing concurrently, although they were recognized as distinct +forms. After two centuries of effort to abolish it, trial by battle +was made illegal in 1833, the last case recorded as being so decided +occurring in 1835. Out of the trial by witnesses has evolved our +modern trial by jury, at first limited to certain unimportant cases, +then having its sphere extended as its superiority became more +evident, until finally it superseded all other forms and to-day is the +accepted mode of settling even questions of honor. + +The growth and extension of international arbitration has not been +dissimilar to this. Six cases were arbitrated in the eighteenth +century, four hundred and seventy-one in the nineteenth, while more +than one hundred and fifty cases have been arbitrated during the first +thirteen years of the twentieth century. Between the First and Second +Hague Conferences only four uses were submitted to the Permanent Court +of Arbitration. Since the Second Conference, notwithstanding the +unsatisfactory disposition of the Venezuelan affair, eight cases have +been tried, a ninth is pending, a tenth will soon be docketed if the +United States is not to act the hypocrite in her international +relations by refusing to submit to England's request to arbitrate the +question as to whether or no we exempt our coastwise vessels from toll +duty through the Panama Canal. Defects have been detected in the +Permanent Court of Arbitration and we are well on the way toward a +better court. Representatives of only twenty-six nations took part in +the deliberations of the First Hague Conference; representatives of +forty-four nations took part in the deliberations of the Second Hague +Conference. Wars of aggression and conquest, though not formally +outlawed, are effectively so, and arbitration for the recovery of +contract debts is now practically obligatory. As time passes and its +feasibility gains credence, arbitration, like the jury trial, will +extend its sphere of usefulness until it too settles questions of +honor. Nor need we imply from this analogy that it will take such an +age to accomplish this result. Because of the increased mobility of +society, resulting from the greater like-mindedness and consciousness +of kind incident to our modern communities of interests and systems of +communication, and from our greater susceptibility to rational rather +than traditional appeals, a reform can be wrought more easily and the +people can adjust themselves to the change far more readily than +several centuries ago. + +Bearing in mind, then, our attempted analysis of counter social forces +at work, our deductions from this analysis and the foregoing analogy +the significance of which grows out of the truth of these deductions, +let us conclude with a suggestion as to what the next Hague Conference +should attempt. It should, of course, like the former Conferences, +extract as many teeth as possible from war. As to improving our +arbitration facilities, its first task evidently should be to +determine some method whereby members of the Judicial Arbitration +Court shall be apportioned and selected. If, as has been suggested, it +is decided to use the same scheme of apportionment as that for the +International Court of Prize, the provision that each party to a case +shall have a representative on the bench should be changed so as to +provide that neither party shall have a representative on the bench. +If this court is not to be a misnomer like the Permanent Court of +Arbitration, its rulings must be in accord with the principles of +jurisprudence rather than with the spirit of compromise such a +provision would tend to produce. With this accomplished and the +Judicial Court of Arbitration put in practical working order "of free +and easy access" to the powers, it may be doubted whether anything +further can be done. If the powers can be made to agree to submit to +the court all cases growing out of the disputed interpretation of +treaties, a great advance will have been made, but it is doubtful +whether the present state of public opinion would indorse such a +progressive step. These international legislators can do no more than +provide channels through which the spirit of international peace can +exercise itself as it expands, and the Judicial Court of Arbitration, +at the optional use of the nations, conforms admirably to this +requirement. The delegates should, therefore, avoid the universal +tendency of such bodies to legislate too much. None of these Hague +Conferences can alone accomplish the ultimate purpose of the so-called +dreamers, but each Conference may be a landmark on the upward journey +toward that consummation, anticipated by Utopians from the earliest +times, foretold by prophets from Micah and Isaiah to Robert Burns and +Tennyson, labored for by practical statesmen from Hugo Grotius to +William H. Taft, when each man shall be a native of his state and a +citizen of the world. + + +AUTHORITIES + + For acts and conventions of Hague Conferences: + "Texts of the Peace Conferences" by James Brown Scott. + + For data concerning proposed treaty with England: + Text of treaty and majority and minority reports of Senate + Committee on Foreign Relations. + + For statistics of arbitration treaties: + "Revised List of Arbitration Treaties," compiled by Denys P. + Myers. + + For development of trial by jury: + "Evidence at the Common Law" by Thayer. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association, by Intercollegiate Peace Association + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 30150 *** diff --git a/30150-h/30150-h.htm b/30150-h/30150-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ff43958 --- /dev/null +++ b/30150-h/30150-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,5271 @@ + + +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, by Stephen F. Weston. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .subjs {margin: auto; width: 32em;} + + .ins.correction {text-decoration:none; border-bottom: thin solid gray;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 30150 ***</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><b>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:</b></p> + +<p>1. The following typographical errors have been corrected:</p> + +<p> "spendid" corrected to "splendid" [Page 78]<br /> + "stumblingblock" corrected to "stumbling block" [Page 90]<br /> + "can can" corrected to "can" [Page 140]</p> +<p>They have been marked in the text with <ins class="correction" title="like this">popups</ins>. +Position the mouse over the line to see an explanation.</p> + +<p>2. For consistency, a period has been added at the end of the word "Editor" +in some footnotes where it was missing.</p> + +<p>3. Other than corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in +spelling, punctuation, hyphenation and ligature usage have been retained.</p> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h1>PRIZE ORATIONS</h1> + +<h4>OF THE</h4> + +<h2>INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION<br /><br /></h2> + + +<h4>EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION</h4> +<h4>BY</h4> +<h3>STEPHEN F. WESTON, <span class="smcap">Ph.D.</span></h3> +<h5>EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE ASSOCIATION</h5> +<h5>PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, ANTIOCH COLLEGE<br /> +YELLOW SPRINGS, OHIO</h5> + + +<h4>FOREWORD BY</h4> +<h3>CHARLES F. THWING<br /><br /></h3> + + +<h4>BOSTON<br /> +THE WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION<br /> +1914</h4> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h4> +THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED<br /> +TO THE</h4> +<h3>MISSES MARY AND HELEN SEABURY</h3> +<h4>WHOSE INTEREST AND ASSISTANCE<br /> +HAVE MADE POSSIBLE THE ORATIONS OF THE<br /> +INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION</h4> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="0" summary="Table of Contents"> +<tr><td> </td><td align="right"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#FOREWORD">FOREWORD</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_vii">vii</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Charles F. Thwing</span>, President of the Association</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_INTERCOLLEGIATE_PEACE_ASSOCIATION">THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Stephen F. Weston</span>, Executive Secretary of the Association</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_CONFLICT_OF_WAR_AND_PEACE">THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Paul Smith</span>, DePauw University, Indiana</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_UNITED_STATES_AND_UNIVERSAL_PEACE">THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Glenn Porter Wishard</span>, Northwestern University, Illinois</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_EVOLUTION_OF_WORLD_PEACE">THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Levi T. Pennington</span>, Earlham College, Indiana</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_WASTE_OF_WAR_THE_WEALTH_OF_PEACE">THE WASTE OF WAR—THE WEALTH OF PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Arthur Foraker Young</span>, Western Reserve University, Ohio</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_HOPE_OF_PEACE">THE HOPE OF PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Stanley H. Howe</span>, Albion College, Michigan</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_ROOSEVELT_THEORY_OF_WAR">THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Percival V. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_VITAL_INTERESTS">NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Russell Weisman</span>, Western Reserve University, Ohio</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_EVOLUTION_OF_PATRIOTISM">THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_91">91</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Paul B. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#CERTAIN_PHASES_OF_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT">CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Calvert Magruder</span>, St. John's College, Maryland</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_ASSURANCE_OF_PEACE">THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Vernon M. Welsh</span>, Knox College, Illinois</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#EDUCATION_FOR_PEACE">EDUCATION FOR PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Francis J. Lyons</span>, University of Texas</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_PEACE">NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Louis Broido</span>, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_NEW_NATIONALISM_AND_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT">THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Ralph D. Lucas</span>, Knox College, Illinois</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#MANS_MORAL_NATURE_THE_HOPE_OF_UNIVERSAL_PEACE">MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Victor Morris</span>, University of Oregon</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_TASK_OF_THE_TWENTIETH_CENTURY">THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_157">157</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Harold Husted</span>, Ottawa University, Kansas</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_PRESENT_STATUS_OF_INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION">THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Bryant Smith</span>, Guilford College, North Carolina</td><td> </td></tr> +</table> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Page vii]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="FOREWORD" id="FOREWORD"></a>FOREWORD</h2> + + +<p>These orations are selected from hundreds of similar addresses spoken +in recent years by hundreds of students in American colleges. I +believe it is not too bold to say that they represent the highest +level of undergraduate thinking and speaking. They are worthy +interpreters of the cause of peace, but they are, as well, noble +illustrations of the type of intellectual and moral culture of +American students. Whoever reads them will, I believe, become more +optimistic, not only over the early fulfillment of the dreams of peace +among nations, but also over the intellectual and ethical condition of +academic life.</p> + +<p>For the simple truth is that the cause of peace makes an appeal of +peculiar force to the undergraduate. It appeals to his imagination. +This imagination is at once historic and prophetic. War makes an +appeal to the historic imagination of the student. His study of Greek +and Roman history has been devoted too largely to the wars that these +peoples waged. Marathon, Salamis, Carthage, are names altogether too +familiar and significant. By contrast he sees what this history, which +is written in blood, might have become. If the millions of men slain +had been permitted to live, and if the uncounted treasure spent had +been economically used, the results in the history of civilization would +have been far richer and nobler. He notes, too, does this student, that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Page viii]</a></span> +if the last decades of the eighteenth century and the first decades of +the nineteenth had been free from wars in Europe, humanity would now +have attained a far higher level of physical and intellectual +strength. The historic imagination of the student pictures, as his +reason interprets, such conditions. His prophetic imagination likewise +exercises its creative function. The student sees nations to-day +dwelling in armed truces and moving to and fro as a soldiery actual or +possible. He realizes that war puts up what civilization puts down, +and puts down what civilization elevates. He reads the lamented +Robertson's great lecture on the poetry of war, but he knows also, as +Robertson intimates, that "peace is blessed; peace arises out of +charity." The poetry of peace is more entrancing than the poetry of +carnage. To this primary element in the mind of the +undergraduate—the imagination—our great cause therefore +makes an appeal of peculiar earnestness.</p> + +<p>To the reason of the college man, also, the cause of peace makes a +peculiar appeal through its simple logic. War is most illogical. It +breaks the law of the proper interpretation of causality. When two +nations of adjacent territory cannot agree over a boundary line, why +should settlement be made in terms of physical force? When two nations +fail to see eye to eye in adjusting the questions of certain fishing +rights, why should they incarnadine the seas in seeking for the truth +to be applied in settlement? In civil disputes, why, asks the student, +should rifles be employed to discover truth and right? War is an intellectual +anachronism, a breach of logic. Of course, one may reply, humanity is not +logical in its reasoning any more than it is exact in its observing. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Page ix]</a></span> +Of course it is not; but the college is set to cast out the rule of +no-reason and to bring in the reign of reason. Peace furnishes a +motive and a method of such advancement. Peace is logic for the +individual and for the nation.</p> + +<p>The illogical character of war is also made evident by the contrast +between the college man as a thinker and war itself. The college man +who thinks sees truth broadly; war interprets life narrowly, at the +point of the bayonet. The college man who thinks sees truth deeply; +war makes its primary appeal to the superficial love of glory, of +pomp, and of circumstance. The college man who thinks sees truth in +its highest relations; war is hell. The college man who thinks sees +truth in long ranges and in far-off horizons; war is emotional, and +the warrior flings the years into the hours. The college man who +thinks, thinks accurately, with logic, with reason; war does not +think—it strikes. "Strike," the college man may also say, "but hear!" +he cries; "yes, think." If the college can make the student think, it +has created the greatest force for making the world and the age a +world and an age of peace.</p> + +<p>It is plain enough, too, that the economic side of war makes a +tremendous appeal to the student. The cost of the battleship <i>Indiana</i> +was practically $6,000,000; the total value of grounds and buildings +of the colleges and universities in Indiana is slightly more than +$7,000,000, and the productive funds are $4,000,000. The total cost of +the battleship <i>Oregon</i> was more than $6,500,000; the total value of +grounds and buildings of the universities and colleges of Oregon is +less than $2,000,000, and the productive funds amount to hardly more than +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Page x]</a></span> +$2,000,000. The cost of the battleship <i>Iowa</i> was nearly +$6,000,000, and the productive funds of all the colleges and +universities of the state are only $5,000,000. The battleship +<i>Kentucky</i> cost $5,000,000; in the colleges of that state the total +amount of productive funds is only $2,000,000, and the total value of +grounds and buildings, $3,000,000. The battleship <i>Alabama</i> cost more +than $4,500,000, and the entire property, real and personal, of all +the universities and colleges in that state is less than $4,000,000. +The cost of the battleship <i>Wisconsin</i> was more than $4,500,000; the +whole value of all grounds and buildings of the colleges and +universities of the state is only slightly more than $7,000,000. The +battleship <i>Maine</i> cost more than $5,000,000, and the entire value in +grounds, buildings, and productive funds of the colleges and +universities of that state is little more than $5,000,000.</p> + +<p>The value of the buildings of five hundred colleges and universities +in this country was estimated in a recent year at $262,000,000, and +the productive funds at $357,000,000. Leaving out those now in course +of construction, the total cost of the battleships and armored +cruisers of the United States named after individual states is +$325,000,000.</p> + +<p>The cost of maintaining these battleships during the fiscal year of +1910, though many were in commission but a small part of the year, +amounted to no less than $33,000,000. The amount which all the colleges +and universities in this country received in tuition fees in 1911 was only +$20,000,000; and the entire income received both from fees and productive +funds was only about $34,000,000. In other words, when one takes into +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Page xi]</a></span> +account the depreciation of the battleship or armored cruiser, the +entire cost of the thirty-eight battleships for a single year is +greater than the administration of the entire American system of +higher education.</p> + +<p>Is it not painfully manifest that the cost of war constitutes a mighty +argument for the economic mind of the student?</p> + +<p>Moreover, I am inclined to believe that the very difficulties +belonging to the triumph of our great cause constitute ground for its +closer relationship to the college man. The college man wishes, as +well as needs, a hard job. The easy task, the rosy opportunity, makes +no appeal. He is like Garibaldi's soldiers, who, when the choice was +once offered them by the commander to surrender to ease and safety, +chose hardship and peril. The Boxer revolution in China was followed +by hundreds of applications from college men and women to be sent +forth to China to take the place of the martyrs. The difficulties in +the progress of the great cause are of every sort and condition. +Industrial narrowness and commercial greed, military and political +ambitions, sectional zeal, national jealousy, the sensitiveness of +each nation in matters of national honor, the glamour of the good and +the beautiful under the sentiment of patriotism, the historic honor +attending death for one's country, the ease of creating war scares +among the people, the looseness of the organization of the higher +forces of the world—all these conditions and more pile up into a +Pelion on Ossa as a part of the difficulties standing in the progress +of our great movement. But such difficulties inspire rather than deter. +The student says, "I will; therefore I can." He also says, "I can; therefore +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Page xii]</a></span> +I will." He knows that the forces fighting for him are +more than those that fight against him, strong as these are. Man in +his noblest relationships, the songs of the poet (the best +interpreter, from Homer and Virgil to the "Winepress" of Alfred +Noyes), the torture, the pains, the sufferings, the woes, the vision +of the prophet of a loving and perfect humanity, the reason of +logic—all these and more are to him inspirations, and strengthen him +in his great quest. He is a knight of the Holy Grail that is filled +from the river of the water of life.</p> + +<p>Perhaps, furthermore, the cause makes its most impressive appeal to +the collegian in its internationalism, or interpatriotism. This +internationalism addresses itself to his own international +appreciation. The collegian is a patriot. He is a patriot not only +against a foreign country but often against certain parts of his own +country—loyal to the interests which he believes a section of his own +nation properly represents. The German students have fought for their +Fatherland; they have also fought for the liberal sentiments of their +own land against reactionary movements, as in 1848. In the American +Civil War no brighter record is to be found than is embodied in the +tablets in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, or in Memorial Hall, Chapel Hill, +University of North Carolina. But the collegian possesses the +international sense, and possesses it more and more deeply with each +passing decade. His is the international mind, interpreting phenomena +in terms of common justice. His is the international heart, feeling +the universal joys and sorrows, woes and exultations. His is the +international will, seeking to do good to all men. His is the +international conscience, weighing right and duty in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Page xiii]</a></span> +scales of divine humanity. Whatever interpretation he gives to the +sayings of Paul that God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of the +earth and has fixed the bounds of their habitation,—whether he stops +with the words "the face of the earth" or whether he goes on to +interpret the limitations of their residence,—it is nevertheless true +that his mind, his heart, his will, and his conscience do go out +toward all nations in their endeavor to realize their highest racial +and interracial peace. No man is a foreigner to him.</p> + +<p>I have, I trust, said enough to intimate that these orations arise out +of a natural and normal condition of the student mind and heart. They +also, in subject as well as in origin, bear a special message of cheer +and hopefulness to all who have a good will toward the collegian and +toward the great cause for which we all are laboring.</p> + +<p style='text-align:right;'>CHARLES F. THWING<br /> +<i>President</i></p> +<p> +<span class="smcap">Western Reserve University<br /> +Cleveland, Ohio</span><br /> +</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Page 1]</a></span></p> +<h1>PRIZE ORATIONS</h1> + +<h2><a name="THE_INTERCOLLEGIATE_PEACE_ASSOCIATION" id="THE_INTERCOLLEGIATE_PEACE_ASSOCIATION"></a>THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION</h2> + +<p><i>Origin.</i> In the autumn of 1904 President Noah E. Byers of Goshen +College, Goshen, Indiana, a Mennonite college, invited to a conference +representatives of all the colleges in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio +that are conducted by those religious denominations that advocate +nonresistance as one of their essential religious principles. Such +bodies are the Mennonites, the Dunkards, and the Quakers. In the +spring of 1905 a more specific invitation was sent out, with the +result that a conference was held at Goshen College, June 22-23, 1905. +This date is important, since the call of President Byers for such a +conference was the first active step ever taken to interest the +college world, and particularly undergraduates, in the great movement +for world peace founded upon the idea of human brotherhood. While the +conference did not take place until a month after President Gilman had +suggested to the Lake Mohonk Conference, in May, 1905, that it should +extend its peace work to the colleges and universities, yet the call +for the conference was several months prior to the action of the +Mohonk Conference.</p> + +<p>Eight institutions were represented at this conference—Goshen, +Earlham, Central Mennonite, Ashland, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Page 2]</a></span>Wilmington, Juniata, and Penn +colleges and Friends' University. No definite plan of work had been +mapped out, but a simple organization was effected, and arrangements +were made for a second conference at Earlham College (Society of +Friends). Professor Elbert Russell of Earlham College was elected +president, and upon him devolved most of the work of arranging for the +second conference, which was held April 13-14, 1906. For this +conference no denominational lines were drawn, it being felt that all +colleges and universities should be interested in this important work. +Hence invitations were sent to all institutions of higher learning in +both Indiana and Ohio. Eight institutions were represented: Indiana, +three—Earlham and Goshen colleges and Indiana University; Ohio, +five—Antioch, Denison, Miami, Wilmington, and Central Mennonite. This +representation was small, considering the importance of the conference +and the excellent program that had been arranged for by Professor +Russell. But notwithstanding the small number of institutions +represented, the conference was a marked success, made so very largely +by the many excellent addresses—among others, those of Edwin D. Mead, +Benjamin F. Trueblood, Professor Ernst Richard of Columbia University, +and Honorable William Dudley Foulke.</p> + +<p>On the last day of the conference the delegates from the different +colleges met and perfected a permanent organization, which it was +agreed should be called the Intercollegiate Peace Association. Thus, +after a year of preliminary work, the Intercollegiate Peace +Association came into definite and permanent existence on April 14, +1906. At this meeting Dean William P. Rogers of the Cincinnati Law +School was elected president, and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Page 3]</a></span>Professor Elbert Russell, secretary +and treasurer. The president and the secretary, President Noah E. +Byers of Goshen College, and Professor Stephen F. Weston of Antioch +College constituted the executive committee. The writer has remained +on the executive committee from the beginning, as either an elected or +an ex-officio member.</p> + +<p>Two methods of propaganda were adopted: intercollegiate oratorical +contests, and public addresses on peace questions before the student +body and faculties of colleges and universities. It was also agreed +that the work should begin with Ohio and Indiana and gradually extend +to other states. Although no definite plan was formulated until a year +later, at the meeting at Cincinnati, it was understood from the outset +that it should be the aim gradually to extend the field of work, so +that ultimately most of the institutions of higher learning in +practically all of the states should be embraced within the +organization and participate in the contests.</p> + +<p><i>Purpose.</i> The purpose of the association has been quite definitely +set forth in my "Historical Sketch"<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and in my report for 1912. From +these the following statement is very largely borrowed. The +fundamental purpose of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is to +instill into the minds and hearts of the young men of our colleges and +universities the principle that the highest ideals of justice and +righteousness should govern the conduct of men in all their +international affairs quite as much as in purely individual and social +matters, and that, therefore, the true aim of all international +dealings should be to settle differences, of whatever nature, by +peaceful methods through an appeal to the noblest human instincts and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Page 4]</a></span> +the highest ideals of life, rather than by the arbitrament of the +sword through an appeal to the lower passions; and, further, both on +humanitarian and economic grounds, to arouse in the youth of to-day an +appreciation of the importance of a peaceful settlement of +international disputes, and to inculcate a spirit antagonistic to the +inhuman waste of life and the reckless waste of wealth in needless +warfare.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +Printed in <i>Antioch College Bulletin</i>, Vol. VII, No. 1, December, 1910.</p></div> + +<p>This appeal to the idealism of youth is founded upon the psychological +fact that it is the ideals of life that determine the conduct of life. +It is ideals that rule the world; hence the importance of right ideals +based upon a comprehensive understanding of the real nature and +deepest implications of human fellowship. The alleged impracticability +is not in the ideal but in the difficulty of making the ideal such a +dominant part of our being that it shall consistently direct our +activities under every circumstance. One of the essential conditions +of human progress is the conviction that such ideals are vital to the +highest attainments and that these should be the aim of all our +strivings. Unfortunately such a standard of life is far from being +realized. Policy rules largely in the world of practical life; either +high ideals are considered impracticable, or there is no attempt to +enforce consistency between belief and practice.</p> + +<p>Mindful of the further fact that the ideals and habits of thought and +action that prevail in mature life are those that are formed in youth, +the Intercollegiate Peace Association turns to the young manhood of +the undergraduate for its field of operations. The aim is to give such +a firm mold to the ideals of the undergraduate that they shall for all +time shape his activities to the end of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Page 5]</a></span>righteous conduct in all +international dealings. In particular, the aim is to cultivate in the +young men of our colleges and universities such sentiments and +standards of conduct as will insure their devotion to the furtherance +of international peace through arbitration and other methods of +pacific settlement rather than by battleships—standards of conduct +based upon the fundamental truth that conflicts between men, and +therefore principles of right and justice, can be rightly settled only +through the mediation of mind, and that every effort to settle them by +force is not only illogical, a psychological impossibility, but is the +way of the brute, not the way of man, whose nature touches the divine. +All the more important must this work with the undergraduate be +considered when we reflect that it is the young men in our colleges +and universities to-day who will mold the public opinion and the +national and international policy of the next generation; for it is +such young men as these that will control the pulpit and the press, +the legislation and the diplomacy of the future. It is this fact that +gives such peculiar importance to the work of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association. To quote from the report of the secretary for 1912:</p> + +<p>"Other peace societies are laboring to create a public sentiment +to-day in favor of international peace, through arbitration of all +international differences. This is very essential. But the +Intercollegiate Peace Association is founded upon the belief that the +cause of peace will not triumph in a day, and that it is therefore of +the utmost importance that right ideals be rooted into the minds of +those who will give expression to the public opinion of the future. In +brief, it is building more for the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Page 6]</a></span>future than for the immediate +present. The millennium of peace will not come until the ideals of a +Christian civilization take deeper root in the minds and hearts of +those who are the leaders of thought and action. One of the crying +sins of to-day is that professions of righteous living in accordance +with Christian ethical ideals are not taken seriously. Note the +disgraceful policy that has been pursued with regard to Turkey by the +nations of Europe that profess to be disciples of the Prince of Peace. +Hence it is of the utmost importance that those who are to become the +future translators of ideals into action shall be imbued with right +principles of life and of human relations. To this end it is sought to +cultivate the right sentiment against war, and for international +peace, among the undergraduates of our colleges; for what the +undergraduate thinks about and reads about to-day will very largely +determine his future principles and his conduct, and it is he who is +destined to mold the ideals, shape the policies, and determine the +actions of the people of to-morrow."</p> + +<p><i>Methods and Results.</i> To carry out these purposes two things are +essential: an awakened interest in the cause of peace, and some +definite and effective method for molding sentiments and habits of +thought that will persist with such vitality that they will give shape +to future conduct and activities. To arouse an interest in the +subject, on the part of both professors and students, it was believed +at the outset that public addresses would be effective, and it was +hoped that the association would be able to inaugurate a course of +such addresses in our colleges and universities. It was, however, soon +found that to finance such a course would require more money +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Page 7]</a></span> +than we could hope to command for some time to come. In consequence, very +little has been done along this line further than to arrange for +occasional addresses and to encourage chapel talks. It is this field +of work that the Lake Mohonk Conference voted to adopt at the +suggestion of Dr. Gilman. The conference also found it difficult to +carry out the plan, and our association was invited to assume the +whole of this work—a request we would gladly have accepted, but which +we were compelled to decline for want of funds. It is a very important +field of work and could be made very effective toward realizing the +ultimate goal of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, for its effect +would undoubtedly be the enlistment of a much larger number of the +students in the oratorical contests, which must be our chief reliance +for getting international peace ideas to take a vital root in the +undergraduate mind. If we cannot secure the necessary funds for +carrying on this important work, it is hoped that some other peace +society will do it for us, for such addresses could be made a most +effective complement to our work.</p> + +<p>Being compelled to abandon the public addresses for want of money, we +have concentrated most of our efforts upon the intercollegiate +oratorical contests as perhaps the most effective method for carrying +out the purpose of the association. The contests are bound to arouse +an interest in the subject, while the preparation of orations is sure +to ingrain thoughts, sentiments, and convictions that will be +indelible in the character of the young men who participate in the +contests. While the contests are oratorical in their nature, their +primary purpose is not the cultivation of oratory. Oratory is simply +used as a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Page 8]</a></span>means to an end—the cultivation of right ideas of justice +and righteousness between nations. That such a result will accrue is +assured both in psychological principles and in experience. Every +student who produces a well-prepared oration in bound to make the +thoughts and sentiments expressed a part of his being. The oration +would not be effective if it were otherwise. The writer has heard +scores of these orations, and he is convinced of the sincerity and +earnestness of the orators. Moreover, letters written to him by those +who have won prizes, attesting their interest in and their devotion to +the cause, by reason of their participation in the contests, give +ample evidence that the contests are bearing fruit. Nor can one read +the orations in this volume without being convinced of their +sincerity.</p> + +<p>Indeed, the reason why we do not have intercollegiate debates instead +of contests in oratory is because of the psychological truth, amply +justified by experience, that the student who prepares for the +negative side of a peace question would tend to have his thoughts +permanently fixed along the lines of the advocates of great armaments. +It is not that the student should not know the arguments opposing the +ideas of the advocates of peace by arbitration. We would not cultivate +bigotry even in a good cause. We would have him know the facts, as +indeed he must before he can present any arguments for peace that +would have any significance. But an acquaintance with the opposing +arguments is quite a different thing, in its effect upon the thought +of the student, from making that thought his own and publicly +defending it.</p> + +<p>Other results may be mentioned. While the cultivation of oratory is +not a function of the Intercollegiate <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Page 9]</a></span>Peace Association, it does +foster oratory as a valuable if not an indispensable instrument for +effecting its own end. In fact, the oratorical contests are something +more than agencies for interesting undergraduates in the peace +movement. The cultivation of the art of expression and of public +speaking, now very generally provided for in college and university +curriculums, is of especial significance to the work of this +association. For it is not alone of importance that the graduate who +leaves his alma mater should be indoctrinated with a message of peace +for the world; that his message may be effective, he must also have +attained some proficiency in the art of clear and forceful diction and +in the art of delivering his message in a pleasing and convincing +manner. Therefore, it is not without reason that our contests are for +the most part under the immediate direction of the department of +English, or of whatever departments have charge of the public speaking +in the various colleges and universities.</p> + +<p>A further factor in these contests is their cultural value, both moral +and intellectual. They necessarily cultivate the highest ethical +conceptions, historical and political knowledge, and careful and +logical thinking. To quote from the secretary's report for 1912: "The +work of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is a great force for +righteousness between nation and nation, and so between man and man, +and therefore may be considered as supplementary to the more strictly +moral and intellectual culture in our institutions of higher learning. +The ethical value is not the only value of the contests. In the +preparation of orations the undergraduate necessarily informs himself +of historical conditions, of the economic and social effects of war, +of the legal and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Page 10]</a></span>constitutional principles involved, and of the +problems, difficulties, and principles concerned with international +relations. It is this early beginning of an intelligent understanding +of the problems involved, together with the right moral insight, that +must count for future effectiveness in shaping international policies +and practices." Finally, while these contests have chiefly in mind the +shaping of the public opinion of coming generations, they are by no +means a negligible factor in their influence upon the public opinion +of to-day. The contests—local, state, and interstate—are heard by +many hundreds of people every year, and in many cases by persons who +would otherwise seldom come in contact with peace sentiments. The +permeating influence in college circles extends beyond those who +participate in the contests. The influence of any single contest may +indeed be small, but so too is the influence of any one peace +conference or congress. The task of molding public opinion along the +lines of any human uplift is always slow, and only gradually do the +influences of this character permeate and take possession of the +social mind; but every influence leaves its impression. It is only by +persistent activities and cumulative effects that the social mind can +be aroused to a full consciousness of any great moral issue, and still +more true is this when that moral issue is of national or +international importance. The many peace societies, the +Intercollegiate Peace Association among them, are just such persistent +activities, which, by gradually producing cumulative effects, will +ultimately reap their reward. But more perhaps than other peace +societies does the Intercollegiate Peace Association concern itself +with the social mind and the social conscience of the future.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Page 11]</a></span> +<i>The Contests.</i> The first oratorical contest was held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907. Arrangements were made for the +participation of only Ohio and Indiana colleges. State contests were +not held, but fourteen orations were submitted from as many different +institutions, nine from Ohio and five from Indiana. The writers of +eight of these were selected by judges on thought and composition to +take part in the speaking contest. Four were from Ohio and four from +Indiana. Indiana won both the first and the second prize. The first +prize was won by Paul Smith of DePauw University with the subject, +"The Conflict of War and Peace." The second prize went to Lawrence B. +Smelser of Earlham College, whose subject was "The Solving Principles +of Federation."</p> + +<p>The second contest was held at DePauw University, May 15, 1908. +Carrying out the plan adopted at the meeting at Cincinnati, the +contestants were selected by means of State contests, and an +invitation was extended to the colleges and universities of Michigan, +Illinois, and Wisconsin to participate in the contest. Wisconsin did +not respond, but contests were held in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and +Illinois. By special arrangement Juniata College was allowed to +represent Pennsylvania without a state contest. Glenn P. Wishard of +Northwestern University won the first prize; subject, "The United +States and Universal Peace." The second prize was won by H. P. Lenartz +of Notre Dame University; subject, "America and the World's Peace."</p> + +<p>The third Interstate contest took place at The University of Chicago, +May 4, 1909, in connection with the Second National Peace Congress. +Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Page 12]</a></span>Illinois, and Wisconsin were represented, +all having held State contests. Levi T. Pennington of Earlham College +won the first prize; subject, "The Evolution of World Peace." The +second prize went to Harold P. Flint of Illinois Wesleyan University; +subject, "America the Exemplar of Peace."</p> + +<p>The fourth annual contest was held at the University of Michigan, May +13, 1910. There were six contestants, Pennsylvania having come +regularly into the association. Arthur F. Young of Western Reserve +University won the first prize; subject, "The Waste of War—The Wealth +of Peace." The second prize went to Glenn N. Merry of Northwestern +University; subject, "A Nation's Opportunity."</p> + +<p>The fifth annual contest was held at Johns Hopkins University, May 5, +1911, in connection with the Third National Peace Congress. There were +seven contestants, Maryland being represented for the first time. The +first prize was won by Stanley H. Howe, Albion College, Michigan, and +the second prize by Wayne Walker Calhoun, Illinois Wesleyan +University. Mr. Howe's subject was "The Hope of Peace," and Mr. +Calhoun's, "War and the Man." This contest was one of the most +successful that had been held up to that time. It was greeted by one +of the largest audiences that had attended any of the sessions of the +Peace Congress, and the comparison of the orations, in both thought +and delivery, with the speeches given in the congress, was very +favorable to the young orators. A general enthusiasm was evoked for +the contests. Yet there was much fear that this contest might prove to +be the last, there being no assurance <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Page 13]</a></span>ahead for adequate funds to +carry on the work. It was decided, however, not to give up without +further trial, a decision well justified by subsequent developments.</p> + +<p>Assistance being secured from the Carnegie peace fund, eleven states +held contests in 1912. In addition to the seven that participated in +the contest at Baltimore, four additional states were added—New York, +North Carolina, Iowa, and Nebraska. With so many states, it became +necessary for the first time to divide them into groups. Two groups +were formed, an Eastern and a Western. The Western Group, of five +states, held its contest at Monmouth College, Illinois, April 26, and +the Eastern Group, of six states, at Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, +May 3. No prizes were given at either of these contests, but an +arrangement was made with the Lake Mohonk Conference by which the +ranking orator in each contest should meet and contest for first and +second place at Mohonk Lake at the time of the Lake Mohonk Conference. +The contest at Mohonk was held May 16, the contestants being Percival +V. Blanshard of the University of Michigan, who represented the +Western Group, and Russell Weisman of Western Reserve University, who +represented the Eastern Group. The title of Mr. Blanshard's oration +was "The Roosevelt Theory of War," and that of Mr. Weisman's, +"National Honor and Vital Interests." The Misses Seabury gave a first +prize of $75 and a second prize of $50. The judges awarded the first +prize to Mr. Blanshard and the second prize to Mr. Weisman. So great, +however, was the interest of the guests at Mohonk Lake, and so nearly +equal in merit were the orations, that a gentleman present gave <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Page 14]</a></span>an +additional $25 to Mr. Weisman to make the prizes equal, and Mr. Joshua +Bailey of Philadelphia gave each of the contestants an additional $50.</p> + +<p>Five additional states—Maine, Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, and +South Dakota—participated in the contests of 1913, making sixteen +states holding contests. Of these states three groups were formed, an +Eastern, a Central, and a Western. The Central Group held its contest +at Goshen College, Indiana, April 25; the Western Group at St. Louis, +May 1, as part of the program of the Fourth American Peace Congress; +and the Eastern Group at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, May 13. The +same arrangements were made as in the preceding year—that the +contestant holding the highest rank in each group should meet in a +final contest at Mohonk Lake. No prizes were given, except that the +Business Men's League of St. Louis gave a prize of $100 for the +contest at St. Louis. The contest at Mohonk was held May 15, and three +prizes were given by the Misses Seabury—$100, $75, and $50. Paul B. +Blanshard of the University of Michigan, a twin brother of the Mr. +Blanchard who won the first prize in 1912, represented the Central +Group and won the first prize with the subject, "The Evolution of +Patriotism." Calvert Magruder, St. John's College, Annapolis, +Maryland, represented the Eastern Group and won the second prize. His +subject was "Certain Phases of the Peace Movement." Vernon M. Welsh, +Knox College, Illinois, represented the Western Group and won the +third prize. His subject was "The Assurance of Peace."</p> + +<p><i>Growth.</i> The growth of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, like +that of most social movements, was slow in the first few years of its +existence, but with the gradual <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Page 15]</a></span>accretion of new states it has gained +in momentum, and is to-day increasing with such rapidity that only the +lack of financial support will prevent it from embracing in its +contests within another two years practically every state in the +Union. Starting with two states at the Earlham Conference in 1906 and +the first contest in 1907, it added three states in 1908, one in 1910, +and one in 1911, making seven states participating in the contests of +1911. Four more states were added for the contests of 1912, and five +additional ones for the contests of 1913 (nine states in two years), +making sixteen states in all. Since the contest in May, 1913, eight +states have been added for the contests of 1914, while the work of +organization is being carried on in several other states. By 1915 at +least thirty states will be holding contests if money can be secured +for properly financing them. Four groups are now definitely organized: +an Eastern, a Central, a Western, and a Southern. A Pacific Group is +in process of being organized. Thus, in seven years from the first +contest we have become a national association, extending from the +Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Lakes to the Gulf.</p> + +<p><i>Prizes and Finances.</i> In order to encourage the young men to enter +the contests, the plan of offering prizes was adopted at the outset. +The national association made itself responsible for the state prizes, +leaving the local institutions to provide for such local prizes as +they could arrange for. In some places such prizes are given, being +provided for in different ways, and in some places no local prizes are +given. At first only $50 and $25 were given for the two state prizes, +but after the second year it was made a definite policy of the +association to make <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Page 16]</a></span>the first state prize $75 and the second prize +$50. With rare exceptions, in the case of the second prize, this +policy is now maintained. In New York, however, there is a first prize +of $200 and a second prize of $100, given by Mrs. Elmer Black. For the +past two or three years the national association has made itself +responsible for the first prize only, leaving the states to look after +the second prize, though the secretary also looks after many of the +second prizes. No prizes are regularly given in the group contests, +but it is hoped that a plan may be evolved for giving one prize, as +the expenses of the winning contestant are large. At the national +contest at Mohonk Lake, prizes are given to each contestant. In 1914 +these prizes will probably range from $40 to $100.</p> + +<p>The prize money has come from various sources. In 1908 Mr. Carnegie +gave $1000, and in 1909 he gave $700. The Misses Seabury, of New +Bedford, Massachusetts, gave $500 a year from the first. They gave +$750 in 1913 and will give $1000 for prizes in 1914. In Illinois La +Verne W. Noyes has annually given the first prize of $75 and Harlow N. +Higginbotham the second prize of $50. In Michigan R. E. Olds gave the +first prize until 1913, and J. H. Moores the second prize until 1914. +In Ohio Samuel Mather and J. G. Schmidlapp furnish the prizes for +1914. In New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland the +prizes are given by individuals at the instigation of peace societies. +In some states the second prize is given by some individual or through +a collection from a number of individuals. The balance of the prizes +are paid out of the subvention of $1200 that has been allowed for the +past three years out of the Carnegie endowment fund. In <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Page 17]</a></span>1913 the +prizes amounted to $2400. In 1914 they approximate $3400, apart from +any local prizes that may be given.</p> + +<p>The annual subvention of $1200 from the Carnegie peace fund is wholly +inadequate to meet the growing needs of this association. Since this +subvention was first granted, the number of states has been more than +doubled, and it takes about $600 a year to run the secretary's office. +Unless more money is secured from some source, the association will be +unable to grow beyond its present limits.</p> + +<p><i>Officers and Organization.</i> The organization of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association has been a gradual development, and has undergone +modifications to meet the changing conditions due to the considerable +enlargement of the territory embraced within its sphere of activity, +chief of which has been the practical impossibility of getting +representatives to a national meeting from such a large extent of +territory. At first there were a president, secretary, and treasurer, +and an executive committee, with the college presidents of Ohio and +Indiana as vice presidents. At the meeting at DePauw University, in +1908, it was decided to create state committees, that should have +charge of the work in their respective states. As the states grew in +numbers the plan of having vice presidents was abandoned. In 1911 the +chairmen of the state committees were made members of an advisory +council, and in 1913 the executive committee was reorganized so that +there should be one member from each group of states in addition to +the president and secretary. When the organization is fully matured +the elected members of the executive committee will be a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Page 18]</a></span> +self-perpetuating body, only one or two going out of office in any +one year, reëlection being permitted. The executive committee will +elect the president, executive secretary, and treasurer, and the +president and the executive secretary will appoint the members of the +advisory council, who will be ex-officio chairmen of the state +committees. The officers up to date have been as follows:</p> + +<p><i>Presidents</i>: Dean William P. Rogers, Cincinnati Law School, +1906-1907; Professor George W. Knight, Ohio State University, +1907-1908; Professor Elbert Russell, Earlham College, 1908-1910; Dean +William P. Rogers, 1910-1911; President Charles F. Thwing, Western +Reserve University, 1911-.</p> + +<p><i>Secretaries</i>: Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Mr. George Fulk, +Cerro Gordo, Illinois, 1908-1911; Professor Stephen F. Weston, Antioch +College, 1911-.</p> + +<p><i>Treasurers</i>: Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Professor Stephen +F. Weston, 1908-.</p> + +<p><i>Orations.</i> In the seven years in which the contests have been held, +about twelve hundred orations have been written, a little more than +one half of these in the past two years. The number written in 1914 +will not fall far short of five hundred. For some time we have desired +to publish a volume of the prize orations, and within the past few +years there has been considerable demand for such a volume, as many +would-be contestants are anxious to see what they will have to measure +up to in order to win. Outsiders interested in the contests have also +desired such a publication. The present collection was therefore +projected, and the World Peace Foundation willingly undertook to issue +it as one of the books in its International Library.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Page 19]</a></span> +The ten orations that have been selected for this volume out of the +twelve hundred have all won the first prize in interstate contests. +The first five are the first prize orations in the national contests +of the first five years before the group contests were organized, and +were selected by a series of local, state, and interstate contests out +of about five hundred and fifty orations delivered. The last five, +selected by a series of contests out of about six hundred and fifty, +are the first prize orations of the group contests of the past two +years. They were delivered in the national contests at Mohonk Lake at +the time of the Lake Mohonk Conferences. The fact that many of the +second prize orations, and indeed a number of the others, were given +first place by some of the judges is indicative of the general high +character of all the orations, so that the ten selected orations are +very fairly typical of the thought and sentiment of the whole twelve +hundred. It is therefore believed that the publication of these +orations will be of great value not only as a stimulus to prospective +contestants but as a convincing proof of the quality of the work that +the undergraduate students of the country are doing in the contests. +They are evidence that these contests call out a high grade of +intellectual and moral culture, showing as they do keen and clear +thinking and high moral ideals.</p> + +<p>There is included as an appendix to these orations the Pugsley prize +oration of 1913, by Bryant Smith, a senior in Guilford College, North +Carolina, a sample of the prize essays annually submitted for the +Pugsley prize of $100 offered through the Lake Mohonk Conference by +Chester DeWitt Pugsley of Yonkers, New York. The essay is also +fittingly printed in this volume because <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Page 20]</a></span>Mr. Smith represented the +state of North Carolina in the Eastern Group contest of the +Intercollegiate Peace Association in 1912, while still another reason +for including it is the hope that others who have taken part in the +oratorical contests, and who are thereby excluded from entering those +contests again, may be encouraged to try for the Pugsley prize.</p> + +<p><i>Subjects of Orations.</i> In view of the fact that so many orations have +been written on peace subjects, it is worthy of note that the topics +have seldom been duplicated, and that when the same topic has been +twice used, the handling of it has been so different that little +duplication has been noticeable. Each oration well represents the +originality and the individuality of the writer or orator. Duplication +is shown in the quotations, and it is therefore suggested that +quotations be sparingly used.</p> + +<p>Not the least interesting feature of the orations is the combination +of idealism and practicality, which they reveal in the minds of the +contestants. Truly, these young men "have hitched their wagon to a +star," the star of universal good will.</p> + +<p>To show the wide range of subjects chosen, and therefore the scope and +many-sidedness of the peace question, the following list of titles +already used is given here. They are also given as suggestions to +future writers of orations, for there is no objection to choosing +subjects previously used. Even if there is some duplication of +thought, it makes little difference, since the contests are seldom +held twice in the same place. Included in the list are some titles +that show variations in the way of stating the same thing, and these +variations should be suggestive to future writers of orations.</p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Page 21]</a></span></p> +<div class="subjs"> +<p><b>PARTIAL LIST OF SUBJECTS</b></p> +<p> +America the Exemplar of Peace<br /> +America and the World's Peace<br /> +America's Mission in the Peace Movement<br /> +America's Mission to Mankind<br /> +America's Obligation<br /> +The Arbiter of the World<br /> +Arbitration <i>versus</i> War<br /> +The Challenge of Thor<br /> +The Conflict of War and Peace<br /> +A Congress of Nations<br /> +The Cost of Militarism<br /> +The Cost of Peace<br /> +The Crucial Parallelism<br /> +The Dawn of Peace<br /> +The Dawn of Universal Peace<br /> +Democracy and Peace<br /> +Diplomacy and Peace<br /> +Disillusionment<br /> +The Dominant Ideal<br /> +The End; and the Means<br /> +The Evolution of a Higher Patriotism<br /> +The Evolution of Justice<br /> +The Evolution of Law<br /> +The Evolution of National Greatness as a World Peacemaker<br /> +The Evolution of World Peace<br /> +The Fallacy of the Economics of War<br /> +The Federation of the World<br /> +Forces of War and Peace<br /> +The Foundations<br /> +From Chaos to Harmony<br /> +From History's Pages—Peace<br /> +Fruits of War and Fruits of Peace<br /> +Government and International Peace<br /> +The Growing Sentiment<br /> +The Growth of the Peace Movement<br /> +Honor Satisfied<br /> +The Ideal of the Century<br /> +Idealism and the Peace Movement<br /> +Immigration and Peace<br /> +The Inefficiency of War<br /> +Instead of War—What?<br /> +International Arbitration<br /> +International Justice and World Peace<br /> +International Peace<br /> +International Peace and the Prince of Peace<br /> +Justice and Peace<br /> +Justice by War or Peace<br /> +The Keynote of the Twentieth Century<br /> +The Lasting Wound<br /> +The Law of Peace<br /> +The Message of the Andes<br /> +Military Selection and its Effect on National Life<br /> +Modern Battlefields<br /> +A Nation's Opportunity<br /> +The New Anglo-Saxon<br /> +The New Brotherhood<br /> +The New Corner Stone<br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Page 22]</a></span> +The New Era<br /> +The New Nobility<br /> +The New Patriotism<br /> +The Next Step<br /> +The Panama Canal<br /> +The Passing of War<br /> +The Pathway to Peace<br /> +Patriotism and Peace<br /> +Peace and Armaments<br /> +Peace and the Evolution of Conscience<br /> +Peace and the Fortification of the Panama Canal<br /> +Peace and Public Opinion<br /> +Peace Inevitable<br /> +Peace is our Passion<br /> +Peace on Earth<br /> +Peace, our Great Ideal<br /> +The Philosophy of Universal Peace<br /> +Physical and Psychical Aspects of War<br /> +A Plea for International Peace<br /> +A Plea for Peace<br /> +Popular Fallacies about War<br /> +Popular Government and Peace<br /> +Popular Sentiment and Purer Citizenship: The Right Road to Peace<br /> +The Power of International Tolerance<br /> +The Prince of Peace<br /> +Progress toward Justice<br /> +The Proposed Court of Arbitral Justice<br /> +The Rationality of Peace<br /> +The Real Power<br /> +The Redemption of Patriotism<br /> +The Regaining of the World's Lost Legacy<br /> +Right or Might<br /> +The Significance of the Hague Conferences<br /> +The Rightful Ruler<br /> +A Simple Method of Forwarding Universal Peace<br /> +The Solving Principles of Federation<br /> +Sovereignty in Arbitration<br /> +Statesmanship <i>versus</i> Battleship<br /> +Thor or Christ<br /> +Ungrateful America<br /> +The United States and Universal Peace<br /> +The United States of the World<br /> +Universal Peace and the Brotherhood of Man<br /> +The Unnecessary Evil<br /> +A Vision of a Conquest<br /> +War and Christianity<br /> +War—The Demoralizer<br /> +War and its Elimination<br /> +War and the Laboring Man<br /> +War and the Man<br /> +War for Profit<br /> +War—Universal Brotherhood—Peace<br /> +The Warrior's Protest against War<br /> +The Waste of War—The Wealth of Peace<br /> +The Way of Peace<br /> +What, from Vengeance?<br /> +World Federation<br /> +The World Organization<br /> +</p> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Page 23]</a></span> +<i>Acknowledgments.</i> The Intercollegiate Peace Association is greatly +indebted to many state and city peace societies for coöperation and +assistance. They have materially strengthened our work and made +possible the enlargement of the field of our activities. To their +secretaries we are deeply indebted. The fullest coöperation of the +peace societies, each assisting and supplementing the work of others +wherever possible, will bring the most fruitful and the most speedy +results, and the fact that we have received such coöperation indicates +a full appreciation of the value of the work being done in these +contests. We wish also to express our gratitude to the many individual +contributors of prizes, especially to the Misses Seabury, for their +interest, encouragement, and generosity, because without their +assistance our association could not have survived. To the Misses +Seabury we are also under obligation for lending their rights over the +texts of orations for this publication. For the subvention from the +Carnegie Endowment for International Peace we thank the American Peace +Society, through whose agency it comes to us. For the publication of +this volume we are deeply grateful to the World Peace Foundation, +without whose coöperation the book could not have been published. To +Edwin D. Mead and Denys P. Myers the editor owes his sincere thanks +for suggestions and corrections of the manuscript. We trust that the +volume will be amply justified by the good that it will do.</p> + +<p style='text-align:right;'> +STEPHEN F. WESTON<br /> +<i>Executive Secretary</i></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Page 24]</a></span></p> +<h4>SUPPLEMENT</h4> + +<p><i>The Contests of 1914.</i> This volume was projected to be published +before the Lake Mohonk Conference in May, but it was decided to +include the five orations given in the national contest of 1914, and +so make the volume complete for the year of issue. The last five +orations, then, are the winning ones in the group contests of 1914, +contesting for place in the national contest at Mohonk Lake, May 16, +1914. They are the picked orations of over four hundred and fifty +prepared in one hundred and twenty colleges and universities, +representing twenty-two states. The fifteen orations in the volume are +the winning orations out of more than sixteen hundred and fifty +written by the student body of the country in the past eight years.</p> + +<p>In 1914 six additional states took part in the contests, making +twenty-two organized into five groups. The Pacific coast and Southern +groups were added during the year to the three groups organized in +1913. Three of the groups held their contests on May 1—the North +Atlantic at the College of the City of New York, the Central at +Western Reserve University, and the Western at Des Moines College. The +Southern Group held its contest at Vanderbilt University on May 10. On +the Pacific coast only Oregon was ready, and the winner of her state +contest was permitted to represent the group in the national contest. +Utah and California are planning to enter the contests of 1915. +Virginia, West Virginia, and South Carolina are organizing, and a +sixth group will then be formed—the South Atlantic Group.</p> + +<p style='text-align:right;'>S. F. W.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Page 25]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_CONFLICT_OF_WAR_AND_PEACE" id="THE_CONFLICT_OF_WAR_AND_PEACE"></a>THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Paul Smith</span>, DePauw University, Greencastle, Indiana<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Page 26]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Page 27]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE</h2> + + +<p>The past ages have witnessed a long conflict between two opposing +principles—the principle of might and the principle of right. The +first instituted the duel between equals and condemned the impotent to +slavery; the second ordained the courts of civil justice and signed +the Emancipation Proclamation. The principle of might licensed +despotism and degraded the many in the service of the few; the +principle of right proclaimed democracy and consecrated the few to the +service of the many. Thus in the realm of the individual and of the +state the diviner conception has won its triumphs, and to-day force is +tolerated only as it serves the cause of justice. But in the larger +international sphere the advocates of might prolong the ancient cry +for war; the disciples of right protest in a gentler demand for peace.</p> + +<p>The partisans of war urge four capital reasons in behalf of their +principle: personal glory, moral education, class interest, and +national egoism.</p> + +<p>We have as a heritage of our military past, not a sense of +the grim tragedy of war, but traditions which award the highest +meed of personal glory to the warrior. The roster of the world's +heroes contains two classes of names—great soldiers and +great altruists. Poet and orator and populace unite to do honor +to him who was not afraid to fight and to die for his home, his +king, his liberty, his country, his convictions. Bravery has +ever won its laurel crown, for an instinct within us applauds +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Page 28]</a></span> +physical courage and aggressiveness. And the gilded uniform and +clanking sword, the drumbeat and the bugle call, the camp fire and the +"far-flung battle line," stand as the most dramatic expressions of a +deep sentiment, primitive and thrilling.</p> + +<p>Akin to this martial hero worship is the argument that success in war +gives training for the higher contests of peace. Out of the war of +1776 the nation took George Washington for President; out of the +Mexican War, Zachary Taylor; out of the Civil War, General Grant; out +of the Spanish War, Theodore Roosevelt. The badge of the Grand Army of +the Republic is a certificate of merit. The cross of the Legion of +Honor opens the door to social and political and business prosperity. +Battle is regarded as a supreme test of sturdy manhood, and the harsh +discipline of the camp as education for the finer arts of the council. +War creates a heroism which later devotes itself to spiritual ends.</p> + +<p>Moreover, say the advocates, the interests of class require force for +their conservation. The hereditary nobility of Europe was founded by +military process for military purposes, and, with the passing of war, +loses its warrant for existence. On the other hand, it is claimed that +the under classes may come into the enjoyment of their inalienable +rights, common to all humanity, only by means of the sword. Witness +the peasantry of Russia! Even in America so great a prophet as Henry +Ward Beecher foresaw a tragic day when the bivouac of capital would be +set against the camp of labor. And lesser seers are not lacking who +freely predict, even for our democratic land, a desperate rebellion of +a proletariat of poverty against an aristocracy of wealth.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Page 29]</a></span> +Finally, the demands of national egoism are urged in behalf of war. +For example, Japan needs new territory for her growing millions and +must assume the conqueror's rôle. Or France goes mad with the lust of +empire and goes forth untamed until the day of Waterloo. Or Great +Britain must have new markets; and, falsely reasoning that trade +follows the flag, and the flag follows the bayonet, she seizes a realm +upon which the sun may never set. Or the interests of white men and +yellow men, of black men or red men, clash; and then the cannon must +be the final test, might must make right, and the strongest must +survive. The greed of territorial aggrandizement, the spirit of +national adventure, the longing for commercial supremacy, the honor of +a country, the pride of racial achievement—each is urged to justify +the necessity for bloodshed and carnage. Such are the arguments of the +advocates of war.</p> + +<p>To balance these, the advocates of peace plead four greater +considerations: against personal glory, the economic cost of +militarism; against the moral education of war, the higher heroism of +peace; against class interests, the sanctity of human life; and +against national egoism, the deeper spirit of national altruism.</p> + +<p>A single modern battleship costs more than the combined value of the +property and endowment of all the colleges of a certain great state. +Two thirds of the money passing through the treasury of the Republic +goes to the support of the military system. Computing two hundred dollars +a year as the average loss to society occasioned by the withdrawal of +each soldier and sailor from productive toil, and adding this sum to +the war budgets of the nations for the past fifty years, we obtain +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Page 30]</a></span> +a total of billions, beyond the reach of all imagination. +The money which armies, navies, wars, and pensions have cost the world +in fifty years would have installed in China a system of education +equal to that of the United States; would have transformed the arid +deserts of India into a modern Eden by irrigation; would have laid +railways from Cape Town to the remotest corner of Africa; would have +dug the Panama Canal; and, in addition, would have sent a translation +of the Bible, of Shakespeare, Homer, Goethe, and Dante to every family +on the globe. In a word, the wealth spent on wars in the last half +century would have transformed life for a majority of human beings. +The stoppage of this waste will shorten the hours of labor, reduce +pauperism, elevate the peasantry of Europe, lighten taxation, and work +an economic revolution.</p> + +<p>The argument for moral education mistakes national gratitude to +warriors for tribute to the training of the camp. But grant that war +develops the combative qualities, the argument forgets a darker moral +phase. It forgets the moral wrecks which are the sad products of war; +it forgets the effect of the loss of the refining influence of +womanhood upon the soldier; it forgets the debasement of sinking men +to the physical type of life. And the argument assumes that peace has +no "equivalent for war," declared by a famous educator to be the +greatest need of the age. Courage and endurance are as necessary in +social reforms as in carnal battle. To wrestle against principalities +and powers and rulers of the world-darkness calls forth the maximum +powers of manhood. Wendell Phillips stands in the ranks of heroes as +high as Philip Sheridan. The moral loss from war transcends the moral +gain.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Page 31]</a></span> +Yet war levies toll more tragic than any toll of dollars, more +appalling than any moral cost. A famous painting reveals the world's +conquerors, Xerxes, Cæsar, Alexander, Napoleon, and a lesser host, +mounted proudly on battle steeds, caparisoned with gorgeous trappings; +but the field through which they march is paved with naked, mutilated +corpses, the ghastly price of glory. The trenches at Port Arthur were +filled level-full with the bodies of self-sacrificed martyrs, and upon +this gruesome slope the final charges were made. Stripped of all +sentiment, war is organized and wholesale murder, a savage and awful +paradox which proclaims the shallowness of civilization. Said General +Sherman: "Only those who have never heard a shot, only those who have +never heard the shrieks of the wounded nor the groans of the dying, +can cry aloud for more blood, more vengeance, more desolation." God +grant the world may soon heed the Voice, sounding down from the +solemnity of Sinai, laying the divine command upon each man and each +nation: "Thou shalt not kill!"</p> + +<p>There yet remains the ethical argument for peace. Will any one +say that the supreme duty of altruism is binding upon men as +individuals, and not binding upon the same men acting conjointly +as a nation? When the people and the statesmen of one nation are +able to put themselves in the places of the statesmen and of the +people of another nation; when there is a common will to do +international justice rather than to despise the weaker country; +when not selfish interest alone, but the greatest good of the greatest +number, becomes the driving impulse of humanity; when the thrill of +fraternity crosses geographical lines and pauses not on the shores +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Page 32]</a></span> +of the seas—then war will be impossible, the energies of the +world will turn to the constructive arts, and from the midst of +contentment unshadowed by hunger, from prosperity unmenaced by want, +in the peaceful spirit of the Christ, the world will sing:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +"The crest and crowning of all good, life's final star is brotherhood;<br /> +For it will bring again to Earth her long-lost Poesy and Mirth;<br /> +Will send new light on every face, a kingly power upon the race.<br /> +And till it come, we men are slaves, and travel downward to dust of graves.<br /> +Come, clear the way, then, clear the way: blind creeds and kings have had their day.<br /> +Break the dead branches from the path: our hope is in the aftermath.<br /> +Our hope is in heroic men, star-led to build the world again.<br /> +To this Event the ages ran: Make way for Brotherhood—make way for man."<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>All great reforms have begun with "star-led" men and have moved from +individuals to groups and from groups to the nation. In every distinct +advance of the race prophetic persons have anticipated the trend of +the ages and have adopted new codes for themselves; the higher +morality has spread by agitation to include a larger group, and +finally it has become the policy of the nation. Thus slavery went, and +political equality came.</p> + +<p>And thus war must go and peace must come. First, we find protest +against the killing of individuals by individuals. The duel fell +into disrepute and at last was forbidden by law. The carrying of +weapons became unfashionable and at length was made a crime. With +the growth of the moral sense, mutual trust took the place of +armed neutrality. The present situation is ready for +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Page 33]</a></span> +the larger application of these principles. The argument which +abolished the carrying of weapons must frown upon excessive national +armaments. As the individual duel was superseded by personal +arbitration, so the national duel must be superseded by national +arbitration. The reason that maintains the civil court for the +settlement of individuals' disputes calls for a higher court for the +settlement of national disputes. Not alone among men, not alone within +states, but among the nations, right, not might, must rule; not force, +but justice; and written as the world's supreme mandate, as the +highest human law from which there may be no appeal, must be the +unshaken law of national righteousness.</p> + +<p>Tennyson's words were accounted a poet's fancy when he wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd<br /> +In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>Yet the present year<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +will witness the fulfillment of that prophecy. +Disarmament and arbitration will be considered this summer, not by +agitators, not by theorists, nor yet prophetically by poets; but in +June, at the invitation of our own President,<a name="FNanchor_2_3" id="FNanchor_2_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_3" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +an actual international conference will assemble, a Parliament of the +World, composed of official representatives of every nation of the globe. +Thus we see the foregleams of an approaching day. The time is not far +distant when war will glide into the grim shadows of a scarce-remembered +past, when battles will pass into the oblivion of forgotten horrors. Then +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Page 34]</a></span> +will society realize its dreams of a kingdom of heaven upon earth, +where the barbaric lure of fighting will be lost; where no class lines +may exist save those freely acknowledged by a common justice; where +national egoism maintains no armies for conquest and no navies for +aggrandizement; where economic resources are devoted, not to mutual +physical destruction, but to splendid spiritual enlargement; where +"every nation that shall lift again its hand against a brother, on its +forehead will wear forevermore the curse of Cain"; and where, in the +realization of a vast, racial brotherhood, is fulfilled the prophetic +angel's song, "Peace on earth, good-will to men." Ruskin, the modern +bard of peace, has sung:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Put off, put off your mail, ye kings, and beat your brands to dust—<br /> +A surer grasp your hands must know, your hearts a better trust;<br /> +Nay, bend aback the lance's point, and break the helmet bar—<br /> +A noise is in the morning winds, but not the noise of war!<br /> +Among the grassy mountain paths the glittering troops increase—<br /> +They come, they come!—how fair their feet,—they come that publish peace.<br /> +</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +The Hague Conference of 1907 is referred to.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_3" id="Footnote_2_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_3"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> +By the courtesy of President Roosevelt the official call +for the Second Hague Conference was issued by the Emperor of Russia. +Forty-four nations were represented.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Page 35]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_UNITED_STATES_AND_UNIVERSAL_PEACE" id="THE_UNITED_STATES_AND_UNIVERSAL_PEACE"></a>THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Glenn Porter Wishard</span>, Northwestern University, +Evanston, Illinois<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at DePauw +University, Greencastle, Indiana, May 15, 1908</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Page 36]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Page 37]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Political and religious reforms move slowly. We change our beliefs and +at the same time hold fast to old customs. Farsighted public opinion +has declared war to be unchristian; sound statesmanship has stamped it +as unjust; the march of events has, in a majority of cases, proved it +to be unnecessary—and yet we continue to build mammoth engines of +destruction as if war were inevitable. Truly, the millennium is not at +hand, nor is war a thing of the past; but whereas war was once the +rule, now it is the exception. This is an age of peace; controversies +once decided by force are now settled by arbitration. Europe, once the +scene of continuous bloodshed, has not been plundered by conquering +armies for more than a generation, while the United States has enjoyed +a century of peace marred by only five years of foreign war. The four +notable conflicts of the last decade have been between great and small +powers, and have been confined to the outposts of civilization; while +during the same period more than one hundred disputes have been +settled by peaceful means. The willingness to arbitrate has been +manifest; the means have been provided; the Permanent International +Court, established by the Hague Conference in 1899, actually lives, +and has already adjudicated four important controversies.<a name="FNanchor_1_4" id="FNanchor_1_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_4" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Page 38]</a></span> +But arbitration, you say, will never succeed because the decisions +cannot be enforced. You forget that already some two hundred and fifty +disputes have been settled by this method, and in not one instance has +the losing power refused to abide by the decision.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_4" id="Footnote_1_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_4"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +From October 14, 1902, the date of the first decision, up +to the end of 1913, the Permanent Court has rendered thirteen +decisions settling international differences.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>Yesterday the man who advocated universal peace was called a dreamer; +to-day throughout the world organized public opinion demands the +abolition of war. Yesterday we erected statues to those who died for +their country; to-day we eulogize those who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed our heads to the god of war; to-day we lift our +hands to the Prince of Peace.</p> + +<p>I do not mean to say that we have entered the Utopian age, for the +present international situation is a peculiar one, since we are at the +same time blessed with peace and cursed with militarism. This is not +an age of war, yet we are burdened by great and ever-increasing +armaments; the mad race for naval supremacy continues, while the +relative strength of the powers remains practically the same; the +intense and useless rivalry of the nations goes on until, according to +the great Russian economist, Jean de Bloch, it means "slow destruction +in time of peace by swift destruction in the event of war." In Europe +to-day millions are being robbed of the necessaries of life, millions +more are suffering the pangs of abject poverty in order to support +this so-called "armed peace." Note the condition in our own country. +Last year we expended on our army, navy, and pensions sixty-seven per +cent of our total receipts. Think of it! In a time of profound peace +more than two thirds of our entire expenditures are charged to the +account of war.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Page 39]</a></span> +We do not advocate radical, Utopian measures; we do not propose +immediate disarmament; but we do maintain that when England, Germany, +France, and the United States each appropriates from thirty to forty +per cent of their total expenditures in preparation for war in an age +of peace, the time has come for the unprejudiced consideration of the +present international situation. Why do the great powers build so many +battleships? President Roosevelt, Representative Hobson, and others +would have us believe that England, Germany, and France are actually +preparing for war, while the United States is building these engines +of destruction for the purpose of securing peace. But what right have +we to assume that our navy is for the purpose of preserving peace, +while the navies of the European powers are for the purpose of making +war? Is not such an assumption an insult to our neighbors? As a matter +of fact, England builds new battleships because Germany does, Germany +increases her navy because France does, while the United States builds +new dreadnoughts because other nations pursue that policy. Call it by +whatever honey-coated name you will, the fact, remains that it is +military rivalry of the most barbarous type, a rivalry as useless as +it is oppressive, a rivalry prompted by jealousy and distrust where +there should be friendship and mutual confidence. There is riot one of +the powers but that would welcome relief from the bondage of +militarism; the demand for the limitation of armaments is almost +universal. Believing that to decry war and praise peace without +offering some plan by which the present situation may be changed is +superficial, we hasten to propose something practicable.</p> + +<p>How, then, shall we put an end to this useless rivalry +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Page 40]</a></span> +of the nations? At present a general agreement of the great powers on the +limitations of military establishments seems impossible. It remains +for some powerful nation to prove to the world that the great +armaments are not necessary to continued peace, with honor and +justice. Some nation must take the first step.<a name="FNanchor_1_5" id="FNanchor_1_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_5" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +Why not the United States? The nations of Europe are surrounded by +powerful enemies, while the United States is three thousand miles from +any conceivable foe. They are potentially weak, while our resources +are unlimited. They have inherited imperialism; we have inherited +democracy. Their society is permeated with militarism; ours is built +on peace and liberty. Our strategic position is unequaled, our +resources are unlimited, our foreign policy is peaceful, our +patriotism is unconquerable. In view of these facts, I ask you, What +nation has the greatest responsibility for peace? Are not we Americans +the people chosen to lift the burden of militarism from off the backs +of our downtrodden brother?</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_5" id="Footnote_1_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_5"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> +The widely heralded proposal in 1913 for a naval holiday +by all the great powers is the first move in this +direction.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>Now what are we doing to meet this responsibility? On the one hand, we +are performing a great work for peace. Many of our statesmen, business +men, and laborers, united in a common cause, are exerting a tremendous +influence in behalf of arbitration and disarmament. On the other hand, +we are spending more on our military establishment than any other +world power;<a name="FNanchor_2_6" id="FNanchor_2_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_6" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +we are building more battleships than any other +nation;<a name="FNanchor_3_7" id="FNanchor_3_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_7" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> we are +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Page 41]</a></span> +no longer trusting our neighbors; we are warning them to beware of our +mailed fist; and we are thereby declaring to the world that we have +lost our faith in the power of justice and are now trusting to the +force of arms.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_6" id="Footnote_2_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_6"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> +The orator is comparing the cost of the United States +army, navy, and pensions upkeep with the military establishments of +other powers.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_7" id="Footnote_3_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_7"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> +Since naval rivalry in its acute form has centered +between Great Britain and Germany, European naval building programs +have exceeded those of the United States.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>And why this paradoxical situation? Why do we at the same time prepare +for war and work for peace? It is simply because many of our statesmen +honestly believe that the best way to preserve peace is to prepare for +war. It is true that a certain amount of strength tends to command +respect, and for that reason a navy sufficient for self-defense is +warranted. Such a navy we now have. Why should it be enlarged? Naval +enthusiasts would have us prepare, not for the probable but for the +possible. Seize every questionable act of our neighbors, they say, +magnify it a thousand times, publish it in letters of flame throughout +the land, and make every American citizen believe that the great +powers are prepared to destroy us at any moment. Having educated the +people up to a sense of threatened annihilation, they burden them with +taxes, build artificial volcanoes dedicated to peace, parade them up +and down the high seas, and defy the world to attack us. Then, they +say, we shall have peace. Is this reasonable? As sure as thought leads +to action, so preparation for war leads to war. This argument that the +United States, since she is a peace-loving nation, should have the +largest navy in the world in order to preserve peace is illogical and +without foundation. By what divine right does the United States assume +the rôle of preserving the world's peace at the cannon's mouth? Since +when has it been true that might makes right, and that peace can be +secured only by acting the part of a bully? It is unjust, it is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Page 42]</a></span> +unpatriotic, it is unstatesmanlike, for men to argue that the United +States should browbeat the world into submission; that she should +build so many battleships that the nations of the Eastern hemisphere +will be afraid to oppose the ironclad dragon of the Western +Hemisphere. Peace purchased at the price of brute force is unworthy of +the name. Surely the United States cannot afford to be guilty of such +an injustice. If we wish to be free; if we wish to remain a true +republic; if we purpose to continue our mighty work for humanity, we +must limit our preparations for war. The best way to preserve peace is +to think peace, to believe in peace, and to work for peace.</p> + +<p>The extent to which the great powers will go in order to secure +enthusiasm for their military establishments is almost beyond +comprehension. Each nation has its great military rendezvous, its +grand naval parades, its magnificent display of gorgeous military +uniforms, its wave of colors, blare of trumpets, and bursts of martial +music. The United States is now sending her navy around the world—for +the purpose of training the seamen?—certainly, but also that the +youth of our land may be intoxicated by the apparent glory of it all, +and thus enlist for service; that the American citizens may be aroused +to greater enthusiasm by this magnificent display of the implements of +legalized murder, and thus be willing to build more floating arsenals +rather than irrigate arid lands, develop internal waterways, build +hospitals, schools, and colleges.</p> + +<p>The trouble with such exhibitions is, that it displays +only the bright side of militarism. If in place of the +Russian battleships they should display the starving masses +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Page 43]</a></span> +of dejected and despised beings who pay for those battleships; if in +place of the gay German uniforms they should exhibit the rags of the +disheartened peasants who pay for those uniforms; if in place of the +grand parade they should produce masses of wounded men and rivers of +blood; if in place of the stirring martial music they should produce +the writhing agonies and awful groans of dying men; if in place of +sham war they should produce actual war,—their exhibitions would +make militarism unbearable.</p> + +<p>Again, we are told that we have suddenly become a world power, and +that we must prepare to exercise a new diplomacy under new conditions. +We must increase our navy, they say, to enforce this new diplomacy. We +must prepare to fight in behalf of the Monroe Doctrine. But why, I +ask, cannot this new diplomacy be enforced as American diplomacy has +always been enforced? We promulgated the Monroe Doctrine without a +navy; we have maintained it for over eighty years without the show of +force. If our new diplomacy is right, it is as strong as the world's +respect for righteousness; if it is wrong, a hundred battleships +cannot enforce it.</p> + +<p>We have become a world power, and therefore we have a world-wide +responsibility, and that responsibility is to establish justice, not +force; to build colleges, not battleships; to enthrone love, not hate; +to insure peace, not war. Our mission is to strike the chains from the +ankles of war-burdened humanity. Our duty is to proclaim in the name +of the Most High our faith in the power of justice as opposed to the +force of arms. May it be said of us that we found the world burdened +with militarism, but left it blessed with peace; that we found liberty +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Page 44]</a></span> +among the strong alone, but left it the birthright of the weak; that +we found humanity a mass of struggling individuals, but left it a +united brotherhood. May it be said of us that we found peace purchased +by suffering, but left it as free as air; that we found peace bruised +and stained with militarism, but left it ruling the world through love +and liberty. May it be said of us that we fulfilled our mission as a +world power; that we were brave enough and strong enough to lead the +world into the path of universal peace.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Page 45]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_WORLD_PEACE" id="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_WORLD_PEACE"></a>THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Levi T. Pennington</span>, Earlham College, Richmond, +Indiana<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at The University +of Chicago, May 4, 1909</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Page 46]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Page 47]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE</h2> + +<p>In the progress of the world the dream of yesterday becomes the +confident hope of to-day and the realized fact of to-morrow. As old +systems fail to meet new conditions and new ideals, they are +discarded; and into the limbo of worse than useless things is passing +the system of human sacrifice to the Moloch of international warfare. +For centuries world peace has been the dream of the poet, the +philanthropist, the statesman, and the Christian. That dream is +becoming a confident hope. This generation should see it an +accomplished fact.</p> + +<p>There was a time when individual prowess determined the issue of every +difference. Might made right, so it was thought, and the winner in any +controversy was he who had the heaviest club, the strongest arm, or +the thickest skull. Man's interrelationships multiplied as humanity +advanced; with each new relation came new causes for quarrel, and for +a time advancing civilization brought but increase in murders and +assassinations.</p> + +<p>We know the process by which personal combat ceased; how the duel +replaced murder and ambush and assassination; how courts of law replaced +the duel. The dreamer saw the day when personal combat should be no more; +the man of mind refuted all the arguments in favor of the duel of men; +the constructive statesman of that early day instituted courts of law +and equity. Men who had a difference insisted that it was their quarrel +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Page 48]</a></span> +and they alone could settle it; but reason saw that two combatants +inflamed by passion are least fitted of all men to see where justice +lies. Many held that where honor is involved, no one can adjust the +difficulty but those most directly concerned; but reason saw that a +man's honor cannot be vindicated by killing his enemy or being killed +by him. Men said, "If personal combat is abolished, courage and +strength will perish from the earth." But reason saw that personal +combat in a selfish cause does not bring out the highest type of +courage; and that there are opportunities enough for the exercise of +the highest and best moral and physical courage to keep valor alive +forever. It was finally urged that there would be no power to enforce +the decree if personal differences were left to the adjudication of +others; but reason said, "That power will come with the need for it." +And so courts of law and equity arose, based on the need of humanity; +laws were passed defining rights and limiting aggression; and when one +man wronged another, that wrong was settled in court by the power of +the whole people and not in personal combat with the bludgeon or the +knife.</p> + +<p>For similar reasons wars between states and tribes have ceased; and +face to face with the inevitable logic of past progress stands the +world to-day. Though humanity has been slow to see it, the truth has +begun to dawn in the hearts of men—that international wars are no +more to be justified than civil strife, tribal warfare, or personal +combat. Gradually the omnipotent power of right is overcoming the +inertia of humanity, and the world is moving. One by one the awful +truths concerning war are forcing themselves upon the consciousness +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Page 49]</a></span> +and the conscience of men. The mighty power of fact is beating down +the opposition to world peace.</p> + +<p>Men have begun to realize the terrible cost, the unbelievable +wastefulness of actual war, and the preparation for possible war. When +we read that the armed peace of Europe the past thirty-seven years has +cost $111,000,000,000, nearly as much as the aggregate value of all +the resources of the United States, the richest nation on earth, the +figures are so appalling that mortal mind cannot conceive them, and +they lose their force. When we remember that two thirds of the +national revenues of the United States are spent on wars past or +prospective, the matter comes closer home. When we realize that the +cost of a single battleship exceeds the value of all the grounds and +buildings of all the colleges and universities in Illinois, the +figures have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship would +build a home for an American family, a comfortable home costing $1700, +the common man realizes that the richest nation on earth cannot afford +to go to war nor prepare for war.</p> + +<p>But mere money is one of the cheapest things in all the world. The +price of war never can be paid in gold. Not in national treasuries can +you see the payment of that price, where smug, well-groomed +politicians sign bonds and bills of credit. If you would see the +payment of that price of war, you must go to the place of war. With +all your senses open, step upon the battlefield. Smell the smoke of +burning powder, the reek of charging horses, the breath of fresh, red, +human blood. Feel the warmth of that blood as you seek to stanch the +wound in the breast of one of the world's bravest, dying for he +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Page 50]</a></span> +knows not what. Hear the screams of the shells, the booming roar of the +cannonade, the clash of the onslaught, the shrieks of the wounded, the +groans of the dying, the last gasp of him whose life has reached its +end. Such is the infernal music of war. See the victim of the conflict +reel in the saddle and fall headlong. Cast your eyes on the mangled +forms of godlike men, fallen in the midst of fullest life. Come in the +night after the battle and look upon the ghastly faces upturned in the +moonlight. Gaze on the windrows of the dead, Mars's awful harvest, +that impoverishes all and enriches none, and you know something of the +cost of war.</p> + +<p>And yet we have seen but little. Could we but enter the wasted homes +and see the broken hearts that war has made; could we go to the +almshouses and soldiers' orphans' homes and see widows and children by +the thousand suffering the doled-out charity of state or nation +because war has robbed them of their rightful protectors; could we but +realize the agony of the broken home, a thousandfold worse than the +agony of the battlefield,—then might we know more of the real cost of +war.</p> + +<p>And still our idea would be inadequate, though we realized the full +measure of every groan and heartache. Earth's most priceless treasures +are still more intangible things, the treasures of justice and +kindliness and love. In that higher realm the cost of war is most +terrible and most deadly. The spirit of war in the soldier sets aside +the moral law, makes human life seem valueless, human suffering a +thing to be disregarded, human slaughter an honorable profession. The +war spirit blinds the eye of the statesman, till wrong seems right, +folly seems expediency, and the death of thousands seems preferable +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Page 51]</a></span> +to the life and happiness of all under terms of peace not dictated by +his own will. Justice is dethroned, and revenge takes up the iron +scepter and lets fly the thunderbolt. The war spirit perverts the mind +of the publicist, till the achievements of honorable peace sink into +insignificance, and the press clamors for the war that means money to +the publisher but death to innocent thousands who can have no possible +interest in the conflict. The war spirit takes possession of the +pulpit, and the minister called to preach the loving message of the +Prince of Peace stirs up the spirit of contention and animosity, of +hate and murder. Could we but draw aside the curtain and, back of the +tinsel and gold braid, see the crime, the hate, the moral degradation +that war always brings, never again would a friend of humanity ask for +war.</p> + +<p>But the eyes of the world are opening to the fact that the cost of war +is far too high in money and in men, in suffering and sacrifice, and +in those higher values of justice and kindliness and love. And as the +thought once grew that personal differences might be settled without +personal combat, so men are looking toward the settlement of +international difficulties without recourse to the sword. They have +seen that every argument against the duel of men applies with still +greater force against the duel of nations. And the world has moved +farther toward world peace in the past twenty-five years than in all +the centuries of history that have preceded. World peace has become +not the dream of the poet but the confident hope of the world, whose +realization is the task whose accomplishment is set for the men of +this generation.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Page 52]</a></span> +One by one the obstacles to world peace are being broken down. +Commerce has destroyed much of international prejudice. Community of +interest has obviated many former causes of quarrel. The sophistical +arguments of the friends of war are being answered by the logic of +hard facts. Warfare has been ameliorated by international agreement. +Vast reaches of territory have been neutralized. Unfortified cities +are no longer to be bombarded in any country. Actual disarmament has +taken place between the United States and Canada, between Chile and +Argentina.<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Norway and Sweden have separated peaceably. Bulgaria has +achieved her independence without bloodshed. The Dogger Bank incident, +which a century earlier would have plunged England and Russia into +war, has been adjusted amicably. Two Hague Conferences have advanced +tremendously the progress of international amity. Over eighty +arbitration treaties are now in force. We already have a permanent +high court of nations, to which are being referred questions that +would once have resulted in war. And we are nearer than the dreamer of +last century dared hope to "the Parliament of man, the Federation of +the world."</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The famous "disarmament" between the Argentine Republic +and Chile was brought about by a series of four documents of May 28, +1902, one of July 10, 1902, and one of January 9, 1903. A preliminary +protocol declares the disposition of both countries "to remove all +causes for trouble in their international relations." A general treaty +of arbitration unlimited in scope was signed for a period of ten +years. A convention bound each country to "desist from acquiring the +vessels of war now building for them, and from henceforth making new +acquisitions." Article II says that "the two governments bind +themselves not to increase their naval armaments during a period of +five years, without previous notice." As a result of arbitration +resulting from this series of agreements the frontier was disarmed and +remains free from military posts. New naval programs of both countries +were formulated after the expiration of the period of abnegation, and +dreadnoughts are now in course of construction.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Page 53]</a></span> +But not yet has the millennium dawned. In the face of all this +progress, armies and navies are stronger and more burdensome than +ever. The United States spends more on wars past and prospective than +for all educational purposes, and England, France, Germany, Russia, +groan under the burdens of the armed peace of Europe. Armed to the +teeth, the nations of the world lie watching one another. The mind of +the world is convinced that war is futile and terribly wasteful. The +heart of the world is convinced that war is cruel and inexcusable. The +conscience of the world has admitted that war is wrong and morally +unjustifiable. And still the preparation for war goes on, and unless +conditions are changed, war is inevitable. What is to be done? The +world's will must be moved, and men must be led to do what they have +already admitted is right and just and expedient.</p> + +<p>As we have led in other days, so must America lead to-day. As the +light of republican government and complete justice to the individual +first saw full dawn in the United States, so the eyes of the world are +turned toward us to see the dawn of world peace, and full justice to +all the nations. It is ours to lead. The example of the United States +will do more than a century of argument and conference. America should +begin the disarmament that will eventually mean the triumph of world +peace.</p> + +<p>We have naught to fear. We are far distant from the storm +centers of the world. We have no foes within that demand a large +standing army, and there are no enemies without that are anxious +to try conclusions with us on land or sea. Then away with war +talk and war scares and "jingoism." In time of peace let us +prepare for peace, that all the world may enjoy peace. American +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Page 54]</a></span> +disarmament will be a tremendous stride toward the accomplishment of +the world's desire—the cessation of international warfare; a +great world's court, to settle all international differences; an +international police force, to give effect to the decrees of this +court; and the end of the burdens of armies and navies under which the +whole world is groaning. Let heart and voice and pen, pulpit and press +and platform, soldier and statesmen and private citizen, ask for +peace, and not for war.</p> + +<p>This is a part of the world's larger hope. Pessimists there are who +say that human nature is belligerent, and that war will never be +abolished. But international warfare has already seen the handwriting +on the wall. Mars has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. +The fruitless slaughter of the millions is not to be forever nor for +long. Let us hasten the day when the rolling war drum will be hushed +forever, the bugle note no longer call to carnage; when "nation shall +not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any +more." Love shall take the place of Hate, and Justice sit on the +throne instead of Greed. Some day in the not distant future the +nations that have all these centuries bowed before the god of war +shall own eternal allegiance to the Prince of Peace. And "of the +increase of His government and of Peace there shall be no end."</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Page 55]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_WASTE_OF_WAR_THE_WEALTH_OF_PEACE" id="THE_WASTE_OF_WAR_THE_WEALTH_OF_PEACE"></a>THE WASTE OF WAR—THE WEALTH OF PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Arthur Foraker Young</span>, Western Reserve University, +Cleveland, Ohio<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University +of Michigan, May 13, 1910</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Page 56]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Page 57]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE WASTE OF WAR—THE WEALTH OF PEACE</h2> + +<p>In the worship of Mars, Herodotus tells us, the ancient Scythian +erected an old scimitar at the summit of a huge brush heap. To this, +as a symbol of the great god of war, he offered not only the produce +of the land but also human life in sacrifice. We shudder as we picture +the priest standing over his victim, his hands wet with the blood of +his fellow man. We cry out in horror as we think of the lives these +peoples sacrificed. We call it an inhuman glorification of a pagan +deity. We call it a ruthless waste of wealth and human life. These +practices we pronounce to be the result of a popular delusion—a false +sense of obligation to the spirit of war. Yet from the time the +Scythian drew the blood of his victim in homage to the great war god, +even down to our own day, the nations have paid homage to Mars.</p> + +<p>Though we boast of our progress in civilization, history reveals the +fact that we, too, have been the victims of the Scythian's delusion. +Is it not a fact that one of the most terrible customs of savage men +counts among its followers to-day all the nations of the earth? The +subtlest skill of the scientist, the keenest intelligence of the statesman, +vast stores of the world's resources, are devoted to maintaining great +armies and navies, to inventing new means of attack or defense, to +enlarging and making more deadly the enginery of war. What is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Page 58]</a></span> +our boast of civilization, while we tolerate this devotion of so +many men and so much of wealth to war? Is this not a sacrifice +essentially pagan in spirit? Are we not still paying unrighteous +homage to Mars?</p> + +<p>Why, then, we ask, do nations make provision for war the first +necessity of national life? Behold Russia. A few years ago, in time of +famine, spending millions of money for war equipment when millions of +her own peasantry were slowly starving for the lack of one dollar's +worth of food per month. What motive impelled Russia to this heathen +conduct? It was solely that Germany, France, England, Japan, and the +United States had great armies and navies against which starving +Russia must be prepared to defend herself. What dire stress compels +England to-day to perpetuate her program of naval supremacy when she +is struggling in the throes of budget difficulties which seem all but +unsolvable? What is it that compels Germany and France to tax +themselves until they fairly stagger under the burden of military +expenditures? Naught other than a suicidal lust for military power. +Naught other than the infatuation of the dizzy, competitive war dance +of mutual destruction—each nation blindly driven by all, and all by +each.</p> + +<p>We as Americans profess to find in the conduct of Russia, in the +militarism of England and Germany and France, examples of militarism +run rampant. How our hearts have warmed within us when we have thought +of our own republic as the happy envied nation, free from the burden +of militarism! Our farmer has gone singing about his work, apparently +not having to carry on his back a soldier, as does the European peasant. +Our mechanic has freely plied his trade without thought of supporting +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Page 59]</a></span> +a sailor. Yet how can we say that the United States in buying +battleships and erecting coast defenses, in arming her soldiers with +Krag-Jörgensens, has not been deprived of schools, colleges, and +opportunities essential to happiness and prosperity? In a decade we +have spent nearly a billion dollars on our navy alone. Yes, we have +aped the military fashions of Europe and have set a new standard of +military waste.</p> + +<p>Verily our national advancement waits on militarism. Inland waterways +should be improved; forests must be safeguarded; other natural +resources of untold value should be conserved; millions of acres of +desert lands should be improved; millions in swamps should be +redeemed. The problem of the nation's food supply is becoming urgent; +for its solution we must look more and more to scientific methods in +agriculture. Yet contrast the support our government gives these vital +interests with war's mighty drain on our treasury. Congress +appropriated $648,000,000 for all expenditures in 1910. Of this amount +$407,000,000 were appropriated for war expenditures and the glories of +militarism. For this same year agriculture received for all its needs +the comparatively paltry sum of $12,000,000. In spite of the fact that +our nation is devoting two thirds of its enormous national +expenditures to war, our militarists point to our vast national wealth +and sneer at the niggardly mortals who object to spending it for guns.</p> + +<p>It is evident that no nation is yet beyond the infatuation for display +of the splendors of war, yet in every one there are signs of a new +power that is coming upon us. All are thinking less of the glories of +war—of the beat of the drum, of the rhythmic tread of regiments, of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Page 60]</a></span> +glittering sabers and of monster battleships—and are thinking more +and more of the glories of peace, of thriving industries, of +magnificent libraries, of comfortable homes, and of more efficient +schools. Obviously, though we still possess a war spirit, we are +seeing with a clearer vision that the waste of war is depriving us of +the fullest measure of the wealth of peace. Our frame of mind is much +the same as that of the ragged street urchin who, having lost his +day's earnings, thinks of a hundred things which he might have spent +it for. The same spirit is permeating every nation. The American +manufacturer, the Russian peasant, the English mechanic, the German +scientist, the French scholar, are all asking themselves, "Why need +the world continue to carry this Atlantean burden of war?"</p> + +<p>Already this sentiment has accomplished practically all that can be +done in humanizing war. It has outlawed the dumdum bullet, it has +enforced radical sanitary measures, it has neutralized the Red Cross +and brought its ministrations to the relief of the sufferings of war. +But humanized war is not the goal of this sentiment. As long as there +is an increase of armaments there will be war; as long as the battle +rages there will be waste and suffering. The same sentiment which has +humanized war now demands war's abolition. It has already accomplished +something toward this end in making the settlement of international +disputes through arbitration more probable than war. What it +has not accomplished is the discrediting of militarism. It has +failed to stop the growth of armaments. Can we expect our +regiments to find contentment in the irksome routine of training +camp with never a thought of charging the enemy? Can we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Page 61]</a></span> +expect to man the seas with fleets of war just for gay parade and +cruises around the world? Can we expect that our skilled gunners will +be satisfied to practice, practice always, and never long for human +targets? It is against arming nations for battle and tempting them to +fight that the peace sentiment is rousing itself and is being organized. +It is in this labor that peace societies the world over are performing +valiant service. Their great mission is the creation of an intelligent +public opinion, a force more potent than government itself.</p> + +<p>What, for instance, was the purpose of the founder of this +Intercollegiate Peace Association? Not, I take it, to give men a +chance to win petty oratorical triumphs; not, I suppose, to bring +together speakers to entertain such audiences as this—or to weary +them. But their object must have been to set the men of our colleges +to thinking on the great question of peace. In such ways are peace +societies using the platform and the press to establish a firm basis +for unity and peace throughout the world.</p> + +<p>Yesterday the advocate of world peace was called a dreamer; to-day +rapidly organizing public opinion demands the abolition of war and +recognizes the wealth and culture of peace. Yesterday we erected +statues to those who died for their country; to-day we cheer the +Gladstones, the McKinleys, the Roosevelts, who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed the knee to Mars; to-day we join in peans to the +Prince of Peace. Yes, the new spirit of the day is fraternal; it is +undaunted; it is for mankind. Even now the world's geniuses are +mustering the soldier citizens of every nation for a peaceful +conflict. The great battles of to-morrow are to be fought +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Page 62]</a></span> +in quiet laboratories, in legislative halls, in courts of justice, +and on the broad battlefields of productive labor.</p> + +<p>The final outcome is, indeed, irresistible. Racial movements have +mixed all peoples; the oceans have become the world's common highways; +the air is filled with voices speaking from city to city and from +continent to continent; an international postal system makes the +world's ideas one; there is quick participation of mankind in the +fruits of invention and research. We behold financial and economic +enterprises world-wide in their outreach; we feel the force of social +projects and social ideals that concern not one but every nation; and +we are participating in missionary movements that affect not one but +every race, and are changing the very face of nature itself. Our world +is a world unified beyond all possible conception a century ago, and +the world unity is a certain stepping stone to world peace.</p> + +<p>The world never offered grander opportunity to the nations for +leadership—not for leadership in military splendor, but for +leadership in the sublime paths of peace. For the United States this +call means not only opportunity but even obligation. Already this +country has performed well her duty in fostering international +arbitration. She has been a party to half of the cases where +disputes between nations have been referred to the Hague Tribunal. +Arbitration is performing its mission with more and more efficiency, +yet each year the war budgets of the nations are increasing. The +peace sentiment now demands a decrease of armaments, a conversion +of the waste of war into the wealth of peace. To demonstrate that +this is practicable is the immediate opportunity before us, +our present obligation. What is our waste of war expressed +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Page 63]</a></span> +in terms of the wealth of peace? Notice! Two thirds of the cost of one +dreadnought, like the mammoth <i>Florida</i> launched but yesterday, would +erect and furnish a veritable palace for every foreign ambassador and +minister of the United States, thus solving a perplexing problem of +our diplomatic service. One twenty-second of the cost of one +dreadnought would support for one year the entire force of the +American Board of Foreign Missions in their work of proclaiming our +gospel of peace. One half the cost of one dreadnought would erect and +equip twenty-five manual-training schools, teaching the rudiments of a +trade to forty thousand young people each year. The cost of two +dreadnoughts would provide every state in the Union with a +half-million dollars with which to save the juvenile delinquents from +criminal courts and schools of vice behind prison bars. The cost of +one dreadnought, wisely spent each year in the fight against +tuberculosis, would make the white plague in a single generation a +disease as rare as smallpox is to-day.</p> + +<p>Where now we are erecting battleships and forts, it is for us to build +libraries and schools. Where now we drain our treasuries in equipping +men to fight their fellow men, it is for us to arm against the common +enemy, disease. Where now we pour out our wealth before the pagan +Mars, it is for us to devote our treasure to supporting the works of +the Prince of Peace.</p> + +<p>Such a victory for peace would make America not simply a world +power: it would make her the world leader. Will we stop tagging +at the heels of Great Britain and Germany and travel this broadening +road in which we can be first? How humiliating to struggle along, +a trailer in the military procession! How noble to set the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Page 64]</a></span> +daring example of living up to the belief in peace! Will we say: "See +our hands; we bear no bludgeons. Search us; we carry no concealed +weapons. Militarism we have thrown to the scrap heap of practices +discredited and vicious. We have stopped war's wanton waste of men and +treasure; we rejoice in the growing wealth of peace ideals realized"? +Thus shall we speed the steadily growing public opinion of the world, +to the bar of which must finally come every nation which does aught to +break or hinder the world's peace.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Page 65]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_HOPE_OF_PEACE" id="THE_HOPE_OF_PEACE"></a>THE HOPE OF PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Stanley H. Howe</span>, Albion College, Albion, Michigan<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Johns Hopkins +University, May 5, 1911</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Page 66]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Page 67]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE HOPE OF PEACE</h2> + + +<p>The history of civilization is a record of changing +ideals, and ideals are best reared in the hearts of the +world's young men. Inevitably, nations look toward the +cradle for their future and intrust the care of their destiny +to the hands of youth. "Tell me what are the prevailing +sentiments that occupy the minds of your young +men," declared Edmund Burke, "and I will tell you what +is to be the character of the next generation." When the +blood of youth is sluggish and impure; when the young +hold wealth more dear than worth, remove the check of +virtue from their selfish aims, establish Mammon as their +god, and, ambitious to govern the world, forget how to +govern themselves,—then nations choke and die. But +when the blood of youth is rich and pure, pulsating +through the veins of the universe with strong, resistless +surge; when fathers teach anew the angel's message of +good will and peace, and sons build high their goal upon +a pedestal of service and of truth,—then nations breathe +and live. What hope, then, asks the world, finds the doctrine +of peace in the ideals and aspirations of America's +youth to-day?</p> + +<p>The nation faces a charge of militarism. It is the indictment +of her critics that never before in American history +has the government entertained an attitude so hostile +toward her neighbors and so dangerous to the interests of +peace. They point to the attempt to fortify the Canal and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Page 68]</a></span> +cry out that America would drain her treasury to build a +monument of reproach to international integrity. They +criticize the vast appropriations for the navy and declare +that America is starving her poor that she may more +pompously parade the seas. They protest against the +"war-game" on the Rio Grande<a name="FNanchor_1_9" id="FNanchor_1_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_9" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and even charge that +in the interest of a Wall Street king America invites the +world to arms. And these are not illusions. The lure of +gold has turned the nation from her mission. The spirit +of commercialism has eclipsed the sentiment of brotherhood +and tempted the Republic to barter her honor for +the price of imperial supremacy. Wherein, then, again +asks the world, finds America hope for the future? And +to the charges of her critics, with their dismal prophecy +of a "wrong forever on the throne," this is the nation's +answer and defense—that an eclipse is never permanent, +that the world stays not in the valley of the shadow +forever, and that the solution of the problem, the fulfillment +of a national mission, and the hope of world peace +find their common assurance in the changing ideals of +America's aspiring young men.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_9" id="Footnote_1_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_9"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +Part of the United States army was mobilized on the frontier for maneuvers, +in 1911, owing to the Mexican revolutionary disturbances.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>The young American is essentially ambitious. He is +wont to seek the shortest path to leadership, and, when +blocked at one highway, to turn with undiminished ardor +to another. And his ideal is a mirror of the age in which +he lives. In revolutionary days he covets the glory of +a minuteman, and in the deeds of Warren and Putnam +finds the consummation of his hopes. Again, in the +hour of civil war his eyes turn toward the battlefield—and +from her boys under twenty-one the Union draws +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Page 69]</a></span> +eighty-five per cent of her defenders. But fortunately +for America this drama of the youth's ideal has one more +act. The lure of fife and drum has become a thing of the +past. The glamour of military life has become a dream of +yesterday. The young man is learning that the prize of +battle is never equal to the price. And with the growing +conviction of the folly and futility of international +strife must disappear the last apology for war. Nations +will cease to struggle, not when they have learned that +war is a tragedy but when they have discovered that it +is a farce.</p> + +<p>And the youth of to-day is learning it. In the same +deplorable conditions which the nation's critics have regarded +as an alarming tendency toward militarism, he +reads a message of the absurdity of war. Militarism +itself is revealing a mission. Based as it is on the spirit +of aggrandizement, it is teaching to youth the economic +value of a human life. It is uncovering its own selfish +motives and betraying its own senseless ends. It is impressing +the world with the truth that battles are fought +for purse string and not for principle. It is teaching to +youth a new ideal; it is itself the answer to complaints +of friends and calumnies of foes. It is the cloud before +the dawn. It heralds the coming of the brightest epoch +yet chronicled in American history. It is the realization +of that glorious prophecy of John Hay that the time is +coming when "the clangor of arms shall cease, and we +can fancy that at last our ears, no longer stunned by +the din of armies, may hear the morning stars singing +together and all the sons of God shouting for joy."</p> + +<p>And is this but the dream of a visionary? Is it merely +the fancied perception of an inexistent star? Is it nothing +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Page 70]</a></span> +more than a groundless hope and an alluring vagary? +The answer is visible everywhere. And the hope of peace +finds its safest assurance among the institutions of learning +in America. James Bryce has referred to the United +States as the nation having the largest proportion of its +young men in college. In the last month of June more +than fifty thousand collegians wore the cap and gown of +graduation. It is to the trust of the college-bred man that +the peace movement confides its future, and modern education +assumes no greater responsibility than the training +of the new world-citizen. Already the school has become +the most potent factor in the new uplift. The youth is no +longer dependent upon the newspaper for his knowledge +of world-politics. An intelligent study of foreign affairs +is at last regarded as of as much importance as a study +of the past. To broaden the young man's vision of the +world, prominent educators are even advocating traveling +fellowships. In twenty-five of the larger universities +of America an association of Cosmopolitan Clubs is +establishing the groundworks for a wider international +fraternity. Plans are already under way to have an +organized delegation of more than a hundred students of +all nationalities present at the third Hague Conference. +Day by day the problem of world-unity is becoming more +and more deeply embedded in the mind and thought of +the rising generation. More and more is youthful patriotism +becoming a realization of the truth that "Above all +nations is humanity." The lure of war is losing its magnetic +power and the brotherhood of man becoming more +and more an international reality. A sentiment for universal +peace is sweeping the world, and behind the defenses +of advancing civilization, armed with the strength +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Page 71]</a></span> +of a lofty and unselfish purpose, stands an army of +America's young men, mustered from the nation's colleges, +enlisted to serve for an eternity, and invulnerable +in the protection of a new and a conquering ideal.</p> + +<p>Therefore the significance of the young man in the +world's affairs to-day is something more than a fancy. +Again and again the plea for world-harmony hears a +response in the changing ideals of a new generation. The +growing sentiment of the educated youth of Japan finds +its crystallization in the efforts of Count Okuma toward +the consummation of world-disarmament. The spirit of +the youth of England finds expression in the ambitious +dream of George V, whose hope it is to tie the bond of +Anglo-Saxon unity, long since dissevered by George III. +Among the young men of Russia the life of the great +philosopher of world-citizenship has left a lasting conviction +of the senselessness of war. Even in imperialistic +Germany the reckless building of dreadnoughts brings out +a vigorous and uncompromising protest from the thinking +youth of the land. In America a vision of the international +parliament of man, growing large in the minds +of her leading statesmen, finds expression in the continued +philanthropy of a great industrial king. And, +most significant of all, these are the world-wide examples +that the college man enthrones in the empire of his +thoughts. Sixty thousand European students, bound together +by the cosmopolitan ties of a peace fraternity, have +ceased to glorify the triumphs of the battlefield. The commentaries +of the hero-worshiper to-day do not record the +names of a Marlborough or a Bonaparte. Rather does +the young man find his idols in the more humble annals +of a Tolstoy or a Hay. And the new ideal of international +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Page 72]</a></span> +peace is not merely the religion of a few enthusiasts. In +an individual way these apostles of peace voice to the +world the spirit of the unnumbered thousands of obscurer +men whose lives and talents are directed, not to the construction +of material kingdoms but to the building of a +better and more world-wide brotherhood.</p> + +<p>Such is the Hope of Peace. The nation's critics may +continue their indictment, and, pointing out the crises +of the hour, paint in dismal hues a picture of the problems +never to be solved except by shot and shell. Her +skeptics, blinded by thought of the errors of the past, +may prophesy the desecration of her honor and the disappointing +failure of her hopes. The press may pen a +graphic story of the military spirit of the age, and frowning +patriarchs relate the deeds of golden days gone by. +But underneath this cloud that overhangs, and almost +hidden in the gloom of history's disparagement, the new +world-citizen discerns the birth-light of a brighter and +more steadfast star,—perceives the coming triumph of +good will and peace,—and the awakened eyes of expectant +America look forward with promise to the dawn +of that new day when a nation shall be judged by the +weight of its cross and not by the wealth of its crown.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Page 73]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_ROOSEVELT_THEORY_OF_WAR" id="THE_ROOSEVELT_THEORY_OF_WAR"></a>THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Percival V. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan, +Ann Arbor<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1912, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Page 74]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Page 75]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR</h2> + + +<p>Ex-President Roosevelt has made this astounding +statement, "By war alone can we acquire those virile +qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual +life." These words, coming from the lips of a nation's +idol, have fallen like a bomb shell in the camp of the +pacifists. Not that Mr. Roosevelt's opinion was of overwhelming +weight, but that he was voicing the opinion +of some of the most influential thinkers of the modern +world. Not long before the German philosopher Nietzsche +had taken a like position, and he was indorsed by Von +Moltke, the statesman; Ernest Renan, the historian; +Hegel, the philosopher; Charles Kingsley and Canon +Farrar, the divines. We must have a care, we peace +advocates, how we treat such men's opinions. If they +are right; if, as they maintain, war develops a nation, +then we are fighting against the instrument of our own +salvation and smothering the only hope of the nation +itself.</p> + +<p>But are they right? Does war make for national greatness? +Before we can give a rational verdict we must +answer certain other questions. What is our nation, anyway? +What are the factors that make for its greatness? +And how does war affect these factors?</p> + +<p>Plainly our nation is not some abstraction that haunts +the marble halls at Washington. Nor is it our vast dominion +on which, like England's, the sun never sets. You +will find it rather in workshop and store and factory; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Page 76]</a></span> +it is no more nor less than our men. If the capital at +Washington is founded on pygmy manhood, it will be +blown away like thistledown before some passing wind of +revolution. Russia, Turkey, Spain, will tell you that. If +our men are giants, the nation will be lasting as adamant. +England and Germany and America are monumental +testimonies.</p> + +<p>Now what are the qualities in our men that make +the nation great?</p> + +<p>Here a problem in analysis confronts us. Let us go +about it as does the student in the laboratory. He dissects +a plant or mineral to find the mysteries of its nature. +We are to dissect a civilization to find the factors of its +strength. One little specimen will reveal the secrets of +the whole species. So one sample of civilization will show +the hidden springs of all. Go with me to the public +square of any modern city and there you will behold the +qualities that build all civilization. From the hum and +rattle and roar that rises from the sea of humanity come +a thousand various voices, but all speak of one theme—industry. +There in the center of the throng and press +a slender monument rises, crowned perhaps with a figure +of Liberty or Justice. It tells you a simple story of +Idealism. Yonder stands a silent, vine-clad church, +crowned by a mighty finger pointing heavenward and +beckoning always to the higher life. What need of going +farther? Industry, Idealism, Morality—already we have +found the secret of human success, the triple key to all +advance, of man or group or nation. Here is Carlyle, with +his gospel of labor, the labor that conquers all things; +here is Ruskin, with his exalting idealism, that gives an +aim and purpose to all human toil; here is the great +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Page 77]</a></span> +apostle Paul himself, who transfigures that toil and +exalts that purpose with his everlasting gospel of moral +sublimity. Here is our threefold criterion, by which every +nation must stand or fall. The Anglo-Saxon is what he +is through unceasing industry, perpetual aspiration, and +moral strength. The Central African is what he is through +inbred sluggishness, total lack of purpose, and almost total +absence of morality.</p> + +<p>These are the basic elements of national greatness. But +the great question still remains, How does war affect +them?</p> + +<p>Concerning the effect of war on labor, we declare unhesitatingly +that the two are everlasting foes, and that +whenever War lays hands on Labor's throat, it strangles +her. This is part of the inevitable program of war, for +note that it is on the laboring men that the dreadful +claims of war must fall. Mark its course. A bugle sounds +the call to arms. From workshop, mill, and factory the +laborers pour forth; out go the men into a trade where +plunder and robbery are a means of livelihood; when +pillage and slaughter wane, indolence becomes the order +of the day; commerce degenerates into blockade-running +by sea and marauding by land. How tame the life of +peace to this wild life of war! And all the time the love +of toil is fading from men's minds; at home the factory +wheels are turning more and more feebly, and when at +last the sword is laid aside, there is only "confusion +worse confounded," for the channels of labor are choked +with men reared in habits of indolence or trained in the +school of vice. Before the scar on that nation's industry +can finally be healed, decades and perhaps centuries of +peace must pass away.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Page 78]</a></span> +But if war is a scar on the nation's industry, it is likewise +a blot on her ideals. Though this element of idealism +at first seems visionary and impractical, it is one of the +foundation stones of progress. The fixed gulf between +what man is and what he knows he might be is the +decisive factor in his advance. Ideals are the pulleys of +the unseen, round which man throws his hopes and aims, +by which he pulls himself across the chasm and into the +larger life. To advance at all, man must have ideals—for +himself, for his family, for his nation. But mark the effect +of war on these ideals. In place of the ideal of peace—to +serve men and uplift them—one is taught the ideal of war—to +make himself the most widely feared of professional +murderers. Instead of the ideal of peace—to make his +family comfortable, happy, and prosperous—comes in the +war ideal, by whose terms the family head deserts his +own flock to kill other family heads for the eternal glory +of the Stars and Stripes. As for his ideal of the nation's +greatness, we have ample testimony that when bullets +and cannon balls cone crashing through the <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'spendid'">splendid</ins> +structure of his purpose, it speedily crumbles into an +ignominious desire to hide himself behind the nearest +tree. No; do not say that war builds up ideals; it tears +them down and tramples them in the dust; aye more, it +sets back crime itself where they should rightly stand.</p> + +<p>But if war so dethrones a nation's ideals, what may it +not do to a nation's morality? Imagine if you can a million +men, the core of the national power, turning themselves +into machines to carry out blindly the schemes +of leaders who may be right or wrong; schooled in the +belief that manslaughter is manliness, that the rash +courage of the brute is above the moral courage of a man; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Page 79]</a></span> +forgetful of the meaning of human life; thoughtless of a +thing so common as death; heedless of its eternal consequences. +No wonder Channing cried so bitterly: "War +is the concentration of all human crimes. Under its standard +gather violence, malignity, rage, fraud, rapacity, and +lust. If it only slew men, it would do little. But it turns +man into a beast of prey. Here is the evil of war, that +man, made to be the brother, becomes the deadly foe of +his kind; that man, whose duty is to mitigate suffering, +makes the infliction of suffering his study and end."</p> + +<p>No, Mr. Roosevelt, for once at least you are wrong! +We cannot believe that war builds up a nation. Rather +will we believe those words of Herbert Spencer, more +sweeping but far more true, "Advance to the highest +forms of man and society depends on the decline of +militancy and the growth of industrialism."</p> + +<p>"But wait," you say; "all this is theory and abstraction. +We want matters of fact. Your case may be true +as philosophy, but you have failed to ground it in example." +So it is to history that our last appeal must be +made, for, says Bolingbroke, "History is philosophy, +teaching by example." Every decree of her stern tribunal +is impartial and irrevocable. War the tonic or war the +poison? She is the final judge. She will take you back, if +you will, to her childhood days and point you out vast empires, +owning the known world, Babylonians, Assyrians, +Egyptians, Medes, and Persians, fearful fighters all of +them. But no, not quite all either. On a sandy stretch of +seashore, half hidden by the unwieldy empires around it, +we see a timid, peaceful little people called the Hebrews; +they alone, from all that mighty company, have stood the +"wreckful siege" of thirty centuries. Watch its sinister +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Page 80]</a></span> +movement down the ages and you will see the war cloud +hover over Greece, and her republics melt to nothing in +disunion and decay. It hovers over the Huns, and they +suddenly sink from sight; over Islam, and its civilization +crumbles faster than it grew; over Spain, and all the +New World treasures cannot save her from decay. Finally, +like the cloud no bigger than a hand, it rises from +the island of Corsica and moves toward Central Europe. +All too well does Europe know its meaning. From north +and south, from east and west, she pours into the field the +finest armies that the Old World ever saw. Then she +pauses. Europe grows tense with a nameless dread. The +storm cloud blackens, hovers lower, then bursts with all +its fury through the continent. For ten long years, at the +command of an imperial butcher, the soil is drenched with +blood, the sky grows lurid from burning Paris to burning +Moscow, three million homes are draped in black. Grand, +indeed, and glorious! But Europe lost more than her +gorgeous standards, more than her ruined cities; she left +her manhood on those bloody fields.</p> + +<p>We might extend the awful picture, but the story is +the same, dread tale of death for nations as for men. Is +not this enough? Is it not clear that this traitor to +labor, this despoiler of ideals, this foe to morality, is not +the benefactor but the destroyer of nations? And shall +we not "here highly resolve" no longer to walk in this +"valley of the shadow of death," but to hasten toward the +dawning of a brighter, purer day? For in spite of pessimism, +in spite of scholarship, in spite of history, the day is</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">"coming yet, for a' that—</span><br /> +When man to man, the world o'er,<br /> +Shall brothers be for a' that."<br /> +</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Page 81]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_VITAL_INTERESTS" id="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_VITAL_INTERESTS"></a>NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Russell Weisman</span>, Western Reserve University +Cleveland, Ohio<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1912, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Page 82]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Page 83]</a></span></p> +<h2>NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS</h2> + + +<p>The day for deprecating in general terms the evils of +war and of extolling the glories of peace is past. Such +argument is little needed. International trade requires +peace. International finance dictates peace. Even armies +and navies are now justified primarily as agents of peace. +Yet so wantonly are these agents looting the world's treasuries +that they are themselves forcing their own displacement +by courts of arbitration. The two hundred and +fifty disputes successfully arbitrated in the past century +challenge with trumpet-tongued eloquence the support +of all men for reason's peaceful rule. To-day no discussion +is needed to show that if war is to be abolished, if +navies are to dwindle and armies diminish, if there is +to be a federation of the world, it must come through +treaties of arbitration. In this way alone lies peace; yet +in this way lies the present great barrier to further +progress—the conception which many nations, especially +the United States, hold of "national honor and vital +interests." The reservation from arbitration of so-called +matters of national honor and vital interests constitutes +the weak link in every existing arbitration treaty between +the great powers of the world. This reservation furnishes +the big-navy men all the argument they need. It +destroys the binding power of the treaties by allowing +either party to any dispute to refuse arbitration. It was +by this reservation that the United States Senate so lately +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Page 84]</a></span> +killed the British and the French treaties. And I contend +here to-night that the one subject which imperatively demands +discussion is national honor and vital interests. +That the next important step must be the exposure of +the reactionary influence of the United States in excepting +these matters from arbitration.</p> + +<p>Only fifteen months ago President Taft made his memorable +declaration that this barrier ought to be removed +from the pathway of peace. He proposed that the United +States negotiate new treaties to abide by the adjudication +of courts in every international issue which could not be +settled by negotiation, whether involving honor or territory +or money. The next morning the proposal was +heralded by the press throughout the world. A few days +later the halls of Parliament resounded with applause +when Great Britain's secretary of state for foreign affairs +announced that his government would welcome such a +treaty with the United States. France soon followed. +Then, to the surprise of all, hesitating Germany and +cautious Japan showed a like willingness to enter into +such agreements. Universal peace seemed all but realized.</p> + +<p>The cause was at once borne up on a mighty wave +of public opinion. The peace societies were in a frenzy +of activity. Mass meetings of indorsement were held in +England and America. Editorials of approval appeared +in all parts of the world. The movement was now irresistible. +Within eight months the British and the French +treaties were drafted. Three of the greatest nations of +the world were at last to commit themselves unreservedly +to the cause of international peace. Even disputes involving +national honor should not halt the beneficent +work of high courts of law and of reason. The day when +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Page 85]</a></span> +the treaties were signed, August 3, 1911, was hailed as +a red-letter day in the annals of the civilized world. It +was proclaimed the dawn of a new and auspicious era in +the affairs of men and of nations.</p> + +<p>During all the months preceding the action of the +Senate on these treaties the only statesman of any prominence +to raise his voice in opposition was ex-President +Theodore Roosevelt. The gist of his successive and violent +attacks on the treaties is contained in this utterance, +which I quote, "It would be not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute +that affects our vital interests or our independence +or our honor." In this spirit, to the surprise and disappointment +of the whole nation, the Senate amended the +treaties out of their original intent, and placed upon them +limitations that defeated their purpose. By the Senate's +action the United States is still committed to the pretense +that there may be occasion for a just and solemn +war, that vital interests and national honor may force +us to fight.</p> + +<p>What, then, are the vital interests that can be conserved +only by saber and bullet? Nothing more, nothing +less, according to various acknowledged authorities, than +a state's independence and its territorial integrity. Did +the keen mind of our former president really foresee the +seizure of some of our territory by England or France? +Yet he protests it that it would be "not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute +that affects our vital interests." Did Senator Lodge +and his threescore colleagues who amended the treaties +actually fear an attempt to overthrow our form of government, +to destroy our political institutions, or to take +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Page 86]</a></span> +away those individual rights and sacred privileges upon +which our government was founded? Yet to save us +from such fate they refused unlimited arbitration.</p> + +<p>For the United States to except from arbitration her +vital interests is obvious pretense. To add thereto her +national honor is extreme hypocrisy. What is national +honor? No man knows. It is one thing to-day; another, +to-morrow. It may involve an indemnity claim, a boundary +line, a fisheries dispute. In fact, any controversy may +be declared by either party, at will, to be a question of +national honor. Thus in the hands of an unskilled or +malicious diplomacy, any question which was originally +a judicial one may become a question of national honor. +What, then, will we arbitrate? Every case in which a +favorable award is assured us. If we want Texas, we +send an army after it. Every case that does not rouse +our anger. Let the <i>Maine</i> blow up and we fight. A treaty +with an elastic exception like this is a farcical sham and +a delusion.</p> + +<p>It is high time the true and humiliating significance +of these fearsome phrases should be as familiar to every +taxpayer as is the burden of bristling camps and restless +navies. Read the record of Great Britain's first offer of +unlimited arbitration in the Olney-Pauncefote treaty of +1897. There, too, you will find national honor and vital +interests clogging the machinery of universal peace. By +these same exceptions the Senate emasculated that treaty +and defeated the spirit of the agreement. Is it conceivable +that the Senate actually feared that our interests +would be imperiled by that treaty? Did it delve out +some hidden dangers which escaped the careful scrutiny +of both the English and American embassies, some peril +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Page 87]</a></span> +unforeseen by the keen judicial mind of President Cleveland, +who characterized the defeat of the treaty as "the +greatest grief" of his administration.</p> + +<p>But this is not all. The American representatives at +both Hague Conferences were the first to place these +same limitations on all arbitration proposals.</p> + +<p>Look at it from what point of view you will, our government's +conduct must appear humiliating. Considering +the fact that universal arbitration treaties have proved +practical, it is well-nigh incredible. Behold our bellicose +sister American republics. Argentina and Chile, Brazil +and Argentina, Bolivia and Peru, all have agreements +for the arbitration of all questions whatsoever. All the +Central American republics are bound by treaty to decide +every difference of whatever nature in the Central American +Court of Justice. Denmark's three treaties with Italy, +Portugal, and the Netherlands withhold no cause, however +vital, from reason's peaceful sway. Norway and +Sweden likewise have an agreement to abide by the decision +of the Hague Court in whatever disputes may +occur. The very existence of all these treaties is significant, +yet even more significant is the fact that they have +been triumphantly tested. Norway and Sweden at one +extremity of the globe and Argentina and Chile at the +other have thus quietly settled disputes in which their +honor and interests were seriously involved.</p> + +<p>Do you ask further evidence of the hypocrisy with +which our Senate parades our national honor and our +vital interests to the undoing of a grand work? Search +our history and you will find it in abundance. In the +great case of the Alabama claims, Charles Francis Adams +pronounced the construction of Confederate ships in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Page 88]</a></span> +English ports to be a violation of the international law +of neutrality. This certainly was a question of national +honor and vital interests, yet he pleaded for arbitration. +In reply Lord John Russell said, "That is a question of +honor which we will never arbitrate, for England's honor +cannot be made the subject of arbitration." The case +was debated for six years. Then came England's "Grand +Old Man," the mighty Gladstone, with a different view. +"It is to the interest," he said, "not only of England and +the United States, but of the world, peaceably to settle +those claims." He submitted them to a joint high commission. +England lost and paid. Thus the honor of both +nations was successfully arbitrated. Likewise the Newfoundland +fisheries case had been a bone of contention +between Great Britain and America from the day our +independence was recognized. As late as 1887 it threatened +to become the cause of war. No question ever arose +which more vitally affected the interests of America, yet +the Senate recently accepted a settlement by arbitration. +Similarly, the Alaska fur seal dispute, the Alaskan and +the Venezuelan boundary disputes, and the northeast +boundary controversy all involved both the vital interests +and the national honor of England and America, yet +all were satisfactorily and permanently arbitrated. So +excited were we over our northwest boundary that the +principal issue of a political campaign was "The whole +of Oregon or none! Fifty-four forty or fight!" Yet we +peaceably acquiesced in a treaty that gave us neither.</p> + +<p>Yes, our honor may be arbitrated. If we are ill-prepared +for war, we arbitrate. If we are sure of a +favorable award, we arbitrate. But we must have a +loophole, an ever-ready escape from obligation. Posing +as the most enlightened nation on the face of the globe, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Page 89]</a></span> +we refuse entirely to displace those medieval notions +according to which personal honor found its best protection +in the dueling pistol, and national honor its only +vindication in slaughter and devastation. To unlimited +arbitration we refuse to submit.</p> + +<p>Fifteen years ago England, the mighty England, gave +us her pledge that no cause should ever justify war. This +pledge our Senate in the name of honor refused. Unlimited +arbitration agreements were suggested at both +Hague Conferences. Americans promptly placed restrictions +upon them in the name of honor. Again has England +with enthusiasm just offered us unrestricted arbitration. +Again she is repulsed by our Senate in the name of +honor. France, too, bears to our doors an unqualified +pledge of arbitration. France, too, is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. Germany and Japan express +a desire to settle every question at the bar of justice. +Impelled by honor we pass their desire unheeded. +Our Clevelands, our Olneys, our Edward Everett Hales, +our Carl Schurzes, our John Hays, have all urged unlimited +arbitration. Our Davises and Clarks and Platts +and Quays in Senate seats have undone their work in +the name of honor. Our Charles Eliots and Nicholas +Butlers, our Albert Shaws and Hamilton Holts, now +plead for universal peace through unlimited arbitration. +Senators Bacon and Lodge and Heyburn and Hitchcock, +apparently impelled by constitutional prerogative, party +prejudice, or personal animosity, now cast their votes for +limitations in the name of honor. From the platform of +peace conferences, from the halls of colleges, from the +pulpit and the bench, from the offices of bankers and +merchants and manufacturers, from the press, with +scarcely a column's exception, there arises a swelling +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Page 90]</a></span> +plea for treaties of arbitration that know no exceptions. +In the name of honor that plea is defied.</p> + +<p>Honor? No, an ocean of exception large enough to +float any number of battleships for which pride and ambition +may be willing to pay! Honor? No, a finical and +foolish reservation that at any moment may become a +maelstrom of suspicion and rage and hatred and destruction +and death! Honor? No, a mountainous barrier to +peace that must be leveled before there can be progress! +Honor? No, the incarnation of selfishness, the cloak of +shrewd politics, the mask of false patriotism! National +honor? No, national dishonor!</p> + +<p>Before the nations of the world the United States +stands to-day in an unenviable light. It is a false light. +Since the days of William Penn and Benjamin Franklin +our people have led in much of the march upward from +the slough of weltering strife. Many a <ins class="correction" title="original has 'stumblingblock'">stumbling block</ins> +to progress we have removed from the rugged pathway, +but for fifteen years our government has refused to touch +the barrier of national honor and vital interests. England +and France have now laid this duty squarely at our door. +"It is a social obligation as imperative as the law of +Moses, as full of hope as the Great Physician's healing +touch." Let us here highly resolve that there shall be +uttered a new official interpretation of national honor and +vital interests, an interpretation synonymous with dignity +and fidelity, sincerity, and integrity, and confidence in the +vows both of men and of nations. "If we have 'faith +in the right as God gives us to see the right,' we shall +catch a vision of opportunity that shall fire the soul with +a spirit of service which the darkness of night shall not +arrest, which the course of the day shall not weary."</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Page 91]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_PATRIOTISM" id="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_PATRIOTISM"></a>THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Paul B. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Central Group Contest, 1913, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Page 92]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Page 93]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM</h2> + + +<p>Robert Southey has asked through the lips of a little +child the greatest peace question that the world has +known. He pictures a summer evening on the old battlefield +of Blenheim. On a chair before his vine-clad cottage +sat old Kaspar while his grandchildren, Wilhelmine and +Peterkin, played on the lawn. Suddenly Peterkin from +a nearby brook unearthed a skull and, running, brought +it to Kaspar's knee. The old man took the gruesome +thing from the boy, and told him that this had been the +head of a man killed in the great battle of Blenheim. +Then little Wilhelmine looked up into her grandfather's +face and said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +"Now tell us all about the war,<br /> +And what they fought each other for."<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>Here we have the central question in the problem of +war. Why do men fight? Through the answer to that +question lies the path to world-peace.</p> + +<p>Few men fight to-day for glory. Modern militarism +has no place for Lancelots and Galahads. The glory of +the regiment has absorbed the glory of the individual. +Few men fight to-day to gain great wealth. The treasures +that glittered before Pizarro do not tempt our soldiers. +Material wealth is more easily won in factory or +farm or mill. Few men fight to-day for religion. The +conquest of religion has become a conquest of peace; +the very ideal of peace is an end of religion itself. Glory, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Page 94]</a></span> +wealth, religion—these are no longer the causes of war. +Then why do men fight? The answer is obvious. Men +fight to-day for patriotism. Patriotism is the cause of war.</p> + +<p>The next step in our reasoning is more difficult. If +patriotism is the cause of war, how shall we treat the +cause to destroy the result? Shall we attempt to abolish +patriotism as Tolstoy would have us do, or shall we try +to change its nature so that war as a natural result will +be impossible? To answer these questions we must +study patriotism from its very beginnings. We must +ask: What is patriotism? Where did it come from? +What place has it in our life?</p> + +<p>Observe first the simplest cell of life, the amœba. We +can watch it through the microscope. It is so tiny that +it keeps house in a drop of water. It has neither emotion +nor consciousness, in the human sense. It lives a while, +and then splits in two to form other cells that have no +connection with each other. Yet this infinitesimal bit of +life has an instinct, the instinct to save itself. Watch an +amœba as fire is brought near. It immediately moves +away. Its every act is regulated by this one instinct, +self-preservation.</p> + +<p>Now let us leave the microscope and go outdoors. +Over there is a bird in a tree top, feeding its young in +a nest. Suppose that a fire should suddenly consume +the tree. Would the mother bird fly away in safety? +No, it would die on its nest in the effort to save its +young. There is more than self-preservation here. The +scientist will tell you that the instinct has expanded to +include the preservation of the offspring.</p> + +<p>And now turn to primitive man. The recent excavations +in Sussex will give us a picture of him. He is a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Page 95]</a></span> +wild, gorilla-like figure that creeps beneath the trees. +He can leap with lightning force on his prey. He drapes +his body with bearskins, and eats meat from fingers +that end in claws. And yet with all his savage ferocity, +this is more than an animal. This is a man. In his breast +there stir the instincts of a man. In his life we see the +vital element of patriotism, love. His little savage family +is more precious to him than all the world. He will fight +and die, not only for self-preservation but for those +who to him are "brother and sister and mother." This +is the stamp of the human. This is the potentially divine.</p> + +<p>But as the storms of war beat about these little savage +families, the sense of common danger welded them into +one. Out of grim necessity friendship came, and friendship +gave birth to patriotism. Loyalty and sacrifice were +not limited to the family; men fought and died for +their tribe.</p> + +<p>And now let us turn the microscope upon ourselves. +We would fight for our country. We say because we +love our country. We call that feeling patriotism. It is +more extended than the savage love of tribe; it gives +loyalty to a great government and democratic principles. +We speak of that feeling as divine, but it is terribly +human. Its expression is the same harsh ferocity that +inspired the life of the savage.</p> + +<p>To-morrow America goes to war. In great black type +we read the call for men, and a sense of common danger +thrills us. In the evening by a street lamp's glare we +watch a passionate agitator who points to a flag that we +have learned to love. The tramp, tramp of passing regiments +and the sound of martial music thrill us. We lay +down our tool or pen and march to the front. And then +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Page 96]</a></span> +comes the first engagement. The air is blackened with +rifle smoke; the roar of cannonry deafens us. Dazed, +we crouch behind an earthwork while the enemy creeps +through the smoke. Suddenly they charge. We fire, +but they surge on through the smoke. They mount the +earthwork. We leap together! Men scream hoarsely! +Musket butts crash! Daggers plunge into quivering +flesh! Divine feeling! Glorious patriotism!</p> + +<p>The passing of this savage patriotism is inevitable. +The whole course of nature is against it. The very history +of development will tell you that. Loyalty has +never been an immutable thing. It has been a ceaseless +and irresistible growth from the individual to the family, +to the tribe, to the nation. The time for a world-patriotism +has come. Why should men limit their loyalty by +a row of stones and trees that we call a boundary? +Why are men patriots, anyway, except to save their +privileges and their government? The primitive patriot +had no choice but to fight. He was put down in a little +plot of cleared ground hemmed in by mighty forests, +and made to hew out a home in a vast world of enemies. +But how far we have come from him! The twentieth-century +world is a little world. Our earth is like an open +book. We have cut through the jungle wastes of Africa; +we have photographed the poles. We sell and buy things +from Greenland and Java. In such a civilization war-patriotism +has no place. It is no longer the only guide +to self-preservation; it has become the most terrible instrument +of self-destruction. And for just this reason +war-patriotism must go. It runs counter to the whole +trend of nature itself. It is diametrically opposed to the +mission of patriotism in the world. Just as those little +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Page 97]</a></span> +savage families joined hands in tribal loyalty, just as the +scattered clans and tribes united under national government, +so nations must clasp hands around the globe in a +new spirit of "worldism" that shall make war impossible.</p> + +<p>But we cannot gain a world-spirit by a sudden destruction +of our patriotism. We will never usher in tranquillity +with a crash. The nihilism of Tolstoy would plunge us +into lawlessness and anarchy, for the chief element of +patriotism we must keep. "What is that element?" you +ask. It is the willingness of the individual to sacrifice +his welfare for the welfare of the group. There we have +the stem of the world-spirit of to-morrow. But the blossom +will not burst forth in a night. It must come by an +unfolding and a growth. We cannot climb to universal +peace upon a golden ladder and cut the rungs beneath +us. Evolution builds on the past. The final spirit of +"worldism" will be a broadening and a deepening and +a humanizing of the spirit of sacrifice which is the +noblest element in our patriotism.</p> + +<p>"But," you ask, "if the evolution of patriotism is inevitable, +what have we to do with it? Why should we +meddle with the course of nature?" We reply that the +evolution must come through you. We are not "puppets +jerked by unseen wires." "Consciousness," says Bergson, +"is essentially free." Man the savage or man the philosopher—he +alone can decide. Let him purify patriotism +with Christianity and he has brotherhood; adulterate it +with avarice and he has war. The evolution of patriotism +is not a physical thing. Listen to Huxley, "Social progress +means a checking of the cosmic process at every +step and the substitution for it of the ethical process." +The evolution of patriotism, then, is a moral thing, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Page 98]</a></span> +morality is man-made. We are men, but we can be supermen. +We are patriots of a nation. We can be patriots +of the world.</p> + +<p>The evolution of patriotism is no theorist's dream. It +is a palpable fact. The patriot of one age may be the +scoundrel of the next. A turn of the kaleidoscope and +Paul the convict trades places with Nero the Emperor. +Who was the ideal ancient patriot? The statesman, +Pericles? The thinker, Plato? No. The most efficient +murderer, a Macedonian boy. "I must civilize," he says. +So he starts into his neighbor's country with forty thousand +fighters at his back. Does Persia yield its banner? +No. Then crush it. Does Thebes resist? Then burn +it to the ground. Do the women prate of freedom? Load +them with slave chains. What? Do they still hold out? +Then slaughter the swine. And as men watch him wading +through seas of blood, riding roughshod over prostrate +lives and dead hopes and shattered empires, the +blind age cries out, "O godlike Alexander!"</p> + +<p>"Godlike!" Oh, but there's new meaning in that word +to-day. How much nobler a picture our modern patriot +presents! Not waving the brand of destruction, not a +king of murder will you find the great patriot of to-day. +His thunderbolt of conquest was a host of righteousness. +His empire was built in the hearts of men. In the teeming +slums of the world's greatest city he lifted the standard +of the Christ. Haggard children stretched out hands +for bread. He fed them with his last crust. Thousands +were dying in the city's filth. He pointed them to a more +Beautiful City where pain should be no more. And when +the body of William Booth was borne through the silent +throngs of London streets, a million heads were bowed +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Page 99]</a></span> +in reverence to this patriot of a purer day. In every +hamlet of civilization some heart called him godlike.</p> + +<p>Is not the trend of patriotism clear? Are not the +seeds of a new world-loyalty already in our soil? The +trumpet call to war can never rouse this newer patriotism. +The summons "peace on earth and good will to men"—that +is the future bugle call. And for us the task is clear. +To take our destiny into our own hands, to throw off the +prejudices of nationalism, to turn our faces resolutely to +the future and strive for that summit of brotherhood and +universal peace, that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"One far-off divine event</span><br /> +To which the whole creation moves."<br /> +</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Page 100]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Page 101]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CERTAIN_PHASES_OF_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT" id="CERTAIN_PHASES_OF_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT"></a>CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Calvert Magruder</span>, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1913, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Page 102]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Page 103]</a></span></p> +<h2>CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + + +<p> +Ladies and Gentlemen:<br /> +</p> + +<p>We are gathered here this evening in the confident +expectation that a rule of reason will soon be established +among the nations. It has been a hard, at times almost a +discouraging, fight—for it is difficult to convince the +world of its own insanity, and lovers of peace have +often been tempted to cry in their despair, "How long, +O Lord, how long?"</p> + +<p>But there have always been men, with vision unaffected +by martial glamour, who have foreseen in the logic of the +world's history the inevitable end of war, and we have +progressed now to a point where peace is the normal +condition in international relationships. But it is an +armed peace, founded on the false principle of suspicion +and distrust, and we come now to consider the practical +question of what the third Hague Conference can do to +establish peace upon a firm and enduring foundation.</p> + +<p>You will remember that the First Hague Conference +established a so-called Permanent Court of Arbitration. +It is not a definite, tangible tribunal, but merely a panel +of a hundred or more men from whom the arbiters in +each specific case may be selected; and therefore, though +it is a great step in the right direction and though it has +accomplished some good work, it has not commanded full +confidence and recognition. To supplement this court +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Page 104]</a></span> +the Conference of 1907 proposed a new organization—a +Judicial Court of Arbitration, to be composed of seventeen +judges of recognized legal authority, to sit for terms +of twelve years, and to be competent to decide all cases. +Here, then, is the nucleus of an easily accessible supreme +court of the world, whose decisions would soon build +up a new system of international law. Its composition, +jurisdiction, and procedure are agreed upon. The vital +problem, a mode of selecting the judges, remains unsettled. +Evidently, then, the first great duty of the next +Hague Conference is to put into operation this court, of +which all the nations recognize the need and desirability.</p> + +<p>Following logically the establishment of competent +machinery for arbitration comes the second great duty +of that conference—the passage of a convention binding +the nations to resort to this court in all cases that +fail of ordinary diplomatic settlement. The Judicial +Court of Arbitration, if the nations are not bound to use +it, would certainly fail of its purpose. A general treaty +making arbitration obligatory is not too much to demand, +for the Conference of 1907 declared itself unanimous +"in recognizing the principle of compulsory arbitration." +Separate arbitration treaties mounting into the hundreds +have been negotiated between individual nations, but +almost all contain that fatal reservation of questions of +"honor and vital interests." Honor and vital interests—could +any words be more vague and indefinite? Are +these not the very cases which interested nations are +least competent to decide? A complete answer to that +silly reservation is found in our hundred years' peace +with Great Britain. As John W. Foster, that keen student +of our diplomatic history, has said, "The United +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Page 105]</a></span> +States can have no future dispute with England more +seriously involving the territorial integrity, the honor of +the nation, its vital interests, or its independence, than +those questions which have already been submitted to +arbitration." Denmark has agreed with Italy and the +Netherlands to arbitrate all questions that fail of diplomatic +settlement, thus insuring perpetual peace between +those nations. Here indeed is the pathway of true +national honor.</p> + +<p>Coincident with the establishment of the legal machinery +for arbitration and the growth thereof, we would +naturally have expected a cessation in the mad race for +armament-supremacy. But the very reverse has happened, +and to deal firmly with this contradictory situation is the +third great duty of the next Hague Conference. Of what +avail are our Courts of Arbitral Justice when this intolerable +economic waste is permitted! To limit armaments +was the avowed purpose of the First Hague Conference, +but nothing was accomplished save the adoption of a +neatly worded resolution that the limitation aforesaid +is "highly desirable for the enlargement of the material +and moral well-being of humanity." In 1907 the subject +was again under discussion, the nations exhorted to a +serious examination of the question—and there the matter +rested. We have reached now an insufferable stage +where effective action must be taken. Let us hear no more +that deceptive catch phrase, "If you want peace prepare +for war." When bad blood is likely to arise between +individuals the very worst policy to pursue is to furnish +them with weapons. And so it is with nations. Consider, +if you will, the neck-and-neck race between Great Britain +and the German Empire in the construction of battleships. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Page 106]</a></span> +What fool will call that preparation for war a guaranty +of peace? We might be disposed to admit the sincerity +of those who say we must arm and ever arm to maintain +peace, except that they are too often men with professional +and business interests at stake. In England there +have been amazing revelations of this sinister condition—armament +companies with peers, members of Parliament, +newspaper owners, officers of the army and navy, +as stockholders; enormous appropriations forced through +Parliament by interested parties; periodic war scares in +newspapers inspired by armament syndicates. Only recently +we read how the great Krupp firm of Germany had +been exposed in its practice of bribing officials to obtain +valuable military information and furnishing French +newspapers with war-scare articles calculated to induce +Germany to increase her armament orders. In Russia +and France they face a similar state of affairs. Here in +the United States we are undoubtedly not free therefrom. +And then there are the navy leagues in every country, +playing upon the fears of the nations by startling tales +of what the others are doing, and so on through an endless +chain, manufacturing a demand for battleships in +the name and under the guise of patriotism. We shrink +from the contemplation of such greed and selfishness, +and appeal for relief to the third Hague Conference.</p> + +<p>We come now to a consideration of the fourth prime +duty devolving upon that conference. Ocean commerce +in war should be rendered inviolable. In effecting this +we not only abolish a barbarous custom, but at the +same time remove one of the chief causes of great +navies. As long as the safety of the merchant marine +is not guaranteed by international agreement, just so +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Page 107]</a></span> +long will nations with commercial aspirations build enormous +navies for their protection. It is true England has +hitherto opposed this reform,—confident in her naval +supremacy,—but she cannot again fly in the face of a +general demand without too great a sacrifice of prestige.</p> + +<p>Here, then, are four important problems of the peace +movement, all difficult, but not impossible of solution +when we remember that the Conference of 1907, in good +faith, I believe, adopted the following declaration, "That, +by working together during the past four months, the +collected powers not only have learnt to understand +one another and to draw close together, but have succeeded +... in evolving a very lofty conception of the +common welfare of humanity." Whether these fine +words breathe sincerity or hypocrisy the next Hague +Conference has ample opportunity to prove.</p> + +<p>And now, what shall we say of the position of +America in this war against war? Her boundless resources; +her amalgamation of men from all parts of the +world into one people; her impregnable geographical +situation; her embodiment of the three cardinal principles +of world-union (federation, interstate free trade, +interstate courts); the genius and ideals of our government—all +give America a logical leadership. She can +boast of the first peace society in the world, of a glorious +record of arbitration, of a long list of the wisest +international statesmen, of a most advanced position at +The Hague upon the questions of ocean commerce, +courts of justice, arbitration, limitation of armaments. +But there is the darker view. The treaties negotiated +by Secretary Knox with France and with England, agreeing +to arbitrate every question that fails of diplomatic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Page 108]</a></span> +settlement—those treaties were rejected by the United +States Senate. There was a transcendent opportunity +to lay the foundation for a speedy realization of peace +universal, with France and England willing, yes, even +anxious to coöperate—and America failed! Mr. Taft +has shown that if the position of the Senate is accepted +as international law, then we may as well bid +farewell to any hopes of leadership in the peace movement, +for our nation could then enter upon no general +arbitration agreements because of the prerogative +of the Senate in each specific case to accept or refuse +arbitration.</p> + +<p>It is at this point, Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is +work for the humblest of us to do. In the intellectual +field we can aid in the creation of an intelligent, forceful +public opinion that will induce the Senate to recede from +its fatal attitude, and that will resist a false, cheap patriotism +which is relentlessly endeavoring to crush America +'neath the burden of militarism. Then in the moral field +we can stimulate and foster a peaceful attitude, a sentiment +for peace, in the hearts of our countrymen; and +until this is accomplished there can be no peace universal, +for, as Senator Root has said, "The questions at issue +between disputing nations are nothing, the spirit that +deals with them is everything." And finally, in the +educational field, let us take heed that the men and +women of our rising generation are taught the glorious +pages of our arbitration history as well as they know +the battles of our country. Let us take care that it is +grounded into their minds and habits of thought from +earliest years, that "peace hath her victories no less +renowned than war."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Page 109]</a></span> +In conclusion, let us not be deceived by that vain +apology for war, that it is necessary to keep alive the +heroic spirit and to stimulate manly courage. Despite +the noble side in war, its bestial side predominates; its +larger effect upon men is demoralizing. And if it be +glorious to die for a cause, how much nobler to live and +strive for an ideal, utilizing the talents that God gave +us for its realization! The movement for peace is not +one of weaklings and mollycoddles. It is championed +by red-blooded men, daring to bear the ridicule of the +thoughtless and to fight for the preconceptions of humanity. +Peace has her heroes in daily life—miners, +mariners, policemen, firemen, men of every station, displaying +the nobility of their souls often unheralded and +unsung. The venerable William T. Stead, bearing across +the ocean his message of international good will, sacrificed +his life on the <i>Titanic</i> that others might live. He was +a hero, yes, but a hero of peace.</p> + +<p>It would be an insult to your intelligence to prove the +self-evident proposition that war is uneconomic, unscientific, +unchristian. The movement for its elimination, +above all, is logical and practical, and should appeal to +every man. Is it nothing to you? Yes, it is a great +deal to you. Merely let your imaginations picture the +day when the seventy per cent of our national revenue +now sacrificed on the altar of folly is diverted to the arts +of peace, to the amelioration of social conditions, to advancing +the happiness of our people—at peace with all +other peoples in the assurance of international law and +love. Ladies and Gentlemen, if we but do our duty, the +dawn of that great day will come in our generation!</p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Page 110]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Page 111]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_ASSURANCE_OF_PEACE" id="THE_ASSURANCE_OF_PEACE"></a>THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Vernon M. Welsh</span>, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1913, and Third +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Page 112]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Page 113]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE</h2> + + +<p>The birth and rapid rise of the present movement for +international peace are events of recent years. The nineteenth +century found its welcome in the smoking cannon +and crimsoned fields of Hohenlinden. At its close the +first great peace conference of The Hague was in session. +One hundred years ago Napoleon was sweeping across +Europe in his terrible attempt to create an empire. To-day +France, England, and America have agreed on treaties +that declare for unbroken peace. Touched by the wand +of progress, the Utopian ideal of yesterday has become +the dominant political issue of to-day. It is pertinent, +then, that we seek the true nature of this revolution. +Is it borne on the crest of a popular impulse that will +recede as rapidly as it has risen, or is it a permanent +movement, the product of natural forces working through +ordinary channels?</p> + +<p>The nineteenth century represents a break with the +past. Swept into the mighty current of transition, the +habits and customs of a thousand years have disappeared. +With the development of natural resources, the establishment +and growth of the factory system, the use of means +of rapid communication, nations have entered upon a new +era. Commerce and industry have come to dominate +thought and action and are transforming the very life +of the world. Defying the rigorous climate of both the +poles, trade has penetrated the frozen recesses of Hudson +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Page 114]</a></span> +Bay and made of the Falkland Islands a relay station in +the progress of victorious industry. Nor is the equatorial +heat more discouraging. The thick jungles of Africa +have yielded their secrets, and the muddy waters of the +Amazon are churned by propellers a thousand miles +from the sea. International trade routes traverse the +seas, connecting continent with continent. In forty +years this commerce has increased from two billions +to thirty billions. Giant corporations have ignored political +boundaries, carried trade wherever profitable, +and are supplying the varied demands of entire communities. +Tariff walls, but lately effective barriers, are +crumbling before the onslaught of trade. Nations are +no longer independent. The wheat from Canada and +the Dakotas feeds the mill workers of Sheffield and the +nobility of Berlin. The failure of the Georgia cotton +crop halts the looms of England and raises the cost of +living throughout Europe. Nations can no longer exist +as self-sufficient economic units. Never before were they +so mutually interdependent. Never before has the welfare +and security of one state depended upon the enterprise +and diligence of another. And the movement for +international peace is the chance offspring of these new +social forces, at once a protest and a warning against +the wrecking of modern economic structures by the +ruthless hand of war.</p> + +<p>Commerce, the most important of these new forces, +flourishes unprejudiced by armaments and military prestige. +In the open competition of the world's markets +stronger powers meet and suffer from the rivalry of +states that have no military standing. Relative to population, +Norway has a carrying trade three times as great +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Page 115]</a></span> +as England's. With her million trained warriors Germany +is beaten by the merchants of Holland. The flag +of little Denmark flies at more mastheads than does the +Stars and Stripes. Where then is the commercial advantage +supposed to attend superior military strength?</p> + +<p>But it is to prevent the seizure of its commerce by others +that nations must empty their treasuries to keep ironclads +afloat. Yet what could be gained by attempted +confiscation? If Germany annihilated England's navy +to-morrow, how would she profit? Commerce is a process +of exchange, the continuance and promotion of +which is dependent upon the degree of mutual profit. +Commercial gain is not a consequent of military success. +It is since England seized the gold fields, diamond mines, +and fertile plateaus of lower Africa that British securities +have dropped twenty points. In 1871 Germany humbled +and humiliated France almost beyond toleration, yet her +share of the world's commerce has not been augmented +thereby. So would it be with England. True, Germany +might commit some depredations and hinder the passage +of trade, but what would be her motive? How could +she gain? Even if the British Isles were depopulated, +it is doubtful whether Germany would benefit. For by +what miracle would Germany be able to develop the +facilities, the shipyards, mills, factories, foundries, mines +and machinery, to supply the trade which the foremost +of commercial nations has been generations in building +up? Germany's banner might wave over the Bank of +England, her excise boats police the Thames and the +Clyde, yet she would behold the trade of a conquered +province going to foreign nations. Trade does not follow +the flag. Undisturbed by political changes or military +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Page 116]</a></span> +reverses, it flows in constantly widening channels wherever +productive fields are found.</p> + +<p>And in the waging of war, do we reckon the direct +cost to commerce? The commercial relations of the +entire world are disturbed. Prolonged conflict is accompanied +by the closing of the bank and the factory, the +dismantling of the shop and mill, and the lengthening +of the bread line in every city and town. In what state +of prosperity and happiness might not France have been +had Napoleon never lived? With half a century gone, +our own country is still suffering from the devastation +of the Civil War. Our commerce with South America +is scarcely beyond the point it had reached before our +week-end tiff with Spain. Yet there are those who prate +of national honor and of war as insuring prosperity. +From the leader of a newborn national party we hear +that without a periodic war America would become effeminate +and weak, her aggressive commercial life timid +and corrupt, and within a few brief years the great Republic +would sink to a fourth-rate power. Up, brave +Americans, and man the guns! Awake, sons of freedom, +and sweep the seas! Fourteen years without a war; our +beloved land is ruined. You men of the factory and mill, +you men of property and business, you producers of the +nation's wealth, forward into the carnage; burn the +homes of thrift and industry, for commerce will be enriched +thereby; ravage the fields and despoil the cities, +for this will insure vigorous national life; impoverish +happy peoples, spread famine and pestilence through +fertile valleys, mark the sites of contented villages with +smoldering ruins, defy your Christian God, and kindle +the fires of hell in human breasts; commit violence, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Page 117]</a></span> +treachery, rapine, ay, murder,—for the eternal glory +of the Stars and Stripes. Yet commerce and industry—the +glittering prizes which every nation covets when it +builds a dreadnought or enlarges its army—demand that +the creative forces of peace supplant the destructive +wastes of war.</p> + +<p>To-day the financial relationships of nations are inextricably +entangled. The big banks in the capitals of the +world are in communication with each other every second +of the day. During the American crisis in 1907 the bank +rate in England went up to seven per cent, forcing many +British concerns to suspend operations. Because of the +Balkan War the bank rate in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna +is the highest in twenty years, and European securities +have depreciated over six billion dollars. Foreign investments +are raising insuperable barriers to war. Should +the French bombard Hamburg to-day they would destroy +the property of Frenchmen. Let Emperor William capture +London, loot the Bank of England, and he will +return to find German industry paralyzed, the banks +closed, and a panic sweeping the land. Let English +regiments again move to invade the United States, +English warships draw up in battle line to attack our +seaports, and four billions of the earnings of the English +people would bar the way. To the victor of the +present the spoils of war are valueless. Japan, victor +over the great Russian Empire, staggers under a colossal +debt. The Italian government hears rumbles of +discontent, because the cost of winning a victory has +been too great. What better proof do we need that +war is profitless, that it means financial suicide? It +has been transformed from a gainful occupation into +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Page 118]</a></span> +economic folly, and war will cease because the price +is becoming prohibitive.</p> + +<p>In this movement for peace, capital's strongest ally +is her most active enemy. Raised to a position of independence +and power by the Industrial Revolution, labor +is wielding an effective influence. The complexity of +modern business has aroused workingmen in every +country to a common interest and sympathy. The +International Congress of Trade Unions, representing +twenty countries and over ten million men, has declared +for universal disarmament. Just last month eighty-five +thousand coal miners in Illinois resolved that if the +United States declared war on a foreign power, they +would call a general strike.</p> + +<p>And why not? Why should the workingmen of one +country offer themselves as targets for those of another? +Why should the workers of Germany be taxed to support +a war against England, Germany's best market? +Can the rice growers of Japan profit by killing Americans +to whom they sell their produce? War means +suffering and want, and the laborer has come to know +it. He is cold to the sight of its flaunting flags and the +sound of its grand, wild music, for he sees the larder +bare, funds exhausted, and hunger at the door. He refuses +to sacrifice his body and the welfare of his family +upon the altar of Mars. No longer can kings and emperors +satisfy their grasping ambitions. Armed by the +ballot, the masses are to-day supreme. Never again will +the cruel hand of tyranny press to their lips the poisoned +cup of death. Their sway is absolute. The destinies of +nations are in their keeping. The decree has gone forth +that war must cease.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Page 119]</a></span> +Born of these greater movements, a host of influences +bring nearer the dawn of peace. The express and the +wireless have supplanted the oxcart and the courier. +Chicago and Boston are closer to-day than New York +and Albany a century ago. Within the hour of their +occurrence events that happen in Paris are published in +Chicago and St. Louis. Political boundaries are fading +before larger interests. Every railroad train crossing the +frontier, every ship plying the seas, every article of +commerce, every exchange of business, every cable conveying +news from distant lands—all these are potent +factors in the cause of international peace. Add to +these the conciliating influence of foreign investments, +the telephone and telegraph, travel, education, democracy, +religion, and you have marshaled a host for peace +whose clarion trumpets shall never sound retreat. Casting +aside the prejudice of ages, modern industrialism +flings around the world the economic bonds against +which the forces of militarism are powerless.</p> + +<p>Here, then, in the world-wide operations of commerce +and industry is the <i>assurance of peace</i>. The skeptic may +scoff and the cynic point to Mexico and the Balkans, +but the Industrial Revolution has produced a multitude +of influences that are knitting the nations into an indissoluble +unity. Men are beginning to realize the integrity +of mankind, and a world-consciousness is arising. Kindness +and justice—yesterday but community ideals—are +extending their sway throughout the earth. Even while +bayonets are bared in conflict and cannon thunder against +hostile camps, the magic of our civilization is weaving +bonds of union that cannot be broken. Peace, not war, +is the true grandeur of nations; love, not hate, is the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Page 120]</a></span> +immutable law of God; and so surely as governments +and kings are powerless to divide when home and factory +would bind, some not too distant day will find the +battle flags all furled, the sword's arbitrament abandoned, +and the world at peace.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Page 121]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="EDUCATION_FOR_PEACE" id="EDUCATION_FOR_PEACE"></a>EDUCATION FOR PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Francis J. Lyons</span>, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, +representing the Southern Group<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Page 122]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Page 123]</a></span></p> +<h2>EDUCATION FOR PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Time was when war was beneficial. Historians have +justified the spread of knowledge by the sword. At the +world's awakening, it was well that the new thought +should be diffused even at the sacrifice of human blood. +It was justified because there was no other means. We +have to cast our imagination back through the centuries +and realize that then there were no railroads, no telegraph, +no newspapers; that man was bound by narrow +limits; and the elemental processes of the world were +undiscovered. We do not criticize Alexander for conquering +the eastern perils, for he carried in his phalanxes +the spirit of new-discovered thought. We do not denounce +Rome for piercing the unknown realms with her +legions, for she was the mother of a new belief. But +this was at the dawn of history, when erudition was in +its struggling embryo, and the physical was the better +part of man. Man went forth to battle as a religion.</p> + +<p>The world grew partly wise, and man preached the +gospel of brotherhood. But it did not last. The changing +of the peoples smoldered the fires of rising intelligence, +and the world rolled back again in darkness—a +darkness long and black. Centuries passed, and a new +light came, slowly but courageously. Man blinkingly +came forth, dazed and unsteady. The light grew, and +man grew with it; but rooted deep in his heart was the +love of war of his ancestors. In a different spirit, it is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Page 124]</a></span> +true; but it was there, and he went forth to battle not +because it was religion, but because it was brave.</p> + +<p>The world rolled on; war grew; it developed with +the state; it became an art; was studied—and now our +cycle turns. It faces us as a custom backed up by the +centuries—deep-rooted, a consumer that yields no returns +and, what with our modern appliances, a terror +to the hearts of all the world. Men fought in the early +ages because they thought it was just; men fought in +the Middle Ages because they considered it brave; men +of our modern age will banish war because it is a +fallacy.</p> + +<p>Do you know that to maintain our so-called prestige we +spend seventy per cent of our national income? Think +of it! Seventy per cent to maintain our present status +and to prepare for the future! Think of that awful +drain; think, if applied in other channels, what good +could be done! We are proud of our battleship <i>Texas</i>. +She is a noble war dog; yet do you realize that if we +had applied the money spent on her in our own state +we could have had one gigantic paved highway twice +the distance from El Paso to Galveston? We could have +had two hundred high schools, representing $75,000 each. +We could have raised our institutions of higher learning +to a level with any of the East or North. Fifteen millions +gone for a floating war machine which in twenty +years will be a piece of rusted, useless iron; fifteen millions +for a sailing dragon who, each time one of her big +guns speaks, wastes the equivalent of a four-year college +education for some youth—$1700—for a single shot. +Our war dogs sail the seas; our soldiers parade our +forts; and we look on and raise a joyous hubbub as the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Page 125]</a></span> +nations of the world rush madly on, wasting themselves +in the race for military supremacy.</p> + +<p>Have you ever considered yourself transported to some +celestial height, and there, from the regions of the infinite, +allowed to view a battle on earth? How foolish it must +seem, these pygmies coming forth to make war. See them +as they charge and wound and kill! See brother slay +brother! See the wounded left to die! Hear the cries +of distress, and picture the grief that follows all! Men +battling to conquer; men assuming the prerogative of +a god—how foolish, yet how serious! And these artificial +lines that men call boundaries, how punctiliously +they are guarded! "Take but a hundred feet, and we +shall war with thee." How foolish this too must seem +when viewed from above—that we should carry on war +over even a slight infraction on any imaginary, mathematical +line.</p> + +<p>We cherish the thought that the youth of our land +are being taught self-restraint. It is ever impressed upon +them that there are courts of justice for the settlement +of controversies. Law and order have become stock +phrases, dinned into their ears at every turn. The man +who would settle his difficulty by trying the physical +metal of his adversary is of the past. By the new order +he is taboo as a savage. Individual self-restraint rings +out in our vocabulary as nationally descriptive. The +babe at the mother's knee learns first the virtue of it; +the child at school is tutored to it soundly; the man in +life is lectured with it regularly. Brotherhood! Love! +Self-restraint!</p> + +<p>But what of the self-restraint of the nation? In the +teaching of the individual, is it not odd and inconsistent +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Page 126]</a></span> +that we forget the teaching of the unit? We paint the +inner rooms of our national character with colors bright +and pleasing, but the exterior, though weathering the +heavier storms, is forgotten. If the child be taught that +individuals should arbitrate their differences, can he not +learn that the individual nations are subject to the same +rule? If arbitration is best for each man, surely it must +be best for all. If the child be taught that self-restraint +is the boasted characteristic of the model American, +should he not learn that the model American nation +should be self-restraining? Let us learn this lesson, and +surely we will never war. Herein shall we find the solution +of this great problem. We can preach about peace +and write pretty orations, but if we are to impress it +upon the hearts of the world, we must teach it, and in +a systematic manner. It is not to be learned in a day. +It is the labor of a generation and more. It must be +a fully developed characteristic. Man is learning self-development; +now we must turn to the bigger ideals—national +restraint, national development, international +brotherhood.</p> + +<p>Do you say this is idealism—visionary? On the +contrary, it is thoroughly practicable. The only way to +attain world-peace is for the individual citizen to think +peace, to teach peace, and to act in accordance with such +thoughts and teachings. Just as public opinion causes +war, so only through cultivated public opinion can we +hope for peace. I do not say to sink our battleships and +turn free our army. I do not argue that we should quit +guarding ourselves and throw ourselves open to the +world; but what I seek is that we should turn our faces +with bright hope to the future, eager to assist in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Page 127]</a></span> +abolition of all that tends to war, eager to assist in the only +proper way—the enlightenment of the world-nations.</p> + +<p>The call comes naturally to America, the land of new +belief; America, the New World of Opportunity, as +Emerson calls it; the land cut off from the conventional +past; a land that has taken world-leadership in the march +of a single century. To America, where problems are +studied and fallacies dethroned, the birthplace and the +abiding home of democracy; to America, the Christian, +the civilized! What will the answer be? Already we +can hear the faint responses, as yet vague and indistinct, +the drowned murmurings of the wiser tongues. These +must grow into a national anthem whose echo will challenge +the powers of the world and startle them into the +consciousness of the new brotherhood. We will answer:</p> + +<p>"Yes, we have learned the lessons of the centuries—that +war is a fallacy, and armed peace its ill-sprung child; +that man is no longer savage; that with enlightened mind +he has controlled his warring instinct; that human love +is a mightier power than war; and that we are one in +the brotherhood of the Master.</p> + +<p>"Let us stand before the nations, clad in simple honesty, +panoplied in elemental justice; let us appeal to the +common conscience of the world; let us say to the war-made +powers, there is a way out, and we will lead. We +will help you police the sea; we will give our constabulary +to a quota of peace, but we are through. No great +standing army, no more leviathan battleships. We trust +to what we boast of as the highest attainment of the age, +the innate justice of civilized humanity."</p> + +<p>To such a national summons, how will Texas respond? +Facing the Mexican boundary for eight hundred miles, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Page 128]</a></span> +Texas is to-day peculiarly the guardian of our nation. +The situation calls not for agitation and jingoism, bit for +rare patience, sanity, and self-control. Through troubled +waters our chosen captain is guiding the Ship of State. +It is no time for mutiny, but rather a time for obedience.</p> + +<p>In this critical hour let every loyal citizen say with +a contemporary poet:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In this grave hour—God help keep the President!</span><br /> +To him all Lincoln's tenderness be lent,<br /> +The grave, sweet nature of the man that saw<br /> +Most power in peace and let no claptrap awe<br /> +His high-poised duty from its primal plan<br /> +Of rule supreme for the whole good of man.<br /><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In this grave hour—Lord, give him all the light,</span><br /> +And us the faith that peace is more than might,<br /> +That settled nations have high uses still<br /> +To curb the hasty, regulate the ill,<br /> +And without bloodshed from the darkest hour<br /> +Make manifest high reason's nobler power.<br /> +</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Page 129]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_PEACE" id="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_PEACE"></a>NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Louis Broido</span>, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, +representing the North Atlantic Group<br /> +<small>Second Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Page 130]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Page 131]</a></span></p> +<h2>NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Since the dawn of history the teachers, thinkers, and +prophets of mankind have prayed and labored for the +abolition of war. In the process of the centuries, their +hope has become the aspiration of the mass of men. +Growing slowly, as do all movements for righteousness, +the cause of peace first claimed the attention of the +world in the year 1899, when Nicholas of Russia called +the nations together to discuss ways and means for the +arbitration of international differences and for the abolition +of war. From that day on, the movement for peace +has progressed by leaps and bounds, and to-day it has +reached the highest point of its development.</p> + +<p>Already nations have signed treaties to arbitrate many +of their differences. Holland, Denmark, Argentina, and +Chile have agreed to arbitrate every dispute. But these +nations are not potent enough in world affairs for their +action to have an international influence. It remains for +the great powers like England, France, Germany, and +the United States to agree to submit every difficulty to +arbitration, and thus take the step that will result in +the practical abolition of war.</p> + +<p>If one would find the reasons that thus far have kept +the great powers from agreeing to submit <i>all</i> differences +to arbitration, his search need not be long nor difficult. +The Peace Conference of 1907 reports that the objections +to international arbitration have dwindled to four. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Page 132]</a></span> +Of these objections the one commonly considered of most +weight is this: "We will not submit to arbitration questions +involving our national honor." Even so recently +as the spring of 1912, our own Senate refused to give +its assent to President Taft's proposed treaties with +France and England to arbitrate all differences, and refused +on the ground that "we cannot agree to arbitrate +questions involving our national honor." This is the +statement that you and I as workers for peace are +constantly called upon to refute.</p> + +<p>Let us, therefore, consider what honor is. For centuries +honor was maintained and justice determined among +men by a strong arm and a skillfully used weapon. It +mattered not that often the guilty won and the dishonorable +succeeded. Death was the arbiter, honor was appeased, +and men were satisfied. But with the growth of +civilization there slowly came to man the consciousness +that honor can be maintained only by use of reason and +justice administered only in the light of truth. Then +private settlement of quarrels practically ceased; trial +by combat was abolished; and men learned that real +honor lies in the graceful and manly acceptance of decisions +rendered by impartial judges.</p> + +<p>As men have risen to higher ideals of honor in their +relations with one another, so nations have risen to a +higher standard in international affairs. Centuries ago +tyrants ruled and waged war on any pretext; now before +rulers rush to arms, they stop to count the cost. +Nations once thought it honorable to use poisoned bullets +and similar means of destruction; a growing humanitarianism +has compelled them to abandon such practices. +At one time captives were killed outright; there was a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Page 133]</a></span> +higher conception of honor when they were forced into +slavery; now the quickening sense of universal sympathy +compels belligerent nations to treat prisoners of +war humanely and to exchange them at the close of the +conflict. At one time neutrals were not protected; now +their rights are generally recognized. A few hundred +years ago arbitration was almost unknown; in the last +century more than six hundred cases were settled by +peaceful means.</p> + +<p>During the last quarter of a century we have caught +a glimpse of a new national honor. It is the belief that +battle and bloodshed, except for the immediate defense +of hearth and home, is a blot on the 'scutcheon of any +nation. It is the creed of modern men who rise in their +majesty and say: "We will not stain our country's honor +with the bloodshed of war. God-given life is too dear. +The forces of vice, evil, and disease are challenging us +to marshal our strength and give them battle. There is +too much good waiting to be done, too much suffering +waiting to be appeased, for us to waste the life-blood of +our fathers and sons on the field of useless battle. Here +do we stand. We believe we are right. With faith in +our belief we throw ourselves upon the altar of truth. +Let heaven-born justice decide." Here is honor unsmirched, +untainted! Here is pride unhumbled! Here +is patriotism that is all-embracing, that makes us so +zealous for real honor that we turn from the horrors +of war to combat the evils that lie at our very doors.</p> + +<p>We know that faith in such national honor will abolish +war. We know, too, that men will have war only so long +as they want war. If this be true, then, just as soon as +you and I, in whose hands the final decision for or +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Page 134]</a></span> +against war must ever rest, express through the force +of an irresistible public opinion the doctrine that our +conception of national honor demands the arbitration of +every dispute, just so soon will our legislators free themselves +from financial dictators and liberate the country +from the dominance of a false conception of national +honor.</p> + +<p>Do you say this ideal is impractical? History proves +that questions of the utmost importance can be peacefully +settled without the loss of honor. The Casa Blanca +dispute between France and Germany, the Venezuela +question, the North Atlantic Fisheries case, the Alabama +claims—these are proof indisputable that questions of +honor may be successfully arbitrated. "Does not this +magnificent achievement," says Carl Schurz of the Alabama +settlement, "form one of the most glorious pages +of the common history of England and America? Truly, +the two great nations that accomplished this need not be +afraid of unadjustable questions of honor in the future."</p> + +<p>In the face of such splendid examples, how meaningless +is the doctrine of the enemies of peace, "We will +not arbitrate questions of national honor. We will decide +for ourselves what is right and for that right we will +stand, even if this course plunges us into the maelstrom +of war. We will not allow our country to be dishonored +by any other." Well has Andrew Carnegie expressed the +modern view: "Our country cannot be dishonored by +any other country, or by all the powers combined. It +is impossible. All honor wounds are self-inflicted. We +alone can dishonor ourselves or our country. One sure +way of doing so is to insist upon the unlawful and unjust +demand that we sit as judges in our own case, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Page 135]</a></span> +instead of agreeing to abide by the decision of a court or +a tribunal. We are told that this is the stand of a weakling, +that progress demands the fighting spirit. We, too, +demand the fighting spirit; but we condemn the military +spirit. We are told that strong men fight for honor. We +answer with Mrs. Mead: 'Justice and honor are larger +words than peace, and if fighting would enable us to get +justice and maintain honor, I would fight! But it is not +that way!'" For it is impossible to maintain honor by +recourse to arms; right may fall before might, and, +viewed in the light of its awful cost, even victory is +defeat. In the words of Nicholas Murray Butler: "To +argue that a nation's honor must be defended by the +blood of its citizens, if need be, is quite meaningless, for +any nation, though profoundly right in its contention, +might be defeated at the hands of a superior force exerted +in behalf of an unjust and unrighteous cause. +What becomes of national honor then?"</p> + +<p>Too long have we been fighting windmills; we must +struggle with ourselves; we must conquer the passions +that have blinded our reason. We have been enrolled in +the army of thoughtlessness; the time has come to enroll +in the army of God. We have followed a false ideal of +honor; we must disillusion ourselves and the world. If +men declare that the preservation of courage and manliness +demand that we fight, let us lead them to the fight, +not against each other, but against all that is unrighteous +and undesirable in our national life. Men still cling +to an ancient conception of national honor; let us convince +them that there is a newer and higher conception. +Men still declare that peace is the dream of the poet +and prophet; let us prove by historical example that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Page 136]</a></span> +questions, even of national honor, can be happily settled +by arbitration. If men despair, let us remind them that +to-day, as never before, the mass of men are slowly and +surely working out God's plan for this great cause.</p> + +<p>The day of triumph is not far distant. Already the +moving finger of Time paints on the wide horizon, in +the roseate tints of the dawn, the picture of Peace—Peace, +the victory of victories, beside which Marathon +and Gettysburg pale into insignificance; victory without +the strains of martial music, unaccompanied by the sob +of widowed and orphaned; victory on God's battlefield +in humanity's war on war.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Page 137]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_NEW_NATIONALISM_AND_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT" id="THE_NEW_NATIONALISM_AND_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT"></a>THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Ralph D. Lucas</span>, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois, +representing the Central Group<br /> +<small>Third Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Page 138]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Page 139]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + + +<p>Nationalism is a precious product of the centuries. +The world has paid a tremendous price to widen the +political unit until its boundaries include continents. +It has been an equally difficult task to weld the spirit +of diverse peoples into a homogeneous whole. And the +story of this development constitutes a heritage not soon +to be given up. The tales of victory and defeat are held +even more dear to a united people than life itself. Rightly +will any nation jealously defy him who dares advance +to plunder its possessions. And it is well that men do +not wish to surrender it upon slight provocation. That +has been a good diplomacy that sought to protect the +nation by war. By the extension of political unity +peoples gain moral and physical strength. Thrift becomes +more common and moral courage greater when a +people strike forward with common aims. And in proportion +as the nation as a whole enjoys these advantages +and opportunities, the individual widens his horizon in +peaceful association with fellow men and receives a +benefit beyond computation.</p> + +<p>But, good as nationalism has been in the past, a gradual +change seems to be overtaking the world's politics. +National diplomacy hesitates where a century ago it +was firm. Forces which once drove the nations apart +seem now to be drawing them together. The discord of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Page 140]</a></span> +disputes seems to be disappearing in the harmony of +coöperation. It is no longer possible to determine easily +what a nation's interests really are. And it is of the +forces that are bringing about this change in the policies +of nations, of this new nationalism and its bearing upon +the peace movement, that I wish to speak.</p> + +<p>Within the last two centuries economic forces have +worked a mighty revolution. Continents have been converted +into communities. The prosperity of our eastern +industries controls the activities of the West, and a disturbance +from any section throws a tremor over all. +Tribal barter has developed into a world-wide commerce +until the most distant nation may easily acquire the +products of another. Steel rails weave a web of commercialism +among the peoples, and the cable welds them +in a mighty network which, responsive to every flash of +news, brings all the nations into a mutuality of interests. +So interdependent are the nations and so vital are their +relations that a single fluctuation in the most distant +market finds a response in our own. A slight disorder +in Wall Street strains the whole financial world. And +thus through intercourse in commerce, industry, the +press, Christian missions, and scholastic research a system +has been developed that holds no place for the selfish +policy of exploiting backward peoples. We no longer +consider the advance of alien peoples in wealth and +prosperity as a menace to our own. There is being developed +a strong international public opinion which realizes +that anything that destroys the well-being of one +member is the concern of all.</p> + +<p>In the light of these facts, future world-politics <ins class="correction" title="original has repeated words 'can can'">can</ins> +have no place for the settlement of disputes by force. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Page 141]</a></span> +A declaration of war by one of the large powers to-day +would be more terrible than it has ever been in the past. +The man of business, of education, of philanthropy, of +civic advancement cannot reasonably advocate a policy +that would ruin business, stagnate education, increase +poverty, and turn progress over to the ravages of manslaughter. +Industry cannot continue when the shoulder +that should turn the wheels of industry grows weary +beneath the weight of the musket. Education cannot +proceed when libraries and lecture halls are deserted for +the camp and fortress. A Tolstoy with all his power of +vivid presentation does not overdraw the picture. The +moral fiber and physical strength of a people must forever +afterward bear their scars. A struggling people can +never rid themselves of the evil effects of the conflict, +although they may rejoice in the valor of their heroes. +Nations cannot afford to become the theaters of carnage +and bloodshed and the rendezvous of commercial and +moral pirates and civic grafters.</p> + +<p>Why, then, do nations throw away their strength in +the building and equipping of armies and navies? The +advocates of militarism tell us that we need a navy to +protect our commerce. Possibly it is true that under the +present system of international law this is somewhat +excusable; for although private property on land is +exempt from confiscation and the old forms of privateering +have long ago been abolished by an agreement of +the powers, yet the policy does not apply to maritime +warfare. Enemy's goods in enemy's ships are still subject +to seizure. But while this argument does hold for +the present, the condition could easily be remedied. +Because a man with foreign capital operates ships instead +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Page 142]</a></span> +of factories, why is there any special reason for exposing +his property to depredation? In the light of common +sense such a policy seems absurd. And it should be one +of the first aims of our diplomats to eliminate all possibility +of this licensed robbery, for as long as it exists +there will always be the cry for extravagant expenditure +in order to preserve international peace.</p> + +<p>But even if we should not need a navy to protect our +commerce, again the opponents of the policy of settling +international disputes by arbitration say that we need +armies and navies to preserve our honor. They tell us +that there are certain questions which cannot be submitted +to any tribunal; that a nation must reserve the +right to submit only those questions it sees fit. Surrender +this right, and prestige and self-respect are gone and we +become a nation of "mollycoddles" whose patriotism has +no virile qualities. It is true that the independence and +security of each nation is essential to international life. +It is self-governing nations, not subjugated ones, that +make possible a strong international life. But the converse +is equally true. An international life made up of +independent, coöperating, and mutually helpful nations +is the best security by which national life can be guaranteed. +Those who say that questions of national honor +cannot be submitted to a tribunal have a wrong conception +of the essence of national life. Love of country +means more than a mere willingness to serve as a target +for the enemy's guns. We would not deduct one iota +from the respect and honor due those who have served +the nation on the field of battle. But what a service +they might have rendered if they had been spared that +life to live serving their fellow men and contributing to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Page 143]</a></span> +the vigor of the race! None of us will give up his firm +resolve to defend his own country with all his strength. +But theirs is a cheap patriotism which depends for its +expression upon the thrilling note of fife and drum. The +great test of patriotism is the everyday purpose to deal +justly with one's neighbor. Let him who would be a +patriot and serve the nation put his life into the work +close at hand, and, with a civic temper and moral courage +that can grip the scourge, rid our social life of its damning +influences. This is the spirit of true national honor. +This it is that makes of a nation a real nation. The call +to arms is but another signal of the defeat of the underlying +principles of civilization.</p> + +<p>Only slowly will any large number of the people accept +these new conceptions. But there are already hopeful +signs. The growing sentiment is rapidly crystallizing. +The developing code of international equity as expressed +by the establishment of such an institution as the Hague +Court is a step in the right direction. The peaceful settlement +of the Venezuelan boundary dispute was an +honor to the nations involved. And the work of the +International Commission of Inquiry in the Dogger Bank +episode between Russia and England is significant of the +trend. Again, a modern innovation was wrought when +the International Conference in 1906 settled the conflicting +interests of Germany, France, and Spain in +Morocco. Within the last century the powers ratified +over two hundred treaties, each providing for the peaceful +settlement by tribunals of specified international disputes. +It is true that most peace treaties have dealt +almost exclusively with legal questions. The nations +have hesitated to submit all international differences to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Page 144]</a></span> +a court of arbitration. But the spirit for arbitral settlement +is widening. And this spirit is not for a mere +avoidance of war, but seeks the substitution of a better +method than war for determining justice between nations. +Each nation has its own individual problems to deal with, +and in this respect all cannot proceed according to set +rules. The movement does not mean the extinction and +obliteration of nationality and national rights. The individual +has not been minimized because he consents to +submit his differences with his fellow men to a court for +settlement. And this must be the ultimate attitude of +nations whose honor we have a right to guard jealously.</p> + +<p>What, then, shall be our program? Whatever attitude +is to be adopted, most people agree that the day of universal +peace is far in the future. The Balkans and +Mexico remind us of the difficulty lying before the +coming generations. But the numerous peace societies +whose purpose it is to circulate authentic documents, +that the great mass of citizens may be brought into sympathetic +touch through accurate information, are doing +much for the cause. The erection of the Hague Court +gives something lasting and tangible to work from. +And, above all, the nations will rise to higher standards +principally by adopting the ideals of the individual. As +man has risen above his barbaric ideals, so will the nations +throw their military expenditures into the coffers of public +welfare as they come more and more to judge their successes, +not by victories in war but by achievements in +education, commerce, industry, and artizanship. And, +proceeding with such aims, the established international +court must be the medium through which all differences +will be settled. We shall discover that our internal +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Page 145]</a></span> +policy of dealing with the individual can be more easily +applied to international relations than was at first supposed. +And having reached this point in the evolution +of international peace, there must be added to the international +court a world-wide police force. As the system +develops and our prejudices are abandoned, a method of +policing must stand as an enforcer of international law. +Until then there is little hope that military expenditures +will radically diminish, for we cannot reasonably abolish +our present methods unless we have something secure +to substitute.</p> + +<p>Perhaps such a system will not abolish the utter possibility +of war. Only the future can tell us what heights +of success the policy will reach. There are those of us +who have high hopes because we believe in the good +sense of the American people and of our great contemporaries. +By the past we are made confident of the +future. But if the goal is to be reached, it is for us as +individual citizens to contribute our influence toward +developing the attitude of peace among our fellow men. +For our international welfare and for the honor of the +newest of great nations, may we in this issue throw our +influence, as a united people, on the side of a higher +international morality! May the united peoples of the +world abolish the prejudices of misconceptions and, +drawn together by common interests, resolve that the +priceless heritage of centuries shall not be imperiled by +war! And thus over a warring humanity the breaking +day of peace shall be hastened, at whose high noon there +shall be heard not the clashing of arms but the increasing +hum of prosperity under the sway of the new and +better national life.</p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Page 146]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Page 147]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="MANS_MORAL_NATURE_THE_HOPE_OF_UNIVERSAL_PEACE" id="MANS_MORAL_NATURE_THE_HOPE_OF_UNIVERSAL_PEACE"></a>MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Victor Morris</span>, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon +representing the Pacific Coast Group<br /> +<small>Fourth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Page 148]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Page 149]</a></span></p> +<h2>MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Two thousand years ago the coming of a Prince of +Peace, the Prince of Peace, inaugurated the fulfillment +of the prophetic promise that "peace shall cover the +earth," and that "man shall learn war no more forever." +From the time of Jesus until now men have passively +accepted the idea, but have failed to do their part in its +fulfillment. To-day there are few indeed but believe that +it would be desirable to abolish war. Many also feel in +a way that war is brutal. But here our feelings on this +great question largely end. We are not aroused to talk, +and work, and fight against war as inhuman, as economic +folly, as unreason, and especially as an immorality and +a sin. Now we are not here to harangue about the physical +sufferings wrought through war, but we are here to +inquire and find out what we can do about it. How are +we going to attack the war problem in order to bring +about action, instead of simply talk and discussion? In +considering this war problem it is well to bear in mind +the fact that war is a resultant of a deeper cause, the war +spirit. The war spirit is the spirit of him who first made +war in heaven; the war spirit—ambitious, aggressive, +covetous and revengeful, rampant through the centuries, +never conquered by force, in war subdued only by +exhaustion. This war spirit still exists to scourge the +nations with war, to stagger with its problem of war the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Page 150]</a></span> +brains of statesmen believing in peace. How are we to +attack this stupendous problem? What appeal can we +make to the nations that will be strong enough to do +away with the war spirit?</p> + +<p>In order to overthrow this mighty evil, certainly every +possible force must be enlisted. The thought which I +wish to bring to you is this: While such appeals as those +to economy and to reason are of value, they are not in +themselves strong enough to cause the nations to abolish +war; and hence, in view of the real inner nature of the +war spirit, man's moral nature, working through a developed +conscience upon war, is the only force strong enough +to effect universal peace.</p> + +<p>Against war peace-advocates appeal with force from a +business standpoint, on grounds of economy and financial +expediency. The vast system of international trade +and commerce calls for world peace. The prosperity of +world-industries and business requires good will and +brotherhood between the nations. So heavy, also, have +the burdens of war and militarism become that three +fourths of our own expenditures go for war purposes, +past and present, and in Great Britain two thirds are so +spent.<a name="FNanchor_1_10" id="FNanchor_1_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_10" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Every German citizen, it is said, carries a soldier +on his back. By the testimony of financiers and ministers +of state themselves, nothing but financial ruin and +bankruptcy await the nations if the present military +tragedy continues. But has this obvious condition of +affairs affected the race for armaments? Not unless it +has accelerated it. To every appeal to economy the +reply is that the outlay is necessary if we are to exist at +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Page 151]</a></span> +all. But even suppose that for a season the economic +motive should lead us to abolish war, as soon as financial +advantage was apparent to a nation through war it is +evident that all restraints would be removed and war +ensue again. The same motive used to abolish war would +bring war once more. Again, when we remember that it +is the deeper cause, the war spirit, that we must quench, +we can understand why this appeal is often made to +those who bear not. So far as the great mass of men is +concerned, purely economic considerations cannot change +the spirit and impulses of the soul. History reveals no +great uplifting of humanity or change in ideals as having +arisen through purely economic or financial considerations.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_10" id="Footnote_1_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_10"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +The percentages as a matter of fact are not so large, but the argument +is not impaired by the fact.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>The peace plea has also been based on grounds of +reason. Clearly has it been pointed out that reason +demands that no person shall sit in judgment on his own +case, yet this we do in a resort to arms. War is not +arbitrament by reason, but arbitrament by the sword. +Every plain argument of reason condemns war and +militarism. The arguments of reason have, indeed, been +strong, and have attracted much attention, resulting in +the settlement of many disputes by arbitration. But as +concerns the final wiping out of war and the surrendering +of heavy armaments, reason alone cannot present a +permanent powerful appeal, for it is easy in times of +stress to plead that reason and justice demand the war. +Never was there a fight but the contending parties +claimed they were justified. But the chief fact that +seems to put reason in the category of impotent appeals +is the fact that it is an appeal to the mind, while the war +spirit can only be removed by an appeal to the heart, +wherein it resides. We may reason with nations all we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Page 152]</a></span> +please, but when the war fury arises, then all the reasoning +proves to have been in vain, the appeal to the mind +turns out to be too feeble.</p> + +<p>Appeals to economy and reason, then, are appeals +we must make, but they are too weak in themselves +to make a permanent impression against the war spirit. +We must then look for some additional, some more +compelling, force.</p> + +<p>Let us examine the real inner nature of war, for this +ought surely to throw some light upon our problem. +War is not economy; it is not reason. Is war, then, +morality? Is it virtue? It would hardly seem necessary +for us to answer this question, for modern civilized +nations long ago recognized blood feuds with their kindred +as contrary to real morality, as nothing but murder; +but they seem unable to recognize that war is just the +same—nothing but legalized, organized murder. From +the use of violence in settling our international disputes +arise all the deadly passions of the soul, such as treachery, +insolence, revenge, and a murderous spirit, with +the accompanying fruits of robbery, misery, and blood. +Surely, O nations! nothing which bears such fruits can +be anything but corrupt, for a good tree cannot bring +forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth +good fruit.</p> + +<p>Look also at its relationship to civilization and citizenship, +and its effects upon theme. "War and civilization," +said one of the great English ministers, "are contradictory +terms, even as Christ and Mars." Particularly +damaging is the effect of war upon citizens. For does it +not blunt the sensibilities, harden the heart, inflame the +mind with passions, and deaden the consciences of men? +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Page 153]</a></span> +Said the same great English preacher, "The sword that +smites the enemy abroad, also lays bare the primeval +savage within the citizen at home." And again, "War is +not so horrible in that it drains the dearest veins of the +foe, but in that it drains our own hearts of the yet more +precious elements of pity, mercy, generosity, which are +the lifeblood of the soul."</p> + +<p>What now must be our conclusion about war? Had +we ten thousand voices, surely every one would be in +honor bound to declare war an immorality. Every incident +of war declares it such. Every result of battle hands +down the same decree. In the words of a famous +Russian battle painter, we too may define war as "the +antithesis of all morality."</p> + +<p>This clear idea of the real inner nature of war ought +surely to enable us to find our ground of attack. Since +war is sin and war is crime, the conclusion which we +draw is, that if it is possible ever to abolish war, man's +conscience, his sense of right and wrong, is the only force +powerful enough to accomplish the result.</p> + +<p>The great searchlight of morality must be turned on +war—a searchlight which is always bright and strong +and which never has failed to reveal the truth. To turn +this on full and strong means to awaken the consciences +of men. It must be an individual proposition—not simply +the developed consciences of a few leaders who may be +submerged by the war spirit of the masses, but there +must be developed consciences of all the people individually. +All our arbitration treaties and the actual settlement +of disputes by arbitration are of great value and +should be pressed as far as possible; but are these sufficient +forces to develop the consciences of men against +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Page 154]</a></span> +war as an immorality and a sin? What are the forces +that have always come to our support against an immorality +and a sin?</p> + +<p>How about our churches? Have they been doing +their duty? Have they made it clear that war is sin and +war is crime? Has not the Church been too easy? Has +its voice sounded clear and strong on this world-evil? +Surely a duty rests upon the ministry to be insistent in +its characterization of war. What peace-advocates must +do is to urge this upon the Church and bring it to a realization +of its duty. Church members know the character +of war and simply need to have the matter brought home +to their hearts.</p> + +<p>What about our schools,—not simply the colleges and +universities, but all the schools,—which offer fertile +ground to sow the seeds of peace? Thus far in the history +of our schools too much emphasis has been laid upon military +history, etc. Dates and events of national wars have +been thoroughly drilled into students, and the glory and +blaze of war brought out. We have actually made it a +glory and a virtue. One of the most encouraging signs +of the times, however, is the fact that many of our text-books +are dropping out the prolonged study of wars and +centering more on the peaceful pursuits of the nation +and the commercial relations with foreign powers. How +about direct peace teaching in the lower schools? How +much of it do we include in the work? None at all. +Many are the speakers who address the schools on war +reminiscences, but few indeed are the appeals made for +peace. Not until this movement is strongly emphasized +in our schools from the very beginning can we hope +completely to drive out the war spirit; for time is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Page 155]</a></span> +required to develop in the individual conscience a full +realization of the real nature of war, and such development +should begin with the plastic period of youth.</p> + +<p>With Church and school lined up on the side of peace, +the home teaching will soon fall in line; and Church, +school, and home combined can develop so strong a conviction +concerning war, can make so forceful an appeal +to man's moral nature, that the war spirit will take its +leave and be gone forever.</p> + +<p>We always look to history for a confirmation of our +beliefs, and let us glance now to the records of the past +and learn her teachings.</p> + +<p>First of all, look at the duel as the mode of settling +a personal difficulty if peaceful settlement appeared impossible. +First, it was heartily accepted as a gentlemanly, +honorable, and brave mode of settlement. Then, tolerated +and simply suffered to exist. Finally, condemned +by conscience as an immorality and a sin, it was banished +from civilized nations.</p> + +<p>Look also at slavery. At first heartily accepted as a +divine arrangement. Then tolerated by the world as +undesirable, yet not necessarily wrong. Next its overthrowal +attempted on grounds of pity and of reason; +until finally, recognized as an immorality and a sin, it +too was blotted from the pages of civilization.</p> + +<p>No great uplift of humanity, no great movement in +civilization, but has found its path to success in the +developed moral sense of man. No great change in +civilized institutions but has found itself produced by +the dynamic, moving forces of morality.</p> + +<p>War must be abolished. Only the great powers of +morality are vital enough, are dynamic and powerful +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Page 156]</a></span> +enough, to carry out our peace program. These forces +lie dormant, and simply need stimulation and development. +Recognizing the impotency of appeals to economy +and to reason, what are we going to do?</p> + +<p>In the name of humanity let us impeach war and the +war spirit. It is a traitor to every ideal of civilization +and of justice. It is the instrument of hatred and of +pride, the agent of jealousy and of avarice. In the name +of the dead and dying, in the name of justice, which it +dethrones, in the name of those whose loved ones it +demands, we impeach war as a traitor, guilty of all high +crimes and misdemeanors. What else shall we do? Stir +up from its greatest depths the heart of man. Educate +his conscience till he is unwilling to suffer war to exist. +Begin early in Church, school, and home to instil in the +minds of young and old continually the true conception +of war, that it is an immorality, contrary to every principle +of Christianity and to every teaching of our Christ.</p> + +<p>Let us bring into the conflict against war the great, +dynamic, motive force—the Moral Nature of Man. +And when we shall have thus developed the consciences +of men, there will henceforth be laid up for us a crown +of victory, as there will then be a fuller realization that +in man's moral nature is the Hope of Universal Peace.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Page 157]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_TASK_OF_THE_TWENTIETH_CENTURY" id="THE_TASK_OF_THE_TWENTIETH_CENTURY"></a>THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Harold Husted</span>, Ottawa University, Ottawa, Kansas, +representing the Western Group<br /> +<small>Fifth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Page 158]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Page 159]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY</h2> + +<p>Age by age, civilization advances. Each successive era +has contributed that invention or accomplished that +achievement which has placed another round in the +great ladder of civilization. The development of many +small states into powerful nations, and many wonderful +improvements in other fields, such as steam navigation, +the railroad, the telegraph, and wireless communication, +crown the last as the greatest of centuries in the history +of the human family. It is difficult to understand why +the human mind, whence these mighty inspirations originated, +has been incapable of realizing that there still +remains the most degrading, the most deteriorating, the +foulest blot that ever disgraced this world—the killing +of civilized men, by men, as a permissible mode of settling +international disputes. This world can never attain +its highest standard of civilization until this one +disgraceful blemish, called war, is obliterated. It is the +collective task of the people living in this twentieth +century to bring into reality the millennium of Tennyson,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd<br /> +In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>The beginning of this social task, then, is the enlightenment +of the peoples as to the immorality, waste, and +ineffectiveness of war. God commanded, "Thou shalt +not kill." Who shall presume to declare that this precept +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Page 160]</a></span> +was directed not to nations but to individuals only? +that one man shall not kill, but nations may? We are +horrified at the report of a single murder, yet, if viewed +from the light of truth, what is war but wholesale murder? +What tongue, what pen, can describe the bloody +havoc of the battle of Gettysburg, where, between the +rise and set of a single sun, fifty thousand of our fellow +men sank to earth, dead or wounded?</p> + +<p>What sentiment in human hearts which needs to be +perpetuated sent rank after rank, column after column, +of blue soldiers against the impregnable stone wall of +Fredericksburg? And who will place the blame for the +carnage of Cold Harbor elsewhere than upon the folly +of misguided patriotism and cruel, selfish interests that +made the bloody battle possible?</p> + +<p>Every soldier is connected, as all of us, by dear ties +of kindred, love, and friendship. Perhaps there is an aged +mother, who fondly hoped to lean her bending form on +his more youthful arm; perhaps a young wife, whose +life is entwined inseparably with his; perchance a sister, +a brother. But as he falls on the field of battle, must +not all these suffer? His aged mother surely falls with +him. His young wife is suddenly widowed, his children +orphaned. That husband's helping hand is forever stayed. +A parent's voice is stilled, and the children's plaintive +cries for their loving father fall on unheeding ears. Tell +me, friends, you who know the bitterness of parting with +dear ones whom you watched tenderly through the last +hopeful moments, can you measure your anguish? Yet, +what a contrast! Your dear ones departed soothed by +kindness and love, while the dying soldier gasped out +his life on the battlefield alone.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Page 161]</a></span> +And what a waste is war! We are just beginning to +realize the tremendous cost, the incalculable wastefulness, +not only of actual war but of the preparation for future +possible wars. For the current fiscal year ending June 30, +1914, the United States has appropriated in round numbers +$535,000,000, in preparation for future wars and +because of wars fought in the past. Sixty-seven cents +out of every dollar expended by our national government +goes to feed the present-day mania for war, present +and past, leaving only thirty-three cents out of +each dollar for the combined expense of the executive, +legislative, and judicial departments of our national +government. When we realize that the cost of a single +battleship exceeds the total value of all the grounds +and buildings of all the colleges and universities in the +state of Kansas, the figures indicating this expense have +more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the +cost of a single shot from one of the great guns of +that battleship is $1700, enough to send a young man +through college, the common man realizes that the +United States cannot afford to go to war or even +prepare for war.</p> + +<p>And all this suffering and cost are to no purpose. +War is utterly ineffectual to secure or advance its professed +object. The wretchedness it involves contributes +to no beneficial result, helps to establish no right, and, +therefore, in no respect promotes harmony between the +contending nations.</p> + +<p>When the Saviour was born, angels from heaven sang +to the children of the human family this benediction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Glory to God in the highest,<br /> +Peace on earth, good will toward men.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Page 162]</a></span> +And at last, in the beginning of this twentieth century, +nations seem to be visibly approaching that unity so +long hoped and prayed for; and that nation which shall +precede all others in the abolition of war will be crowned +by history with everlasting honor. The risk will be very +little, the gain incalculable.</p> + +<p>We are coming to believe that the most significant +fact about man and his civilization is their improvability. +Individual inventive genius has added improvement after +improvement until it would seem that man's mastery over +nature is to be well-nigh complete as these ideas and inventions +are socialized and extended to benefit all. We +are now entering the era of social achievement when +mankind unitedly undertakes by organization and coöperation +mightier tasks than ever accomplished before. Many +dreadful diseases are disappearing before preventive medicine, +and sanitary science is eliminating many plagues; +pestilence is coming to be a thing of the past. Human +welfare is now the concern of coöperative mankind, and +social science will condemn and banish war or fail to +establish itself as an applied science. It <i>can</i> be done! +It <i>ought</i> to be done! It <i>will</i> be done!</p> + +<p>And although this consummation seems to many far +away, it may be accomplished by very simple methods. +It only waits the time of concerted action on the part of +the leading nations when the principles of arbitration +can be invoked more fully, and a world-court established +with plenary powers for settling all disputes between +the nations.</p> + +<p>International legislation has occurred repeatedly, +though no world-court has as yet been established. In +the case of the Universal Postal Union we have what +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Page 163]</a></span> +is tantamount to world-legislation, in that all civilized +nations have entered into a formal agreement regarding +the delivery of mail. Another instance of practical world-legislation +is that of the International Bureau of Weights +and Measures. Many other examples might be given in +which several nations are parties to an agreement regarding +some important measure, such as the respect paid to +the flag of truce, the regulations concerning commerce +on the high seas, and the etiquette of diplomacy. Paramount +in world-importance has been the agreement of +the leading nations of the world in the establishment of +the Hague conferences for the amelioration of war.</p> + +<p>Since a conference of nations can meet and decide on +the mitigation of the horrors of war, it is certainly conceivable +that a tribunal of nations can prevent war. +Such a tribunal would in no respect differ from the +Supreme Court of the United States in its fundamental +foundations. As our Supreme Court is final in settling +all disputes in this country, so the international court +would be final in adjusting all controversies between the +nations. And such a court is clearly the next decisive +step in the promotion of this great task of securing +world-peace.</p> + +<p>If nations can agree to establish war as their arbiter +of peace, why can they not establish a more peaceful +substitute? It is possible, for there is nothing in the +nature of strife that cannot be settled, no quarrel that +cannot be judged, no difficulty that cannot be satisfactorily +adjusted.</p> + +<p>With the establishment of a true world-court, there +would rise on the vision of the nations for the first time +the prospect of justice for the united whole of mankind. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Page 164]</a></span> +Justice to the smaller countries would be secured; encroachments +by the strong upon the weak would be prevented; +the moral standard of politics would be uplifted; +and though every step would be exposed to the selfishness, +corruption, and love of despotism that are prevalent +in all men, yet is it not reasonable to suppose that, +as progress is now being made in the various nations +for overcoming these evils, so it would be made in this +united whole, to the unspeakable benefit of mankind?</p> + +<p>This country has been foremost in the promotion of +this great movement to organize the world. It is especially +fitting that the United States should take the lead. +The greatest nation having a government of the people +and by the people, with the longest experience and the +greatest success, is best fitted to lead others. We have +the form of national government which foreshadows the +form of world-government. Theoretically, our states are +sovereign; all rights which are not formally surrendered +by accepting the Constitution of the United States are +reserved to them. In a like manner, referring to the +establishment of a world-court, the nations individually +will be expected to surrender to the nations collectively +only such jurisdiction as pertains to the settling of +their controversies.</p> + +<p>A world-court would appeal to the strongest, the purest, +and the deepest thinkers of every race. It would +cover a new field, appealing to reason and altruism and +justice. It would by its very effect upon individuals +tend to develop the qualities it demands, and would +prove a mighty influence for uplifting the intellectual +and moral standards not only of men but nations. It +would by its very international nature annihilate all +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Page 165]</a></span> +national antipathies and promote an era of universal +good will and genuine understanding.</p> + +<p>To send a husband or father, glorious in the perfection +of physical manhood, out on the field of carnage to be +slain in an effort to settle international difficulty or to +uphold fancied national honor, is unquestionable barbarism. +It is far more humane to terminate disputed +questions by arbitration than by the keen-edged sword. +International peace compacts can hold mankind together +by unbreakable yet unburdensome bonds and greatly +promote prosperity and social progress. The wanton woe +and waste that inevitably follow in the train of war will +soon be things of the past. The twentieth century, already +so full of radiant promise, so enlivened by a new +social conscience, will devote its collective energies to +the abolition of war and the substitution of its successor—a +world-court, based on the facts of humane solidarity +and the principles of international peace.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Page 166]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Page 167]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_PRESENT_STATUS_OF_INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION" id="THE_PRESENT_STATUS_OF_INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION"></a>THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Bryant Smith</span>, Guilford College, North Carolina, a +Senior in Guilford College<br/> + +<small>Prize-Winning Essay in the Pugsley Contest, 1912-1913</small></p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Page 168]</a></span></p> +<h4>THE PUGSLEY PRIZE-ESSAY CONTESTS</h4> + +<p><small>In 1908 Mr. Chester DeWitt Pugsley, then an undergraduate +student in Harvard University, gave $50 as a prize to be offered +by the Lake Mohonk Conference for the best essay on "International +Arbitration" by an undergraduate student of an American +college. The prize was won by L. B. Bobbitt of Baltimore, +a sophomore in Johns Hopkins University. The following year +(1909-1910) a similar prize, of $100, was won by George Knowles +Gardner of Worcester, Massachusetts, a Harvard sophomore. +A like prize of $100 in 1910-1911 was won by Harry Posner of +West Point, Mississippi, a senior in the Mississippi Agricultural +and Mechanical College.</small></p> + +<p><small>The prize of 1911-1912, of which John K. Starkweather of Denver, +Colorado, a junior in Brown University, was the winner, was +the first offered to men students only (other similar prizes having +been offered to women students) in the United States and Canada.</small></p> + +<p><small>In the fifth Pugsley contest (1912-1913) the prize was awarded +to Bryant Smith of Guilford College, North Carolina, a senior in +Guilford College at the same place, whose essay follows. The +judges were Chancellor Elmer Ellsworth Brown of New York +University, Rollo Ogden, editor of the New York <i>Evening Post</i>, +and Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles, U.S.A., retired.</small></p> + +<p><small>Each winner is invited to the Lake Mohonk Conference next +following, where he publicly receives the prize from its donor, +Mr. Pugsley.</small></p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Page 169]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION</h2> + + +<p>The first concerted effort looking toward an eventual world-wide peace +was the Hague Conference of 1899, where representatives of twenty-six +nations assembled in response to a rescript from the Czar of Russia, +whose avowed purpose, as set forth in the rescript, was to discuss +ways and, if possible, devise means, to arrest the alarming increase +in expenditures for armaments which threatened to bankrupt the +national governments.</p> + +<p>Unable to accomplish anything definite in this respect because of the +vigorous opposition headed by Germany, the delegates turned their +attention toward giving official recognition and concrete form to +ideas which had already obtained in the settlement of international +disputes, and toward the formation of a court before which the nations +might have their differences adjudicated. The principles embodied in +good offices and mediation and commissions of inquiry have given +gratifying evidence of their efficiency, each in its respective +capacity. The original achievement of the conference, however, was the +Permanent Court of Arbitration. The composition of this court was to +include not more than four persons from each of the signatory powers; +from which panel, in case of an appeal to arbitration, each party was +to select two judges, who, in turn, should elect their own umpire +unless otherwise provided by the disputants. That it would +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Page 170]</a></span> +be subject to criticism might have been expected. That twenty-six nations +could unanimously agree upon any court whatever was the real occasion for +surprise. The four cases arbitrated during the eight years intervening +between this and the Second Hague Conference served to bring out its +defects, chief of which were its decentralized and intangible nature. +Nominally a court, in reality it was but a panel scattered all over +the world from which a court could, with great difficulty and expense, +be selected. Nominally permanent, in reality it had to be re-created +for each case to be judged.</p> + +<p>The Second Hague Conference, working on a basis of this short +experience, undertook to remedy these inherent defects in the arbitral +machinery by leaving the Permanent Court just as it was, and by +creating besides an International Court of Prize to serve a special +function indicated by its name, and a court of Judicial Arbitration to +supplement the work of, if not eventually to supplant, the former +court. To insure greater impartiality and also to encourage the weaker +powers the expenses of the new court, instead of falling upon the +litigants in each case, were to be prorated among the ratifying +powers. To insure greater tangibility and permanency the new court was +to be composed of only seventeen members, each to serve a term of +twelve years at a salary of $2400 per annum, with an additional $40 +for each day of actual service. Furthermore, the court was to meet +once a year and to elect each year a delegation of three of its +members to sit at The Hague for settling minor cases arising in the +interval between regular sessions, having the power also to call extra +sessions of the entire court whenever occasion should +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Page 171]</a></span> +demand. To insure a more judicial personnel the convention specifies +that members shall be qualified to hold high legal posts in their +respective countries. The method by which members of the court were to +be appointed—the one point upon which the delegates were unable +to agree—was deferred for subsequent determination.</p> + +<p>This, in addition to the one hundred and fifty-odd treaties privately +entered into by two or more nations, many of which contain pledges to +submit certain classes of disputes to the Permanent Court, is, in +brief, what has been accomplished by way of constructive political +organization by the modern peace movement.</p> + +<p>How much does this signify? In view of the present attitude of the +social mind, what are we to infer from this as bearing upon the +ultimate outcome of international arbitration? It shall be the purpose +of this paper to answer that question.</p> + +<p>In an address before the Mohonk Conference of 1911 Dr. Cyrus Northrup, +ex-president of the University of Minnesota, said: "What is really +wanted is not continued talking in favor of peace with the idea of +converting the people; for the people are already converted! They are +ready for peace and arbitration!" In the October number of the <i>Review +of Reviews</i> for 1909, Privy Councillor Karl von Stengel, one of the +German delegation to the First Hague Conference, is quoted as follows: +"It must be stated emphatically that in its ultimate aims the peace +movement is not only ... Utopian, but ... dangerous...." These +quotations are given as typical of the attitude manifested by the two +extremes, the injudiciously optimistic and the ultraconservative, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Page 172]</a></span> +toward every social reform. All true progress pursues a course +intermediate to these two.</p> + +<p>The idea entertained by so many enthusiastic peace advocates, that the +world is ready for peace if we but had institutional facilities +adequate to carry out the will of the people, is erroneous. In all +democratic states political institutions are but a concrete expression +of the social mind, the media created by the people, through which +society executes its will. "With a given phase of human character ... +there must go an adapted class of institutions."<a name="FNanchor_1_11" id="FNanchor_1_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_11" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +Therefore, I submit that if the people were ready for peace they +could easily provide the means necessary for its accomplishment.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_11" id="Footnote_1_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_11"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +Herbert Spencer, "The Study of Sociology."</p></div> + +<p>The first gentleman quoted above drew his conclusion from the +indications that of the two million inhabitants of his state, one +million nine hundred thousand would favor arbitration as shown by the +enthusiasm manifested at a meeting of the state peace society a few +weeks before. Similar conditions in other parts of the country, he +thought, would corroborate the application of his assertion to the +entire country. Such a conclusion is fallacious in that it fails to +consider three essential facts about the people of the United States +which largely determine the attitude of any people toward war. First, +they have no grievance. Second, no appeal is being made to their +patriotic bias. Third, their emotions and passions are quiescent.</p> + +<p>The first of these needs only brief mention. No people in this enlightened +age wishes to fight as a matter of course, regardless of any reasonable +pretext. If nations never had any personal interests involved, there would, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Page 173]</a></span> +of course, be no more war. In this respect the people of the United +States are not ahead of the other parts of the civilized world. Disinterested +parties have been in favor of peace for two thousand years.</p> + +<p>The other two facts deserve more extended consideration.</p> + +<p>The disposition in individuals to pluck motes out of their neighbors' +eyes and leave beams in their own, in the nation becomes what Herbert +Spencer calls the bias of patriotism. According to him patriotism is +but an extended self-interest. We love our country because our own +interests and our country's interests are one. Unable to view +international affairs apart from national interests, we are +handicapped in making those balanced judgments necessary to judicial +arbitration. An act reprehensible under the Union Jack becomes +patriotic under the Stars and Stripes. At both Hague Conferences all +the powers were seemingly in favor of curtailing expenditures for +armaments. The unprecedented increase in expenditures which followed +bespeaks their sincerity, or, rather, bespeaks each nation's mistrust +of the sincerity of others. A number of years ago the Farmers' +Alliance, organized in some of the Southern tobacco states, voted to +reduce the acreage of tobacco for a given year in order to raise the +price. So many members tried to profit by this opportunity to realize +a high price for a big crop that there was a greater acreage planted +that year than ever before. Can we expect better of groups than of the +individuals of which the groups are composed? Most nations question +the justice of Russia's policy leading up to the war with Japan, England's +course in South Africa, and America's attitude toward the Philippines; yet the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Page 174]</a></span> +body of citizens of each of these three countries, while concurring in +the general opinion concerning the other two, justifies its own +government's actions with patriotic pride.</p> + +<p>The chief respect in which this bias interferes with the progress of +international arbitration is in restricting the scope of general +arbitration treaties, the average formula of such treaties excluding +all questions which involve "national honor and vital interests." A +greatly modified survival of the spirit which in primitive peoples +regarded the tribe over the mountain or across the stream as a fit +object of hatred and fear, the objection to a judicial settlement of +such questions assumes that a nation's honor and vital interests are +goods peculiar in that they may be inconsistent with justice. The +attitude of the United States toward the recently proposed treaty +between England and America may be taken as typical of the attitude +which prevails on this subject generally. The formulators of the +treaty took an advanced step in that, instead of reserving questions +of national honor and vital interests, they provided for the +arbitration of all differences which are "justiciable in their nature +by reason of being susceptible of decision by the application of +principles of law or equity," thereby recognizing the judicial nature +of arbitration. The action of the Senate, however, which sustained the +opinion of the majority report of the Senate Committee on Foreign +Relations, objecting to the last clause of Article III of the +treaty,<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id="FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Page 175]</a></span> +would indicate that the significance of a general arbitration treaty +attaches not so much to the definition of its scope as to who shall +determine what cases conform to the definition. It would seem that the +nature of the reservation is relatively unimportant so long as its +interpretation devolves upon the parties at variance. The majority +report, objecting to the delegation to the joint high commission of +the power to determine the arbitrability of cases in terms of the +treaty, contains this statement<a name="FNanchor_1_13" id="FNanchor_1_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_13" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +in which the minority report likewise concurs: "Every one agrees that +there are certain questions which no nation ... will ever submit to +the decision of any one else." As cases of this nature it enumerates +territorial integrity, admission of immigrants, and our Monroe +Doctrine. The significance of this insistence upon a means of evasion +is evident. There is not yet enough international confidence. The +powers are not yet ready to submit to unlimited arbitration.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> +The clause, referring to the commission of inquiry, reads:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"It is further agreed, however, that in cases in which the Parties +disagree as to whether or not a difference is subject to arbitration +under Article I of this Treaty, that question shall be submitted to +the Joint High Commission of Inquiry; and if all or all but one of the +members of the Commission agree and report that such difference is +within the scope of Article I, it shall be referred to arbitration in +accordance with the provisions of this treaty."—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_13" id="Footnote_1_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_13"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> +See Senate Document 98, 62d Cong., 1st Sess., 9-10.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>The other enemy to rational judgment—and rational judgment must be +the only basis of arbitration—is the danger of emotionalism. The +average man is yet largely irrational. When cool and self-possessed, +and when his prejudices and traditions do not interfere, he can pass +rational judgment upon questions in which his own interests are not +concerned; but when his passions are aroused he dispenses with any +effort to reason and acts in obedience to blind impulse. He knows that +it is expensive to fight, that it is dangerous, and that it is wrong; +but when he is provoked, he fights. The characteristics of the average +man are the characteristics of society. We have not yet outgrown the mob.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Page 176]</a></span> +Interwoven with this impulsive temperament and associated with some of +the most cherished affections of the human heart is the spirit of war, +developed by thousands of generations of ancestral conflict and passed +on to us as a heritage to be rooted out of our nature before we shall +realize in its fullness the ideal for which we strive. Mortal conflict +sanctified by religion, devastation idealized by literature, pillage +justified by patriotism, fellow-destruction ennobled by +self-sacrifice—these form a complex of contradictory emotions from +which men are as yet unable to unravel the one essential +characteristic of war; namely, the attempt to dispense justice in a +trial by battle, and make it stand out in its revealed inconsistency, +dissociated from its traditional concomitants of which it is neither +part nor parcel. The romance of knighthood and chivalry still appeals +to the human heart, notwithstanding the fact that war, love, and +religion, the knight's creed, are an inconsistent combination. Most +men can be made to see this in their minds, but cannot be made to feel +it in their souls. Many old Civil War veterans, who would not consent +for their sons to volunteer in the Spanish-American War, would have +gone themselves had they been able. Some did go. To men so disposed it +is useless to talk of the horrors of war. Give us a just grievance; +let some competent enthusiast inflame this passion with a war cry like +"Remember the Maine," "Fifty-four forty or fight," "Liberty or death," +and, reënforced by the animal inherent in man, it will arouse popular +demonstrations devoid of all reason, creating a force that cannot be +controlled by a cold, calculating intellect. Can you listen to a bugle +call on a clear, still night without a quickening of the pulse +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Page 177]</a></span> +as there flashes through your soul a suggestion of all past history with +its marshaling hosts and heroic deeds? Can you see a military parade +without a suggestion of "Dixie" and the Star Spangled Banner, or +feeling your bosom swell with patriotic pride? This association may +be, and doubtless is, a delusion, but it is a delusion developed and +fortified by thousands of years of custom and precedent and it would +be contrary to the history of human progress if man should become +disillusionized in one generation. It may take centuries. If we are to +have international arbitration in the near future, we must have it in +spite of this spirit of war rather than by destroying the spirit. In +fact, the only practical way to destroy it is to let it, like +vestigial organs of which biologists tell us, degenerate from disuse. +This inherited emotional tendency remains as a threat with which we, +as exponents of arbitration, must reckon before we are justified in +saying that the world is ready for peace.</p> + +<p>Because of these two social characteristics—the patriotic bias which +perverts judgment, and uncontrolled passions which submerge +reason—the educational propagandists still have a task to perform.</p> + +<p>Let us now examine the stand-pat idea that unlimited arbitration is +but a dream as expressed in the quotation from Privy Councillor +Stengel. This is farther from the truth than the other extreme just +discussed. He who will, with an unprejudiced mind, examine cross +sections of history at widely separated stages, cannot fail to see +that along with the growing tendency of reason to predominate over +passion, superstition, and custom there has been a parallel tendency +to restrict militarism as a social activity. From a war conceived as +religion to war +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Page 178]</a></span> +as patriotism, then war as commercialism and the tool +of ambition, man is now coming to the more rational conception of war +as the despoiler of nations. David speaks of the "season of the year" +when nations went forth to battle. Fifteen hundred years later +governments pretended at least to justify their military operations on +rational grounds. To-day war is the last resort, and even its most +ardent defenders do not attempt to justify it except in disputes which +involve national honor and vital interests.</p> + +<p>In view of the foregoing facts it is evident that the modern peace +movement has by no means the whole of the task to perform. Rather, we +can almost justify ourselves in the assumption that war is not long to +remain one of our social inconsistencies and that it is now making its +last, and, therefore, most determined, stand on questions of national +honor and vital interests.</p> + +<p>Among the numerous forces contributing to this evolution of +international peace, the chief agencies have been, and still are, +moral and industrial. These same forces are working to-day with +cumulative effect.</p> + +<p>Warfare is becoming more and more inconsistent with the ethical spirit +of the times. Men may talk of the expenses, horrors, and devastations +of war as paramount causes for the tendency to substitute arbitration; +but antedating all other causes, underlying and strengthening all +others, is the slowly changing social conscience which, as each +generation passes, appreciates more fully warfare's inconsistency with +justice and antagonism to right. This same cause found civilized +society taking keen delight in the heathen barbarity of a gladiatorial +combat, and has transformed and lifted it up to where +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Page 179]</a></span> +it is horrified at a bull-baiting or a prize fight. It found human +beings with absolute power of life and death over other human beings +and has evolved the view that all men are created free and equal. It +found individuals settling questions of honor by a resort to arms, and +has substituted therefor a judge, counsel, and a jury. These three +institutions—gladiatorial combats, slavery, and +dueling—were no more regarded in their day as only temporary +phenomena of social evolution than is war so regarded by military +sympathizers of to-day; yet these have one by one been eliminated, and +war is fast becoming as much out of harmony with the ethical spirit of +this age as was each of the above out of harmony with the spirit of +the age which dispensed with it, and the effort to demonstrate that +war is just as dispensable is meeting with success. The teachings of +Christ, who two thousand years ago announced the doctrine of human +brotherhood and surrendered his life to make this doctrine effective, +have slowly but surely wrought their leavening influence upon the +source of all war; namely, the hearts of men. Warfare has for +centuries been gradually yielding to this deepening consciousness and +that it must eventually, if not soon, take its place beside the +long-discarded gladiatorial profession, the outlawed slave trade, and +the discountenanced custom of the duelist must be evident to any one +who takes more than a superficial view of the great determining forces +which shape human progress.</p> + +<p>Besides moral forces, industrial forces were mentioned as a factor +tending to the adoption of arbitration. During recent times, under the +impetus caused by the relatively modern innovations of steam, electricity, and the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Page 180]</a></span> +press, this class of causes has been unusually +effective. Industry has overstepped international boundary lines. +Through the division of labor we are passing from the independence of +nations to the interdependence of nations. International banking, +transportation, and commerce, by establishing communities of interest +in all parts of the world, are binding the peoples of the earth into +one great industrial organization. As striking evidence of this +development, more than one hundred and fifty international +associations<a name="FNanchor_1_14" id="FNanchor_1_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_14" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +and more than thirty-five international unions of +states have been formed. The modern intricate system of communication +is a veritable nervous system which, in the event of any local +paralysis or upheaval, informs the entire industrial organism. The +figure is no longer "the shot heard, round the world," but becomes +"the pulse-beat felt, round the world." If Spencer's definition of +patriotism—that is, coextensive with personal interests—is correct, +the bias of patriotism cannot retard the progress of arbitration much +longer, for patriotism will be a world-wide feeling, since personal +interests are no longer restricted to nationality.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_14" id="Footnote_1_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_14"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> +"Annuaire de la Vie Internationale," 1910-1911, reports on 510.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>No, Herr Stengel, each passing year finds the causes which make for +war weakened and the causes which make for arbitration proportionately +reënforced. The skeptics are the dreamers and the peace workers are +the practical men of affairs.</p> + +<p>From the foregoing synopsis of the technical accomplishments of the +modern peace movement to date, and from the effort to interpret their +significance in the light of fundamental social characteristics and +the present social attitude, I trust three things have become evident:</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Page 181]</a></span> +<i>First.</i> The movement for international peace through arbitration, far +from being a mere bubble on the surface of society to be burst by the +first war cloud which appears on the horizon, is a movement, centuries +old, coincident with social evolution, deep-rooted in the very nature +of a developing world-wide civilization.</p> + +<p><i>Second.</i> International peace through arbitration is not to be a +ready-made affair, coming in on the crest of some wave of popular +enthusiasm as was expected by many in 1899.</p> + +<p><i>Third.</i> Being an outgrowth of the natural laws of human development, +a result so much deeper and more fundamental than political laws can +produce, international peace through arbitration may be furthered, but +cannot be accomplished, by legislation; may be delayed, but cannot be +prevented, by the neglect to legislate. To undertake to hasten +arbitration by forcing legislative proceedings beyond what the people +will indorse, would be as futile as to turn up the hands of the clock +to hasten the passage of time.</p> + +<p>To those who can appreciate these facts there is no occasion for +discouragement in the suspicious attitude manifested by the powers +toward any definite step in the direction of unrestricted arbitration, +apparently so inconsistent with their general pacific professions. +"Rapid growth and quickly accomplished reforms are necessarily +unsound, incomplete, and disappointing."<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id="FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> +F. H. Giddings, "The Elements of Sociology."</p></div> + +<p>With the truth of these deductions granted, it would seem safe to assume +that the institutions for the settlement of international difficulties will +develop in much the same way as have the institutions for the settlement +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Page 182]</a></span> +of difficulties between individuals. It should be profitable, +therefore, to compare the present growth of arbitration with the +evolution and decay of the various modes of trial as the idea of +judicial settlement diffused itself through the mind of the English +people causing established forms to give way to something better. +Dispensing with the blood feud, which hardly deserves the name of +trial, the oldest form of such institution was trial by ordeal which, +according to Thayer in his "Evidence at the Common Law," seems to have +been "indigenous with the human creature in the earliest stages of his +development." This form gradually fell into disuse before the more +rational form of compurgation introduced into Teutonic courts in the +fifth century. In 1215 it was formally abolished. Compurgation was +abolished in 1440 as its inferiority to trial by witnesses became +fully recognized. In the latter form, instituted early in the ninth +century, when the witnesses disagreed the judicial talent of the day +conceived of no other method of decision than to fight it out. Thus we +have trial by witnesses and trial by battle developing concurrently, +although they were recognized as distinct forms. After two centuries +of effort to abolish it, trial by battle was made illegal in 1833, the +last case recorded as being so decided occurring in 1835. Out of the +trial by witnesses has evolved our modern trial by jury, at first +limited to certain unimportant cases, then having its sphere extended +as its superiority became more evident, until finally it superseded +all other forms and to-day is the accepted mode of settling even +questions of honor.</p> + +<p>The growth and extension of international arbitration has not been +dissimilar to this. Six cases were arbitrated +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Page 183]</a></span> +in the eighteenth century, four hundred and seventy-one in the +nineteenth, while more than one hundred and fifty cases have been +arbitrated during the first thirteen years of the twentieth century. +Between the First and Second Hague Conferences only four uses were +submitted to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Since the Second +Conference, notwithstanding the unsatisfactory disposition of the +Venezuelan affair, eight cases have been tried, a ninth is pending, a +tenth will soon be docketed if the United States is not to act the +hypocrite in her international relations by refusing to submit to +England's request to arbitrate the question as to whether or no we +exempt our coastwise vessels from toll duty through the Panama Canal. +Defects have been detected in the Permanent Court of Arbitration and +we are well on the way toward a better court. Representatives of only +twenty-six nations took part in the deliberations of the First Hague +Conference; representatives of forty-four nations took part in the +deliberations of the Second Hague Conference. Wars of aggression and +conquest, though not formally outlawed, are effectively so, and +arbitration for the recovery of contract debts is now practically +obligatory. As time passes and its feasibility gains credence, +arbitration, like the jury trial, will extend its sphere of usefulness +until it too settles questions of honor. Nor need we imply from this +analogy that it will take such an age to accomplish this result. +Because of the increased mobility of society, resulting from the greater +like-mindedness and consciousness of kind incident to our modern +communities of interests and systems of communication, and from our +greater susceptibility to rational rather than traditional appeals, a reform +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Page 184]</a></span> +can be wrought more easily and the people can adjust themselves to the +change far more readily than several centuries ago.</p> + +<p>Bearing in mind, then, our attempted analysis of counter social forces +at work, our deductions from this analysis and the foregoing analogy +the significance of which grows out of the truth of these deductions, +let us conclude with a suggestion as to what the next Hague Conference +should attempt. It should, of course, like the former Conferences, +extract as many teeth as possible from war. As to improving our +arbitration facilities, its first task evidently should be to +determine some method whereby members of the Judicial Arbitration +Court shall be apportioned and selected. If, as has been suggested, it +is decided to use the same scheme of apportionment as that for the +International Court of Prize, the provision that each party to a case +shall have a representative on the bench should be changed so as to +provide that neither party shall have a representative on the bench. +If this court is not to be a misnomer like the Permanent Court of +Arbitration, its rulings must be in accord with the principles of +jurisprudence rather than with the spirit of compromise such a +provision would tend to produce. With this accomplished and the +Judicial Court of Arbitration put in practical working order "of free +and easy access" to the powers, it may be doubted whether anything +further can be done. If the powers can be made to agree to submit to +the court all cases growing out of the disputed interpretation of +treaties, a great advance will have been made, but it is doubtful +whether the present state of public opinion would indorse such a +progressive step. These international +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Page 185]</a></span> +legislators can do no more than provide channels through which the +spirit of international peace can exercise itself as it expands, and +the Judicial Court of Arbitration, at the optional use of the nations, +conforms admirably to this requirement. The delegates should, +therefore, avoid the universal tendency of such bodies to legislate +too much. None of these Hague Conferences can alone accomplish the +ultimate purpose of the so-called dreamers, but each Conference may be +a landmark on the upward journey toward that consummation, anticipated +by Utopians from the earliest times, foretold by prophets from Micah +and Isaiah to Robert Burns and Tennyson, labored for by practical +statesmen from Hugo Grotius to William H. Taft, when each man shall be +a native of his state and a citizen of the world.</p> + + +<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4> + + +<p>For acts and conventions of Hague Conferences:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Texts of the Peace Conferences" by James Brown Scott.</p></div> + +<p>For data concerning proposed treaty with England:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Text of treaty and majority and minority reports of Senate +Committee on Foreign Relations.</p></div> + +<p>For statistics of arbitration treaties:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Revised List of Arbitration Treaties," compiled by Denys +P. Myers.</p></div> + +<p>For development of trial by jury:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Evidence at the Common Law" by Thayer.</p></div> + +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 30150 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8df011c --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #30150 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/30150) diff --git a/old/30150-8.txt b/old/30150-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b7dfc65 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/30150-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5070 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate Peace +Association, by Intercollegiate Peace Association + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate Peace Association + +Author: Intercollegiate Peace Association + +Editor: Stephen F. Weston + +Release Date: October 1, 2009 [EBook #30150] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORATIONS--INTERCOLL. PEACE ASSOC. *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Ritu Aggarwal and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + + + + +TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES: + + + Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_. + + The word "amoeba" uses oe ligature in the original on page 94. + + For consistency, a period has been added at the end of the word + "Editor" in some footnotes where it was missing. + + The following misprints have been corrected: + "spendid" corrected to "splendid" (page 78) + "stumblingblock" corrected to "stumbling block" (page 90) + "can can" corrected to "can" (page 140) + + Other than corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in + spelling, punctuation, hyphenation and ligature usage have been + retained. + + + + + PRIZE ORATIONS + OF THE + INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + + EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION + BY + STEPHEN F. WESTON, PH.D. + EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE ASSOCIATION + PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, ANTIOCH COLLEGE + YELLOW SPRINGS, OHIO + + + + FOREWORD BY + CHARLES F. THWING + + + BOSTON + THE WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION + 1914 + + + + + THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED + TO THE + MISSES MARY AND HELEN SEABURY + WHOSE INTEREST AND ASSISTANCE + HAVE MADE POSSIBLE THE ORATIONS OF THE + INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + FOREWORD vii + By CHARLES F. THWING, President of the Association + + THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION 1 + By STEPHEN F. WESTON, Executive Secretary of the Association + + THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE 25 + By PAUL SMITH, DePauw University, Indiana + + THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE 35 + By GLENN PORTER WISHARD, Northwestern University, Illinois + + THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE 45 + By LEVI T. PENNINGTON, Earlham College, Indiana + + THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE 55 + By ARTHUR FORAKER YOUNG, Western Reserve University, Ohio + + THE HOPE OF PEACE 65 + By STANLEY H. HOWE, Albion College, Michigan + + THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR 73 + By PERCIVAL V. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan + + NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS 81 + By RUSSELL WEISMAN, Western Reserve University, Ohio + + THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM 91 + By PAUL B. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan + + CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT 101 + By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Maryland + + THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE 111 + By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Illinois + + EDUCATION FOR PEACE 121 + By FRANCIS J. LYONS, University of Texas + + NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE 129 + By LOUIS BROIDO, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania + + THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT 137 + By RALPH D. LUCAS, Knox College, Illinois + + MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE 147 + By VICTOR MORRIS, University of Oregon + + THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 157 + By HAROLD HUSTED, Ottawa University, Kansas + + THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 167 + By BRYANT SMITH, Guilford College, North Carolina + + + + +FOREWORD + + +These orations are selected from hundreds of similar addresses spoken +in recent years by hundreds of students in American colleges. I +believe it is not too bold to say that they represent the highest +level of undergraduate thinking and speaking. They are worthy +interpreters of the cause of peace, but they are, as well, noble +illustrations of the type of intellectual and moral culture of +American students. Whoever reads them will, I believe, become more +optimistic, not only over the early fulfillment of the dreams of peace +among nations, but also over the intellectual and ethical condition of +academic life. + +For the simple truth is that the cause of peace makes an appeal of +peculiar force to the undergraduate. It appeals to his imagination. +This imagination is at once historic and prophetic. War makes an +appeal to the historic imagination of the student. His study of Greek +and Roman history has been devoted too largely to the wars that these +peoples waged. Marathon, Salamis, Carthage, are names altogether too +familiar and significant. By contrast he sees what this history, which +is written in blood, might have become. If the millions of men slain +had been permitted to live, and if the uncounted treasure spent had +been economically used, the results in the history of civilization +would have been far richer and nobler. He notes, too, does this +student, that if the last decades of the eighteenth century and the +first decades of the nineteenth had been free from wars in Europe, +humanity would now have attained a far higher level of physical and +intellectual strength. The historic imagination of the student +pictures, as his reason interprets, such conditions. His prophetic +imagination likewise exercises its creative function. The student sees +nations to-day dwelling in armed truces and moving to and fro as a +soldiery actual or possible. He realizes that war puts up what +civilization puts down, and puts down what civilization elevates. He +reads the lamented Robertson's great lecture on the poetry of war, but +he knows also, as Robertson intimates, that "peace is blessed; peace +arises out of charity." The poetry of peace is more entrancing than +the poetry of carnage. To this primary element in the mind of the +undergraduate--the imagination--our great cause therefore makes an +appeal of peculiar earnestness. + +To the reason of the college man, also, the cause of peace makes a +peculiar appeal through its simple logic. War is most illogical. It +breaks the law of the proper interpretation of causality. When two +nations of adjacent territory cannot agree over a boundary line, why +should settlement be made in terms of physical force? When two nations +fail to see eye to eye in adjusting the questions of certain fishing +rights, why should they incarnadine the seas in seeking for the truth +to be applied in settlement? In civil disputes, why, asks the student, +should rifles be employed to discover truth and right? War is an +intellectual anachronism, a breach of logic. Of course, one may reply, +humanity is not logical in its reasoning any more than it is exact in +its observing. Of course it is not; but the college is set to cast +out the rule of no-reason and to bring in the reign of reason. Peace +furnishes a motive and a method of such advancement. Peace is logic +for the individual and for the nation. + +The illogical character of war is also made evident by the contrast +between the college man as a thinker and war itself. The college man +who thinks sees truth broadly; war interprets life narrowly, at the +point of the bayonet. The college man who thinks sees truth deeply; +war makes its primary appeal to the superficial love of glory, of +pomp, and of circumstance. The college man who thinks sees truth in +its highest relations; war is hell. The college man who thinks sees +truth in long ranges and in far-off horizons; war is emotional, and +the warrior flings the years into the hours. The college man who +thinks, thinks accurately, with logic, with reason; war does not +think--it strikes. "Strike," the college man may also say, "but hear!" +he cries; "yes, think." If the college can make the student think, it +has created the greatest force for making the world and the age a +world and an age of peace. + +It is plain enough, too, that the economic side of war makes a +tremendous appeal to the student. The cost of the battleship _Indiana_ +was practically $6,000,000; the total value of grounds and buildings +of the colleges and universities in Indiana is slightly more than +$7,000,000, and the productive funds are $4,000,000. The total cost of +the battleship _Oregon_ was more than $6,500,000; the total value of +grounds and buildings of the universities and colleges of Oregon is +less than $2,000,000, and the productive funds amount to hardly more +than $2,000,000. The cost of the battleship _Iowa_ was nearly +$6,000,000, and the productive funds of all the colleges and +universities of the state are only $5,000,000. The battleship +_Kentucky_ cost $5,000,000; in the colleges of that state the total +amount of productive funds is only $2,000,000, and the total value of +grounds and buildings, $3,000,000. The battleship _Alabama_ cost more +than $4,500,000, and the entire property, real and personal, of all +the universities and colleges in that state is less than $4,000,000. +The cost of the battleship _Wisconsin_ was more than $4,500,000; the +whole value of all grounds and buildings of the colleges and +universities of the state is only slightly more than $7,000,000. The +battleship _Maine_ cost more than $5,000,000, and the entire value in +grounds, buildings, and productive funds of the colleges and +universities of that state is little more than $5,000,000. + +The value of the buildings of five hundred colleges and universities +in this country was estimated in a recent year at $262,000,000, and +the productive funds at $357,000,000. Leaving out those now in course +of construction, the total cost of the battleships and armored +cruisers of the United States named after individual states is +$325,000,000. + +The cost of maintaining these battleships during the fiscal year of +1910, though many were in commission but a small part of the year, +amounted to no less than $33,000,000. The amount which all the +colleges and universities in this country received in tuition fees in +1911 was only $20,000,000; and the entire income received both from +fees and productive funds was only about $34,000,000. In other words, +when one takes into account the depreciation of the battleship or +armored cruiser, the entire cost of the thirty-eight battleships for a +single year is greater than the administration of the entire American +system of higher education. + +Is it not painfully manifest that the cost of war constitutes a mighty +argument for the economic mind of the student? + +Moreover, I am inclined to believe that the very difficulties +belonging to the triumph of our great cause constitute ground for its +closer relationship to the college man. The college man wishes, as +well as needs, a hard job. The easy task, the rosy opportunity, makes +no appeal. He is like Garibaldi's soldiers, who, when the choice was +once offered them by the commander to surrender to ease and safety, +chose hardship and peril. The Boxer revolution in China was followed +by hundreds of applications from college men and women to be sent +forth to China to take the place of the martyrs. The difficulties in +the progress of the great cause are of every sort and condition. +Industrial narrowness and commercial greed, military and political +ambitions, sectional zeal, national jealousy, the sensitiveness of +each nation in matters of national honor, the glamour of the good and +the beautiful under the sentiment of patriotism, the historic honor +attending death for one's country, the ease of creating war scares +among the people, the looseness of the organization of the higher +forces of the world--all these conditions and more pile up into a +Pelion on Ossa as a part of the difficulties standing in the progress +of our great movement. But such difficulties inspire rather than +deter. The student says, "I will; therefore I can." He also says, "I +can; therefore I will." He knows that the forces fighting for him are +more than those that fight against him, strong as these are. Man in +his noblest relationships, the songs of the poet (the best +interpreter, from Homer and Virgil to the "Winepress" of Alfred +Noyes), the torture, the pains, the sufferings, the woes, the vision +of the prophet of a loving and perfect humanity, the reason of +logic--all these and more are to him inspirations, and strengthen him +in his great quest. He is a knight of the Holy Grail that is filled +from the river of the water of life. + +Perhaps, furthermore, the cause makes its most impressive appeal to +the collegian in its internationalism, or interpatriotism. This +internationalism addresses itself to his own international +appreciation. The collegian is a patriot. He is a patriot not only +against a foreign country but often against certain parts of his own +country--loyal to the interests which he believes a section of his own +nation properly represents. The German students have fought for their +Fatherland; they have also fought for the liberal sentiments of their +own land against reactionary movements, as in 1848. In the American +Civil War no brighter record is to be found than is embodied in the +tablets in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, or in Memorial Hall, Chapel Hill, +University of North Carolina. But the collegian possesses the +international sense, and possesses it more and more deeply with each +passing decade. His is the international mind, interpreting phenomena +in terms of common justice. His is the international heart, feeling +the universal joys and sorrows, woes and exultations. His is the +international will, seeking to do good to all men. His is the +international conscience, weighing right and duty in the scales of +divine humanity. Whatever interpretation he gives to the sayings of +Paul that God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of the +earth and has fixed the bounds of their habitation,--whether he stops +with the words "the face of the earth" or whether he goes on to +interpret the limitations of their residence,--it is nevertheless true +that his mind, his heart, his will, and his conscience do go out +toward all nations in their endeavor to realize their highest racial +and interracial peace. No man is a foreigner to him. + +I have, I trust, said enough to intimate that these orations arise out +of a natural and normal condition of the student mind and heart. They +also, in subject as well as in origin, bear a special message of cheer +and hopefulness to all who have a good will toward the collegian and +toward the great cause for which we all are laboring. + + CHARLES F. THWING + _President_ + + WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY + CLEVELAND, OHIO + + + + +PRIZE ORATIONS + +THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + +_Origin._ In the autumn of 1904 President Noah E. Byers of Goshen +College, Goshen, Indiana, a Mennonite college, invited to a conference +representatives of all the colleges in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio +that are conducted by those religious denominations that advocate +nonresistance as one of their essential religious principles. Such +bodies are the Mennonites, the Dunkards, and the Quakers. In the +spring of 1905 a more specific invitation was sent out, with the +result that a conference was held at Goshen College, June 22-23, 1905. +This date is important, since the call of President Byers for such a +conference was the first active step ever taken to interest the +college world, and particularly undergraduates, in the great movement +for world peace founded upon the idea of human brotherhood. While the +conference did not take place until a month after President Gilman had +suggested to the Lake Mohonk Conference, in May, 1905, that it should +extend its peace work to the colleges and universities, yet the call +for the conference was several months prior to the action of the +Mohonk Conference. + +Eight institutions were represented at this conference--Goshen, +Earlham, Central Mennonite, Ashland, Wilmington, Juniata, and Penn +colleges and Friends' University. No definite plan of work had been +mapped out, but a simple organization was effected, and arrangements +were made for a second conference at Earlham College (Society of +Friends). Professor Elbert Russell of Earlham College was elected +president, and upon him devolved most of the work of arranging for the +second conference, which was held April 13-14, 1906. For this +conference no denominational lines were drawn, it being felt that all +colleges and universities should be interested in this important work. +Hence invitations were sent to all institutions of higher learning in +both Indiana and Ohio. Eight institutions were represented: Indiana, +three--Earlham and Goshen colleges and Indiana University; Ohio, +five--Antioch, Denison, Miami, Wilmington, and Central Mennonite. This +representation was small, considering the importance of the conference +and the excellent program that had been arranged for by Professor +Russell. But notwithstanding the small number of institutions +represented, the conference was a marked success, made so very largely +by the many excellent addresses--among others, those of Edwin D. Mead, +Benjamin F. Trueblood, Professor Ernst Richard of Columbia University, +and Honorable William Dudley Foulke. + +On the last day of the conference the delegates from the different +colleges met and perfected a permanent organization, which it was +agreed should be called the Intercollegiate Peace Association. Thus, +after a year of preliminary work, the Intercollegiate Peace +Association came into definite and permanent existence on April 14, +1906. At this meeting Dean William P. Rogers of the Cincinnati Law +School was elected president, and Professor Elbert Russell, secretary +and treasurer. The president and the secretary, President Noah E. +Byers of Goshen College, and Professor Stephen F. Weston of Antioch +College constituted the executive committee. The writer has remained +on the executive committee from the beginning, as either an elected or +an ex-officio member. + +Two methods of propaganda were adopted: intercollegiate oratorical +contests, and public addresses on peace questions before the student +body and faculties of colleges and universities. It was also agreed +that the work should begin with Ohio and Indiana and gradually extend +to other states. Although no definite plan was formulated until a year +later, at the meeting at Cincinnati, it was understood from the outset +that it should be the aim gradually to extend the field of work, so +that ultimately most of the institutions of higher learning in +practically all of the states should be embraced within the +organization and participate in the contests. + +_Purpose._ The purpose of the association has been quite definitely +set forth in my "Historical Sketch"[1] and in my report for 1912. +From these the following statement is very largely borrowed. The +fundamental purpose of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is to +instill into the minds and hearts of the young men of our colleges +and universities the principle that the highest ideals of justice +and righteousness should govern the conduct of men in all their +international affairs quite as much as in purely individual and social +matters, and that, therefore, the true aim of all international +dealings should be to settle differences, of whatever nature, by +peaceful methods through an appeal to the noblest human instincts +and the highest ideals of life, rather than by the arbitrament of +the sword through an appeal to the lower passions; and, further, +both on humanitarian and economic grounds, to arouse in the youth of +to-day an appreciation of the importance of a peaceful settlement of +international disputes, and to inculcate a spirit antagonistic to the +inhuman waste of life and the reckless waste of wealth in needless +warfare. + + [1] Printed in _Antioch College Bulletin_, Vol. VII, No. 1, + December, 1910. + +This appeal to the idealism of youth is founded upon the psychological +fact that it is the ideals of life that determine the conduct of life. +It is ideals that rule the world; hence the importance of right ideals +based upon a comprehensive understanding of the real nature and +deepest implications of human fellowship. The alleged impracticability +is not in the ideal but in the difficulty of making the ideal such a +dominant part of our being that it shall consistently direct our +activities under every circumstance. One of the essential conditions +of human progress is the conviction that such ideals are vital to the +highest attainments and that these should be the aim of all our +strivings. Unfortunately such a standard of life is far from being +realized. Policy rules largely in the world of practical life; either +high ideals are considered impracticable, or there is no attempt to +enforce consistency between belief and practice. + +Mindful of the further fact that the ideals and habits of thought and +action that prevail in mature life are those that are formed in youth, +the Intercollegiate Peace Association turns to the young manhood of +the undergraduate for its field of operations. The aim is to give such +a firm mold to the ideals of the undergraduate that they shall for all +time shape his activities to the end of righteous conduct in all +international dealings. In particular, the aim is to cultivate in the +young men of our colleges and universities such sentiments and +standards of conduct as will insure their devotion to the furtherance +of international peace through arbitration and other methods of +pacific settlement rather than by battleships--standards of conduct +based upon the fundamental truth that conflicts between men, and +therefore principles of right and justice, can be rightly settled only +through the mediation of mind, and that every effort to settle them by +force is not only illogical, a psychological impossibility, but is the +way of the brute, not the way of man, whose nature touches the divine. +All the more important must this work with the undergraduate be +considered when we reflect that it is the young men in our colleges +and universities to-day who will mold the public opinion and the +national and international policy of the next generation; for it is +such young men as these that will control the pulpit and the press, +the legislation and the diplomacy of the future. It is this fact that +gives such peculiar importance to the work of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association. To quote from the report of the secretary for 1912: + +"Other peace societies are laboring to create a public sentiment +to-day in favor of international peace, through arbitration of all +international differences. This is very essential. But the +Intercollegiate Peace Association is founded upon the belief that the +cause of peace will not triumph in a day, and that it is therefore of +the utmost importance that right ideals be rooted into the minds of +those who will give expression to the public opinion of the future. In +brief, it is building more for the future than for the immediate +present. The millennium of peace will not come until the ideals of a +Christian civilization take deeper root in the minds and hearts of +those who are the leaders of thought and action. One of the crying +sins of to-day is that professions of righteous living in accordance +with Christian ethical ideals are not taken seriously. Note the +disgraceful policy that has been pursued with regard to Turkey by the +nations of Europe that profess to be disciples of the Prince of Peace. +Hence it is of the utmost importance that those who are to become the +future translators of ideals into action shall be imbued with right +principles of life and of human relations. To this end it is sought to +cultivate the right sentiment against war, and for international +peace, among the undergraduates of our colleges; for what the +undergraduate thinks about and reads about to-day will very largely +determine his future principles and his conduct, and it is he who is +destined to mold the ideals, shape the policies, and determine the +actions of the people of to-morrow." + +_Methods and Results._ To carry out these purposes two things are +essential: an awakened interest in the cause of peace, and some +definite and effective method for molding sentiments and habits of +thought that will persist with such vitality that they will give shape +to future conduct and activities. To arouse an interest in the +subject, on the part of both professors and students, it was believed +at the outset that public addresses would be effective, and it was +hoped that the association would be able to inaugurate a course of +such addresses in our colleges and universities. It was, however, soon +found that to finance such a course would require more money than we +could hope to command for some time to come. In consequence, very +little has been done along this line further than to arrange for +occasional addresses and to encourage chapel talks. It is this field +of work that the Lake Mohonk Conference voted to adopt at the +suggestion of Dr. Gilman. The conference also found it difficult to +carry out the plan, and our association was invited to assume the +whole of this work--a request we would gladly have accepted, but which +we were compelled to decline for want of funds. It is a very important +field of work and could be made very effective toward realizing the +ultimate goal of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, for its effect +would undoubtedly be the enlistment of a much larger number of the +students in the oratorical contests, which must be our chief reliance +for getting international peace ideas to take a vital root in the +undergraduate mind. If we cannot secure the necessary funds for +carrying on this important work, it is hoped that some other peace +society will do it for us, for such addresses could be made a most +effective complement to our work. + +Being compelled to abandon the public addresses for want of money, we +have concentrated most of our efforts upon the intercollegiate +oratorical contests as perhaps the most effective method for carrying +out the purpose of the association. The contests are bound to arouse +an interest in the subject, while the preparation of orations is sure +to ingrain thoughts, sentiments, and convictions that will be +indelible in the character of the young men who participate in the +contests. While the contests are oratorical in their nature, their +primary purpose is not the cultivation of oratory. Oratory is simply +used as a means to an end--the cultivation of right ideas of justice +and righteousness between nations. That such a result will accrue is +assured both in psychological principles and in experience. Every +student who produces a well-prepared oration in bound to make the +thoughts and sentiments expressed a part of his being. The oration +would not be effective if it were otherwise. The writer has heard +scores of these orations, and he is convinced of the sincerity and +earnestness of the orators. Moreover, letters written to him by those +who have won prizes, attesting their interest in and their devotion to +the cause, by reason of their participation in the contests, give +ample evidence that the contests are bearing fruit. Nor can one read +the orations in this volume without being convinced of their +sincerity. + +Indeed, the reason why we do not have intercollegiate debates instead +of contests in oratory is because of the psychological truth, amply +justified by experience, that the student who prepares for the +negative side of a peace question would tend to have his thoughts +permanently fixed along the lines of the advocates of great armaments. +It is not that the student should not know the arguments opposing the +ideas of the advocates of peace by arbitration. We would not cultivate +bigotry even in a good cause. We would have him know the facts, as +indeed he must before he can present any arguments for peace that +would have any significance. But an acquaintance with the opposing +arguments is quite a different thing, in its effect upon the thought +of the student, from making that thought his own and publicly +defending it. + +Other results may be mentioned. While the cultivation of oratory is +not a function of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, it does +foster oratory as a valuable if not an indispensable instrument for +effecting its own end. In fact, the oratorical contests are something +more than agencies for interesting undergraduates in the peace +movement. The cultivation of the art of expression and of public +speaking, now very generally provided for in college and university +curriculums, is of especial significance to the work of this +association. For it is not alone of importance that the graduate who +leaves his alma mater should be indoctrinated with a message of peace +for the world; that his message may be effective, he must also have +attained some proficiency in the art of clear and forceful diction and +in the art of delivering his message in a pleasing and convincing +manner. Therefore, it is not without reason that our contests are for +the most part under the immediate direction of the department of +English, or of whatever departments have charge of the public speaking +in the various colleges and universities. + +A further factor in these contests is their cultural value, both moral +and intellectual. They necessarily cultivate the highest ethical +conceptions, historical and political knowledge, and careful and +logical thinking. To quote from the secretary's report for 1912: "The +work of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is a great force for +righteousness between nation and nation, and so between man and man, +and therefore may be considered as supplementary to the more strictly +moral and intellectual culture in our institutions of higher learning. +The ethical value is not the only value of the contests. In the +preparation of orations the undergraduate necessarily informs himself +of historical conditions, of the economic and social effects of war, +of the legal and constitutional principles involved, and of the +problems, difficulties, and principles concerned with international +relations. It is this early beginning of an intelligent understanding +of the problems involved, together with the right moral insight, that +must count for future effectiveness in shaping international policies +and practices." Finally, while these contests have chiefly in mind the +shaping of the public opinion of coming generations, they are by no +means a negligible factor in their influence upon the public opinion +of to-day. The contests--local, state, and interstate--are heard by +many hundreds of people every year, and in many cases by persons who +would otherwise seldom come in contact with peace sentiments. The +permeating influence in college circles extends beyond those who +participate in the contests. The influence of any single contest may +indeed be small, but so too is the influence of any one peace +conference or congress. The task of molding public opinion along the +lines of any human uplift is always slow, and only gradually do the +influences of this character permeate and take possession of the +social mind; but every influence leaves its impression. It is only by +persistent activities and cumulative effects that the social mind can +be aroused to a full consciousness of any great moral issue, and still +more true is this when that moral issue is of national or +international importance. The many peace societies, the +Intercollegiate Peace Association among them, are just such persistent +activities, which, by gradually producing cumulative effects, will +ultimately reap their reward. But more perhaps than other peace +societies does the Intercollegiate Peace Association concern itself +with the social mind and the social conscience of the future. + +_The Contests._ The first oratorical contest was held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907. Arrangements were made for the +participation of only Ohio and Indiana colleges. State contests were +not held, but fourteen orations were submitted from as many different +institutions, nine from Ohio and five from Indiana. The writers of +eight of these were selected by judges on thought and composition to +take part in the speaking contest. Four were from Ohio and four from +Indiana. Indiana won both the first and the second prize. The first +prize was won by Paul Smith of DePauw University with the subject, +"The Conflict of War and Peace." The second prize went to Lawrence B. +Smelser of Earlham College, whose subject was "The Solving Principles +of Federation." + +The second contest was held at DePauw University, May 15, 1908. +Carrying out the plan adopted at the meeting at Cincinnati, the +contestants were selected by means of State contests, and an +invitation was extended to the colleges and universities of Michigan, +Illinois, and Wisconsin to participate in the contest. Wisconsin did +not respond, but contests were held in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and +Illinois. By special arrangement Juniata College was allowed to +represent Pennsylvania without a state contest. Glenn P. Wishard of +Northwestern University won the first prize; subject, "The United +States and Universal Peace." The second prize was won by H. P. Lenartz +of Notre Dame University; subject, "America and the World's Peace." + +The third Interstate contest took place at The University of Chicago, +May 4, 1909, in connection with the Second National Peace Congress. +Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin were represented, +all having held State contests. Levi T. Pennington of Earlham College +won the first prize; subject, "The Evolution of World Peace." The +second prize went to Harold P. Flint of Illinois Wesleyan University; +subject, "America the Exemplar of Peace." + +The fourth annual contest was held at the University of Michigan, May +13, 1910. There were six contestants, Pennsylvania having come +regularly into the association. Arthur F. Young of Western Reserve +University won the first prize; subject, "The Waste of War--The Wealth +of Peace." The second prize went to Glenn N. Merry of Northwestern +University; subject, "A Nation's Opportunity." + +The fifth annual contest was held at Johns Hopkins University, May 5, +1911, in connection with the Third National Peace Congress. There were +seven contestants, Maryland being represented for the first time. The +first prize was won by Stanley H. Howe, Albion College, Michigan, and +the second prize by Wayne Walker Calhoun, Illinois Wesleyan +University. Mr. Howe's subject was "The Hope of Peace," and Mr. +Calhoun's, "War and the Man." This contest was one of the most +successful that had been held up to that time. It was greeted by one +of the largest audiences that had attended any of the sessions of the +Peace Congress, and the comparison of the orations, in both thought +and delivery, with the speeches given in the congress, was very +favorable to the young orators. A general enthusiasm was evoked for +the contests. Yet there was much fear that this contest might prove to +be the last, there being no assurance ahead for adequate funds to +carry on the work. It was decided, however, not to give up without +further trial, a decision well justified by subsequent developments. + +Assistance being secured from the Carnegie peace fund, eleven states +held contests in 1912. In addition to the seven that participated in +the contest at Baltimore, four additional states were added--New York, +North Carolina, Iowa, and Nebraska. With so many states, it became +necessary for the first time to divide them into groups. Two groups +were formed, an Eastern and a Western. The Western Group, of five +states, held its contest at Monmouth College, Illinois, April 26, and +the Eastern Group, of six states, at Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, +May 3. No prizes were given at either of these contests, but an +arrangement was made with the Lake Mohonk Conference by which the +ranking orator in each contest should meet and contest for first and +second place at Mohonk Lake at the time of the Lake Mohonk Conference. +The contest at Mohonk was held May 16, the contestants being Percival +V. Blanshard of the University of Michigan, who represented the +Western Group, and Russell Weisman of Western Reserve University, who +represented the Eastern Group. The title of Mr. Blanshard's oration +was "The Roosevelt Theory of War," and that of Mr. Weisman's, +"National Honor and Vital Interests." The Misses Seabury gave a first +prize of $75 and a second prize of $50. The judges awarded the first +prize to Mr. Blanshard and the second prize to Mr. Weisman. So great, +however, was the interest of the guests at Mohonk Lake, and so nearly +equal in merit were the orations, that a gentleman present gave an +additional $25 to Mr. Weisman to make the prizes equal, and Mr. Joshua +Bailey of Philadelphia gave each of the contestants an additional $50. + +Five additional states--Maine, Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, and +South Dakota--participated in the contests of 1913, making sixteen +states holding contests. Of these states three groups were formed, an +Eastern, a Central, and a Western. The Central Group held its contest +at Goshen College, Indiana, April 25; the Western Group at St. Louis, +May 1, as part of the program of the Fourth American Peace Congress; +and the Eastern Group at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, May 13. The +same arrangements were made as in the preceding year--that the +contestant holding the highest rank in each group should meet in a +final contest at Mohonk Lake. No prizes were given, except that the +Business Men's League of St. Louis gave a prize of $100 for the +contest at St. Louis. The contest at Mohonk was held May 15, and three +prizes were given by the Misses Seabury--$100, $75, and $50. Paul B. +Blanshard of the University of Michigan, a twin brother of the Mr. +Blanchard who won the first prize in 1912, represented the Central +Group and won the first prize with the subject, "The Evolution of +Patriotism." Calvert Magruder, St. John's College, Annapolis, +Maryland, represented the Eastern Group and won the second prize. His +subject was "Certain Phases of the Peace Movement." Vernon M. Welsh, +Knox College, Illinois, represented the Western Group and won the +third prize. His subject was "The Assurance of Peace." + +_Growth._ The growth of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, like +that of most social movements, was slow in the first few years of its +existence, but with the gradual accretion of new states it has gained +in momentum, and is to-day increasing with such rapidity that only the +lack of financial support will prevent it from embracing in its +contests within another two years practically every state in the +Union. Starting with two states at the Earlham Conference in 1906 and +the first contest in 1907, it added three states in 1908, one in 1910, +and one in 1911, making seven states participating in the contests of +1911. Four more states were added for the contests of 1912, and five +additional ones for the contests of 1913 (nine states in two years), +making sixteen states in all. Since the contest in May, 1913, eight +states have been added for the contests of 1914, while the work of +organization is being carried on in several other states. By 1915 at +least thirty states will be holding contests if money can be secured +for properly financing them. Four groups are now definitely organized: +an Eastern, a Central, a Western, and a Southern. A Pacific Group is +in process of being organized. Thus, in seven years from the first +contest we have become a national association, extending from the +Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Lakes to the Gulf. + +_Prizes and Finances._ In order to encourage the young men to enter +the contests, the plan of offering prizes was adopted at the outset. +The national association made itself responsible for the state prizes, +leaving the local institutions to provide for such local prizes as +they could arrange for. In some places such prizes are given, being +provided for in different ways, and in some places no local prizes are +given. At first only $50 and $25 were given for the two state prizes, +but after the second year it was made a definite policy of the +association to make the first state prize $75 and the second prize +$50. With rare exceptions, in the case of the second prize, this +policy is now maintained. In New York, however, there is a first prize +of $200 and a second prize of $100, given by Mrs. Elmer Black. For the +past two or three years the national association has made itself +responsible for the first prize only, leaving the states to look after +the second prize, though the secretary also looks after many of the +second prizes. No prizes are regularly given in the group contests, +but it is hoped that a plan may be evolved for giving one prize, as +the expenses of the winning contestant are large. At the national +contest at Mohonk Lake, prizes are given to each contestant. In 1914 +these prizes will probably range from $40 to $100. + +The prize money has come from various sources. In 1908 Mr. Carnegie +gave $1000, and in 1909 he gave $700. The Misses Seabury, of New +Bedford, Massachusetts, gave $500 a year from the first. They gave +$750 in 1913 and will give $1000 for prizes in 1914. In Illinois La +Verne W. Noyes has annually given the first prize of $75 and Harlow N. +Higginbotham the second prize of $50. In Michigan R. E. Olds gave the +first prize until 1913, and J. H. Moores the second prize until 1914. +In Ohio Samuel Mather and J. G. Schmidlapp furnish the prizes for +1914. In New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland the +prizes are given by individuals at the instigation of peace societies. +In some states the second prize is given by some individual or through +a collection from a number of individuals. The balance of the prizes +are paid out of the subvention of $1200 that has been allowed for the +past three years out of the Carnegie endowment fund. In 1913 the +prizes amounted to $2400. In 1914 they approximate $3400, apart from +any local prizes that may be given. + +The annual subvention of $1200 from the Carnegie peace fund is wholly +inadequate to meet the growing needs of this association. Since this +subvention was first granted, the number of states has been more than +doubled, and it takes about $600 a year to run the secretary's office. +Unless more money is secured from some source, the association will be +unable to grow beyond its present limits. + +_Officers and Organization._ The organization of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association has been a gradual development, and has undergone +modifications to meet the changing conditions due to the considerable +enlargement of the territory embraced within its sphere of activity, +chief of which has been the practical impossibility of getting +representatives to a national meeting from such a large extent of +territory. At first there were a president, secretary, and treasurer, +and an executive committee, with the college presidents of Ohio and +Indiana as vice presidents. At the meeting at DePauw University, in +1908, it was decided to create state committees, that should have +charge of the work in their respective states. As the states grew in +numbers the plan of having vice presidents was abandoned. In 1911 the +chairmen of the state committees were made members of an advisory +council, and in 1913 the executive committee was reorganized so that +there should be one member from each group of states in addition to +the president and secretary. When the organization is fully matured +the elected members of the executive committee will be a +self-perpetuating body, only one or two going out of office in any +one year, reëlection being permitted. The executive committee will +elect the president, executive secretary, and treasurer, and the +president and the executive secretary will appoint the members of the +advisory council, who will be ex-officio chairmen of the state +committees. The officers up to date have been as follows: + +_Presidents:_ Dean William P. Rogers, Cincinnati Law School, +1906-1907; Professor George W. Knight, Ohio State University, +1907-1908; Professor Elbert Russell, Earlham College, 1908-1910; Dean +William P. Rogers, 1910-1911; President Charles F. Thwing, Western +Reserve University, 1911-. + +_Secretaries:_ Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Mr. George Fulk, +Cerro Gordo, Illinois, 1908-1911; Professor Stephen F. Weston, Antioch +College, 1911-. + +_Treasurers:_ Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Professor Stephen +F. Weston, 1908-. + +_Orations._ In the seven years in which the contests have been held, +about twelve hundred orations have been written, a little more than +one half of these in the past two years. The number written in 1914 +will not fall far short of five hundred. For some time we have desired +to publish a volume of the prize orations, and within the past few +years there has been considerable demand for such a volume, as many +would-be contestants are anxious to see what they will have to measure +up to in order to win. Outsiders interested in the contests have also +desired such a publication. The present collection was therefore +projected, and the World Peace Foundation willingly undertook to issue +it as one of the books in its International Library. + +The ten orations that have been selected for this volume out of the +twelve hundred have all won the first prize in interstate contests. +The first five are the first prize orations in the national contests +of the first five years before the group contests were organized, and +were selected by a series of local, state, and interstate contests out +of about five hundred and fifty orations delivered. The last five, +selected by a series of contests out of about six hundred and fifty, +are the first prize orations of the group contests of the past two +years. They were delivered in the national contests at Mohonk Lake at +the time of the Lake Mohonk Conferences. The fact that many of the +second prize orations, and indeed a number of the others, were given +first place by some of the judges is indicative of the general high +character of all the orations, so that the ten selected orations are +very fairly typical of the thought and sentiment of the whole twelve +hundred. It is therefore believed that the publication of these +orations will be of great value not only as a stimulus to prospective +contestants but as a convincing proof of the quality of the work that +the undergraduate students of the country are doing in the contests. +They are evidence that these contests call out a high grade of +intellectual and moral culture, showing as they do keen and clear +thinking and high moral ideals. + +There is included as an appendix to these orations the Pugsley prize +oration of 1913, by Bryant Smith, a senior in Guilford College, North +Carolina, a sample of the prize essays annually submitted for the +Pugsley prize of $100 offered through the Lake Mohonk Conference by +Chester DeWitt Pugsley of Yonkers, New York. The essay is also +fittingly printed in this volume because Mr. Smith represented the +state of North Carolina in the Eastern Group contest of the +Intercollegiate Peace Association in 1912, while still another reason +for including it is the hope that others who have taken part in the +oratorical contests, and who are thereby excluded from entering those +contests again, may be encouraged to try for the Pugsley prize. + +_Subjects of Orations._ In view of the fact that so many orations have +been written on peace subjects, it is worthy of note that the topics +have seldom been duplicated, and that when the same topic has been +twice used, the handling of it has been so different that little +duplication has been noticeable. Each oration well represents the +originality and the individuality of the writer or orator. Duplication +is shown in the quotations, and it is therefore suggested that +quotations be sparingly used. + +Not the least interesting feature of the orations is the combination +of idealism and practicality, which they reveal in the minds of the +contestants. Truly, these young men "have hitched their wagon to a +star," the star of universal good will. + +To show the wide range of subjects chosen, and therefore the scope and +many-sidedness of the peace question, the following list of titles +already used is given here. They are also given as suggestions to +future writers of orations, for there is no objection to choosing +subjects previously used. Even if there is some duplication of +thought, it makes little difference, since the contests are seldom +held twice in the same place. Included in the list are some titles +that show variations in the way of stating the same thing, and these +variations should be suggestive to future writers of orations. + + PARTIAL LIST OF SUBJECTS + + America the Exemplar of Peace + America and the World's Peace + America's Mission in the Peace Movement + America's Mission to Mankind + America's Obligation + The Arbiter of the World + Arbitration _versus_ War + The Challenge of Thor + The Conflict of War and Peace + A Congress of Nations + The Cost of Militarism + The Cost of Peace + The Crucial Parallelism + The Dawn of Peace + The Dawn of Universal Peace + Democracy and Peace + Diplomacy and Peace + Disillusionment + The Dominant Ideal + The End; and the Means + The Evolution of a Higher Patriotism + The Evolution of Justice + The Evolution of Law + The Evolution of National Greatness as a World Peacemaker + The Evolution of World Peace + The Fallacy of the Economics of War + The Federation of the World + Forces of War and Peace + The Foundations + From Chaos to Harmony + From History's Pages--Peace + Fruits of War and Fruits of Peace + Government and International Peace + The Growing Sentiment + The Growth of the Peace Movement + Honor Satisfied + The Ideal of the Century + Idealism and the Peace Movement + Immigration and Peace + The Inefficiency of War + Instead of War--What? + International Arbitration + International Justice and World Peace + International Peace + International Peace and the Prince of Peace + Justice and Peace + Justice by War or Peace + The Keynote of the Twentieth Century + The Lasting Wound + The Law of Peace + The Message of the Andes + Military Selection and its Effect on National Life + Modern Battlefields + A Nation's Opportunity + The New Anglo-Saxon + The New Brotherhood + The New Corner Stone + The New Era + The New Nobility + The New Patriotism + The Next Step + The Panama Canal + The Passing of War + The Pathway to Peace + Patriotism and Peace + Peace and Armaments + Peace and the Evolution of Conscience + Peace and the Fortification of the Panama Canal + Peace and Public Opinion + Peace Inevitable + Peace is our Passion + Peace on Earth + Peace, our Great Ideal + The Philosophy of Universal Peace + Physical and Psychical Aspects of War + A Plea for International Peace + A Plea for Peace + Popular Fallacies about War + Popular Government and Peace + Popular Sentiment and Purer Citizenship: The Right Road to Peace + The Power of International Tolerance + The Prince of Peace + Progress toward Justice + The Proposed Court of Arbitral Justice + The Rationality of Peace + The Real Power + The Redemption of Patriotism + The Regaining of the World's Lost Legacy + Right or Might + The Significance of the Hague Conferences + The Rightful Ruler + A Simple Method of Forwarding Universal Peace + The Solving Principles of Federation + Sovereignty in Arbitration + Statesmanship _versus_ Battleship + Thor or Christ + Ungrateful America + The United States and Universal Peace + The United States of the World + Universal Peace and the Brotherhood of Man + The Unnecessary Evil + A Vision of a Conquest + War and Christianity + War--The Demoralizer + War and its Elimination + War and the Laboring Man + War and the Man + War for Profit + War--Universal Brotherhood--Peace + The Warrior's Protest against War + The Waste of War--The Wealth of Peace + The Way of Peace + What, from Vengeance? + World Federation + The World Organization + +_Acknowledgments._ The Intercollegiate Peace Association is greatly +indebted to many state and city peace societies for coöperation and +assistance. They have materially strengthened our work and made +possible the enlargement of the field of our activities. To their +secretaries we are deeply indebted. The fullest coöperation of the +peace societies, each assisting and supplementing the work of others +wherever possible, will bring the most fruitful and the most speedy +results, and the fact that we have received such coöperation indicates +a full appreciation of the value of the work being done in these +contests. We wish also to express our gratitude to the many individual +contributors of prizes, especially to the Misses Seabury, for their +interest, encouragement, and generosity, because without their +assistance our association could not have survived. To the Misses +Seabury we are also under obligation for lending their rights over the +texts of orations for this publication. For the subvention from the +Carnegie Endowment for International Peace we thank the American Peace +Society, through whose agency it comes to us. For the publication of +this volume we are deeply grateful to the World Peace Foundation, +without whose coöperation the book could not have been published. To +Edwin D. Mead and Denys P. Myers the editor owes his sincere thanks +for suggestions and corrections of the manuscript. We trust that the +volume will be amply justified by the good that it will do. + + STEPHEN F. WESTON + _Executive Secretary_ + + +SUPPLEMENT + +_The Contests of 1914._ This volume was projected to be published +before the Lake Mohonk Conference in May, but it was decided to +include the five orations given in the national contest of 1914, and +so make the volume complete for the year of issue. The last five +orations, then, are the winning ones in the group contests of 1914, +contesting for place in the national contest at Mohonk Lake, May 16, +1914. They are the picked orations of over four hundred and fifty +prepared in one hundred and twenty colleges and universities, +representing twenty-two states. The fifteen orations in the volume are +the winning orations out of more than sixteen hundred and fifty +written by the student body of the country in the past eight years. + +In 1914 six additional states took part in the contests, making +twenty-two organized into five groups. The Pacific coast and Southern +groups were added during the year to the three groups organized in +1913. Three of the groups held their contests on May 1--the North +Atlantic at the College of the City of New York, the Central at +Western Reserve University, and the Western at Des Moines College. The +Southern Group held its contest at Vanderbilt University on May 10. On +the Pacific coast only Oregon was ready, and the winner of her state +contest was permitted to represent the group in the national contest. +Utah and California are planning to enter the contests of 1915. +Virginia, West Virginia, and South Carolina are organizing, and a +sixth group will then be formed--the South Atlantic Group. + + S. F. W. + + + + +THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE + +By PAUL SMITH, DePauw University, Greencastle, Indiana + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University of +Cincinnati, May 17, 1907 + + + + +THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE + + +The past ages have witnessed a long conflict between two opposing +principles--the principle of might and the principle of right. The +first instituted the duel between equals and condemned the impotent to +slavery; the second ordained the courts of civil justice and signed +the Emancipation Proclamation. The principle of might licensed +despotism and degraded the many in the service of the few; the +principle of right proclaimed democracy and consecrated the few to the +service of the many. Thus in the realm of the individual and of the +state the diviner conception has won its triumphs, and to-day force is +tolerated only as it serves the cause of justice. But in the larger +international sphere the advocates of might prolong the ancient cry +for war; the disciples of right protest in a gentler demand for peace. + +The partisans of war urge four capital reasons in behalf of their +principle: personal glory, moral education, class interest, and +national egoism. + +We have as a heritage of our military past, not a sense of the grim +tragedy of war, but traditions which award the highest meed of +personal glory to the warrior. The roster of the world's heroes +contains two classes of names--great soldiers and great altruists. +Poet and orator and populace unite to do honor to him who was not +afraid to fight and to die for his home, his king, his liberty, his +country, his convictions. Bravery has ever won its laurel crown, for +an instinct within us applauds physical courage and aggressiveness. +And the gilded uniform and clanking sword, the drumbeat and the bugle +call, the camp fire and the "far-flung battle line," stand as the most +dramatic expressions of a deep sentiment, primitive and thrilling. + +Akin to this martial hero worship is the argument that success in war +gives training for the higher contests of peace. Out of the war of +1776 the nation took George Washington for President; out of the +Mexican War, Zachary Taylor; out of the Civil War, General Grant; out +of the Spanish War, Theodore Roosevelt. The badge of the Grand Army of +the Republic is a certificate of merit. The cross of the Legion of +Honor opens the door to social and political and business prosperity. +Battle is regarded as a supreme test of sturdy manhood, and the harsh +discipline of the camp as education for the finer arts of the council. +War creates a heroism which later devotes itself to spiritual ends. + +Moreover, say the advocates, the interests of class require force for +their conservation. The hereditary nobility of Europe was founded by +military process for military purposes, and, with the passing of war, +loses its warrant for existence. On the other hand, it is claimed that +the under classes may come into the enjoyment of their inalienable +rights, common to all humanity, only by means of the sword. Witness +the peasantry of Russia! Even in America so great a prophet as Henry +Ward Beecher foresaw a tragic day when the bivouac of capital would be +set against the camp of labor. And lesser seers are not lacking who +freely predict, even for our democratic land, a desperate rebellion of +a proletariat of poverty against an aristocracy of wealth. + +Finally, the demands of national egoism are urged in behalf of war. +For example, Japan needs new territory for her growing millions and +must assume the conqueror's rôle. Or France goes mad with the lust of +empire and goes forth untamed until the day of Waterloo. Or Great +Britain must have new markets; and, falsely reasoning that trade +follows the flag, and the flag follows the bayonet, she seizes a realm +upon which the sun may never set. Or the interests of white men and +yellow men, of black men or red men, clash; and then the cannon must +be the final test, might must make right, and the strongest must +survive. The greed of territorial aggrandizement, the spirit of +national adventure, the longing for commercial supremacy, the honor of +a country, the pride of racial achievement--each is urged to justify +the necessity for bloodshed and carnage. Such are the arguments of the +advocates of war. + +To balance these, the advocates of peace plead four greater +considerations: against personal glory, the economic cost of +militarism; against the moral education of war, the higher heroism of +peace; against class interests, the sanctity of human life; and +against national egoism, the deeper spirit of national altruism. + +A single modern battleship costs more than the combined value of the +property and endowment of all the colleges of a certain great state. +Two thirds of the money passing through the treasury of the Republic +goes to the support of the military system. Computing two hundred +dollars a year as the average loss to society occasioned by the +withdrawal of each soldier and sailor from productive toil, and adding +this sum to the war budgets of the nations for the past fifty years, +we obtain a total of billions, beyond the reach of all imagination. +The money which armies, navies, wars, and pensions have cost the world +in fifty years would have installed in China a system of education +equal to that of the United States; would have transformed the arid +deserts of India into a modern Eden by irrigation; would have laid +railways from Cape Town to the remotest corner of Africa; would have +dug the Panama Canal; and, in addition, would have sent a translation +of the Bible, of Shakespeare, Homer, Goethe, and Dante to every family +on the globe. In a word, the wealth spent on wars in the last half +century would have transformed life for a majority of human beings. +The stoppage of this waste will shorten the hours of labor, reduce +pauperism, elevate the peasantry of Europe, lighten taxation, and work +an economic revolution. + +The argument for moral education mistakes national gratitude to +warriors for tribute to the training of the camp. But grant that war +develops the combative qualities, the argument forgets a darker moral +phase. It forgets the moral wrecks which are the sad products of war; +it forgets the effect of the loss of the refining influence of +womanhood upon the soldier; it forgets the debasement of sinking men +to the physical type of life. And the argument assumes that peace has +no "equivalent for war," declared by a famous educator to be the +greatest need of the age. Courage and endurance are as necessary in +social reforms as in carnal battle. To wrestle against principalities +and powers and rulers of the world-darkness calls forth the maximum +powers of manhood. Wendell Phillips stands in the ranks of heroes as +high as Philip Sheridan. The moral loss from war transcends the moral +gain. + +Yet war levies toll more tragic than any toll of dollars, more +appalling than any moral cost. A famous painting reveals the world's +conquerors, Xerxes, Cæsar, Alexander, Napoleon, and a lesser host, +mounted proudly on battle steeds, caparisoned with gorgeous trappings; +but the field through which they march is paved with naked, mutilated +corpses, the ghastly price of glory. The trenches at Port Arthur were +filled level-full with the bodies of self-sacrificed martyrs, and upon +this gruesome slope the final charges were made. Stripped of all +sentiment, war is organized and wholesale murder, a savage and awful +paradox which proclaims the shallowness of civilization. Said General +Sherman: "Only those who have never heard a shot, only those who have +never heard the shrieks of the wounded nor the groans of the dying, +can cry aloud for more blood, more vengeance, more desolation." God +grant the world may soon heed the Voice, sounding down from the +solemnity of Sinai, laying the divine command upon each man and each +nation: "Thou shalt not kill!" + +There yet remains the ethical argument for peace. Will any one say +that the supreme duty of altruism is binding upon men as individuals, +and not binding upon the same men acting conjointly as a nation? When +the people and the statesmen of one nation are able to put themselves +in the places of the statesmen and of the people of another nation; +when there is a common will to do international justice rather than to +despise the weaker country; when not selfish interest alone, but the +greatest good of the greatest number, becomes the driving impulse of +humanity; when the thrill of fraternity crosses geographical lines and +pauses not on the shores of the seas--then war will be impossible, +the energies of the world will turn to the constructive arts, and from +the midst of contentment unshadowed by hunger, from prosperity +unmenaced by want, in the peaceful spirit of the Christ, the world +will sing: + + "The crest and crowning of all good, life's final star is + brotherhood; + For it will bring again to Earth her long-lost Poesy and Mirth; + Will send new light on every face, a kingly power upon the race. + And till it come, we men are slaves, and travel downward to dust + of graves. + Come, clear the way, then, clear the way: blind creeds and kings + have had their day. + Break the dead branches from the path: our hope is in the aftermath. + Our hope is in heroic men, star-led to build the world again. + To this Event the ages ran: Make way for Brotherhood--make way for + man." + +All great reforms have begun with "star-led" men and have moved from +individuals to groups and from groups to the nation. In every distinct +advance of the race prophetic persons have anticipated the trend of +the ages and have adopted new codes for themselves; the higher +morality has spread by agitation to include a larger group, and +finally it has become the policy of the nation. Thus slavery went, and +political equality came. + +And thus war must go and peace must come. First, we find protest +against the killing of individuals by individuals. The duel fell into +disrepute and at last was forbidden by law. The carrying of weapons +became unfashionable and at length was made a crime. With the growth +of the moral sense, mutual trust took the place of armed neutrality. +The present situation is ready for the larger application of these +principles. The argument which abolished the carrying of weapons must +frown upon excessive national armaments. As the individual duel was +superseded by personal arbitration, so the national duel must be +superseded by national arbitration. The reason that maintains the +civil court for the settlement of individuals' disputes calls for a +higher court for the settlement of national disputes. Not alone among +men, not alone within states, but among the nations, right, not might, +must rule; not force, but justice; and written as the world's supreme +mandate, as the highest human law from which there may be no appeal, +must be the unshaken law of national righteousness. + +Tennyson's words were accounted a poet's fancy when he wrote: + + Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd + In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. + +Yet the present year[1] will witness the fulfillment of that prophecy. +Disarmament and arbitration will be considered this summer, not by +agitators, not by theorists, nor yet prophetically by poets; but in +June, at the invitation of our own President,[2] an actual +international conference will assemble, a Parliament of the World, +composed of official representatives of every nation of the globe. +Thus we see the foregleams of an approaching day. The time is +not far distant when war will glide into the grim shadows of a +scarce-remembered past, when battles will pass into the oblivion of +forgotten horrors. Then will society realize its dreams of a kingdom +of heaven upon earth, where the barbaric lure of fighting will be +lost; where no class lines may exist save those freely acknowledged by +a common justice; where national egoism maintains no armies for +conquest and no navies for aggrandizement; where economic resources +are devoted, not to mutual physical destruction, but to splendid +spiritual enlargement; where "every nation that shall lift again its +hand against a brother, on its forehead will wear forevermore the +curse of Cain"; and where, in the realization of a vast, racial +brotherhood, is fulfilled the prophetic angel's song, "Peace on earth, +good-will to men." Ruskin, the modern bard of peace, has sung: + + Put off, put off your mail, ye kings, and beat your brands to dust-- + A surer grasp your hands must know, your hearts a better trust; + Nay, bend aback the lance's point, and break the helmet bar-- + A noise is in the morning winds, but not the noise of war! + Among the grassy mountain paths the glittering troops increase-- + They come, they come!--how fair their feet,--they come that + publish peace. + + [1] The Hague Conference of 1907 is referred to. + + [2] By the courtesy of President Roosevelt the official call + for the Second Hague Conference was issued by the Emperor of + Russia. Forty-four nations were represented.--_Editor._ + + + + +THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE + +By GLENN PORTER WISHARD, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at DePauw University, +Greencastle, Indiana, May 15, 1908 + + + + +THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE + + +Political and religious reforms move slowly. We change our beliefs and +at the same time hold fast to old customs. Farsighted public opinion +has declared war to be unchristian; sound statesmanship has stamped it +as unjust; the march of events has, in a majority of cases, proved it +to be unnecessary--and yet we continue to build mammoth engines of +destruction as if war were inevitable. Truly, the millennium is not at +hand, nor is war a thing of the past; but whereas war was once the +rule, now it is the exception. This is an age of peace; controversies +once decided by force are now settled by arbitration. Europe, once the +scene of continuous bloodshed, has not been plundered by conquering +armies for more than a generation, while the United States has enjoyed +a century of peace marred by only five years of foreign war. The four +notable conflicts of the last decade have been between great and small +powers, and have been confined to the outposts of civilization; while +during the same period more than one hundred disputes have been +settled by peaceful means. The willingness to arbitrate has been +manifest; the means have been provided; the Permanent International +Court, established by the Hague Conference in 1899, actually lives, +and has already adjudicated four important controversies.[1] But +arbitration, you say, will never succeed because the decisions cannot +be enforced. You forget that already some two hundred and fifty +disputes have been settled by this method, and in not one instance has +the losing power refused to abide by the decision. + + [1] From October 14, 1902, the date of the first decision, + up to the end of 1913, the Permanent Court has rendered + thirteen decisions settling international + differences.--_Editor._ + +Yesterday the man who advocated universal peace was called a dreamer; +to-day throughout the world organized public opinion demands the +abolition of war. Yesterday we erected statues to those who died for +their country; to-day we eulogize those who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed our heads to the god of war; to-day we lift our +hands to the Prince of Peace. + +I do not mean to say that we have entered the Utopian age, for the +present international situation is a peculiar one, since we are at the +same time blessed with peace and cursed with militarism. This is not +an age of war, yet we are burdened by great and ever-increasing +armaments; the mad race for naval supremacy continues, while the +relative strength of the powers remains practically the same; the +intense and useless rivalry of the nations goes on until, according to +the great Russian economist, Jean de Bloch, it means "slow destruction +in time of peace by swift destruction in the event of war." In Europe +to-day millions are being robbed of the necessaries of life, millions +more are suffering the pangs of abject poverty in order to support +this so-called "armed peace." Note the condition in our own country. +Last year we expended on our army, navy, and pensions sixty-seven per +cent of our total receipts. Think of it! In a time of profound peace +more than two thirds of our entire expenditures are charged to the +account of war. + +We do not advocate radical, Utopian measures; we do not propose +immediate disarmament; but we do maintain that when England, Germany, +France, and the United States each appropriates from thirty to forty +per cent of their total expenditures in preparation for war in an age +of peace, the time has come for the unprejudiced consideration of the +present international situation. Why do the great powers build so many +battleships? President Roosevelt, Representative Hobson, and others +would have us believe that England, Germany, and France are actually +preparing for war, while the United States is building these engines +of destruction for the purpose of securing peace. But what right have +we to assume that our navy is for the purpose of preserving peace, +while the navies of the European powers are for the purpose of making +war? Is not such an assumption an insult to our neighbors? As a matter +of fact, England builds new battleships because Germany does, Germany +increases her navy because France does, while the United States builds +new dreadnoughts because other nations pursue that policy. Call it by +whatever honey-coated name you will, the fact, remains that it is +military rivalry of the most barbarous type, a rivalry as useless as +it is oppressive, a rivalry prompted by jealousy and distrust where +there should be friendship and mutual confidence. There is riot one of +the powers but that would welcome relief from the bondage of +militarism; the demand for the limitation of armaments is almost +universal. Believing that to decry war and praise peace without +offering some plan by which the present situation may be changed is +superficial, we hasten to propose something practicable. + +How, then, shall we put an end to this useless rivalry of the +nations? At present a general agreement of the great powers on the +limitations of military establishments seems impossible. It remains +for some powerful nation to prove to the world that the great +armaments are not necessary to continued peace, with honor and +justice. Some nation must take the first step.[2] Why not the United +States? The nations of Europe are surrounded by powerful enemies, +while the United States is three thousand miles from any conceivable +foe. They are potentially weak, while our resources are unlimited. +They have inherited imperialism; we have inherited democracy. Their +society is permeated with militarism; ours is built on peace and +liberty. Our strategic position is unequaled, our resources are +unlimited, our foreign policy is peaceful, our patriotism is +unconquerable. In view of these facts, I ask you, What nation has the +greatest responsibility for peace? Are not we Americans the people +chosen to lift the burden of militarism from off the backs of our +downtrodden brother? + + [2] The widely heralded proposal in 1913 for a naval holiday + by all the great powers is the first move in this + direction.--_Editor._ + +Now what are we doing to meet this responsibility? On the one hand, we +are performing a great work for peace. Many of our statesmen, business +men, and laborers, united in a common cause, are exerting a tremendous +influence in behalf of arbitration and disarmament. On the other hand, +we are spending more on our military establishment than any other +world power;[3] we are building more battleships than any other +nation;[4] we are no longer trusting our neighbors; we are warning +them to beware of our mailed fist; and we are thereby declaring to the +world that we have lost our faith in the power of justice and are now +trusting to the force of arms. + + [3] The orator is comparing the cost of the United States + army, navy, and pensions upkeep with the military + establishments of other powers.--_Editor._ + + [4] Since naval rivalry in its acute form has centered + between Great Britain and Germany, European naval building + programs have exceeded those of the United + States.--_Editor._ + +And why this paradoxical situation? Why do we at the same time prepare +for war and work for peace? It is simply because many of our statesmen +honestly believe that the best way to preserve peace is to prepare for +war. It is true that a certain amount of strength tends to command +respect, and for that reason a navy sufficient for self-defense is +warranted. Such a navy we now have. Why should it be enlarged? Naval +enthusiasts would have us prepare, not for the probable but for the +possible. Seize every questionable act of our neighbors, they say, +magnify it a thousand times, publish it in letters of flame throughout +the land, and make every American citizen believe that the great +powers are prepared to destroy us at any moment. Having educated the +people up to a sense of threatened annihilation, they burden them with +taxes, build artificial volcanoes dedicated to peace, parade them up +and down the high seas, and defy the world to attack us. Then, they +say, we shall have peace. Is this reasonable? As sure as thought leads +to action, so preparation for war leads to war. This argument that the +United States, since she is a peace-loving nation, should have the +largest navy in the world in order to preserve peace is illogical and +without foundation. By what divine right does the United States assume +the rôle of preserving the world's peace at the cannon's mouth? Since +when has it been true that might makes right, and that peace can be +secured only by acting the part of a bully? It is unjust, it is +unpatriotic, it is unstatesmanlike, for men to argue that the United +States should browbeat the world into submission; that she should +build so many battleships that the nations of the Eastern hemisphere +will be afraid to oppose the ironclad dragon of the Western +Hemisphere. Peace purchased at the price of brute force is unworthy of +the name. Surely the United States cannot afford to be guilty of such +an injustice. If we wish to be free; if we wish to remain a true +republic; if we purpose to continue our mighty work for humanity, we +must limit our preparations for war. The best way to preserve peace is +to think peace, to believe in peace, and to work for peace. + +The extent to which the great powers will go in order to secure +enthusiasm for their military establishments is almost beyond +comprehension. Each nation has its great military rendezvous, its +grand naval parades, its magnificent display of gorgeous military +uniforms, its wave of colors, blare of trumpets, and bursts of martial +music. The United States is now sending her navy around the world--for +the purpose of training the seamen?--certainly, but also that the +youth of our land may be intoxicated by the apparent glory of it all, +and thus enlist for service; that the American citizens may be aroused +to greater enthusiasm by this magnificent display of the implements of +legalized murder, and thus be willing to build more floating arsenals +rather than irrigate arid lands, develop internal waterways, build +hospitals, schools, and colleges. + +The trouble with such exhibitions is, that it displays only the bright +side of militarism. If in place of the Russian battleships they should +display the starving masses of dejected and despised beings who pay +for those battleships; if in place of the gay German uniforms they +should exhibit the rags of the disheartened peasants who pay for those +uniforms; if in place of the grand parade they should produce masses +of wounded men and rivers of blood; if in place of the stirring +martial music they should produce the writhing agonies and awful +groans of dying men; if in place of sham war they should produce +actual war,--their exhibitions would make militarism unbearable. + +Again, we are told that we have suddenly become a world power, and +that we must prepare to exercise a new diplomacy under new conditions. +We must increase our navy, they say, to enforce this new diplomacy. We +must prepare to fight in behalf of the Monroe Doctrine. But why, I +ask, cannot this new diplomacy be enforced as American diplomacy has +always been enforced? We promulgated the Monroe Doctrine without a +navy; we have maintained it for over eighty years without the show of +force. If our new diplomacy is right, it is as strong as the world's +respect for righteousness; if it is wrong, a hundred battleships +cannot enforce it. + +We have become a world power, and therefore we have a world-wide +responsibility, and that responsibility is to establish justice, not +force; to build colleges, not battleships; to enthrone love, not hate; +to insure peace, not war. Our mission is to strike the chains from the +ankles of war-burdened humanity. Our duty is to proclaim in the name +of the Most High our faith in the power of justice as opposed to the +force of arms. May it be said of us that we found the world burdened +with militarism, but left it blessed with peace; that we found liberty +among the strong alone, but left it the birthright of the weak; that +we found humanity a mass of struggling individuals, but left it a +united brotherhood. May it be said of us that we found peace purchased +by suffering, but left it as free as air; that we found peace bruised +and stained with militarism, but left it ruling the world through love +and liberty. May it be said of us that we fulfilled our mission as a +world power; that we were brave enough and strong enough to lead the +world into the path of universal peace. + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE + +By LEVI T. PENNINGTON, Earlham College, Richmond, Indiana + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at The University +of Chicago, May 4, 1909 + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE + + +In the progress of the world the dream of yesterday becomes the +confident hope of to-day and the realized fact of to-morrow. As old +systems fail to meet new conditions and new ideals, they are +discarded; and into the limbo of worse than useless things is passing +the system of human sacrifice to the Moloch of international warfare. +For centuries world peace has been the dream of the poet, the +philanthropist, the statesman, and the Christian. That dream is +becoming a confident hope. This generation should see it an +accomplished fact. + +There was a time when individual prowess determined the issue of every +difference. Might made right, so it was thought, and the winner in any +controversy was he who had the heaviest club, the strongest arm, or +the thickest skull. Man's interrelationships multiplied as humanity +advanced; with each new relation came new causes for quarrel, and for +a time advancing civilization brought but increase in murders and +assassinations. + +We know the process by which personal combat ceased; how the duel +replaced murder and ambush and assassination; how courts of law +replaced the duel. The dreamer saw the day when personal combat should +be no more; the man of mind refuted all the arguments in favor of the +duel of men; the constructive statesman of that early day instituted +courts of law and equity. Men who had a difference insisted that it +was their quarrel and they alone could settle it; but reason saw that +two combatants inflamed by passion are least fitted of all men to see +where justice lies. Many held that where honor is involved, no one can +adjust the difficulty but those most directly concerned; but reason +saw that a man's honor cannot be vindicated by killing his enemy or +being killed by him. Men said, "If personal combat is abolished, +courage and strength will perish from the earth." But reason saw that +personal combat in a selfish cause does not bring out the highest type +of courage; and that there are opportunities enough for the exercise +of the highest and best moral and physical courage to keep valor alive +forever. It was finally urged that there would be no power to enforce +the decree if personal differences were left to the adjudication of +others; but reason said, "That power will come with the need for it." +And so courts of law and equity arose, based on the need of humanity; +laws were passed defining rights and limiting aggression; and when one +man wronged another, that wrong was settled in court by the power of +the whole people and not in personal combat with the bludgeon or the +knife. + +For similar reasons wars between states and tribes have ceased; and +face to face with the inevitable logic of past progress stands the +world to-day. Though humanity has been slow to see it, the truth has +begun to dawn in the hearts of men--that international wars are no +more to be justified than civil strife, tribal warfare, or personal +combat. Gradually the omnipotent power of right is overcoming the +inertia of humanity, and the world is moving. One by one the awful +truths concerning war are forcing themselves upon the consciousness +and the conscience of men. The mighty power of fact is beating down +the opposition to world peace. + +Men have begun to realize the terrible cost, the unbelievable +wastefulness of actual war, and the preparation for possible war. When +we read that the armed peace of Europe the past thirty-seven years has +cost $111,000,000,000, nearly as much as the aggregate value of all +the resources of the United States, the richest nation on earth, the +figures are so appalling that mortal mind cannot conceive them, and +they lose their force. When we remember that two thirds of the +national revenues of the United States are spent on wars past or +prospective, the matter comes closer home. When we realize that the +cost of a single battleship exceeds the value of all the grounds and +buildings of all the colleges and universities in Illinois, the +figures have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship would +build a home for an American family, a comfortable home costing $1700, +the common man realizes that the richest nation on earth cannot afford +to go to war nor prepare for war. + +But mere money is one of the cheapest things in all the world. The +price of war never can be paid in gold. Not in national treasuries can +you see the payment of that price, where smug, well-groomed +politicians sign bonds and bills of credit. If you would see the +payment of that price of war, you must go to the place of war. With +all your senses open, step upon the battlefield. Smell the smoke of +burning powder, the reek of charging horses, the breath of fresh, red, +human blood. Feel the warmth of that blood as you seek to stanch the +wound in the breast of one of the world's bravest, dying for he knows +not what. Hear the screams of the shells, the booming roar of the +cannonade, the clash of the onslaught, the shrieks of the wounded, the +groans of the dying, the last gasp of him whose life has reached its +end. Such is the infernal music of war. See the victim of the conflict +reel in the saddle and fall headlong. Cast your eyes on the mangled +forms of godlike men, fallen in the midst of fullest life. Come in the +night after the battle and look upon the ghastly faces upturned in the +moonlight. Gaze on the windrows of the dead, Mars's awful harvest, +that impoverishes all and enriches none, and you know something of the +cost of war. + +And yet we have seen but little. Could we but enter the wasted homes +and see the broken hearts that war has made; could we go to the +almshouses and soldiers' orphans' homes and see widows and children by +the thousand suffering the doled-out charity of state or nation +because war has robbed them of their rightful protectors; could we but +realize the agony of the broken home, a thousandfold worse than the +agony of the battlefield,--then might we know more of the real cost of +war. + +And still our idea would be inadequate, though we realized the full +measure of every groan and heartache. Earth's most priceless treasures +are still more intangible things, the treasures of justice and +kindliness and love. In that higher realm the cost of war is most +terrible and most deadly. The spirit of war in the soldier sets aside +the moral law, makes human life seem valueless, human suffering a +thing to be disregarded, human slaughter an honorable profession. The +war spirit blinds the eye of the statesman, till wrong seems right, +folly seems expediency, and the death of thousands seems preferable +to the life and happiness of all under terms of peace not dictated by +his own will. Justice is dethroned, and revenge takes up the iron +scepter and lets fly the thunderbolt. The war spirit perverts the mind +of the publicist, till the achievements of honorable peace sink into +insignificance, and the press clamors for the war that means money to +the publisher but death to innocent thousands who can have no possible +interest in the conflict. The war spirit takes possession of the +pulpit, and the minister called to preach the loving message of the +Prince of Peace stirs up the spirit of contention and animosity, of +hate and murder. Could we but draw aside the curtain and, back of the +tinsel and gold braid, see the crime, the hate, the moral degradation +that war always brings, never again would a friend of humanity ask for +war. + +But the eyes of the world are opening to the fact that the cost of war +is far too high in money and in men, in suffering and sacrifice, and +in those higher values of justice and kindliness and love. And as the +thought once grew that personal differences might be settled without +personal combat, so men are looking toward the settlement of +international difficulties without recourse to the sword. They have +seen that every argument against the duel of men applies with still +greater force against the duel of nations. And the world has moved +farther toward world peace in the past twenty-five years than in all +the centuries of history that have preceded. World peace has become +not the dream of the poet but the confident hope of the world, whose +realization is the task whose accomplishment is set for the men of +this generation. + +One by one the obstacles to world peace are being broken down. +Commerce has destroyed much of international prejudice. Community of +interest has obviated many former causes of quarrel. The sophistical +arguments of the friends of war are being answered by the logic of +hard facts. Warfare has been ameliorated by international agreement. +Vast reaches of territory have been neutralized. Unfortified cities +are no longer to be bombarded in any country. Actual disarmament has +taken place between the United States and Canada, between Chile and +Argentina.[1] Norway and Sweden have separated peaceably. Bulgaria has +achieved her independence without bloodshed. The Dogger Bank incident, +which a century earlier would have plunged England and Russia into +war, has been adjusted amicably. Two Hague Conferences have advanced +tremendously the progress of international amity. Over eighty +arbitration treaties are now in force. We already have a permanent +high court of nations, to which are being referred questions that +would once have resulted in war. And we are nearer than the dreamer of +last century dared hope to "the Parliament of man, the Federation of +the world." + + [1] The famous "disarmament" between the Argentine Republic + and Chile was brought about by a series of four documents of + May 28, 1902, one of July 10, 1902, and one of January 9, + 1903. A preliminary protocol declares the disposition of both + countries "to remove all causes for trouble in their + international relations." A general treaty of arbitration + unlimited in scope was signed for a period of ten years. A + convention bound each country to "desist from acquiring the + vessels of war now building for them, and from henceforth + making new acquisitions." Article II says that "the two + governments bind themselves not to increase their naval + armaments during a period of five years, without previous + notice." As a result of arbitration resulting from this + series of agreements the frontier was disarmed and remains + free from military posts. New naval programs of both + countries were formulated after the expiration of the period + of abnegation, and dreadnoughts are now in course of + construction.--_Editor._ + +But not yet has the millennium dawned. In the face of all this +progress, armies and navies are stronger and more burdensome than +ever. The United States spends more on wars past and prospective than +for all educational purposes, and England, France, Germany, Russia, +groan under the burdens of the armed peace of Europe. Armed to the +teeth, the nations of the world lie watching one another. The mind of +the world is convinced that war is futile and terribly wasteful. The +heart of the world is convinced that war is cruel and inexcusable. The +conscience of the world has admitted that war is wrong and morally +unjustifiable. And still the preparation for war goes on, and unless +conditions are changed, war is inevitable. What is to be done? The +world's will must be moved, and men must be led to do what they have +already admitted is right and just and expedient. + +As we have led in other days, so must America lead to-day. As the +light of republican government and complete justice to the individual +first saw full dawn in the United States, so the eyes of the world are +turned toward us to see the dawn of world peace, and full justice to +all the nations. It is ours to lead. The example of the United States +will do more than a century of argument and conference. America should +begin the disarmament that will eventually mean the triumph of world +peace. + +We have naught to fear. We are far distant from the storm centers of +the world. We have no foes within that demand a large standing army, +and there are no enemies without that are anxious to try conclusions +with us on land or sea. Then away with war talk and war scares and +"jingoism." In time of peace let us prepare for peace, that all the +world may enjoy peace. American disarmament will be a tremendous +stride toward the accomplishment of the world's desire--the cessation +of international warfare; a great world's court, to settle all +international differences; an international police force, to give +effect to the decrees of this court; and the end of the burdens of +armies and navies under which the whole world is groaning. Let heart +and voice and pen, pulpit and press and platform, soldier and +statesmen and private citizen, ask for peace, and not for war. + +This is a part of the world's larger hope. Pessimists there are who +say that human nature is belligerent, and that war will never be +abolished. But international warfare has already seen the handwriting +on the wall. Mars has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. +The fruitless slaughter of the millions is not to be forever nor for +long. Let us hasten the day when the rolling war drum will be hushed +forever, the bugle note no longer call to carnage; when "nation shall +not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any +more." Love shall take the place of Hate, and Justice sit on the +throne instead of Greed. Some day in the not distant future the +nations that have all these centuries bowed before the god of war +shall own eternal allegiance to the Prince of Peace. And "of the +increase of His government and of Peace there shall be no end." + + + + +THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE + +By ARTHUR FORAKER YOUNG, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University +of Michigan, May 13, 1910 + + + + +THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE + + +In the worship of Mars, Herodotus tells us, the ancient Scythian +erected an old scimitar at the summit of a huge brush heap. To this, +as a symbol of the great god of war, he offered not only the produce +of the land but also human life in sacrifice. We shudder as we picture +the priest standing over his victim, his hands wet with the blood of +his fellow man. We cry out in horror as we think of the lives these +peoples sacrificed. We call it an inhuman glorification of a pagan +deity. We call it a ruthless waste of wealth and human life. These +practices we pronounce to be the result of a popular delusion--a false +sense of obligation to the spirit of war. Yet from the time the +Scythian drew the blood of his victim in homage to the great war god, +even down to our own day, the nations have paid homage to Mars. + +Though we boast of our progress in civilization, history reveals the +fact that we, too, have been the victims of the Scythian's delusion. +Is it not a fact that one of the most terrible customs of savage men +counts among its followers to-day all the nations of the earth? The +subtlest skill of the scientist, the keenest intelligence of the +statesman, vast stores of the world's resources, are devoted to +maintaining great armies and navies, to inventing new means of attack +or defense, to enlarging and making more deadly the enginery of war. +What is our boast of civilization, while we tolerate this devotion of +so many men and so much of wealth to war? Is this not a sacrifice +essentially pagan in spirit? Are we not still paying unrighteous +homage to Mars? + +Why, then, we ask, do nations make provision for war the first +necessity of national life? Behold Russia. A few years ago, in time of +famine, spending millions of money for war equipment when millions of +her own peasantry were slowly starving for the lack of one dollar's +worth of food per month. What motive impelled Russia to this heathen +conduct? It was solely that Germany, France, England, Japan, and the +United States had great armies and navies against which starving +Russia must be prepared to defend herself. What dire stress compels +England to-day to perpetuate her program of naval supremacy when she +is struggling in the throes of budget difficulties which seem all but +unsolvable? What is it that compels Germany and France to tax +themselves until they fairly stagger under the burden of military +expenditures? Naught other than a suicidal lust for military power. +Naught other than the infatuation of the dizzy, competitive war dance +of mutual destruction--each nation blindly driven by all, and all by +each. + +We as Americans profess to find in the conduct of Russia, in the +militarism of England and Germany and France, examples of militarism +run rampant. How our hearts have warmed within us when we have thought +of our own republic as the happy envied nation, free from the burden +of militarism! Our farmer has gone singing about his work, apparently +not having to carry on his back a soldier, as does the European +peasant. Our mechanic has freely plied his trade without thought of +supporting a sailor. Yet how can we say that the United States in +buying battleships and erecting coast defenses, in arming her soldiers +with Krag-Jörgensens, has not been deprived of schools, colleges, and +opportunities essential to happiness and prosperity? In a decade we +have spent nearly a billion dollars on our navy alone. Yes, we have +aped the military fashions of Europe and have set a new standard of +military waste. + +Verily our national advancement waits on militarism. Inland waterways +should be improved; forests must be safeguarded; other natural +resources of untold value should be conserved; millions of acres of +desert lands should be improved; millions in swamps should be +redeemed. The problem of the nation's food supply is becoming urgent; +for its solution we must look more and more to scientific methods in +agriculture. Yet contrast the support our government gives these vital +interests with war's mighty drain on our treasury. Congress +appropriated $648,000,000 for all expenditures in 1910. Of this amount +$407,000,000 were appropriated for war expenditures and the glories of +militarism. For this same year agriculture received for all its needs +the comparatively paltry sum of $12,000,000. In spite of the fact that +our nation is devoting two thirds of its enormous national +expenditures to war, our militarists point to our vast national wealth +and sneer at the niggardly mortals who object to spending it for guns. + +It is evident that no nation is yet beyond the infatuation for display +of the splendors of war, yet in every one there are signs of a new +power that is coming upon us. All are thinking less of the glories of +war--of the beat of the drum, of the rhythmic tread of regiments, of +glittering sabers and of monster battleships--and are thinking more +and more of the glories of peace, of thriving industries, of +magnificent libraries, of comfortable homes, and of more efficient +schools. Obviously, though we still possess a war spirit, we are +seeing with a clearer vision that the waste of war is depriving us of +the fullest measure of the wealth of peace. Our frame of mind is much +the same as that of the ragged street urchin who, having lost his +day's earnings, thinks of a hundred things which he might have spent +it for. The same spirit is permeating every nation. The American +manufacturer, the Russian peasant, the English mechanic, the German +scientist, the French scholar, are all asking themselves, "Why need +the world continue to carry this Atlantean burden of war?" + +Already this sentiment has accomplished practically all that can be +done in humanizing war. It has outlawed the dumdum bullet, it has +enforced radical sanitary measures, it has neutralized the Red Cross +and brought its ministrations to the relief of the sufferings of war. +But humanized war is not the goal of this sentiment. As long as there +is an increase of armaments there will be war; as long as the battle +rages there will be waste and suffering. The same sentiment which has +humanized war now demands war's abolition. It has already accomplished +something toward this end in making the settlement of international +disputes through arbitration more probable than war. What it has not +accomplished is the discrediting of militarism. It has failed to stop +the growth of armaments. Can we expect our regiments to find +contentment in the irksome routine of training camp with never a +thought of charging the enemy? Can we expect to man the seas with +fleets of war just for gay parade and cruises around the world? Can we +expect that our skilled gunners will be satisfied to practice, +practice always, and never long for human targets? It is against +arming nations for battle and tempting them to fight that the peace +sentiment is rousing itself and is being organized. It is in this +labor that peace societies the world over are performing valiant +service. Their great mission is the creation of an intelligent public +opinion, a force more potent than government itself. + +What, for instance, was the purpose of the founder of this +Intercollegiate Peace Association? Not, I take it, to give men a +chance to win petty oratorical triumphs; not, I suppose, to bring +together speakers to entertain such audiences as this--or to weary +them. But their object must have been to set the men of our colleges +to thinking on the great question of peace. In such ways are peace +societies using the platform and the press to establish a firm basis +for unity and peace throughout the world. + +Yesterday the advocate of world peace was called a dreamer; to-day +rapidly organizing public opinion demands the abolition of war and +recognizes the wealth and culture of peace. Yesterday we erected +statues to those who died for their country; to-day we cheer the +Gladstones, the McKinleys, the Roosevelts, who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed the knee to Mars; to-day we join in peans to the +Prince of Peace. Yes, the new spirit of the day is fraternal; it is +undaunted; it is for mankind. Even now the world's geniuses are +mustering the soldier citizens of every nation for a peaceful +conflict. The great battles of to-morrow are to be fought in quiet +laboratories, in legislative halls, in courts of justice, and on the +broad battlefields of productive labor. + +The final outcome is, indeed, irresistible. Racial movements have +mixed all peoples; the oceans have become the world's common highways; +the air is filled with voices speaking from city to city and from +continent to continent; an international postal system makes the +world's ideas one; there is quick participation of mankind in the +fruits of invention and research. We behold financial and economic +enterprises world-wide in their outreach; we feel the force of social +projects and social ideals that concern not one but every nation; and +we are participating in missionary movements that affect not one but +every race, and are changing the very face of nature itself. Our world +is a world unified beyond all possible conception a century ago, and +the world unity is a certain stepping stone to world peace. + +The world never offered grander opportunity to the nations for +leadership--not for leadership in military splendor, but for +leadership in the sublime paths of peace. For the United States this +call means not only opportunity but even obligation. Already this +country has performed well her duty in fostering international +arbitration. She has been a party to half of the cases where disputes +between nations have been referred to the Hague Tribunal. Arbitration +is performing its mission with more and more efficiency, yet each year +the war budgets of the nations are increasing. The peace sentiment now +demands a decrease of armaments, a conversion of the waste of war into +the wealth of peace. To demonstrate that this is practicable is the +immediate opportunity before us, our present obligation. What is our +waste of war expressed in terms of the wealth of peace? Notice! Two +thirds of the cost of one dreadnought, like the mammoth _Florida_ +launched but yesterday, would erect and furnish a veritable palace for +every foreign ambassador and minister of the United States, thus +solving a perplexing problem of our diplomatic service. One +twenty-second of the cost of one dreadnought would support for one +year the entire force of the American Board of Foreign Missions in +their work of proclaiming our gospel of peace. One half the cost of +one dreadnought would erect and equip twenty-five manual-training +schools, teaching the rudiments of a trade to forty thousand young +people each year. The cost of two dreadnoughts would provide every +state in the Union with a half-million dollars with which to save the +juvenile delinquents from criminal courts and schools of vice behind +prison bars. The cost of one dreadnought, wisely spent each year in +the fight against tuberculosis, would make the white plague in a +single generation a disease as rare as smallpox is to-day. + +Where now we are erecting battleships and forts, it is for us to build +libraries and schools. Where now we drain our treasuries in equipping +men to fight their fellow men, it is for us to arm against the common +enemy, disease. Where now we pour out our wealth before the pagan +Mars, it is for us to devote our treasure to supporting the works of +the Prince of Peace. + +Such a victory for peace would make America not simply a world power: +it would make her the world leader. Will we stop tagging at the heels +of Great Britain and Germany and travel this broadening road in which +we can be first? How humiliating to struggle along, a trailer in the +military procession! How noble to set the daring example of living up +to the belief in peace! Will we say: "See our hands; we bear no +bludgeons. Search us; we carry no concealed weapons. Militarism we +have thrown to the scrap heap of practices discredited and vicious. We +have stopped war's wanton waste of men and treasure; we rejoice in the +growing wealth of peace ideals realized"? Thus shall we speed the +steadily growing public opinion of the world, to the bar of which must +finally come every nation which does aught to break or hinder the +world's peace. + + + + +THE HOPE OF PEACE + +By STANLEY H. HOWE, Albion College, Albion, Michigan + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Johns Hopkins +University, May 5, 1911 + + + + +THE HOPE OF PEACE + + +The history of civilization is a record of changing ideals, and ideals +are best reared in the hearts of the world's young men. Inevitably, +nations look toward the cradle for their future and intrust the care +of their destiny to the hands of youth. "Tell me what are the +prevailing sentiments that occupy the minds of your young men," +declared Edmund Burke, "and I will tell you what is to be the +character of the next generation." When the blood of youth is sluggish +and impure; when the young hold wealth more dear than worth, remove +the check of virtue from their selfish aims, establish Mammon as their +god, and, ambitious to govern the world, forget how to govern +themselves,--then nations choke and die. But when the blood of youth +is rich and pure, pulsating through the veins of the universe with +strong, resistless surge; when fathers teach anew the angel's message +of good will and peace, and sons build high their goal upon a pedestal +of service and of truth,--then nations breathe and live. What hope, +then, asks the world, finds the doctrine of peace in the ideals and +aspirations of America's youth to-day? + +The nation faces a charge of militarism. It is the indictment of her +critics that never before in American history has the government +entertained an attitude so hostile toward her neighbors and so +dangerous to the interests of peace. They point to the attempt to +fortify the Canal and cry out that America would drain her treasury +to build a monument of reproach to international integrity. They +criticize the vast appropriations for the navy and declare that +America is starving her poor that she may more pompously parade the +seas. They protest against the "war-game" on the Rio Grande[1] and +even charge that in the interest of a Wall Street king America invites +the world to arms. And these are not illusions. The lure of gold has +turned the nation from her mission. The spirit of commercialism has +eclipsed the sentiment of brotherhood and tempted the Republic to +barter her honor for the price of imperial supremacy. Wherein, then, +again asks the world, finds America hope for the future? And to the +charges of her critics, with their dismal prophecy of a "wrong forever +on the throne," this is the nation's answer and defense--that an +eclipse is never permanent, that the world stays not in the valley of +the shadow forever, and that the solution of the problem, the +fulfillment of a national mission, and the hope of world peace find +their common assurance in the changing ideals of America's aspiring +young men. + + [1] Part of the United States army was mobilized on the + frontier for maneuvers, in 1911, owing to the Mexican + revolutionary disturbances.--_Editor._ + +The young American is essentially ambitious. He is wont to seek the +shortest path to leadership, and, when blocked at one highway, to turn +with undiminished ardor to another. And his ideal is a mirror of the +age in which he lives. In revolutionary days he covets the glory of a +minuteman, and in the deeds of Warren and Putnam finds the +consummation of his hopes. Again, in the hour of civil war his eyes +turn toward the battlefield--and from her boys under twenty-one the +Union draws eighty-five per cent of her defenders. But fortunately for +America this drama of the youth's ideal has one more act. The lure of +fife and drum has become a thing of the past. The glamour of military +life has become a dream of yesterday. The young man is learning that +the prize of battle is never equal to the price. And with the growing +conviction of the folly and futility of international strife must +disappear the last apology for war. Nations will cease to struggle, +not when they have learned that war is a tragedy but when they have +discovered that it is a farce. + +And the youth of to-day is learning it. In the same deplorable +conditions which the nation's critics have regarded as an alarming +tendency toward militarism, he reads a message of the absurdity of +war. Militarism itself is revealing a mission. Based as it is on the +spirit of aggrandizement, it is teaching to youth the economic value +of a human life. It is uncovering its own selfish motives and +betraying its own senseless ends. It is impressing the world with the +truth that battles are fought for purse string and not for principle. +It is teaching to youth a new ideal; it is itself the answer to +complaints of friends and calumnies of foes. It is the cloud before +the dawn. It heralds the coming of the brightest epoch yet chronicled +in American history. It is the realization of that glorious prophecy +of John Hay that the time is coming when "the clangor of arms shall +cease, and we can fancy that at last our ears, no longer stunned by +the din of armies, may hear the morning stars singing together and all +the sons of God shouting for joy." + +And is this but the dream of a visionary? Is it merely the fancied +perception of an inexistent star? Is it nothing more than a +groundless hope and an alluring vagary? The answer is visible +everywhere. And the hope of peace finds its safest assurance among the +institutions of learning in America. James Bryce has referred to the +United States as the nation having the largest proportion of its young +men in college. In the last month of June more than fifty thousand +collegians wore the cap and gown of graduation. It is to the trust of +the college-bred man that the peace movement confides its future, and +modern education assumes no greater responsibility than the training +of the new world-citizen. Already the school has become the most +potent factor in the new uplift. The youth is no longer dependent upon +the newspaper for his knowledge of world-politics. An intelligent +study of foreign affairs is at last regarded as of as much importance +as a study of the past. To broaden the young man's vision of the +world, prominent educators are even advocating traveling fellowships. +In twenty-five of the larger universities of America an association of +Cosmopolitan Clubs is establishing the groundworks for a wider +international fraternity. Plans are already under way to have an +organized delegation of more than a hundred students of all +nationalities present at the third Hague Conference. Day by day the +problem of world-unity is becoming more and more deeply embedded in +the mind and thought of the rising generation. More and more is +youthful patriotism becoming a realization of the truth that "Above +all nations is humanity." The lure of war is losing its magnetic power +and the brotherhood of man becoming more and more an international +reality. A sentiment for universal peace is sweeping the world, and +behind the defenses of advancing civilization, armed with the strength +of a lofty and unselfish purpose, stands an army of America's young +men, mustered from the nation's colleges, enlisted to serve for an +eternity, and invulnerable in the protection of a new and a conquering +ideal. + +Therefore the significance of the young man in the world's affairs +to-day is something more than a fancy. Again and again the plea for +world-harmony hears a response in the changing ideals of a new +generation. The growing sentiment of the educated youth of Japan finds +its crystallization in the efforts of Count Okuma toward the +consummation of world-disarmament. The spirit of the youth of England +finds expression in the ambitious dream of George V, whose hope it is +to tie the bond of Anglo-Saxon unity, long since dissevered by George +III. Among the young men of Russia the life of the great philosopher +of world-citizenship has left a lasting conviction of the +senselessness of war. Even in imperialistic Germany the reckless +building of dreadnoughts brings out a vigorous and uncompromising +protest from the thinking youth of the land. In America a vision of +the international parliament of man, growing large in the minds of her +leading statesmen, finds expression in the continued philanthropy of a +great industrial king. And, most significant of all, these are the +world-wide examples that the college man enthrones in the empire of +his thoughts. Sixty thousand European students, bound together by the +cosmopolitan ties of a peace fraternity, have ceased to glorify the +triumphs of the battlefield. The commentaries of the hero-worshiper +to-day do not record the names of a Marlborough or a Bonaparte. Rather +does the young man find his idols in the more humble annals of a +Tolstoy or a Hay. And the new ideal of international peace is not +merely the religion of a few enthusiasts. In an individual way these +apostles of peace voice to the world the spirit of the unnumbered +thousands of obscurer men whose lives and talents are directed, not to +the construction of material kingdoms but to the building of a better +and more world-wide brotherhood. + +Such is the Hope of Peace. The nation's critics may continue their +indictment, and, pointing out the crises of the hour, paint in dismal +hues a picture of the problems never to be solved except by shot and +shell. Her skeptics, blinded by thought of the errors of the past, may +prophesy the desecration of her honor and the disappointing failure of +her hopes. The press may pen a graphic story of the military spirit of +the age, and frowning patriarchs relate the deeds of golden days gone +by. But underneath this cloud that overhangs, and almost hidden in the +gloom of history's disparagement, the new world-citizen discerns the +birth-light of a brighter and more steadfast star,--perceives the +coming triumph of good will and peace,--and the awakened eyes of +expectant America look forward with promise to the dawn of that new +day when a nation shall be judged by the weight of its cross and not +by the wealth of its crown. + + + + +THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR + +By PERCIVAL V. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor + +First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1912, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912 + + + + +THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR + + +Ex-President Roosevelt has made this astounding statement, "By war +alone can we acquire those virile qualities necessary to win in the +stern strife of actual life." These words, coming from the lips of a +nation's idol, have fallen like a bomb shell in the camp of the +pacifists. Not that Mr. Roosevelt's opinion was of overwhelming +weight, but that he was voicing the opinion of some of the most +influential thinkers of the modern world. Not long before the German +philosopher Nietzsche had taken a like position, and he was indorsed +by Von Moltke, the statesman; Ernest Renan, the historian; Hegel, the +philosopher; Charles Kingsley and Canon Farrar, the divines. We must +have a care, we peace advocates, how we treat such men's opinions. If +they are right; if, as they maintain, war develops a nation, then we +are fighting against the instrument of our own salvation and +smothering the only hope of the nation itself. + +But are they right? Does war make for national greatness? Before we +can give a rational verdict we must answer certain other questions. +What is our nation, anyway? What are the factors that make for its +greatness? And how does war affect these factors? + +Plainly our nation is not some abstraction that haunts the marble +halls at Washington. Nor is it our vast dominion on which, like +England's, the sun never sets. You will find it rather in workshop and +store and factory; it is no more nor less than our men. If the +capital at Washington is founded on pygmy manhood, it will be blown +away like thistledown before some passing wind of revolution. Russia, +Turkey, Spain, will tell you that. If our men are giants, the nation +will be lasting as adamant. England and Germany and America are +monumental testimonies. + +Now what are the qualities in our men that make the nation great? + +Here a problem in analysis confronts us. Let us go about it as does +the student in the laboratory. He dissects a plant or mineral to find +the mysteries of its nature. We are to dissect a civilization to find +the factors of its strength. One little specimen will reveal the +secrets of the whole species. So one sample of civilization will show +the hidden springs of all. Go with me to the public square of any +modern city and there you will behold the qualities that build all +civilization. From the hum and rattle and roar that rises from the sea +of humanity come a thousand various voices, but all speak of one +theme--industry. There in the center of the throng and press a slender +monument rises, crowned perhaps with a figure of Liberty or Justice. +It tells you a simple story of Idealism. Yonder stands a silent, +vine-clad church, crowned by a mighty finger pointing heavenward and +beckoning always to the higher life. What need of going farther? +Industry, Idealism, Morality--already we have found the secret of +human success, the triple key to all advance, of man or group or +nation. Here is Carlyle, with his gospel of labor, the labor that +conquers all things; here is Ruskin, with his exalting idealism, that +gives an aim and purpose to all human toil; here is the great apostle +Paul himself, who transfigures that toil and exalts that purpose with +his everlasting gospel of moral sublimity. Here is our threefold +criterion, by which every nation must stand or fall. The Anglo-Saxon +is what he is through unceasing industry, perpetual aspiration, and +moral strength. The Central African is what he is through inbred +sluggishness, total lack of purpose, and almost total absence of +morality. + +These are the basic elements of national greatness. But the great +question still remains, How does war affect them? + +Concerning the effect of war on labor, we declare unhesitatingly that +the two are everlasting foes, and that whenever War lays hands on +Labor's throat, it strangles her. This is part of the inevitable +program of war, for note that it is on the laboring men that the +dreadful claims of war must fall. Mark its course. A bugle sounds the +call to arms. From workshop, mill, and factory the laborers pour +forth; out go the men into a trade where plunder and robbery are a +means of livelihood; when pillage and slaughter wane, indolence +becomes the order of the day; commerce degenerates into +blockade-running by sea and marauding by land. How tame the life of +peace to this wild life of war! And all the time the love of toil is +fading from men's minds; at home the factory wheels are turning more +and more feebly, and when at last the sword is laid aside, there is +only "confusion worse confounded," for the channels of labor are +choked with men reared in habits of indolence or trained in the school +of vice. Before the scar on that nation's industry can finally be +healed, decades and perhaps centuries of peace must pass away. + +But if war is a scar on the nation's industry, it is likewise a blot +on her ideals. Though this element of idealism at first seems +visionary and impractical, it is one of the foundation stones of +progress. The fixed gulf between what man is and what he knows he +might be is the decisive factor in his advance. Ideals are the pulleys +of the unseen, round which man throws his hopes and aims, by which he +pulls himself across the chasm and into the larger life. To advance at +all, man must have ideals--for himself, for his family, for his +nation. But mark the effect of war on these ideals. In place of the +ideal of peace--to serve men and uplift them--one is taught the ideal +of war--to make himself the most widely feared of professional +murderers. Instead of the ideal of peace--to make his family +comfortable, happy, and prosperous--comes in the war ideal, by whose +terms the family head deserts his own flock to kill other family heads +for the eternal glory of the Stars and Stripes. As for his ideal of +the nation's greatness, we have ample testimony that when bullets and +cannon balls cone crashing through the splendid structure of his +purpose, it speedily crumbles into an ignominious desire to hide +himself behind the nearest tree. No; do not say that war builds up +ideals; it tears them down and tramples them in the dust; aye more, it +sets back crime itself where they should rightly stand. + +But if war so dethrones a nation's ideals, what may it not do to a +nation's morality? Imagine if you can a million men, the core of the +national power, turning themselves into machines to carry out blindly +the schemes of leaders who may be right or wrong; schooled in the +belief that manslaughter is manliness, that the rash courage of the +brute is above the moral courage of a man; forgetful of the meaning +of human life; thoughtless of a thing so common as death; heedless of +its eternal consequences. No wonder Channing cried so bitterly: "War +is the concentration of all human crimes. Under its standard gather +violence, malignity, rage, fraud, rapacity, and lust. If it only slew +men, it would do little. But it turns man into a beast of prey. Here +is the evil of war, that man, made to be the brother, becomes the +deadly foe of his kind; that man, whose duty is to mitigate suffering, +makes the infliction of suffering his study and end." + +No, Mr. Roosevelt, for once at least you are wrong! We cannot believe +that war builds up a nation. Rather will we believe those words of +Herbert Spencer, more sweeping but far more true, "Advance to the +highest forms of man and society depends on the decline of militancy +and the growth of industrialism." + +"But wait," you say; "all this is theory and abstraction. We want +matters of fact. Your case may be true as philosophy, but you have +failed to ground it in example." So it is to history that our last +appeal must be made, for, says Bolingbroke, "History is philosophy, +teaching by example." Every decree of her stern tribunal is impartial +and irrevocable. War the tonic or war the poison? She is the final +judge. She will take you back, if you will, to her childhood days and +point you out vast empires, owning the known world, Babylonians, +Assyrians, Egyptians, Medes, and Persians, fearful fighters all of +them. But no, not quite all either. On a sandy stretch of seashore, +half hidden by the unwieldy empires around it, we see a timid, +peaceful little people called the Hebrews; they alone, from all that +mighty company, have stood the "wreckful siege" of thirty centuries. +Watch its sinister movement down the ages and you will see the war +cloud hover over Greece, and her republics melt to nothing in disunion +and decay. It hovers over the Huns, and they suddenly sink from sight; +over Islam, and its civilization crumbles faster than it grew; over +Spain, and all the New World treasures cannot save her from decay. +Finally, like the cloud no bigger than a hand, it rises from the +island of Corsica and moves toward Central Europe. All too well does +Europe know its meaning. From north and south, from east and west, she +pours into the field the finest armies that the Old World ever saw. +Then she pauses. Europe grows tense with a nameless dread. The storm +cloud blackens, hovers lower, then bursts with all its fury through +the continent. For ten long years, at the command of an imperial +butcher, the soil is drenched with blood, the sky grows lurid from +burning Paris to burning Moscow, three million homes are draped in +black. Grand, indeed, and glorious! But Europe lost more than her +gorgeous standards, more than her ruined cities; she left her manhood +on those bloody fields. + +We might extend the awful picture, but the story is the same, dread +tale of death for nations as for men. Is not this enough? Is it not +clear that this traitor to labor, this despoiler of ideals, this foe +to morality, is not the benefactor but the destroyer of nations? And +shall we not "here highly resolve" no longer to walk in this "valley +of the shadow of death," but to hasten toward the dawning of a +brighter, purer day? For in spite of pessimism, in spite of +scholarship, in spite of history, the day is + + "coming yet, for a' that-- + When man to man, the world o'er, + Shall brothers be for a' that." + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS + +By RUSSELL WEISMAN, Western Reserve University Cleveland, Ohio + +First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1912, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912 + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS + + +The day for deprecating in general terms the evils of war and of +extolling the glories of peace is past. Such argument is little +needed. International trade requires peace. International finance +dictates peace. Even armies and navies are now justified primarily as +agents of peace. Yet so wantonly are these agents looting the world's +treasuries that they are themselves forcing their own displacement by +courts of arbitration. The two hundred and fifty disputes successfully +arbitrated in the past century challenge with trumpet-tongued +eloquence the support of all men for reason's peaceful rule. To-day no +discussion is needed to show that if war is to be abolished, if navies +are to dwindle and armies diminish, if there is to be a federation of +the world, it must come through treaties of arbitration. In this way +alone lies peace; yet in this way lies the present great barrier to +further progress--the conception which many nations, especially the +United States, hold of "national honor and vital interests." The +reservation from arbitration of so-called matters of national honor +and vital interests constitutes the weak link in every existing +arbitration treaty between the great powers of the world. This +reservation furnishes the big-navy men all the argument they need. It +destroys the binding power of the treaties by allowing either party to +any dispute to refuse arbitration. It was by this reservation that the +United States Senate so lately killed the British and the French +treaties. And I contend here to-night that the one subject which +imperatively demands discussion is national honor and vital interests. +That the next important step must be the exposure of the reactionary +influence of the United States in excepting these matters from +arbitration. + +Only fifteen months ago President Taft made his memorable declaration +that this barrier ought to be removed from the pathway of peace. He +proposed that the United States negotiate new treaties to abide by the +adjudication of courts in every international issue which could not be +settled by negotiation, whether involving honor or territory or money. +The next morning the proposal was heralded by the press throughout the +world. A few days later the halls of Parliament resounded with +applause when Great Britain's secretary of state for foreign affairs +announced that his government would welcome such a treaty with the +United States. France soon followed. Then, to the surprise of all, +hesitating Germany and cautious Japan showed a like willingness to +enter into such agreements. Universal peace seemed all but realized. + +The cause was at once borne up on a mighty wave of public opinion. The +peace societies were in a frenzy of activity. Mass meetings of +indorsement were held in England and America. Editorials of approval +appeared in all parts of the world. The movement was now irresistible. +Within eight months the British and the French treaties were drafted. +Three of the greatest nations of the world were at last to commit +themselves unreservedly to the cause of international peace. Even +disputes involving national honor should not halt the beneficent work +of high courts of law and of reason. The day when the treaties were +signed, August 3, 1911, was hailed as a red-letter day in the annals +of the civilized world. It was proclaimed the dawn of a new and +auspicious era in the affairs of men and of nations. + +During all the months preceding the action of the Senate on these +treaties the only statesman of any prominence to raise his voice in +opposition was ex-President Theodore Roosevelt. The gist of his +successive and violent attacks on the treaties is contained in this +utterance, which I quote, "It would be not merely foolish but wicked +for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute that affects our +vital interests or our independence or our honor." In this spirit, to +the surprise and disappointment of the whole nation, the Senate +amended the treaties out of their original intent, and placed upon +them limitations that defeated their purpose. By the Senate's action +the United States is still committed to the pretense that there may be +occasion for a just and solemn war, that vital interests and national +honor may force us to fight. + +What, then, are the vital interests that can be conserved only by +saber and bullet? Nothing more, nothing less, according to various +acknowledged authorities, than a state's independence and its +territorial integrity. Did the keen mind of our former president +really foresee the seizure of some of our territory by England or +France? Yet he protests it that it would be "not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute that +affects our vital interests." Did Senator Lodge and his threescore +colleagues who amended the treaties actually fear an attempt to +overthrow our form of government, to destroy our political +institutions, or to take away those individual rights and sacred +privileges upon which our government was founded? Yet to save us from +such fate they refused unlimited arbitration. + +For the United States to except from arbitration her vital interests +is obvious pretense. To add thereto her national honor is extreme +hypocrisy. What is national honor? No man knows. It is one thing +to-day; another, to-morrow. It may involve an indemnity claim, a +boundary line, a fisheries dispute. In fact, any controversy may be +declared by either party, at will, to be a question of national honor. +Thus in the hands of an unskilled or malicious diplomacy, any question +which was originally a judicial one may become a question of national +honor. What, then, will we arbitrate? Every case in which a favorable +award is assured us. If we want Texas, we send an army after it. Every +case that does not rouse our anger. Let the _Maine_ blow up and we +fight. A treaty with an elastic exception like this is a farcical sham +and a delusion. + +It is high time the true and humiliating significance of these +fearsome phrases should be as familiar to every taxpayer as is the +burden of bristling camps and restless navies. Read the record of +Great Britain's first offer of unlimited arbitration in the +Olney-Pauncefote treaty of 1897. There, too, you will find national +honor and vital interests clogging the machinery of universal peace. +By these same exceptions the Senate emasculated that treaty and +defeated the spirit of the agreement. Is it conceivable that the +Senate actually feared that our interests would be imperiled by that +treaty? Did it delve out some hidden dangers which escaped the careful +scrutiny of both the English and American embassies, some peril +unforeseen by the keen judicial mind of President Cleveland, who +characterized the defeat of the treaty as "the greatest grief" of his +administration. + +But this is not all. The American representatives at both Hague +Conferences were the first to place these same limitations on all +arbitration proposals. + +Look at it from what point of view you will, our government's conduct +must appear humiliating. Considering the fact that universal +arbitration treaties have proved practical, it is well-nigh +incredible. Behold our bellicose sister American republics. Argentina +and Chile, Brazil and Argentina, Bolivia and Peru, all have agreements +for the arbitration of all questions whatsoever. All the Central +American republics are bound by treaty to decide every difference of +whatever nature in the Central American Court of Justice. Denmark's +three treaties with Italy, Portugal, and the Netherlands withhold no +cause, however vital, from reason's peaceful sway. Norway and Sweden +likewise have an agreement to abide by the decision of the Hague Court +in whatever disputes may occur. The very existence of all these +treaties is significant, yet even more significant is the fact that +they have been triumphantly tested. Norway and Sweden at one extremity +of the globe and Argentina and Chile at the other have thus quietly +settled disputes in which their honor and interests were seriously +involved. + +Do you ask further evidence of the hypocrisy with which our Senate +parades our national honor and our vital interests to the undoing of a +grand work? Search our history and you will find it in abundance. In +the great case of the Alabama claims, Charles Francis Adams pronounced +the construction of Confederate ships in English ports to be a +violation of the international law of neutrality. This certainly was a +question of national honor and vital interests, yet he pleaded for +arbitration. In reply Lord John Russell said, "That is a question of +honor which we will never arbitrate, for England's honor cannot be +made the subject of arbitration." The case was debated for six years. +Then came England's "Grand Old Man," the mighty Gladstone, with a +different view. "It is to the interest," he said, "not only of England +and the United States, but of the world, peaceably to settle those +claims." He submitted them to a joint high commission. England lost +and paid. Thus the honor of both nations was successfully arbitrated. +Likewise the Newfoundland fisheries case had been a bone of contention +between Great Britain and America from the day our independence was +recognized. As late as 1887 it threatened to become the cause of war. +No question ever arose which more vitally affected the interests of +America, yet the Senate recently accepted a settlement by arbitration. +Similarly, the Alaska fur seal dispute, the Alaskan and the Venezuelan +boundary disputes, and the northeast boundary controversy all involved +both the vital interests and the national honor of England and +America, yet all were satisfactorily and permanently arbitrated. So +excited were we over our northwest boundary that the principal issue +of a political campaign was "The whole of Oregon or none! Fifty-four +forty or fight!" Yet we peaceably acquiesced in a treaty that gave us +neither. + +Yes, our honor may be arbitrated. If we are ill-prepared for war, we +arbitrate. If we are sure of a favorable award, we arbitrate. But we +must have a loophole, an ever-ready escape from obligation. Posing as +the most enlightened nation on the face of the globe, we refuse +entirely to displace those medieval notions according to which +personal honor found its best protection in the dueling pistol, and +national honor its only vindication in slaughter and devastation. To +unlimited arbitration we refuse to submit. + +Fifteen years ago England, the mighty England, gave us her pledge that +no cause should ever justify war. This pledge our Senate in the name +of honor refused. Unlimited arbitration agreements were suggested at +both Hague Conferences. Americans promptly placed restrictions upon +them in the name of honor. Again has England with enthusiasm just +offered us unrestricted arbitration. Again she is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. France, too, bears to our doors an +unqualified pledge of arbitration. France, too, is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. Germany and Japan express a desire to +settle every question at the bar of justice. Impelled by honor we pass +their desire unheeded. Our Clevelands, our Olneys, our Edward Everett +Hales, our Carl Schurzes, our John Hays, have all urged unlimited +arbitration. Our Davises and Clarks and Platts and Quays in Senate +seats have undone their work in the name of honor. Our Charles Eliots +and Nicholas Butlers, our Albert Shaws and Hamilton Holts, now plead +for universal peace through unlimited arbitration. Senators Bacon and +Lodge and Heyburn and Hitchcock, apparently impelled by constitutional +prerogative, party prejudice, or personal animosity, now cast their +votes for limitations in the name of honor. From the platform of peace +conferences, from the halls of colleges, from the pulpit and the +bench, from the offices of bankers and merchants and manufacturers, +from the press, with scarcely a column's exception, there arises a +swelling plea for treaties of arbitration that know no exceptions. In +the name of honor that plea is defied. + +Honor? No, an ocean of exception large enough to float any number of +battleships for which pride and ambition may be willing to pay! Honor? +No, a finical and foolish reservation that at any moment may become a +maelstrom of suspicion and rage and hatred and destruction and death! +Honor? No, a mountainous barrier to peace that must be leveled before +there can be progress! Honor? No, the incarnation of selfishness, the +cloak of shrewd politics, the mask of false patriotism! National +honor? No, national dishonor! + +Before the nations of the world the United States stands to-day in an +unenviable light. It is a false light. Since the days of William Penn +and Benjamin Franklin our people have led in much of the march upward +from the slough of weltering strife. Many a stumbling block to +progress we have removed from the rugged pathway, but for fifteen +years our government has refused to touch the barrier of national +honor and vital interests. England and France have now laid this duty +squarely at our door. "It is a social obligation as imperative as the +law of Moses, as full of hope as the Great Physician's healing touch." +Let us here highly resolve that there shall be uttered a new official +interpretation of national honor and vital interests, an +interpretation synonymous with dignity and fidelity, sincerity, and +integrity, and confidence in the vows both of men and of nations. "If +we have 'faith in the right as God gives us to see the right,' we +shall catch a vision of opportunity that shall fire the soul with a +spirit of service which the darkness of night shall not arrest, which +the course of the day shall not weary." + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM + +By PAUL B. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor + +First Prize Oration in the Central Group Contest, 1913, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM + + +Robert Southey has asked through the lips of a little child the +greatest peace question that the world has known. He pictures a summer +evening on the old battlefield of Blenheim. On a chair before his +vine-clad cottage sat old Kaspar while his grandchildren, Wilhelmine +and Peterkin, played on the lawn. Suddenly Peterkin from a nearby +brook unearthed a skull and, running, brought it to Kaspar's knee. The +old man took the gruesome thing from the boy, and told him that this +had been the head of a man killed in the great battle of Blenheim. +Then little Wilhelmine looked up into her grandfather's face and said: + + "Now tell us all about the war, + And what they fought each other for." + +Here we have the central question in the problem of war. Why do men +fight? Through the answer to that question lies the path to +world-peace. + +Few men fight to-day for glory. Modern militarism has no place for +Lancelots and Galahads. The glory of the regiment has absorbed the +glory of the individual. Few men fight to-day to gain great wealth. +The treasures that glittered before Pizarro do not tempt our soldiers. +Material wealth is more easily won in factory or farm or mill. Few men +fight to-day for religion. The conquest of religion has become a +conquest of peace; the very ideal of peace is an end of religion +itself. Glory, wealth, religion--these are no longer the causes of +war. Then why do men fight? The answer is obvious. Men fight to-day +for patriotism. Patriotism is the cause of war. + +The next step in our reasoning is more difficult. If patriotism is the +cause of war, how shall we treat the cause to destroy the result? +Shall we attempt to abolish patriotism as Tolstoy would have us do, or +shall we try to change its nature so that war as a natural result will +be impossible? To answer these questions we must study patriotism from +its very beginnings. We must ask: What is patriotism? Where did it +come from? What place has it in our life? + +Observe first the simplest cell of life, the amoeba. We can watch it +through the microscope. It is so tiny that it keeps house in a drop of +water. It has neither emotion nor consciousness, in the human sense. +It lives a while, and then splits in two to form other cells that have +no connection with each other. Yet this infinitesimal bit of life has +an instinct, the instinct to save itself. Watch an amoeba as fire is +brought near. It immediately moves away. Its every act is regulated by +this one instinct, self-preservation. + +Now let us leave the microscope and go outdoors. Over there is a bird +in a tree top, feeding its young in a nest. Suppose that a fire should +suddenly consume the tree. Would the mother bird fly away in safety? +No, it would die on its nest in the effort to save its young. There is +more than self-preservation here. The scientist will tell you that the +instinct has expanded to include the preservation of the offspring. + +And now turn to primitive man. The recent excavations in Sussex will +give us a picture of him. He is a wild, gorilla-like figure that +creeps beneath the trees. He can leap with lightning force on his +prey. He drapes his body with bearskins, and eats meat from fingers +that end in claws. And yet with all his savage ferocity, this is more +than an animal. This is a man. In his breast there stir the instincts +of a man. In his life we see the vital element of patriotism, love. +His little savage family is more precious to him than all the world. +He will fight and die, not only for self-preservation but for those +who to him are "brother and sister and mother." This is the stamp of +the human. This is the potentially divine. + +But as the storms of war beat about these little savage families, the +sense of common danger welded them into one. Out of grim necessity +friendship came, and friendship gave birth to patriotism. Loyalty and +sacrifice were not limited to the family; men fought and died for +their tribe. + +And now let us turn the microscope upon ourselves. We would fight for +our country. We say because we love our country. We call that feeling +patriotism. It is more extended than the savage love of tribe; it +gives loyalty to a great government and democratic principles. We +speak of that feeling as divine, but it is terribly human. Its +expression is the same harsh ferocity that inspired the life of the +savage. + +To-morrow America goes to war. In great black type we read the call +for men, and a sense of common danger thrills us. In the evening by a +street lamp's glare we watch a passionate agitator who points to a +flag that we have learned to love. The tramp, tramp of passing +regiments and the sound of martial music thrill us. We lay down our +tool or pen and march to the front. And then comes the first +engagement. The air is blackened with rifle smoke; the roar of +cannonry deafens us. Dazed, we crouch behind an earthwork while the +enemy creeps through the smoke. Suddenly they charge. We fire, but +they surge on through the smoke. They mount the earthwork. We leap +together! Men scream hoarsely! Musket butts crash! Daggers plunge into +quivering flesh! Divine feeling! Glorious patriotism! + +The passing of this savage patriotism is inevitable. The whole course +of nature is against it. The very history of development will tell you +that. Loyalty has never been an immutable thing. It has been a +ceaseless and irresistible growth from the individual to the family, +to the tribe, to the nation. The time for a world-patriotism has come. +Why should men limit their loyalty by a row of stones and trees that +we call a boundary? Why are men patriots, anyway, except to save their +privileges and their government? The primitive patriot had no choice +but to fight. He was put down in a little plot of cleared ground +hemmed in by mighty forests, and made to hew out a home in a vast +world of enemies. But how far we have come from him! The +twentieth-century world is a little world. Our earth is like an open +book. We have cut through the jungle wastes of Africa; we have +photographed the poles. We sell and buy things from Greenland and +Java. In such a civilization war-patriotism has no place. It is no +longer the only guide to self-preservation; it has become the most +terrible instrument of self-destruction. And for just this reason +war-patriotism must go. It runs counter to the whole trend of nature +itself. It is diametrically opposed to the mission of patriotism in +the world. Just as those little savage families joined hands in +tribal loyalty, just as the scattered clans and tribes united under +national government, so nations must clasp hands around the globe in a +new spirit of "worldism" that shall make war impossible. + +But we cannot gain a world-spirit by a sudden destruction of our +patriotism. We will never usher in tranquillity with a crash. The +nihilism of Tolstoy would plunge us into lawlessness and anarchy, for +the chief element of patriotism we must keep. "What is that element?" +you ask. It is the willingness of the individual to sacrifice his +welfare for the welfare of the group. There we have the stem of the +world-spirit of to-morrow. But the blossom will not burst forth in a +night. It must come by an unfolding and a growth. We cannot climb to +universal peace upon a golden ladder and cut the rungs beneath us. +Evolution builds on the past. The final spirit of "worldism" will be a +broadening and a deepening and a humanizing of the spirit of sacrifice +which is the noblest element in our patriotism. + +"But," you ask, "if the evolution of patriotism is inevitable, what +have we to do with it? Why should we meddle with the course of +nature?" We reply that the evolution must come through you. We are not +"puppets jerked by unseen wires." "Consciousness," says Bergson, "is +essentially free." Man the savage or man the philosopher--he alone can +decide. Let him purify patriotism with Christianity and he has +brotherhood; adulterate it with avarice and he has war. The evolution +of patriotism is not a physical thing. Listen to Huxley, "Social +progress means a checking of the cosmic process at every step and the +substitution for it of the ethical process." The evolution of +patriotism, then, is a moral thing, and morality is man-made. We are +men, but we can be supermen. We are patriots of a nation. We can be +patriots of the world. + +The evolution of patriotism is no theorist's dream. It is a palpable +fact. The patriot of one age may be the scoundrel of the next. A turn +of the kaleidoscope and Paul the convict trades places with Nero the +Emperor. Who was the ideal ancient patriot? The statesman, Pericles? +The thinker, Plato? No. The most efficient murderer, a Macedonian boy. +"I must civilize," he says. So he starts into his neighbor's country +with forty thousand fighters at his back. Does Persia yield its +banner? No. Then crush it. Does Thebes resist? Then burn it to the +ground. Do the women prate of freedom? Load them with slave chains. +What? Do they still hold out? Then slaughter the swine. And as men +watch him wading through seas of blood, riding roughshod over +prostrate lives and dead hopes and shattered empires, the blind age +cries out, "O godlike Alexander!" + +"Godlike!" Oh, but there's new meaning in that word to-day. How much +nobler a picture our modern patriot presents! Not waving the brand of +destruction, not a king of murder will you find the great patriot of +to-day. His thunderbolt of conquest was a host of righteousness. His +empire was built in the hearts of men. In the teeming slums of the +world's greatest city he lifted the standard of the Christ. Haggard +children stretched out hands for bread. He fed them with his last +crust. Thousands were dying in the city's filth. He pointed them to a +more Beautiful City where pain should be no more. And when the body of +William Booth was borne through the silent throngs of London streets, +a million heads were bowed in reverence to this patriot of a purer +day. In every hamlet of civilization some heart called him godlike. + +Is not the trend of patriotism clear? Are not the seeds of a new +world-loyalty already in our soil? The trumpet call to war can never +rouse this newer patriotism. The summons "peace on earth and good will +to men"--that is the future bugle call. And for us the task is clear. +To take our destiny into our own hands, to throw off the prejudices of +nationalism, to turn our faces resolutely to the future and strive for +that summit of brotherhood and universal peace, that + + "One far-off divine event + To which the whole creation moves." + + + + +CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT + +By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland + +First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1913, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT + + +Ladies and Gentlemen: + +We are gathered here this evening in the confident expectation that a +rule of reason will soon be established among the nations. It has been +a hard, at times almost a discouraging, fight--for it is difficult to +convince the world of its own insanity, and lovers of peace have often +been tempted to cry in their despair, "How long, O Lord, how long?" + +But there have always been men, with vision unaffected by martial +glamour, who have foreseen in the logic of the world's history the +inevitable end of war, and we have progressed now to a point where +peace is the normal condition in international relationships. But it +is an armed peace, founded on the false principle of suspicion and +distrust, and we come now to consider the practical question of what +the third Hague Conference can do to establish peace upon a firm and +enduring foundation. + +You will remember that the First Hague Conference established a +so-called Permanent Court of Arbitration. It is not a definite, +tangible tribunal, but merely a panel of a hundred or more men from +whom the arbiters in each specific case may be selected; and +therefore, though it is a great step in the right direction and though +it has accomplished some good work, it has not commanded full +confidence and recognition. To supplement this court the Conference +of 1907 proposed a new organization--a Judicial Court of Arbitration, +to be composed of seventeen judges of recognized legal authority, to +sit for terms of twelve years, and to be competent to decide all +cases. Here, then, is the nucleus of an easily accessible supreme +court of the world, whose decisions would soon build up a new system +of international law. Its composition, jurisdiction, and procedure are +agreed upon. The vital problem, a mode of selecting the judges, +remains unsettled. Evidently, then, the first great duty of the next +Hague Conference is to put into operation this court, of which all the +nations recognize the need and desirability. + +Following logically the establishment of competent machinery for +arbitration comes the second great duty of that conference--the +passage of a convention binding the nations to resort to this court in +all cases that fail of ordinary diplomatic settlement. The Judicial +Court of Arbitration, if the nations are not bound to use it, would +certainly fail of its purpose. A general treaty making arbitration +obligatory is not too much to demand, for the Conference of 1907 +declared itself unanimous "in recognizing the principle of compulsory +arbitration." Separate arbitration treaties mounting into the hundreds +have been negotiated between individual nations, but almost all +contain that fatal reservation of questions of "honor and vital +interests." Honor and vital interests--could any words be more vague +and indefinite? Are these not the very cases which interested nations +are least competent to decide? A complete answer to that silly +reservation is found in our hundred years' peace with Great Britain. +As John W. Foster, that keen student of our diplomatic history, has +said, "The United States can have no future dispute with England more +seriously involving the territorial integrity, the honor of the +nation, its vital interests, or its independence, than those questions +which have already been submitted to arbitration." Denmark has agreed +with Italy and the Netherlands to arbitrate all questions that fail of +diplomatic settlement, thus insuring perpetual peace between those +nations. Here indeed is the pathway of true national honor. + +Coincident with the establishment of the legal machinery for +arbitration and the growth thereof, we would naturally have expected a +cessation in the mad race for armament-supremacy. But the very reverse +has happened, and to deal firmly with this contradictory situation is +the third great duty of the next Hague Conference. Of what avail are +our Courts of Arbitral Justice when this intolerable economic waste is +permitted! To limit armaments was the avowed purpose of the First +Hague Conference, but nothing was accomplished save the adoption of a +neatly worded resolution that the limitation aforesaid is "highly +desirable for the enlargement of the material and moral well-being of +humanity." In 1907 the subject was again under discussion, the nations +exhorted to a serious examination of the question--and there the +matter rested. We have reached now an insufferable stage where +effective action must be taken. Let us hear no more that deceptive +catch phrase, "If you want peace prepare for war." When bad blood is +likely to arise between individuals the very worst policy to pursue is +to furnish them with weapons. And so it is with nations. Consider, if +you will, the neck-and-neck race between Great Britain and the German +Empire in the construction of battleships. What fool will call that +preparation for war a guaranty of peace? We might be disposed to admit +the sincerity of those who say we must arm and ever arm to maintain +peace, except that they are too often men with professional and +business interests at stake. In England there have been amazing +revelations of this sinister condition--armament companies with peers, +members of Parliament, newspaper owners, officers of the army and +navy, as stockholders; enormous appropriations forced through +Parliament by interested parties; periodic war scares in newspapers +inspired by armament syndicates. Only recently we read how the great +Krupp firm of Germany had been exposed in its practice of bribing +officials to obtain valuable military information and furnishing +French newspapers with war-scare articles calculated to induce Germany +to increase her armament orders. In Russia and France they face a +similar state of affairs. Here in the United States we are undoubtedly +not free therefrom. And then there are the navy leagues in every +country, playing upon the fears of the nations by startling tales of +what the others are doing, and so on through an endless chain, +manufacturing a demand for battleships in the name and under the guise +of patriotism. We shrink from the contemplation of such greed and +selfishness, and appeal for relief to the third Hague Conference. + +We come now to a consideration of the fourth prime duty devolving upon +that conference. Ocean commerce in war should be rendered inviolable. +In effecting this we not only abolish a barbarous custom, but at the +same time remove one of the chief causes of great navies. As long as +the safety of the merchant marine is not guaranteed by international +agreement, just so long will nations with commercial aspirations +build enormous navies for their protection. It is true England has +hitherto opposed this reform,--confident in her naval supremacy,--but +she cannot again fly in the face of a general demand without too great +a sacrifice of prestige. + +Here, then, are four important problems of the peace movement, all +difficult, but not impossible of solution when we remember that the +Conference of 1907, in good faith, I believe, adopted the following +declaration, "That, by working together during the past four months, +the collected powers not only have learnt to understand one another +and to draw close together, but have succeeded ... in evolving a very +lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity." Whether these +fine words breathe sincerity or hypocrisy the next Hague Conference +has ample opportunity to prove. + +And now, what shall we say of the position of America in this war +against war? Her boundless resources; her amalgamation of men from all +parts of the world into one people; her impregnable geographical +situation; her embodiment of the three cardinal principles of +world-union (federation, interstate free trade, interstate courts); +the genius and ideals of our government--all give America a logical +leadership. She can boast of the first peace society in the world, of +a glorious record of arbitration, of a long list of the wisest +international statesmen, of a most advanced position at The Hague upon +the questions of ocean commerce, courts of justice, arbitration, +limitation of armaments. But there is the darker view. The treaties +negotiated by Secretary Knox with France and with England, agreeing to +arbitrate every question that fails of diplomatic settlement--those +treaties were rejected by the United States Senate. There was a +transcendent opportunity to lay the foundation for a speedy +realization of peace universal, with France and England willing, yes, +even anxious to coöperate--and America failed! Mr. Taft has shown that +if the position of the Senate is accepted as international law, then +we may as well bid farewell to any hopes of leadership in the peace +movement, for our nation could then enter upon no general arbitration +agreements because of the prerogative of the Senate in each specific +case to accept or refuse arbitration. + +It is at this point, Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is work for the +humblest of us to do. In the intellectual field we can aid in the +creation of an intelligent, forceful public opinion that will induce +the Senate to recede from its fatal attitude, and that will resist a +false, cheap patriotism which is relentlessly endeavoring to crush +America 'neath the burden of militarism. Then in the moral field we +can stimulate and foster a peaceful attitude, a sentiment for peace, +in the hearts of our countrymen; and until this is accomplished there +can be no peace universal, for, as Senator Root has said, "The +questions at issue between disputing nations are nothing, the spirit +that deals with them is everything." And finally, in the educational +field, let us take heed that the men and women of our rising +generation are taught the glorious pages of our arbitration history as +well as they know the battles of our country. Let us take care that it +is grounded into their minds and habits of thought from earliest +years, that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." + +In conclusion, let us not be deceived by that vain apology for war, +that it is necessary to keep alive the heroic spirit and to stimulate +manly courage. Despite the noble side in war, its bestial side +predominates; its larger effect upon men is demoralizing. And if it be +glorious to die for a cause, how much nobler to live and strive for an +ideal, utilizing the talents that God gave us for its realization! The +movement for peace is not one of weaklings and mollycoddles. It is +championed by red-blooded men, daring to bear the ridicule of the +thoughtless and to fight for the preconceptions of humanity. Peace has +her heroes in daily life--miners, mariners, policemen, firemen, men of +every station, displaying the nobility of their souls often unheralded +and unsung. The venerable William T. Stead, bearing across the ocean +his message of international good will, sacrificed his life on the +_Titanic_ that others might live. He was a hero, yes, but a hero of +peace. + +It would be an insult to your intelligence to prove the self-evident +proposition that war is uneconomic, unscientific, unchristian. The +movement for its elimination, above all, is logical and practical, and +should appeal to every man. Is it nothing to you? Yes, it is a great +deal to you. Merely let your imaginations picture the day when the +seventy per cent of our national revenue now sacrificed on the altar +of folly is diverted to the arts of peace, to the amelioration of +social conditions, to advancing the happiness of our people--at peace +with all other peoples in the assurance of international law and love. +Ladies and Gentlemen, if we but do our duty, the dawn of that great +day will come in our generation! + + + + +THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE + +By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois + +First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1913, and Third +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE + + +The birth and rapid rise of the present movement for international +peace are events of recent years. The nineteenth century found its +welcome in the smoking cannon and crimsoned fields of Hohenlinden. At +its close the first great peace conference of The Hague was in +session. One hundred years ago Napoleon was sweeping across Europe in +his terrible attempt to create an empire. To-day France, England, and +America have agreed on treaties that declare for unbroken peace. +Touched by the wand of progress, the Utopian ideal of yesterday has +become the dominant political issue of to-day. It is pertinent, then, +that we seek the true nature of this revolution. Is it borne on the +crest of a popular impulse that will recede as rapidly as it has +risen, or is it a permanent movement, the product of natural forces +working through ordinary channels? + +The nineteenth century represents a break with the past. Swept into +the mighty current of transition, the habits and customs of a thousand +years have disappeared. With the development of natural resources, the +establishment and growth of the factory system, the use of means of +rapid communication, nations have entered upon a new era. Commerce and +industry have come to dominate thought and action and are transforming +the very life of the world. Defying the rigorous climate of both the +poles, trade has penetrated the frozen recesses of Hudson Bay and +made of the Falkland Islands a relay station in the progress of +victorious industry. Nor is the equatorial heat more discouraging. The +thick jungles of Africa have yielded their secrets, and the muddy +waters of the Amazon are churned by propellers a thousand miles from +the sea. International trade routes traverse the seas, connecting +continent with continent. In forty years this commerce has increased +from two billions to thirty billions. Giant corporations have ignored +political boundaries, carried trade wherever profitable, and are +supplying the varied demands of entire communities. Tariff walls, but +lately effective barriers, are crumbling before the onslaught of +trade. Nations are no longer independent. The wheat from Canada and +the Dakotas feeds the mill workers of Sheffield and the nobility of +Berlin. The failure of the Georgia cotton crop halts the looms of +England and raises the cost of living throughout Europe. Nations can +no longer exist as self-sufficient economic units. Never before were +they so mutually interdependent. Never before has the welfare and +security of one state depended upon the enterprise and diligence of +another. And the movement for international peace is the chance +offspring of these new social forces, at once a protest and a warning +against the wrecking of modern economic structures by the ruthless +hand of war. + +Commerce, the most important of these new forces, flourishes +unprejudiced by armaments and military prestige. In the open +competition of the world's markets stronger powers meet and suffer +from the rivalry of states that have no military standing. Relative to +population, Norway has a carrying trade three times as great as +England's. With her million trained warriors Germany is beaten by the +merchants of Holland. The flag of little Denmark flies at more +mastheads than does the Stars and Stripes. Where then is the +commercial advantage supposed to attend superior military strength? + +But it is to prevent the seizure of its commerce by others that +nations must empty their treasuries to keep ironclads afloat. Yet what +could be gained by attempted confiscation? If Germany annihilated +England's navy to-morrow, how would she profit? Commerce is a process +of exchange, the continuance and promotion of which is dependent upon +the degree of mutual profit. Commercial gain is not a consequent of +military success. It is since England seized the gold fields, diamond +mines, and fertile plateaus of lower Africa that British securities +have dropped twenty points. In 1871 Germany humbled and humiliated +France almost beyond toleration, yet her share of the world's commerce +has not been augmented thereby. So would it be with England. True, +Germany might commit some depredations and hinder the passage of +trade, but what would be her motive? How could she gain? Even if the +British Isles were depopulated, it is doubtful whether Germany would +benefit. For by what miracle would Germany be able to develop the +facilities, the shipyards, mills, factories, foundries, mines and +machinery, to supply the trade which the foremost of commercial +nations has been generations in building up? Germany's banner might +wave over the Bank of England, her excise boats police the Thames and +the Clyde, yet she would behold the trade of a conquered province +going to foreign nations. Trade does not follow the flag. Undisturbed +by political changes or military reverses, it flows in constantly +widening channels wherever productive fields are found. + +And in the waging of war, do we reckon the direct cost to commerce? +The commercial relations of the entire world are disturbed. Prolonged +conflict is accompanied by the closing of the bank and the factory, +the dismantling of the shop and mill, and the lengthening of the bread +line in every city and town. In what state of prosperity and happiness +might not France have been had Napoleon never lived? With half a +century gone, our own country is still suffering from the devastation +of the Civil War. Our commerce with South America is scarcely beyond +the point it had reached before our week-end tiff with Spain. Yet +there are those who prate of national honor and of war as insuring +prosperity. From the leader of a newborn national party we hear that +without a periodic war America would become effeminate and weak, her +aggressive commercial life timid and corrupt, and within a few brief +years the great Republic would sink to a fourth-rate power. Up, brave +Americans, and man the guns! Awake, sons of freedom, and sweep the +seas! Fourteen years without a war; our beloved land is ruined. You +men of the factory and mill, you men of property and business, you +producers of the nation's wealth, forward into the carnage; burn the +homes of thrift and industry, for commerce will be enriched thereby; +ravage the fields and despoil the cities, for this will insure +vigorous national life; impoverish happy peoples, spread famine and +pestilence through fertile valleys, mark the sites of contented +villages with smoldering ruins, defy your Christian God, and kindle +the fires of hell in human breasts; commit violence, treachery, +rapine, ay, murder,--for the eternal glory of the Stars and Stripes. +Yet commerce and industry--the glittering prizes which every nation +covets when it builds a dreadnought or enlarges its army--demand that +the creative forces of peace supplant the destructive wastes of war. + +To-day the financial relationships of nations are inextricably +entangled. The big banks in the capitals of the world are in +communication with each other every second of the day. During the +American crisis in 1907 the bank rate in England went up to seven per +cent, forcing many British concerns to suspend operations. Because of +the Balkan War the bank rate in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna is the +highest in twenty years, and European securities have depreciated over +six billion dollars. Foreign investments are raising insuperable +barriers to war. Should the French bombard Hamburg to-day they would +destroy the property of Frenchmen. Let Emperor William capture London, +loot the Bank of England, and he will return to find German industry +paralyzed, the banks closed, and a panic sweeping the land. Let +English regiments again move to invade the United States, English +warships draw up in battle line to attack our seaports, and four +billions of the earnings of the English people would bar the way. To +the victor of the present the spoils of war are valueless. Japan, +victor over the great Russian Empire, staggers under a colossal debt. +The Italian government hears rumbles of discontent, because the cost +of winning a victory has been too great. What better proof do we need +that war is profitless, that it means financial suicide? It has been +transformed from a gainful occupation into economic folly, and war +will cease because the price is becoming prohibitive. + +In this movement for peace, capital's strongest ally is her most +active enemy. Raised to a position of independence and power by the +Industrial Revolution, labor is wielding an effective influence. The +complexity of modern business has aroused workingmen in every country +to a common interest and sympathy. The International Congress of Trade +Unions, representing twenty countries and over ten million men, has +declared for universal disarmament. Just last month eighty-five +thousand coal miners in Illinois resolved that if the United States +declared war on a foreign power, they would call a general strike. + +And why not? Why should the workingmen of one country offer themselves +as targets for those of another? Why should the workers of Germany be +taxed to support a war against England, Germany's best market? Can the +rice growers of Japan profit by killing Americans to whom they sell +their produce? War means suffering and want, and the laborer has come +to know it. He is cold to the sight of its flaunting flags and the +sound of its grand, wild music, for he sees the larder bare, funds +exhausted, and hunger at the door. He refuses to sacrifice his body +and the welfare of his family upon the altar of Mars. No longer can +kings and emperors satisfy their grasping ambitions. Armed by the +ballot, the masses are to-day supreme. Never again will the cruel hand +of tyranny press to their lips the poisoned cup of death. Their sway +is absolute. The destinies of nations are in their keeping. The decree +has gone forth that war must cease. + +Born of these greater movements, a host of influences bring nearer the +dawn of peace. The express and the wireless have supplanted the oxcart +and the courier. Chicago and Boston are closer to-day than New York +and Albany a century ago. Within the hour of their occurrence events +that happen in Paris are published in Chicago and St. Louis. Political +boundaries are fading before larger interests. Every railroad train +crossing the frontier, every ship plying the seas, every article of +commerce, every exchange of business, every cable conveying news from +distant lands--all these are potent factors in the cause of +international peace. Add to these the conciliating influence of +foreign investments, the telephone and telegraph, travel, education, +democracy, religion, and you have marshaled a host for peace whose +clarion trumpets shall never sound retreat. Casting aside the +prejudice of ages, modern industrialism flings around the world the +economic bonds against which the forces of militarism are powerless. + +Here, then, in the world-wide operations of commerce and industry is +the _assurance of peace_. The skeptic may scoff and the cynic point to +Mexico and the Balkans, but the Industrial Revolution has produced a +multitude of influences that are knitting the nations into an +indissoluble unity. Men are beginning to realize the integrity of +mankind, and a world-consciousness is arising. Kindness and +justice--yesterday but community ideals--are extending their sway +throughout the earth. Even while bayonets are bared in conflict and +cannon thunder against hostile camps, the magic of our civilization is +weaving bonds of union that cannot be broken. Peace, not war, is the +true grandeur of nations; love, not hate, is the immutable law of +God; and so surely as governments and kings are powerless to divide +when home and factory would bind, some not too distant day will find +the battle flags all furled, the sword's arbitrament abandoned, and +the world at peace. + + + + +EDUCATION FOR PEACE + +By FRANCIS J. LYONS, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, +representing the Southern Group + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914 + + + + +EDUCATION FOR PEACE + + +Time was when war was beneficial. Historians have justified the spread +of knowledge by the sword. At the world's awakening, it was well that +the new thought should be diffused even at the sacrifice of human +blood. It was justified because there was no other means. We have to +cast our imagination back through the centuries and realize that then +there were no railroads, no telegraph, no newspapers; that man was +bound by narrow limits; and the elemental processes of the world were +undiscovered. We do not criticize Alexander for conquering the eastern +perils, for he carried in his phalanxes the spirit of new-discovered +thought. We do not denounce Rome for piercing the unknown realms with +her legions, for she was the mother of a new belief. But this was at +the dawn of history, when erudition was in its struggling embryo, and +the physical was the better part of man. Man went forth to battle as a +religion. + +The world grew partly wise, and man preached the gospel of +brotherhood. But it did not last. The changing of the peoples +smoldered the fires of rising intelligence, and the world rolled back +again in darkness--a darkness long and black. Centuries passed, and a +new light came, slowly but courageously. Man blinkingly came forth, +dazed and unsteady. The light grew, and man grew with it; but rooted +deep in his heart was the love of war of his ancestors. In a different +spirit, it is true; but it was there, and he went forth to battle not +because it was religion, but because it was brave. + +The world rolled on; war grew; it developed with the state; it became +an art; was studied--and now our cycle turns. It faces us as a custom +backed up by the centuries--deep-rooted, a consumer that yields no +returns and, what with our modern appliances, a terror to the hearts +of all the world. Men fought in the early ages because they thought it +was just; men fought in the Middle Ages because they considered it +brave; men of our modern age will banish war because it is a fallacy. + +Do you know that to maintain our so-called prestige we spend seventy +per cent of our national income? Think of it! Seventy per cent to +maintain our present status and to prepare for the future! Think of +that awful drain; think, if applied in other channels, what good could +be done! We are proud of our battleship _Texas_. She is a noble war +dog; yet do you realize that if we had applied the money spent on her +in our own state we could have had one gigantic paved highway twice +the distance from El Paso to Galveston? We could have had two hundred +high schools, representing $75,000 each. We could have raised our +institutions of higher learning to a level with any of the East or +North. Fifteen millions gone for a floating war machine which in +twenty years will be a piece of rusted, useless iron; fifteen millions +for a sailing dragon who, each time one of her big guns speaks, wastes +the equivalent of a four-year college education for some +youth--$1700--for a single shot. Our war dogs sail the seas; our +soldiers parade our forts; and we look on and raise a joyous hubbub as +the nations of the world rush madly on, wasting themselves in the +race for military supremacy. + +Have you ever considered yourself transported to some celestial +height, and there, from the regions of the infinite, allowed to view a +battle on earth? How foolish it must seem, these pygmies coming forth +to make war. See them as they charge and wound and kill! See brother +slay brother! See the wounded left to die! Hear the cries of distress, +and picture the grief that follows all! Men battling to conquer; men +assuming the prerogative of a god--how foolish, yet how serious! And +these artificial lines that men call boundaries, how punctiliously +they are guarded! "Take but a hundred feet, and we shall war with +thee." How foolish this too must seem when viewed from above--that we +should carry on war over even a slight infraction on any imaginary, +mathematical line. + +We cherish the thought that the youth of our land are being taught +self-restraint. It is ever impressed upon them that there are courts +of justice for the settlement of controversies. Law and order have +become stock phrases, dinned into their ears at every turn. The man +who would settle his difficulty by trying the physical metal of his +adversary is of the past. By the new order he is taboo as a savage. +Individual self-restraint rings out in our vocabulary as nationally +descriptive. The babe at the mother's knee learns first the virtue of +it; the child at school is tutored to it soundly; the man in life is +lectured with it regularly. Brotherhood! Love! Self-restraint! + +But what of the self-restraint of the nation? In the teaching of the +individual, is it not odd and inconsistent that we forget the +teaching of the unit? We paint the inner rooms of our national +character with colors bright and pleasing, but the exterior, though +weathering the heavier storms, is forgotten. If the child be taught +that individuals should arbitrate their differences, can he not learn +that the individual nations are subject to the same rule? If +arbitration is best for each man, surely it must be best for all. If +the child be taught that self-restraint is the boasted characteristic +of the model American, should he not learn that the model American +nation should be self-restraining? Let us learn this lesson, and +surely we will never war. Herein shall we find the solution of this +great problem. We can preach about peace and write pretty orations, +but if we are to impress it upon the hearts of the world, we must +teach it, and in a systematic manner. It is not to be learned in a +day. It is the labor of a generation and more. It must be a fully +developed characteristic. Man is learning self-development; now we +must turn to the bigger ideals--national restraint, national +development, international brotherhood. + +Do you say this is idealism--visionary? On the contrary, it is +thoroughly practicable. The only way to attain world-peace is for the +individual citizen to think peace, to teach peace, and to act in +accordance with such thoughts and teachings. Just as public opinion +causes war, so only through cultivated public opinion can we hope for +peace. I do not say to sink our battleships and turn free our army. I +do not argue that we should quit guarding ourselves and throw +ourselves open to the world; but what I seek is that we should turn +our faces with bright hope to the future, eager to assist in the +abolition of all that tends to war, eager to assist in the only +proper way--the enlightenment of the world-nations. + +The call comes naturally to America, the land of new belief; America, +the New World of Opportunity, as Emerson calls it; the land cut off +from the conventional past; a land that has taken world-leadership in +the march of a single century. To America, where problems are studied +and fallacies dethroned, the birthplace and the abiding home of +democracy; to America, the Christian, the civilized! What will the +answer be? Already we can hear the faint responses, as yet vague and +indistinct, the drowned murmurings of the wiser tongues. These must +grow into a national anthem whose echo will challenge the powers of +the world and startle them into the consciousness of the new +brotherhood. We will answer: + +"Yes, we have learned the lessons of the centuries--that war is a +fallacy, and armed peace its ill-sprung child; that man is no longer +savage; that with enlightened mind he has controlled his warring +instinct; that human love is a mightier power than war; and that we +are one in the brotherhood of the Master. + +"Let us stand before the nations, clad in simple honesty, panoplied in +elemental justice; let us appeal to the common conscience of the +world; let us say to the war-made powers, there is a way out, and we +will lead. We will help you police the sea; we will give our +constabulary to a quota of peace, but we are through. No great +standing army, no more leviathan battleships. We trust to what we +boast of as the highest attainment of the age, the innate justice of +civilized humanity." + +To such a national summons, how will Texas respond? Facing the Mexican +boundary for eight hundred miles, Texas is to-day peculiarly the +guardian of our nation. The situation calls not for agitation and +jingoism, bit for rare patience, sanity, and self-control. Through +troubled waters our chosen captain is guiding the Ship of State. It is +no time for mutiny, but rather a time for obedience. + +In this critical hour let every loyal citizen say with a contemporary +poet: + + In this grave hour--God help keep the President! + To him all Lincoln's tenderness be lent, + The grave, sweet nature of the man that saw + Most power in peace and let no claptrap awe + His high-poised duty from its primal plan + Of rule supreme for the whole good of man. + + In this grave hour--Lord, give him all the light, + And us the faith that peace is more than might, + That settled nations have high uses still + To curb the hasty, regulate the ill, + And without bloodshed from the darkest hour + Make manifest high reason's nobler power. + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE + +By LOUIS BROIDO, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, +representing the North Atlantic Group + +Second Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914 + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE + + +Since the dawn of history the teachers, thinkers, and prophets of +mankind have prayed and labored for the abolition of war. In the +process of the centuries, their hope has become the aspiration of the +mass of men. Growing slowly, as do all movements for righteousness, +the cause of peace first claimed the attention of the world in the +year 1899, when Nicholas of Russia called the nations together to +discuss ways and means for the arbitration of international +differences and for the abolition of war. From that day on, the +movement for peace has progressed by leaps and bounds, and to-day it +has reached the highest point of its development. + +Already nations have signed treaties to arbitrate many of their +differences. Holland, Denmark, Argentina, and Chile have agreed to +arbitrate every dispute. But these nations are not potent enough in +world affairs for their action to have an international influence. It +remains for the great powers like England, France, Germany, and the +United States to agree to submit every difficulty to arbitration, and +thus take the step that will result in the practical abolition of war. + +If one would find the reasons that thus far have kept the great powers +from agreeing to submit _all_ differences to arbitration, his search +need not be long nor difficult. The Peace Conference of 1907 reports +that the objections to international arbitration have dwindled to +four. Of these objections the one commonly considered of most weight +is this: "We will not submit to arbitration questions involving our +national honor." Even so recently as the spring of 1912, our own +Senate refused to give its assent to President Taft's proposed +treaties with France and England to arbitrate all differences, and +refused on the ground that "we cannot agree to arbitrate questions +involving our national honor." This is the statement that you and I as +workers for peace are constantly called upon to refute. + +Let us, therefore, consider what honor is. For centuries honor was +maintained and justice determined among men by a strong arm and a +skillfully used weapon. It mattered not that often the guilty won and +the dishonorable succeeded. Death was the arbiter, honor was appeased, +and men were satisfied. But with the growth of civilization there +slowly came to man the consciousness that honor can be maintained only +by use of reason and justice administered only in the light of truth. +Then private settlement of quarrels practically ceased; trial by +combat was abolished; and men learned that real honor lies in the +graceful and manly acceptance of decisions rendered by impartial +judges. + +As men have risen to higher ideals of honor in their relations with +one another, so nations have risen to a higher standard in +international affairs. Centuries ago tyrants ruled and waged war on +any pretext; now before rulers rush to arms, they stop to count the +cost. Nations once thought it honorable to use poisoned bullets and +similar means of destruction; a growing humanitarianism has compelled +them to abandon such practices. At one time captives were killed +outright; there was a higher conception of honor when they were +forced into slavery; now the quickening sense of universal sympathy +compels belligerent nations to treat prisoners of war humanely and to +exchange them at the close of the conflict. At one time neutrals were +not protected; now their rights are generally recognized. A few +hundred years ago arbitration was almost unknown; in the last century +more than six hundred cases were settled by peaceful means. + +During the last quarter of a century we have caught a glimpse of a new +national honor. It is the belief that battle and bloodshed, except for +the immediate defense of hearth and home, is a blot on the 'scutcheon +of any nation. It is the creed of modern men who rise in their majesty +and say: "We will not stain our country's honor with the bloodshed of +war. God-given life is too dear. The forces of vice, evil, and disease +are challenging us to marshal our strength and give them battle. There +is too much good waiting to be done, too much suffering waiting to be +appeased, for us to waste the life-blood of our fathers and sons on +the field of useless battle. Here do we stand. We believe we are +right. With faith in our belief we throw ourselves upon the altar of +truth. Let heaven-born justice decide." Here is honor unsmirched, +untainted! Here is pride unhumbled! Here is patriotism that is +all-embracing, that makes us so zealous for real honor that we turn +from the horrors of war to combat the evils that lie at our very +doors. + +We know that faith in such national honor will abolish war. We know, +too, that men will have war only so long as they want war. If this be +true, then, just as soon as you and I, in whose hands the final +decision for or against war must ever rest, express through the force +of an irresistible public opinion the doctrine that our conception of +national honor demands the arbitration of every dispute, just so soon +will our legislators free themselves from financial dictators and +liberate the country from the dominance of a false conception of +national honor. + +Do you say this ideal is impractical? History proves that questions of +the utmost importance can be peacefully settled without the loss of +honor. The Casa Blanca dispute between France and Germany, the +Venezuela question, the North Atlantic Fisheries case, the Alabama +claims--these are proof indisputable that questions of honor may be +successfully arbitrated. "Does not this magnificent achievement," says +Carl Schurz of the Alabama settlement, "form one of the most glorious +pages of the common history of England and America? Truly, the two +great nations that accomplished this need not be afraid of +unadjustable questions of honor in the future." + +In the face of such splendid examples, how meaningless is the doctrine +of the enemies of peace, "We will not arbitrate questions of national +honor. We will decide for ourselves what is right and for that right +we will stand, even if this course plunges us into the maelstrom of +war. We will not allow our country to be dishonored by any other." +Well has Andrew Carnegie expressed the modern view: "Our country +cannot be dishonored by any other country, or by all the powers +combined. It is impossible. All honor wounds are self-inflicted. We +alone can dishonor ourselves or our country. One sure way of doing so +is to insist upon the unlawful and unjust demand that we sit as judges +in our own case, instead of agreeing to abide by the decision of a +court or a tribunal. We are told that this is the stand of a weakling, +that progress demands the fighting spirit. We, too, demand the +fighting spirit; but we condemn the military spirit. We are told that +strong men fight for honor. We answer with Mrs. Mead: 'Justice and +honor are larger words than peace, and if fighting would enable us to +get justice and maintain honor, I would fight! But it is not that +way!'" For it is impossible to maintain honor by recourse to arms; +right may fall before might, and, viewed in the light of its awful +cost, even victory is defeat. In the words of Nicholas Murray Butler: +"To argue that a nation's honor must be defended by the blood of its +citizens, if need be, is quite meaningless, for any nation, though +profoundly right in its contention, might be defeated at the hands of +a superior force exerted in behalf of an unjust and unrighteous cause. +What becomes of national honor then?" + +Too long have we been fighting windmills; we must struggle with +ourselves; we must conquer the passions that have blinded our reason. +We have been enrolled in the army of thoughtlessness; the time has +come to enroll in the army of God. We have followed a false ideal of +honor; we must disillusion ourselves and the world. If men declare +that the preservation of courage and manliness demand that we fight, +let us lead them to the fight, not against each other, but against all +that is unrighteous and undesirable in our national life. Men still +cling to an ancient conception of national honor; let us convince them +that there is a newer and higher conception. Men still declare that +peace is the dream of the poet and prophet; let us prove by historical +example that questions, even of national honor, can be happily +settled by arbitration. If men despair, let us remind them that +to-day, as never before, the mass of men are slowly and surely working +out God's plan for this great cause. + +The day of triumph is not far distant. Already the moving finger of +Time paints on the wide horizon, in the roseate tints of the dawn, the +picture of Peace--Peace, the victory of victories, beside which +Marathon and Gettysburg pale into insignificance; victory without the +strains of martial music, unaccompanied by the sob of widowed and +orphaned; victory on God's battlefield in humanity's war on war. + + + + +THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT + +By RALPH D. LUCAS, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois, representing the +Central Group + +Third Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT + + +Nationalism is a precious product of the centuries. The world has paid +a tremendous price to widen the political unit until its boundaries +include continents. It has been an equally difficult task to weld the +spirit of diverse peoples into a homogeneous whole. And the story of +this development constitutes a heritage not soon to be given up. The +tales of victory and defeat are held even more dear to a united people +than life itself. Rightly will any nation jealously defy him who dares +advance to plunder its possessions. And it is well that men do not +wish to surrender it upon slight provocation. That has been a good +diplomacy that sought to protect the nation by war. By the extension +of political unity peoples gain moral and physical strength. Thrift +becomes more common and moral courage greater when a people strike +forward with common aims. And in proportion as the nation as a whole +enjoys these advantages and opportunities, the individual widens his +horizon in peaceful association with fellow men and receives a benefit +beyond computation. + +But, good as nationalism has been in the past, a gradual change seems +to be overtaking the world's politics. National diplomacy hesitates +where a century ago it was firm. Forces which once drove the nations +apart seem now to be drawing them together. The discord of disputes +seems to be disappearing in the harmony of coöperation. It is no +longer possible to determine easily what a nation's interests really +are. And it is of the forces that are bringing about this change in +the policies of nations, of this new nationalism and its bearing upon +the peace movement, that I wish to speak. + +Within the last two centuries economic forces have worked a mighty +revolution. Continents have been converted into communities. The +prosperity of our eastern industries controls the activities of the +West, and a disturbance from any section throws a tremor over all. +Tribal barter has developed into a world-wide commerce until the most +distant nation may easily acquire the products of another. Steel rails +weave a web of commercialism among the peoples, and the cable welds +them in a mighty network which, responsive to every flash of news, +brings all the nations into a mutuality of interests. So +interdependent are the nations and so vital are their relations that a +single fluctuation in the most distant market finds a response in our +own. A slight disorder in Wall Street strains the whole financial +world. And thus through intercourse in commerce, industry, the press, +Christian missions, and scholastic research a system has been +developed that holds no place for the selfish policy of exploiting +backward peoples. We no longer consider the advance of alien peoples +in wealth and prosperity as a menace to our own. There is being +developed a strong international public opinion which realizes that +anything that destroys the well-being of one member is the concern of +all. + +In the light of these facts, future world-politics can have no place +for the settlement of disputes by force. A declaration of war by one +of the large powers to-day would be more terrible than it has ever +been in the past. The man of business, of education, of philanthropy, +of civic advancement cannot reasonably advocate a policy that would +ruin business, stagnate education, increase poverty, and turn progress +over to the ravages of manslaughter. Industry cannot continue when the +shoulder that should turn the wheels of industry grows weary beneath +the weight of the musket. Education cannot proceed when libraries and +lecture halls are deserted for the camp and fortress. A Tolstoy with +all his power of vivid presentation does not overdraw the picture. The +moral fiber and physical strength of a people must forever afterward +bear their scars. A struggling people can never rid themselves of the +evil effects of the conflict, although they may rejoice in the valor +of their heroes. Nations cannot afford to become the theaters of +carnage and bloodshed and the rendezvous of commercial and moral +pirates and civic grafters. + +Why, then, do nations throw away their strength in the building and +equipping of armies and navies? The advocates of militarism tell us +that we need a navy to protect our commerce. Possibly it is true that +under the present system of international law this is somewhat +excusable; for although private property on land is exempt from +confiscation and the old forms of privateering have long ago been +abolished by an agreement of the powers, yet the policy does not apply +to maritime warfare. Enemy's goods in enemy's ships are still subject +to seizure. But while this argument does hold for the present, the +condition could easily be remedied. Because a man with foreign capital +operates ships instead of factories, why is there any special reason +for exposing his property to depredation? In the light of common sense +such a policy seems absurd. And it should be one of the first aims of +our diplomats to eliminate all possibility of this licensed robbery, +for as long as it exists there will always be the cry for extravagant +expenditure in order to preserve international peace. + +But even if we should not need a navy to protect our commerce, again +the opponents of the policy of settling international disputes by +arbitration say that we need armies and navies to preserve our honor. +They tell us that there are certain questions which cannot be +submitted to any tribunal; that a nation must reserve the right to +submit only those questions it sees fit. Surrender this right, and +prestige and self-respect are gone and we become a nation of +"mollycoddles" whose patriotism has no virile qualities. It is true +that the independence and security of each nation is essential to +international life. It is self-governing nations, not subjugated ones, +that make possible a strong international life. But the converse is +equally true. An international life made up of independent, +coöperating, and mutually helpful nations is the best security by +which national life can be guaranteed. Those who say that questions of +national honor cannot be submitted to a tribunal have a wrong +conception of the essence of national life. Love of country means more +than a mere willingness to serve as a target for the enemy's guns. We +would not deduct one iota from the respect and honor due those who +have served the nation on the field of battle. But what a service they +might have rendered if they had been spared that life to live serving +their fellow men and contributing to the vigor of the race! None of +us will give up his firm resolve to defend his own country with all +his strength. But theirs is a cheap patriotism which depends for its +expression upon the thrilling note of fife and drum. The great test of +patriotism is the everyday purpose to deal justly with one's neighbor. +Let him who would be a patriot and serve the nation put his life into +the work close at hand, and, with a civic temper and moral courage +that can grip the scourge, rid our social life of its damning +influences. This is the spirit of true national honor. This it is that +makes of a nation a real nation. The call to arms is but another +signal of the defeat of the underlying principles of civilization. + +Only slowly will any large number of the people accept these new +conceptions. But there are already hopeful signs. The growing +sentiment is rapidly crystallizing. The developing code of +international equity as expressed by the establishment of such an +institution as the Hague Court is a step in the right direction. The +peaceful settlement of the Venezuelan boundary dispute was an honor to +the nations involved. And the work of the International Commission of +Inquiry in the Dogger Bank episode between Russia and England is +significant of the trend. Again, a modern innovation was wrought when +the International Conference in 1906 settled the conflicting interests +of Germany, France, and Spain in Morocco. Within the last century the +powers ratified over two hundred treaties, each providing for the +peaceful settlement by tribunals of specified international disputes. +It is true that most peace treaties have dealt almost exclusively with +legal questions. The nations have hesitated to submit all +international differences to a court of arbitration. But the spirit +for arbitral settlement is widening. And this spirit is not for a mere +avoidance of war, but seeks the substitution of a better method than +war for determining justice between nations. Each nation has its own +individual problems to deal with, and in this respect all cannot +proceed according to set rules. The movement does not mean the +extinction and obliteration of nationality and national rights. The +individual has not been minimized because he consents to submit his +differences with his fellow men to a court for settlement. And this +must be the ultimate attitude of nations whose honor we have a right +to guard jealously. + +What, then, shall be our program? Whatever attitude is to be adopted, +most people agree that the day of universal peace is far in the +future. The Balkans and Mexico remind us of the difficulty lying +before the coming generations. But the numerous peace societies whose +purpose it is to circulate authentic documents, that the great mass of +citizens may be brought into sympathetic touch through accurate +information, are doing much for the cause. The erection of the Hague +Court gives something lasting and tangible to work from. And, above +all, the nations will rise to higher standards principally by adopting +the ideals of the individual. As man has risen above his barbaric +ideals, so will the nations throw their military expenditures into the +coffers of public welfare as they come more and more to judge their +successes, not by victories in war but by achievements in education, +commerce, industry, and artizanship. And, proceeding with such aims, +the established international court must be the medium through which +all differences will be settled. We shall discover that our internal +policy of dealing with the individual can be more easily applied to +international relations than was at first supposed. And having reached +this point in the evolution of international peace, there must be +added to the international court a world-wide police force. As the +system develops and our prejudices are abandoned, a method of policing +must stand as an enforcer of international law. Until then there is +little hope that military expenditures will radically diminish, for we +cannot reasonably abolish our present methods unless we have something +secure to substitute. + +Perhaps such a system will not abolish the utter possibility of war. +Only the future can tell us what heights of success the policy will +reach. There are those of us who have high hopes because we believe in +the good sense of the American people and of our great contemporaries. +By the past we are made confident of the future. But if the goal is to +be reached, it is for us as individual citizens to contribute our +influence toward developing the attitude of peace among our fellow +men. For our international welfare and for the honor of the newest of +great nations, may we in this issue throw our influence, as a united +people, on the side of a higher international morality! May the united +peoples of the world abolish the prejudices of misconceptions and, +drawn together by common interests, resolve that the priceless +heritage of centuries shall not be imperiled by war! And thus over a +warring humanity the breaking day of peace shall be hastened, at whose +high noon there shall be heard not the clashing of arms but the +increasing hum of prosperity under the sway of the new and better +national life. + + + + +MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE + +By VICTOR MORRIS, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon representing +the Pacific Coast Group + +Fourth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE + + +Two thousand years ago the coming of a Prince of Peace, the Prince of +Peace, inaugurated the fulfillment of the prophetic promise that +"peace shall cover the earth," and that "man shall learn war no more +forever." From the time of Jesus until now men have passively accepted +the idea, but have failed to do their part in its fulfillment. To-day +there are few indeed but believe that it would be desirable to abolish +war. Many also feel in a way that war is brutal. But here our feelings +on this great question largely end. We are not aroused to talk, and +work, and fight against war as inhuman, as economic folly, as +unreason, and especially as an immorality and a sin. Now we are not +here to harangue about the physical sufferings wrought through war, +but we are here to inquire and find out what we can do about it. How +are we going to attack the war problem in order to bring about action, +instead of simply talk and discussion? In considering this war problem +it is well to bear in mind the fact that war is a resultant of a +deeper cause, the war spirit. The war spirit is the spirit of him who +first made war in heaven; the war spirit--ambitious, aggressive, +covetous and revengeful, rampant through the centuries, never +conquered by force, in war subdued only by exhaustion. This war spirit +still exists to scourge the nations with war, to stagger with its +problem of war the brains of statesmen believing in peace. How are we +to attack this stupendous problem? What appeal can we make to the +nations that will be strong enough to do away with the war spirit? + +In order to overthrow this mighty evil, certainly every possible force +must be enlisted. The thought which I wish to bring to you is this: +While such appeals as those to economy and to reason are of value, +they are not in themselves strong enough to cause the nations to +abolish war; and hence, in view of the real inner nature of the war +spirit, man's moral nature, working through a developed conscience +upon war, is the only force strong enough to effect universal peace. + +Against war peace-advocates appeal with force from a business +standpoint, on grounds of economy and financial expediency. The vast +system of international trade and commerce calls for world peace. The +prosperity of world-industries and business requires good will and +brotherhood between the nations. So heavy, also, have the burdens of +war and militarism become that three fourths of our own expenditures +go for war purposes, past and present, and in Great Britain two thirds +are so spent.[1] Every German citizen, it is said, carries a soldier +on his back. By the testimony of financiers and ministers of state +themselves, nothing but financial ruin and bankruptcy await the +nations if the present military tragedy continues. But has this +obvious condition of affairs affected the race for armaments? Not +unless it has accelerated it. To every appeal to economy the reply is +that the outlay is necessary if we are to exist at all. But even +suppose that for a season the economic motive should lead us to +abolish war, as soon as financial advantage was apparent to a nation +through war it is evident that all restraints would be removed and war +ensue again. The same motive used to abolish war would bring war once +more. Again, when we remember that it is the deeper cause, the war +spirit, that we must quench, we can understand why this appeal is +often made to those who bear not. So far as the great mass of men is +concerned, purely economic considerations cannot change the spirit and +impulses of the soul. History reveals no great uplifting of humanity +or change in ideals as having arisen through purely economic or +financial considerations. + + [1] The percentages as a matter of fact are not so large, but + the argument is not impaired by the fact.--_Editor._ + +The peace plea has also been based on grounds of reason. Clearly has +it been pointed out that reason demands that no person shall sit in +judgment on his own case, yet this we do in a resort to arms. War is +not arbitrament by reason, but arbitrament by the sword. Every plain +argument of reason condemns war and militarism. The arguments of +reason have, indeed, been strong, and have attracted much attention, +resulting in the settlement of many disputes by arbitration. But as +concerns the final wiping out of war and the surrendering of heavy +armaments, reason alone cannot present a permanent powerful appeal, +for it is easy in times of stress to plead that reason and justice +demand the war. Never was there a fight but the contending parties +claimed they were justified. But the chief fact that seems to put +reason in the category of impotent appeals is the fact that it is an +appeal to the mind, while the war spirit can only be removed by an +appeal to the heart, wherein it resides. We may reason with nations +all we please, but when the war fury arises, then all the reasoning +proves to have been in vain, the appeal to the mind turns out to be +too feeble. + +Appeals to economy and reason, then, are appeals we must make, but +they are too weak in themselves to make a permanent impression against +the war spirit. We must then look for some additional, some more +compelling, force. + +Let us examine the real inner nature of war, for this ought surely to +throw some light upon our problem. War is not economy; it is not +reason. Is war, then, morality? Is it virtue? It would hardly seem +necessary for us to answer this question, for modern civilized nations +long ago recognized blood feuds with their kindred as contrary to real +morality, as nothing but murder; but they seem unable to recognize +that war is just the same--nothing but legalized, organized murder. +From the use of violence in settling our international disputes arise +all the deadly passions of the soul, such as treachery, insolence, +revenge, and a murderous spirit, with the accompanying fruits of +robbery, misery, and blood. Surely, O nations! nothing which bears +such fruits can be anything but corrupt, for a good tree cannot bring +forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit. + +Look also at its relationship to civilization and citizenship, and its +effects upon theme. "War and civilization," said one of the great +English ministers, "are contradictory terms, even as Christ and Mars." +Particularly damaging is the effect of war upon citizens. For does it +not blunt the sensibilities, harden the heart, inflame the mind with +passions, and deaden the consciences of men? Said the same great +English preacher, "The sword that smites the enemy abroad, also lays +bare the primeval savage within the citizen at home." And again, "War +is not so horrible in that it drains the dearest veins of the foe, but +in that it drains our own hearts of the yet more precious elements of +pity, mercy, generosity, which are the lifeblood of the soul." + +What now must be our conclusion about war? Had we ten thousand voices, +surely every one would be in honor bound to declare war an immorality. +Every incident of war declares it such. Every result of battle hands +down the same decree. In the words of a famous Russian battle painter, +we too may define war as "the antithesis of all morality." + +This clear idea of the real inner nature of war ought surely to enable +us to find our ground of attack. Since war is sin and war is crime, +the conclusion which we draw is, that if it is possible ever to +abolish war, man's conscience, his sense of right and wrong, is the +only force powerful enough to accomplish the result. + +The great searchlight of morality must be turned on war--a searchlight +which is always bright and strong and which never has failed to reveal +the truth. To turn this on full and strong means to awaken the +consciences of men. It must be an individual proposition--not simply +the developed consciences of a few leaders who may be submerged by the +war spirit of the masses, but there must be developed consciences of +all the people individually. All our arbitration treaties and the +actual settlement of disputes by arbitration are of great value and +should be pressed as far as possible; but are these sufficient forces +to develop the consciences of men against war as an immorality and a +sin? What are the forces that have always come to our support against +an immorality and a sin? + +How about our churches? Have they been doing their duty? Have they +made it clear that war is sin and war is crime? Has not the Church +been too easy? Has its voice sounded clear and strong on this +world-evil? Surely a duty rests upon the ministry to be insistent in +its characterization of war. What peace-advocates must do is to urge +this upon the Church and bring it to a realization of its duty. Church +members know the character of war and simply need to have the matter +brought home to their hearts. + +What about our schools,--not simply the colleges and universities, but +all the schools,--which offer fertile ground to sow the seeds of +peace? Thus far in the history of our schools too much emphasis has +been laid upon military history, etc. Dates and events of national +wars have been thoroughly drilled into students, and the glory and +blaze of war brought out. We have actually made it a glory and a +virtue. One of the most encouraging signs of the times, however, is +the fact that many of our text-books are dropping out the prolonged +study of wars and centering more on the peaceful pursuits of the +nation and the commercial relations with foreign powers. How about +direct peace teaching in the lower schools? How much of it do we +include in the work? None at all. Many are the speakers who address +the schools on war reminiscences, but few indeed are the appeals made +for peace. Not until this movement is strongly emphasized in our +schools from the very beginning can we hope completely to drive out +the war spirit; for time is required to develop in the individual +conscience a full realization of the real nature of war, and such +development should begin with the plastic period of youth. + +With Church and school lined up on the side of peace, the home +teaching will soon fall in line; and Church, school, and home combined +can develop so strong a conviction concerning war, can make so +forceful an appeal to man's moral nature, that the war spirit will +take its leave and be gone forever. + +We always look to history for a confirmation of our beliefs, and let +us glance now to the records of the past and learn her teachings. + +First of all, look at the duel as the mode of settling a personal +difficulty if peaceful settlement appeared impossible. First, it was +heartily accepted as a gentlemanly, honorable, and brave mode of +settlement. Then, tolerated and simply suffered to exist. Finally, +condemned by conscience as an immorality and a sin, it was banished +from civilized nations. + +Look also at slavery. At first heartily accepted as a divine +arrangement. Then tolerated by the world as undesirable, yet not +necessarily wrong. Next its overthrowal attempted on grounds of pity +and of reason; until finally, recognized as an immorality and a sin, +it too was blotted from the pages of civilization. + +No great uplift of humanity, no great movement in civilization, but +has found its path to success in the developed moral sense of man. No +great change in civilized institutions but has found itself produced +by the dynamic, moving forces of morality. + +War must be abolished. Only the great powers of morality are vital +enough, are dynamic and powerful enough, to carry out our peace +program. These forces lie dormant, and simply need stimulation and +development. Recognizing the impotency of appeals to economy and to +reason, what are we going to do? + +In the name of humanity let us impeach war and the war spirit. It is a +traitor to every ideal of civilization and of justice. It is the +instrument of hatred and of pride, the agent of jealousy and of +avarice. In the name of the dead and dying, in the name of justice, +which it dethrones, in the name of those whose loved ones it demands, +we impeach war as a traitor, guilty of all high crimes and +misdemeanors. What else shall we do? Stir up from its greatest depths +the heart of man. Educate his conscience till he is unwilling to +suffer war to exist. Begin early in Church, school, and home to instil +in the minds of young and old continually the true conception of war, +that it is an immorality, contrary to every principle of Christianity +and to every teaching of our Christ. + +Let us bring into the conflict against war the great, dynamic, motive +force--the Moral Nature of Man. And when we shall have thus developed +the consciences of men, there will henceforth be laid up for us a +crown of victory, as there will then be a fuller realization that in +man's moral nature is the Hope of Universal Peace. + + + + +THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY + +By HAROLD HUSTED, Ottawa University, Ottawa, Kansas, representing the +Western Group + +Fifth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY + + +Age by age, civilization advances. Each successive era has contributed +that invention or accomplished that achievement which has placed +another round in the great ladder of civilization. The development of +many small states into powerful nations, and many wonderful +improvements in other fields, such as steam navigation, the railroad, +the telegraph, and wireless communication, crown the last as the +greatest of centuries in the history of the human family. It is +difficult to understand why the human mind, whence these mighty +inspirations originated, has been incapable of realizing that there +still remains the most degrading, the most deteriorating, the foulest +blot that ever disgraced this world--the killing of civilized men, by +men, as a permissible mode of settling international disputes. This +world can never attain its highest standard of civilization until this +one disgraceful blemish, called war, is obliterated. It is the +collective task of the people living in this twentieth century to +bring into reality the millennium of Tennyson, + + Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd + In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World. + +The beginning of this social task, then, is the enlightenment of the +peoples as to the immorality, waste, and ineffectiveness of war. God +commanded, "Thou shalt not kill." Who shall presume to declare that +this precept was directed not to nations but to individuals only? +that one man shall not kill, but nations may? We are horrified at the +report of a single murder, yet, if viewed from the light of truth, +what is war but wholesale murder? What tongue, what pen, can describe +the bloody havoc of the battle of Gettysburg, where, between the rise +and set of a single sun, fifty thousand of our fellow men sank to +earth, dead or wounded? + +What sentiment in human hearts which needs to be perpetuated sent rank +after rank, column after column, of blue soldiers against the +impregnable stone wall of Fredericksburg? And who will place the blame +for the carnage of Cold Harbor elsewhere than upon the folly of +misguided patriotism and cruel, selfish interests that made the bloody +battle possible? + +Every soldier is connected, as all of us, by dear ties of kindred, +love, and friendship. Perhaps there is an aged mother, who fondly +hoped to lean her bending form on his more youthful arm; perhaps a +young wife, whose life is entwined inseparably with his; perchance a +sister, a brother. But as he falls on the field of battle, must not +all these suffer? His aged mother surely falls with him. His young +wife is suddenly widowed, his children orphaned. That husband's +helping hand is forever stayed. A parent's voice is stilled, and the +children's plaintive cries for their loving father fall on unheeding +ears. Tell me, friends, you who know the bitterness of parting with +dear ones whom you watched tenderly through the last hopeful moments, +can you measure your anguish? Yet, what a contrast! Your dear ones +departed soothed by kindness and love, while the dying soldier gasped +out his life on the battlefield alone. + +And what a waste is war! We are just beginning to realize the +tremendous cost, the incalculable wastefulness, not only of actual war +but of the preparation for future possible wars. For the current +fiscal year ending June 30, 1914, the United States has appropriated +in round numbers $535,000,000, in preparation for future wars and +because of wars fought in the past. Sixty-seven cents out of every +dollar expended by our national government goes to feed the +present-day mania for war, present and past, leaving only thirty-three +cents out of each dollar for the combined expense of the executive, +legislative, and judicial departments of our national government. When +we realize that the cost of a single battleship exceeds the total +value of all the grounds and buildings of all the colleges and +universities in the state of Kansas, the figures indicating this +expense have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship is $1700, +enough to send a young man through college, the common man realizes +that the United States cannot afford to go to war or even prepare for +war. + +And all this suffering and cost are to no purpose. War is utterly +ineffectual to secure or advance its professed object. The +wretchedness it involves contributes to no beneficial result, helps to +establish no right, and, therefore, in no respect promotes harmony +between the contending nations. + +When the Saviour was born, angels from heaven sang to the children of +the human family this benediction: + + Glory to God in the highest, + Peace on earth, good will toward men. + +And at last, in the beginning of this twentieth century, nations seem +to be visibly approaching that unity so long hoped and prayed for; and +that nation which shall precede all others in the abolition of war +will be crowned by history with everlasting honor. The risk will be +very little, the gain incalculable. + +We are coming to believe that the most significant fact about man and +his civilization is their improvability. Individual inventive genius +has added improvement after improvement until it would seem that man's +mastery over nature is to be well-nigh complete as these ideas and +inventions are socialized and extended to benefit all. We are now +entering the era of social achievement when mankind unitedly +undertakes by organization and coöperation mightier tasks than ever +accomplished before. Many dreadful diseases are disappearing before +preventive medicine, and sanitary science is eliminating many plagues; +pestilence is coming to be a thing of the past. Human welfare is now +the concern of coöperative mankind, and social science will condemn +and banish war or fail to establish itself as an applied science. It +_can_ be done! It _ought_ to be done! It _will_ be done! + +And although this consummation seems to many far away, it may be +accomplished by very simple methods. It only waits the time of +concerted action on the part of the leading nations when the +principles of arbitration can be invoked more fully, and a world-court +established with plenary powers for settling all disputes between the +nations. + +International legislation has occurred repeatedly, though no +world-court has as yet been established. In the case of the Universal +Postal Union we have what is tantamount to world-legislation, in that +all civilized nations have entered into a formal agreement regarding +the delivery of mail. Another instance of practical world-legislation +is that of the International Bureau of Weights and Measures. Many +other examples might be given in which several nations are parties to +an agreement regarding some important measure, such as the respect +paid to the flag of truce, the regulations concerning commerce on the +high seas, and the etiquette of diplomacy. Paramount in +world-importance has been the agreement of the leading nations of the +world in the establishment of the Hague conferences for the +amelioration of war. + +Since a conference of nations can meet and decide on the mitigation of +the horrors of war, it is certainly conceivable that a tribunal of +nations can prevent war. Such a tribunal would in no respect differ +from the Supreme Court of the United States in its fundamental +foundations. As our Supreme Court is final in settling all disputes in +this country, so the international court would be final in adjusting +all controversies between the nations. And such a court is clearly the +next decisive step in the promotion of this great task of securing +world-peace. + +If nations can agree to establish war as their arbiter of peace, why +can they not establish a more peaceful substitute? It is possible, for +there is nothing in the nature of strife that cannot be settled, no +quarrel that cannot be judged, no difficulty that cannot be +satisfactorily adjusted. + +With the establishment of a true world-court, there would rise on the +vision of the nations for the first time the prospect of justice for +the united whole of mankind. Justice to the smaller countries would +be secured; encroachments by the strong upon the weak would be +prevented; the moral standard of politics would be uplifted; and +though every step would be exposed to the selfishness, corruption, and +love of despotism that are prevalent in all men, yet is it not +reasonable to suppose that, as progress is now being made in the +various nations for overcoming these evils, so it would be made in +this united whole, to the unspeakable benefit of mankind? + +This country has been foremost in the promotion of this great movement +to organize the world. It is especially fitting that the United States +should take the lead. The greatest nation having a government of the +people and by the people, with the longest experience and the greatest +success, is best fitted to lead others. We have the form of national +government which foreshadows the form of world-government. +Theoretically, our states are sovereign; all rights which are not +formally surrendered by accepting the Constitution of the United +States are reserved to them. In a like manner, referring to the +establishment of a world-court, the nations individually will be +expected to surrender to the nations collectively only such +jurisdiction as pertains to the settling of their controversies. + +A world-court would appeal to the strongest, the purest, and the +deepest thinkers of every race. It would cover a new field, appealing +to reason and altruism and justice. It would by its very effect upon +individuals tend to develop the qualities it demands, and would prove +a mighty influence for uplifting the intellectual and moral standards +not only of men but nations. It would by its very international nature +annihilate all national antipathies and promote an era of universal +good will and genuine understanding. + +To send a husband or father, glorious in the perfection of physical +manhood, out on the field of carnage to be slain in an effort to +settle international difficulty or to uphold fancied national honor, +is unquestionable barbarism. It is far more humane to terminate +disputed questions by arbitration than by the keen-edged sword. +International peace compacts can hold mankind together by unbreakable +yet unburdensome bonds and greatly promote prosperity and social +progress. The wanton woe and waste that inevitably follow in the train +of war will soon be things of the past. The twentieth century, already +so full of radiant promise, so enlivened by a new social conscience, +will devote its collective energies to the abolition of war and the +substitution of its successor--a world-court, based on the facts of +humane solidarity and the principles of international peace. + + + + +THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION + +By BRYANT SMITH, Guilford College, North Carolina, a Senior in +Guilford College + +Prize-Winning Essay in the Pugsley Contest, 1912-1913 + + +THE PUGSLEY PRIZE-ESSAY CONTESTS + +In 1908 Mr. Chester DeWitt Pugsley, then an undergraduate student in +Harvard University, gave $50 as a prize to be offered by the Lake +Mohonk Conference for the best essay on "International Arbitration" by +an undergraduate student of an American college. The prize was won by +L. B. Bobbitt of Baltimore, a sophomore in Johns Hopkins University. +The following year (1909-1910) a similar prize, of $100, was won by +George Knowles Gardner of Worcester, Massachusetts, a Harvard +sophomore. A like prize of $100 in 1910-1911 was won by Harry Posner +of West Point, Mississippi, a senior in the Mississippi Agricultural +and Mechanical College. + +The prize of 1911-1912, of which John K. Starkweather of Denver, +Colorado, a junior in Brown University, was the winner, was the first +offered to men students only (other similar prizes having been offered +to women students) in the United States and Canada. + +In the fifth Pugsley contest (1912-1913) the prize was awarded to +Bryant Smith of Guilford College, North Carolina, a senior in Guilford +College at the same place, whose essay follows. The judges were +Chancellor Elmer Ellsworth Brown of New York University, Rollo Ogden, +editor of the New York _Evening Post_, and Lieutenant General Nelson +A. Miles, U.S.A., retired. + +Each winner is invited to the Lake Mohonk Conference next following, +where he publicly receives the prize from its donor, Mr. Pugsley. + + + + +THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION + + +The first concerted effort looking toward an eventual world-wide peace +was the Hague Conference of 1899, where representatives of twenty-six +nations assembled in response to a rescript from the Czar of Russia, +whose avowed purpose, as set forth in the rescript, was to discuss +ways and, if possible, devise means, to arrest the alarming increase +in expenditures for armaments which threatened to bankrupt the +national governments. + +Unable to accomplish anything definite in this respect because of the +vigorous opposition headed by Germany, the delegates turned their +attention toward giving official recognition and concrete form to +ideas which had already obtained in the settlement of international +disputes, and toward the formation of a court before which the nations +might have their differences adjudicated. The principles embodied in +good offices and mediation and commissions of inquiry have given +gratifying evidence of their efficiency, each in its respective +capacity. The original achievement of the conference, however, was the +Permanent Court of Arbitration. The composition of this court was to +include not more than four persons from each of the signatory powers; +from which panel, in case of an appeal to arbitration, each party was +to select two judges, who, in turn, should elect their own umpire +unless otherwise provided by the disputants. That it would be subject +to criticism might have been expected. That twenty-six nations could +unanimously agree upon any court whatever was the real occasion for +surprise. The four cases arbitrated during the eight years intervening +between this and the Second Hague Conference served to bring out its +defects, chief of which were its decentralized and intangible nature. +Nominally a court, in reality it was but a panel scattered all over +the world from which a court could, with great difficulty and expense, +be selected. Nominally permanent, in reality it had to be re-created +for each case to be judged. + +The Second Hague Conference, working on a basis of this short +experience, undertook to remedy these inherent defects in the arbitral +machinery by leaving the Permanent Court just as it was, and by +creating besides an International Court of Prize to serve a special +function indicated by its name, and a court of Judicial Arbitration to +supplement the work of, if not eventually to supplant, the former +court. To insure greater impartiality and also to encourage the weaker +powers the expenses of the new court, instead of falling upon the +litigants in each case, were to be prorated among the ratifying +powers. To insure greater tangibility and permanency the new court was +to be composed of only seventeen members, each to serve a term of +twelve years at a salary of $2400 per annum, with an additional $40 +for each day of actual service. Furthermore, the court was to meet +once a year and to elect each year a delegation of three of its +members to sit at The Hague for settling minor cases arising in the +interval between regular sessions, having the power also to call extra +sessions of the entire court whenever occasion should demand. To +insure a more judicial personnel the convention specifies that members +shall be qualified to hold high legal posts in their respective +countries. The method by which members of the court were to be +appointed--the one point upon which the delegates were unable to +agree--was deferred for subsequent determination. + +This, in addition to the one hundred and fifty-odd treaties privately +entered into by two or more nations, many of which contain pledges to +submit certain classes of disputes to the Permanent Court, is, in +brief, what has been accomplished by way of constructive political +organization by the modern peace movement. + +How much does this signify? In view of the present attitude of the +social mind, what are we to infer from this as bearing upon the +ultimate outcome of international arbitration? It shall be the purpose +of this paper to answer that question. + +In an address before the Mohonk Conference of 1911 Dr. Cyrus Northrup, +ex-president of the University of Minnesota, said: "What is really +wanted is not continued talking in favor of peace with the idea of +converting the people; for the people are already converted! They are +ready for peace and arbitration!" In the October number of the _Review +of Reviews_ for 1909, Privy Councillor Karl von Stengel, one of the +German delegation to the First Hague Conference, is quoted as follows: +"It must be stated emphatically that in its ultimate aims the peace +movement is not only ... Utopian, but ... dangerous...." These +quotations are given as typical of the attitude manifested by the two +extremes, the injudiciously optimistic and the ultraconservative, +toward every social reform. All true progress pursues a course +intermediate to these two. + +The idea entertained by so many enthusiastic peace advocates, that the +world is ready for peace if we but had institutional facilities +adequate to carry out the will of the people, is erroneous. In all +democratic states political institutions are but a concrete expression +of the social mind, the media created by the people, through which +society executes its will. "With a given phase of human character ... +there must go an adapted class of institutions."[1] Therefore, I +submit that if the people were ready for peace they could easily +provide the means necessary for its accomplishment. + + [1] Herbert Spencer, "The Study of Sociology." + +The first gentleman quoted above drew his conclusion from the +indications that of the two million inhabitants of his state, one +million nine hundred thousand would favor arbitration as shown by the +enthusiasm manifested at a meeting of the state peace society a few +weeks before. Similar conditions in other parts of the country, he +thought, would corroborate the application of his assertion to the +entire country. Such a conclusion is fallacious in that it fails to +consider three essential facts about the people of the United States +which largely determine the attitude of any people toward war. First, +they have no grievance. Second, no appeal is being made to their +patriotic bias. Third, their emotions and passions are quiescent. + +The first of these needs only brief mention. No people in this +enlightened age wishes to fight as a matter of course, regardless of +any reasonable pretext. If nations never had any personal interests +involved, there would, of course, be no more war. In this respect the +people of the United States are not ahead of the other parts of the +civilized world. Disinterested parties have been in favor of peace for +two thousand years. + +The other two facts deserve more extended consideration. + +The disposition in individuals to pluck motes out of their neighbors' +eyes and leave beams in their own, in the nation becomes what Herbert +Spencer calls the bias of patriotism. According to him patriotism is +but an extended self-interest. We love our country because our own +interests and our country's interests are one. Unable to view +international affairs apart from national interests, we are +handicapped in making those balanced judgments necessary to judicial +arbitration. An act reprehensible under the Union Jack becomes +patriotic under the Stars and Stripes. At both Hague Conferences all +the powers were seemingly in favor of curtailing expenditures for +armaments. The unprecedented increase in expenditures which followed +bespeaks their sincerity, or, rather, bespeaks each nation's mistrust +of the sincerity of others. A number of years ago the Farmers' +Alliance, organized in some of the Southern tobacco states, voted to +reduce the acreage of tobacco for a given year in order to raise the +price. So many members tried to profit by this opportunity to realize +a high price for a big crop that there was a greater acreage planted +that year than ever before. Can we expect better of groups than of the +individuals of which the groups are composed? Most nations question +the justice of Russia's policy leading up to the war with Japan, +England's course in South Africa, and America's attitude toward the +Philippines; yet the body of citizens of each of these three +countries, while concurring in the general opinion concerning the +other two, justifies its own government's actions with patriotic +pride. + +The chief respect in which this bias interferes with the progress of +international arbitration is in restricting the scope of general +arbitration treaties, the average formula of such treaties excluding +all questions which involve "national honor and vital interests." A +greatly modified survival of the spirit which in primitive peoples +regarded the tribe over the mountain or across the stream as a fit +object of hatred and fear, the objection to a judicial settlement of +such questions assumes that a nation's honor and vital interests are +goods peculiar in that they may be inconsistent with justice. The +attitude of the United States toward the recently proposed treaty +between England and America may be taken as typical of the attitude +which prevails on this subject generally. The formulators of the +treaty took an advanced step in that, instead of reserving questions +of national honor and vital interests, they provided for the +arbitration of all differences which are "justiciable in their nature +by reason of being susceptible of decision by the application of +principles of law or equity," thereby recognizing the judicial nature +of arbitration. The action of the Senate, however, which sustained the +opinion of the majority report of the Senate Committee on Foreign +Relations, objecting to the last clause of Article III of the +treaty,[2] would indicate that the significance of a general +arbitration treaty attaches not so much to the definition of its scope +as to who shall determine what cases conform to the definition. It +would seem that the nature of the reservation is relatively +unimportant so long as its interpretation devolves upon the parties at +variance. The majority report, objecting to the delegation to the +joint high commission of the power to determine the arbitrability of +cases in terms of the treaty, contains this statement[3] in which the +minority report likewise concurs: "Every one agrees that there are +certain questions which no nation ... will ever submit to the decision +of any one else." As cases of this nature it enumerates territorial +integrity, admission of immigrants, and our Monroe Doctrine. The +significance of this insistence upon a means of evasion is evident. +There is not yet enough international confidence. The powers are not +yet ready to submit to unlimited arbitration. + + [2] The clause, referring to the commission of inquiry, + reads: + + "It is further agreed, however, that in cases in + which the Parties disagree as to whether or not a + difference is subject to arbitration under Article I + of this Treaty, that question shall be submitted to + the Joint High Commission of Inquiry; and if all or + all but one of the members of the Commission agree + and report that such difference is within the scope + of Article I, it shall be referred to arbitration in + accordance with the provisions of this + treaty."--_Editor._ + + [3] See Senate Document 98, 62d Cong., 1st Sess., + 9-10.--_Editor._ + +The other enemy to rational judgment--and rational judgment must be +the only basis of arbitration--is the danger of emotionalism. The +average man is yet largely irrational. When cool and self-possessed, +and when his prejudices and traditions do not interfere, he can pass +rational judgment upon questions in which his own interests are not +concerned; but when his passions are aroused he dispenses with any +effort to reason and acts in obedience to blind impulse. He knows that +it is expensive to fight, that it is dangerous, and that it is wrong; +but when he is provoked, he fights. The characteristics of the average +man are the characteristics of society. We have not yet outgrown the +mob. + +Interwoven with this impulsive temperament and associated with some of +the most cherished affections of the human heart is the spirit of war, +developed by thousands of generations of ancestral conflict and passed +on to us as a heritage to be rooted out of our nature before we shall +realize in its fullness the ideal for which we strive. Mortal conflict +sanctified by religion, devastation idealized by literature, pillage +justified by patriotism, fellow-destruction ennobled by +self-sacrifice--these form a complex of contradictory emotions from +which men are as yet unable to unravel the one essential +characteristic of war; namely, the attempt to dispense justice in a +trial by battle, and make it stand out in its revealed inconsistency, +dissociated from its traditional concomitants of which it is neither +part nor parcel. The romance of knighthood and chivalry still appeals +to the human heart, notwithstanding the fact that war, love, and +religion, the knight's creed, are an inconsistent combination. Most +men can be made to see this in their minds, but cannot be made to feel +it in their souls. Many old Civil War veterans, who would not consent +for their sons to volunteer in the Spanish-American War, would have +gone themselves had they been able. Some did go. To men so disposed it +is useless to talk of the horrors of war. Give us a just grievance; +let some competent enthusiast inflame this passion with a war cry like +"Remember the Maine," "Fifty-four forty or fight," "Liberty or death," +and, reënforced by the animal inherent in man, it will arouse popular +demonstrations devoid of all reason, creating a force that cannot be +controlled by a cold, calculating intellect. Can you listen to a bugle +call on a clear, still night without a quickening of the pulse as +there flashes through your soul a suggestion of all past history with +its marshaling hosts and heroic deeds? Can you see a military parade +without a suggestion of "Dixie" and the Star Spangled Banner, or +feeling your bosom swell with patriotic pride? This association may +be, and doubtless is, a delusion, but it is a delusion developed and +fortified by thousands of years of custom and precedent and it would +be contrary to the history of human progress if man should become +disillusionized in one generation. It may take centuries. If we are to +have international arbitration in the near future, we must have it in +spite of this spirit of war rather than by destroying the spirit. In +fact, the only practical way to destroy it is to let it, like +vestigial organs of which biologists tell us, degenerate from disuse. +This inherited emotional tendency remains as a threat with which we, +as exponents of arbitration, must reckon before we are justified in +saying that the world is ready for peace. + +Because of these two social characteristics--the patriotic bias +which perverts judgment, and uncontrolled passions which submerge +reason--the educational propagandists still have a task to perform. + +Let us now examine the stand-pat idea that unlimited arbitration is +but a dream as expressed in the quotation from Privy Councillor +Stengel. This is farther from the truth than the other extreme just +discussed. He who will, with an unprejudiced mind, examine cross +sections of history at widely separated stages, cannot fail to see +that along with the growing tendency of reason to predominate over +passion, superstition, and custom there has been a parallel tendency +to restrict militarism as a social activity. From a war conceived as +religion to war as patriotism, then war as commercialism and the tool +of ambition, man is now coming to the more rational conception of war +as the despoiler of nations. David speaks of the "season of the year" +when nations went forth to battle. Fifteen hundred years later +governments pretended at least to justify their military operations on +rational grounds. To-day war is the last resort, and even its most +ardent defenders do not attempt to justify it except in disputes which +involve national honor and vital interests. + +In view of the foregoing facts it is evident that the modern peace +movement has by no means the whole of the task to perform. Rather, we +can almost justify ourselves in the assumption that war is not long to +remain one of our social inconsistencies and that it is now making its +last, and, therefore, most determined, stand on questions of national +honor and vital interests. + +Among the numerous forces contributing to this evolution of +international peace, the chief agencies have been, and still are, +moral and industrial. These same forces are working to-day with +cumulative effect. + +Warfare is becoming more and more inconsistent with the ethical spirit +of the times. Men may talk of the expenses, horrors, and devastations +of war as paramount causes for the tendency to substitute arbitration; +but antedating all other causes, underlying and strengthening all +others, is the slowly changing social conscience which, as each +generation passes, appreciates more fully warfare's inconsistency with +justice and antagonism to right. This same cause found civilized +society taking keen delight in the heathen barbarity of a gladiatorial +combat, and has transformed and lifted it up to where it is horrified +at a bull-baiting or a prize fight. It found human beings with +absolute power of life and death over other human beings and has +evolved the view that all men are created free and equal. It found +individuals settling questions of honor by a resort to arms, and has +substituted therefor a judge, counsel, and a jury. These three +institutions--gladiatorial combats, slavery, and dueling--were no more +regarded in their day as only temporary phenomena of social evolution +than is war so regarded by military sympathizers of to-day; yet these +have one by one been eliminated, and war is fast becoming as much out +of harmony with the ethical spirit of this age as was each of the +above out of harmony with the spirit of the age which dispensed with +it, and the effort to demonstrate that war is just as dispensable is +meeting with success. The teachings of Christ, who two thousand years +ago announced the doctrine of human brotherhood and surrendered his +life to make this doctrine effective, have slowly but surely wrought +their leavening influence upon the source of all war; namely, the +hearts of men. Warfare has for centuries been gradually yielding to +this deepening consciousness and that it must eventually, if not soon, +take its place beside the long-discarded gladiatorial profession, the +outlawed slave trade, and the discountenanced custom of the duelist +must be evident to any one who takes more than a superficial view of +the great determining forces which shape human progress. + +Besides moral forces, industrial forces were mentioned as a factor +tending to the adoption of arbitration. During recent times, under the +impetus caused by the relatively modern innovations of steam, +electricity, and the press, this class of causes has been unusually +effective. Industry has overstepped international boundary lines. +Through the division of labor we are passing from the independence of +nations to the interdependence of nations. International banking, +transportation, and commerce, by establishing communities of interest +in all parts of the world, are binding the peoples of the earth into +one great industrial organization. As striking evidence of this +development, more than one hundred and fifty international +associations[4] and more than thirty-five international unions of +states have been formed. The modern intricate system of communication +is a veritable nervous system which, in the event of any local +paralysis or upheaval, informs the entire industrial organism. The +figure is no longer "the shot heard, round the world," but becomes +"the pulse-beat felt, round the world." If Spencer's definition of +patriotism--that is, coextensive with personal interests--is correct, +the bias of patriotism cannot retard the progress of arbitration much +longer, for patriotism will be a world-wide feeling, since personal +interests are no longer restricted to nationality. + + [4] "Annuaire de la Vie Internationale," 1910-1911, reports + on 510.--_Editor._ + +No, Herr Stengel, each passing year finds the causes which make for +war weakened and the causes which make for arbitration proportionately +reënforced. The skeptics are the dreamers and the peace workers are +the practical men of affairs. + +From the foregoing synopsis of the technical accomplishments of the +modern peace movement to date, and from the effort to interpret their +significance in the light of fundamental social characteristics and +the present social attitude, I trust three things have become evident: + +_First._ The movement for international peace through arbitration, far +from being a mere bubble on the surface of society to be burst by the +first war cloud which appears on the horizon, is a movement, centuries +old, coincident with social evolution, deep-rooted in the very nature +of a developing world-wide civilization. + +_Second._ International peace through arbitration is not to be a +ready-made affair, coming in on the crest of some wave of popular +enthusiasm as was expected by many in 1899. + +_Third._ Being an outgrowth of the natural laws of human development, +a result so much deeper and more fundamental than political laws can +produce, international peace through arbitration may be furthered, but +cannot be accomplished, by legislation; may be delayed, but cannot be +prevented, by the neglect to legislate. To undertake to hasten +arbitration by forcing legislative proceedings beyond what the people +will indorse, would be as futile as to turn up the hands of the clock +to hasten the passage of time. + +To those who can appreciate these facts there is no occasion for +discouragement in the suspicious attitude manifested by the powers +toward any definite step in the direction of unrestricted arbitration, +apparently so inconsistent with their general pacific professions. +"Rapid growth and quickly accomplished reforms are necessarily +unsound, incomplete, and disappointing."[5] + + [5] F. H. Giddings, "The Elements of Sociology." + +With the truth of these deductions granted, it would seem safe to +assume that the institutions for the settlement of international +difficulties will develop in much the same way as have the +institutions for the settlement of difficulties between individuals. +It should be profitable, therefore, to compare the present growth of +arbitration with the evolution and decay of the various modes of trial +as the idea of judicial settlement diffused itself through the mind of +the English people causing established forms to give way to something +better. Dispensing with the blood feud, which hardly deserves the name +of trial, the oldest form of such institution was trial by ordeal +which, according to Thayer in his "Evidence at the Common Law," seems +to have been "indigenous with the human creature in the earliest +stages of his development." This form gradually fell into disuse +before the more rational form of compurgation introduced into Teutonic +courts in the fifth century. In 1215 it was formally abolished. +Compurgation was abolished in 1440 as its inferiority to trial by +witnesses became fully recognized. In the latter form, instituted +early in the ninth century, when the witnesses disagreed the judicial +talent of the day conceived of no other method of decision than to +fight it out. Thus we have trial by witnesses and trial by battle +developing concurrently, although they were recognized as distinct +forms. After two centuries of effort to abolish it, trial by battle +was made illegal in 1833, the last case recorded as being so decided +occurring in 1835. Out of the trial by witnesses has evolved our +modern trial by jury, at first limited to certain unimportant cases, +then having its sphere extended as its superiority became more +evident, until finally it superseded all other forms and to-day is the +accepted mode of settling even questions of honor. + +The growth and extension of international arbitration has not been +dissimilar to this. Six cases were arbitrated in the eighteenth +century, four hundred and seventy-one in the nineteenth, while more +than one hundred and fifty cases have been arbitrated during the first +thirteen years of the twentieth century. Between the First and Second +Hague Conferences only four uses were submitted to the Permanent Court +of Arbitration. Since the Second Conference, notwithstanding the +unsatisfactory disposition of the Venezuelan affair, eight cases have +been tried, a ninth is pending, a tenth will soon be docketed if the +United States is not to act the hypocrite in her international +relations by refusing to submit to England's request to arbitrate the +question as to whether or no we exempt our coastwise vessels from toll +duty through the Panama Canal. Defects have been detected in the +Permanent Court of Arbitration and we are well on the way toward a +better court. Representatives of only twenty-six nations took part in +the deliberations of the First Hague Conference; representatives of +forty-four nations took part in the deliberations of the Second Hague +Conference. Wars of aggression and conquest, though not formally +outlawed, are effectively so, and arbitration for the recovery of +contract debts is now practically obligatory. As time passes and its +feasibility gains credence, arbitration, like the jury trial, will +extend its sphere of usefulness until it too settles questions of +honor. Nor need we imply from this analogy that it will take such an +age to accomplish this result. Because of the increased mobility of +society, resulting from the greater like-mindedness and consciousness +of kind incident to our modern communities of interests and systems of +communication, and from our greater susceptibility to rational rather +than traditional appeals, a reform can be wrought more easily and the +people can adjust themselves to the change far more readily than +several centuries ago. + +Bearing in mind, then, our attempted analysis of counter social forces +at work, our deductions from this analysis and the foregoing analogy +the significance of which grows out of the truth of these deductions, +let us conclude with a suggestion as to what the next Hague Conference +should attempt. It should, of course, like the former Conferences, +extract as many teeth as possible from war. As to improving our +arbitration facilities, its first task evidently should be to +determine some method whereby members of the Judicial Arbitration +Court shall be apportioned and selected. If, as has been suggested, it +is decided to use the same scheme of apportionment as that for the +International Court of Prize, the provision that each party to a case +shall have a representative on the bench should be changed so as to +provide that neither party shall have a representative on the bench. +If this court is not to be a misnomer like the Permanent Court of +Arbitration, its rulings must be in accord with the principles of +jurisprudence rather than with the spirit of compromise such a +provision would tend to produce. With this accomplished and the +Judicial Court of Arbitration put in practical working order "of free +and easy access" to the powers, it may be doubted whether anything +further can be done. If the powers can be made to agree to submit to +the court all cases growing out of the disputed interpretation of +treaties, a great advance will have been made, but it is doubtful +whether the present state of public opinion would indorse such a +progressive step. These international legislators can do no more than +provide channels through which the spirit of international peace can +exercise itself as it expands, and the Judicial Court of Arbitration, +at the optional use of the nations, conforms admirably to this +requirement. The delegates should, therefore, avoid the universal +tendency of such bodies to legislate too much. None of these Hague +Conferences can alone accomplish the ultimate purpose of the so-called +dreamers, but each Conference may be a landmark on the upward journey +toward that consummation, anticipated by Utopians from the earliest +times, foretold by prophets from Micah and Isaiah to Robert Burns and +Tennyson, labored for by practical statesmen from Hugo Grotius to +William H. Taft, when each man shall be a native of his state and a +citizen of the world. + + +AUTHORITIES + + For acts and conventions of Hague Conferences: + "Texts of the Peace Conferences" by James Brown Scott. + + For data concerning proposed treaty with England: + Text of treaty and majority and minority reports of Senate + Committee on Foreign Relations. + + For statistics of arbitration treaties: + "Revised List of Arbitration Treaties," compiled by Denys P. + Myers. + + For development of trial by jury: + "Evidence at the Common Law" by Thayer. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association, by Intercollegiate Peace Association + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORATIONS--INTERCOLL. 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Weston. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .subjs {margin: auto; width: 32em;} + + .ins.correction {text-decoration:none; border-bottom: thin solid gray;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate Peace +Association, by Intercollegiate Peace Association + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate Peace Association + +Author: Intercollegiate Peace Association + +Editor: Stephen F. Weston + +Release Date: October 1, 2009 [EBook #30150] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORATIONS--INTERCOLL. PEACE ASSOC. *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Ritu Aggarwal and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p><b>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:</b></p> + +<p>1. The following typographical errors have been corrected:</p> + +<p> "spendid" corrected to "splendid" [Page 78]<br /> + "stumblingblock" corrected to "stumbling block" [Page 90]<br /> + "can can" corrected to "can" [Page 140]</p> +<p>They have been marked in the text with <ins class="correction" title="like this">popups</ins>. +Position the mouse over the line to see an explanation.</p> + +<p>2. For consistency, a period has been added at the end of the word "Editor" +in some footnotes where it was missing.</p> + +<p>3. Other than corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in +spelling, punctuation, hyphenation and ligature usage have been retained.</p> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h1>PRIZE ORATIONS</h1> + +<h4>OF THE</h4> + +<h2>INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION<br /><br /></h2> + + +<h4>EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION</h4> +<h4>BY</h4> +<h3>STEPHEN F. WESTON, <span class="smcap">Ph.D.</span></h3> +<h5>EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE ASSOCIATION</h5> +<h5>PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, ANTIOCH COLLEGE<br /> +YELLOW SPRINGS, OHIO</h5> + + +<h4>FOREWORD BY</h4> +<h3>CHARLES F. THWING<br /><br /></h3> + + +<h4>BOSTON<br /> +THE WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION<br /> +1914</h4> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h4> +THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED<br /> +TO THE</h4> +<h3>MISSES MARY AND HELEN SEABURY</h3> +<h4>WHOSE INTEREST AND ASSISTANCE<br /> +HAVE MADE POSSIBLE THE ORATIONS OF THE<br /> +INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION</h4> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="0" summary="Table of Contents"> +<tr><td> </td><td align="right"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#FOREWORD">FOREWORD</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_vii">vii</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Charles F. Thwing</span>, President of the Association</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_INTERCOLLEGIATE_PEACE_ASSOCIATION">THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Stephen F. Weston</span>, Executive Secretary of the Association</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_CONFLICT_OF_WAR_AND_PEACE">THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Paul Smith</span>, DePauw University, Indiana</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_UNITED_STATES_AND_UNIVERSAL_PEACE">THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Glenn Porter Wishard</span>, Northwestern University, Illinois</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_EVOLUTION_OF_WORLD_PEACE">THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Levi T. Pennington</span>, Earlham College, Indiana</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_WASTE_OF_WAR_THE_WEALTH_OF_PEACE">THE WASTE OF WAR—THE WEALTH OF PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Arthur Foraker Young</span>, Western Reserve University, Ohio</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_HOPE_OF_PEACE">THE HOPE OF PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Stanley H. Howe</span>, Albion College, Michigan</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_ROOSEVELT_THEORY_OF_WAR">THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Percival V. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_VITAL_INTERESTS">NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Russell Weisman</span>, Western Reserve University, Ohio</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_EVOLUTION_OF_PATRIOTISM">THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_91">91</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Paul B. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#CERTAIN_PHASES_OF_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT">CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Calvert Magruder</span>, St. John's College, Maryland</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_ASSURANCE_OF_PEACE">THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Vernon M. Welsh</span>, Knox College, Illinois</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#EDUCATION_FOR_PEACE">EDUCATION FOR PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Francis J. Lyons</span>, University of Texas</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_PEACE">NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Louis Broido</span>, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_NEW_NATIONALISM_AND_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT">THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Ralph D. Lucas</span>, Knox College, Illinois</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#MANS_MORAL_NATURE_THE_HOPE_OF_UNIVERSAL_PEACE">MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Victor Morris</span>, University of Oregon</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_TASK_OF_THE_TWENTIETH_CENTURY">THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_157">157</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Harold Husted</span>, Ottawa University, Kansas</td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#THE_PRESENT_STATUS_OF_INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION">THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION</a></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>By <span class="smcap">Bryant Smith</span>, Guilford College, North Carolina</td><td> </td></tr> +</table> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Page vii]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="FOREWORD" id="FOREWORD"></a>FOREWORD</h2> + + +<p>These orations are selected from hundreds of similar addresses spoken +in recent years by hundreds of students in American colleges. I +believe it is not too bold to say that they represent the highest +level of undergraduate thinking and speaking. They are worthy +interpreters of the cause of peace, but they are, as well, noble +illustrations of the type of intellectual and moral culture of +American students. Whoever reads them will, I believe, become more +optimistic, not only over the early fulfillment of the dreams of peace +among nations, but also over the intellectual and ethical condition of +academic life.</p> + +<p>For the simple truth is that the cause of peace makes an appeal of +peculiar force to the undergraduate. It appeals to his imagination. +This imagination is at once historic and prophetic. War makes an +appeal to the historic imagination of the student. His study of Greek +and Roman history has been devoted too largely to the wars that these +peoples waged. Marathon, Salamis, Carthage, are names altogether too +familiar and significant. By contrast he sees what this history, which +is written in blood, might have become. If the millions of men slain +had been permitted to live, and if the uncounted treasure spent had +been economically used, the results in the history of civilization would +have been far richer and nobler. He notes, too, does this student, that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Page viii]</a></span> +if the last decades of the eighteenth century and the first decades of +the nineteenth had been free from wars in Europe, humanity would now +have attained a far higher level of physical and intellectual +strength. The historic imagination of the student pictures, as his +reason interprets, such conditions. His prophetic imagination likewise +exercises its creative function. The student sees nations to-day +dwelling in armed truces and moving to and fro as a soldiery actual or +possible. He realizes that war puts up what civilization puts down, +and puts down what civilization elevates. He reads the lamented +Robertson's great lecture on the poetry of war, but he knows also, as +Robertson intimates, that "peace is blessed; peace arises out of +charity." The poetry of peace is more entrancing than the poetry of +carnage. To this primary element in the mind of the +undergraduate—the imagination—our great cause therefore +makes an appeal of peculiar earnestness.</p> + +<p>To the reason of the college man, also, the cause of peace makes a +peculiar appeal through its simple logic. War is most illogical. It +breaks the law of the proper interpretation of causality. When two +nations of adjacent territory cannot agree over a boundary line, why +should settlement be made in terms of physical force? When two nations +fail to see eye to eye in adjusting the questions of certain fishing +rights, why should they incarnadine the seas in seeking for the truth +to be applied in settlement? In civil disputes, why, asks the student, +should rifles be employed to discover truth and right? War is an intellectual +anachronism, a breach of logic. Of course, one may reply, humanity is not +logical in its reasoning any more than it is exact in its observing. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Page ix]</a></span> +Of course it is not; but the college is set to cast out the rule of +no-reason and to bring in the reign of reason. Peace furnishes a +motive and a method of such advancement. Peace is logic for the +individual and for the nation.</p> + +<p>The illogical character of war is also made evident by the contrast +between the college man as a thinker and war itself. The college man +who thinks sees truth broadly; war interprets life narrowly, at the +point of the bayonet. The college man who thinks sees truth deeply; +war makes its primary appeal to the superficial love of glory, of +pomp, and of circumstance. The college man who thinks sees truth in +its highest relations; war is hell. The college man who thinks sees +truth in long ranges and in far-off horizons; war is emotional, and +the warrior flings the years into the hours. The college man who +thinks, thinks accurately, with logic, with reason; war does not +think—it strikes. "Strike," the college man may also say, "but hear!" +he cries; "yes, think." If the college can make the student think, it +has created the greatest force for making the world and the age a +world and an age of peace.</p> + +<p>It is plain enough, too, that the economic side of war makes a +tremendous appeal to the student. The cost of the battleship <i>Indiana</i> +was practically $6,000,000; the total value of grounds and buildings +of the colleges and universities in Indiana is slightly more than +$7,000,000, and the productive funds are $4,000,000. The total cost of +the battleship <i>Oregon</i> was more than $6,500,000; the total value of +grounds and buildings of the universities and colleges of Oregon is +less than $2,000,000, and the productive funds amount to hardly more than +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Page x]</a></span> +$2,000,000. The cost of the battleship <i>Iowa</i> was nearly +$6,000,000, and the productive funds of all the colleges and +universities of the state are only $5,000,000. The battleship +<i>Kentucky</i> cost $5,000,000; in the colleges of that state the total +amount of productive funds is only $2,000,000, and the total value of +grounds and buildings, $3,000,000. The battleship <i>Alabama</i> cost more +than $4,500,000, and the entire property, real and personal, of all +the universities and colleges in that state is less than $4,000,000. +The cost of the battleship <i>Wisconsin</i> was more than $4,500,000; the +whole value of all grounds and buildings of the colleges and +universities of the state is only slightly more than $7,000,000. The +battleship <i>Maine</i> cost more than $5,000,000, and the entire value in +grounds, buildings, and productive funds of the colleges and +universities of that state is little more than $5,000,000.</p> + +<p>The value of the buildings of five hundred colleges and universities +in this country was estimated in a recent year at $262,000,000, and +the productive funds at $357,000,000. Leaving out those now in course +of construction, the total cost of the battleships and armored +cruisers of the United States named after individual states is +$325,000,000.</p> + +<p>The cost of maintaining these battleships during the fiscal year of +1910, though many were in commission but a small part of the year, +amounted to no less than $33,000,000. The amount which all the colleges +and universities in this country received in tuition fees in 1911 was only +$20,000,000; and the entire income received both from fees and productive +funds was only about $34,000,000. In other words, when one takes into +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Page xi]</a></span> +account the depreciation of the battleship or armored cruiser, the +entire cost of the thirty-eight battleships for a single year is +greater than the administration of the entire American system of +higher education.</p> + +<p>Is it not painfully manifest that the cost of war constitutes a mighty +argument for the economic mind of the student?</p> + +<p>Moreover, I am inclined to believe that the very difficulties +belonging to the triumph of our great cause constitute ground for its +closer relationship to the college man. The college man wishes, as +well as needs, a hard job. The easy task, the rosy opportunity, makes +no appeal. He is like Garibaldi's soldiers, who, when the choice was +once offered them by the commander to surrender to ease and safety, +chose hardship and peril. The Boxer revolution in China was followed +by hundreds of applications from college men and women to be sent +forth to China to take the place of the martyrs. The difficulties in +the progress of the great cause are of every sort and condition. +Industrial narrowness and commercial greed, military and political +ambitions, sectional zeal, national jealousy, the sensitiveness of +each nation in matters of national honor, the glamour of the good and +the beautiful under the sentiment of patriotism, the historic honor +attending death for one's country, the ease of creating war scares +among the people, the looseness of the organization of the higher +forces of the world—all these conditions and more pile up into a +Pelion on Ossa as a part of the difficulties standing in the progress +of our great movement. But such difficulties inspire rather than deter. +The student says, "I will; therefore I can." He also says, "I can; therefore +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Page xii]</a></span> +I will." He knows that the forces fighting for him are +more than those that fight against him, strong as these are. Man in +his noblest relationships, the songs of the poet (the best +interpreter, from Homer and Virgil to the "Winepress" of Alfred +Noyes), the torture, the pains, the sufferings, the woes, the vision +of the prophet of a loving and perfect humanity, the reason of +logic—all these and more are to him inspirations, and strengthen him +in his great quest. He is a knight of the Holy Grail that is filled +from the river of the water of life.</p> + +<p>Perhaps, furthermore, the cause makes its most impressive appeal to +the collegian in its internationalism, or interpatriotism. This +internationalism addresses itself to his own international +appreciation. The collegian is a patriot. He is a patriot not only +against a foreign country but often against certain parts of his own +country—loyal to the interests which he believes a section of his own +nation properly represents. The German students have fought for their +Fatherland; they have also fought for the liberal sentiments of their +own land against reactionary movements, as in 1848. In the American +Civil War no brighter record is to be found than is embodied in the +tablets in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, or in Memorial Hall, Chapel Hill, +University of North Carolina. But the collegian possesses the +international sense, and possesses it more and more deeply with each +passing decade. His is the international mind, interpreting phenomena +in terms of common justice. His is the international heart, feeling +the universal joys and sorrows, woes and exultations. His is the +international will, seeking to do good to all men. His is the +international conscience, weighing right and duty in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Page xiii]</a></span> +scales of divine humanity. Whatever interpretation he gives to the +sayings of Paul that God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of the +earth and has fixed the bounds of their habitation,—whether he stops +with the words "the face of the earth" or whether he goes on to +interpret the limitations of their residence,—it is nevertheless true +that his mind, his heart, his will, and his conscience do go out +toward all nations in their endeavor to realize their highest racial +and interracial peace. No man is a foreigner to him.</p> + +<p>I have, I trust, said enough to intimate that these orations arise out +of a natural and normal condition of the student mind and heart. They +also, in subject as well as in origin, bear a special message of cheer +and hopefulness to all who have a good will toward the collegian and +toward the great cause for which we all are laboring.</p> + +<p style='text-align:right;'>CHARLES F. THWING<br /> +<i>President</i></p> +<p> +<span class="smcap">Western Reserve University<br /> +Cleveland, Ohio</span><br /> +</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Page 1]</a></span></p> +<h1>PRIZE ORATIONS</h1> + +<h2><a name="THE_INTERCOLLEGIATE_PEACE_ASSOCIATION" id="THE_INTERCOLLEGIATE_PEACE_ASSOCIATION"></a>THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION</h2> + +<p><i>Origin.</i> In the autumn of 1904 President Noah E. Byers of Goshen +College, Goshen, Indiana, a Mennonite college, invited to a conference +representatives of all the colleges in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio +that are conducted by those religious denominations that advocate +nonresistance as one of their essential religious principles. Such +bodies are the Mennonites, the Dunkards, and the Quakers. In the +spring of 1905 a more specific invitation was sent out, with the +result that a conference was held at Goshen College, June 22-23, 1905. +This date is important, since the call of President Byers for such a +conference was the first active step ever taken to interest the +college world, and particularly undergraduates, in the great movement +for world peace founded upon the idea of human brotherhood. While the +conference did not take place until a month after President Gilman had +suggested to the Lake Mohonk Conference, in May, 1905, that it should +extend its peace work to the colleges and universities, yet the call +for the conference was several months prior to the action of the +Mohonk Conference.</p> + +<p>Eight institutions were represented at this conference—Goshen, +Earlham, Central Mennonite, Ashland, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Page 2]</a></span>Wilmington, Juniata, and Penn +colleges and Friends' University. No definite plan of work had been +mapped out, but a simple organization was effected, and arrangements +were made for a second conference at Earlham College (Society of +Friends). Professor Elbert Russell of Earlham College was elected +president, and upon him devolved most of the work of arranging for the +second conference, which was held April 13-14, 1906. For this +conference no denominational lines were drawn, it being felt that all +colleges and universities should be interested in this important work. +Hence invitations were sent to all institutions of higher learning in +both Indiana and Ohio. Eight institutions were represented: Indiana, +three—Earlham and Goshen colleges and Indiana University; Ohio, +five—Antioch, Denison, Miami, Wilmington, and Central Mennonite. This +representation was small, considering the importance of the conference +and the excellent program that had been arranged for by Professor +Russell. But notwithstanding the small number of institutions +represented, the conference was a marked success, made so very largely +by the many excellent addresses—among others, those of Edwin D. Mead, +Benjamin F. Trueblood, Professor Ernst Richard of Columbia University, +and Honorable William Dudley Foulke.</p> + +<p>On the last day of the conference the delegates from the different +colleges met and perfected a permanent organization, which it was +agreed should be called the Intercollegiate Peace Association. Thus, +after a year of preliminary work, the Intercollegiate Peace +Association came into definite and permanent existence on April 14, +1906. At this meeting Dean William P. Rogers of the Cincinnati Law +School was elected president, and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Page 3]</a></span>Professor Elbert Russell, secretary +and treasurer. The president and the secretary, President Noah E. +Byers of Goshen College, and Professor Stephen F. Weston of Antioch +College constituted the executive committee. The writer has remained +on the executive committee from the beginning, as either an elected or +an ex-officio member.</p> + +<p>Two methods of propaganda were adopted: intercollegiate oratorical +contests, and public addresses on peace questions before the student +body and faculties of colleges and universities. It was also agreed +that the work should begin with Ohio and Indiana and gradually extend +to other states. Although no definite plan was formulated until a year +later, at the meeting at Cincinnati, it was understood from the outset +that it should be the aim gradually to extend the field of work, so +that ultimately most of the institutions of higher learning in +practically all of the states should be embraced within the +organization and participate in the contests.</p> + +<p><i>Purpose.</i> The purpose of the association has been quite definitely +set forth in my "Historical Sketch"<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and in my report for 1912. From +these the following statement is very largely borrowed. The +fundamental purpose of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is to +instill into the minds and hearts of the young men of our colleges and +universities the principle that the highest ideals of justice and +righteousness should govern the conduct of men in all their +international affairs quite as much as in purely individual and social +matters, and that, therefore, the true aim of all international +dealings should be to settle differences, of whatever nature, by +peaceful methods through an appeal to the noblest human instincts and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Page 4]</a></span> +the highest ideals of life, rather than by the arbitrament of the +sword through an appeal to the lower passions; and, further, both on +humanitarian and economic grounds, to arouse in the youth of to-day an +appreciation of the importance of a peaceful settlement of +international disputes, and to inculcate a spirit antagonistic to the +inhuman waste of life and the reckless waste of wealth in needless +warfare.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +Printed in <i>Antioch College Bulletin</i>, Vol. VII, No. 1, December, 1910.</p></div> + +<p>This appeal to the idealism of youth is founded upon the psychological +fact that it is the ideals of life that determine the conduct of life. +It is ideals that rule the world; hence the importance of right ideals +based upon a comprehensive understanding of the real nature and +deepest implications of human fellowship. The alleged impracticability +is not in the ideal but in the difficulty of making the ideal such a +dominant part of our being that it shall consistently direct our +activities under every circumstance. One of the essential conditions +of human progress is the conviction that such ideals are vital to the +highest attainments and that these should be the aim of all our +strivings. Unfortunately such a standard of life is far from being +realized. Policy rules largely in the world of practical life; either +high ideals are considered impracticable, or there is no attempt to +enforce consistency between belief and practice.</p> + +<p>Mindful of the further fact that the ideals and habits of thought and +action that prevail in mature life are those that are formed in youth, +the Intercollegiate Peace Association turns to the young manhood of +the undergraduate for its field of operations. The aim is to give such +a firm mold to the ideals of the undergraduate that they shall for all +time shape his activities to the end of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Page 5]</a></span>righteous conduct in all +international dealings. In particular, the aim is to cultivate in the +young men of our colleges and universities such sentiments and +standards of conduct as will insure their devotion to the furtherance +of international peace through arbitration and other methods of +pacific settlement rather than by battleships—standards of conduct +based upon the fundamental truth that conflicts between men, and +therefore principles of right and justice, can be rightly settled only +through the mediation of mind, and that every effort to settle them by +force is not only illogical, a psychological impossibility, but is the +way of the brute, not the way of man, whose nature touches the divine. +All the more important must this work with the undergraduate be +considered when we reflect that it is the young men in our colleges +and universities to-day who will mold the public opinion and the +national and international policy of the next generation; for it is +such young men as these that will control the pulpit and the press, +the legislation and the diplomacy of the future. It is this fact that +gives such peculiar importance to the work of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association. To quote from the report of the secretary for 1912:</p> + +<p>"Other peace societies are laboring to create a public sentiment +to-day in favor of international peace, through arbitration of all +international differences. This is very essential. But the +Intercollegiate Peace Association is founded upon the belief that the +cause of peace will not triumph in a day, and that it is therefore of +the utmost importance that right ideals be rooted into the minds of +those who will give expression to the public opinion of the future. In +brief, it is building more for the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Page 6]</a></span>future than for the immediate +present. The millennium of peace will not come until the ideals of a +Christian civilization take deeper root in the minds and hearts of +those who are the leaders of thought and action. One of the crying +sins of to-day is that professions of righteous living in accordance +with Christian ethical ideals are not taken seriously. Note the +disgraceful policy that has been pursued with regard to Turkey by the +nations of Europe that profess to be disciples of the Prince of Peace. +Hence it is of the utmost importance that those who are to become the +future translators of ideals into action shall be imbued with right +principles of life and of human relations. To this end it is sought to +cultivate the right sentiment against war, and for international +peace, among the undergraduates of our colleges; for what the +undergraduate thinks about and reads about to-day will very largely +determine his future principles and his conduct, and it is he who is +destined to mold the ideals, shape the policies, and determine the +actions of the people of to-morrow."</p> + +<p><i>Methods and Results.</i> To carry out these purposes two things are +essential: an awakened interest in the cause of peace, and some +definite and effective method for molding sentiments and habits of +thought that will persist with such vitality that they will give shape +to future conduct and activities. To arouse an interest in the +subject, on the part of both professors and students, it was believed +at the outset that public addresses would be effective, and it was +hoped that the association would be able to inaugurate a course of +such addresses in our colleges and universities. It was, however, soon +found that to finance such a course would require more money +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Page 7]</a></span> +than we could hope to command for some time to come. In consequence, very +little has been done along this line further than to arrange for +occasional addresses and to encourage chapel talks. It is this field +of work that the Lake Mohonk Conference voted to adopt at the +suggestion of Dr. Gilman. The conference also found it difficult to +carry out the plan, and our association was invited to assume the +whole of this work—a request we would gladly have accepted, but which +we were compelled to decline for want of funds. It is a very important +field of work and could be made very effective toward realizing the +ultimate goal of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, for its effect +would undoubtedly be the enlistment of a much larger number of the +students in the oratorical contests, which must be our chief reliance +for getting international peace ideas to take a vital root in the +undergraduate mind. If we cannot secure the necessary funds for +carrying on this important work, it is hoped that some other peace +society will do it for us, for such addresses could be made a most +effective complement to our work.</p> + +<p>Being compelled to abandon the public addresses for want of money, we +have concentrated most of our efforts upon the intercollegiate +oratorical contests as perhaps the most effective method for carrying +out the purpose of the association. The contests are bound to arouse +an interest in the subject, while the preparation of orations is sure +to ingrain thoughts, sentiments, and convictions that will be +indelible in the character of the young men who participate in the +contests. While the contests are oratorical in their nature, their +primary purpose is not the cultivation of oratory. Oratory is simply +used as a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Page 8]</a></span>means to an end—the cultivation of right ideas of justice +and righteousness between nations. That such a result will accrue is +assured both in psychological principles and in experience. Every +student who produces a well-prepared oration in bound to make the +thoughts and sentiments expressed a part of his being. The oration +would not be effective if it were otherwise. The writer has heard +scores of these orations, and he is convinced of the sincerity and +earnestness of the orators. Moreover, letters written to him by those +who have won prizes, attesting their interest in and their devotion to +the cause, by reason of their participation in the contests, give +ample evidence that the contests are bearing fruit. Nor can one read +the orations in this volume without being convinced of their +sincerity.</p> + +<p>Indeed, the reason why we do not have intercollegiate debates instead +of contests in oratory is because of the psychological truth, amply +justified by experience, that the student who prepares for the +negative side of a peace question would tend to have his thoughts +permanently fixed along the lines of the advocates of great armaments. +It is not that the student should not know the arguments opposing the +ideas of the advocates of peace by arbitration. We would not cultivate +bigotry even in a good cause. We would have him know the facts, as +indeed he must before he can present any arguments for peace that +would have any significance. But an acquaintance with the opposing +arguments is quite a different thing, in its effect upon the thought +of the student, from making that thought his own and publicly +defending it.</p> + +<p>Other results may be mentioned. While the cultivation of oratory is +not a function of the Intercollegiate <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Page 9]</a></span>Peace Association, it does +foster oratory as a valuable if not an indispensable instrument for +effecting its own end. In fact, the oratorical contests are something +more than agencies for interesting undergraduates in the peace +movement. The cultivation of the art of expression and of public +speaking, now very generally provided for in college and university +curriculums, is of especial significance to the work of this +association. For it is not alone of importance that the graduate who +leaves his alma mater should be indoctrinated with a message of peace +for the world; that his message may be effective, he must also have +attained some proficiency in the art of clear and forceful diction and +in the art of delivering his message in a pleasing and convincing +manner. Therefore, it is not without reason that our contests are for +the most part under the immediate direction of the department of +English, or of whatever departments have charge of the public speaking +in the various colleges and universities.</p> + +<p>A further factor in these contests is their cultural value, both moral +and intellectual. They necessarily cultivate the highest ethical +conceptions, historical and political knowledge, and careful and +logical thinking. To quote from the secretary's report for 1912: "The +work of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is a great force for +righteousness between nation and nation, and so between man and man, +and therefore may be considered as supplementary to the more strictly +moral and intellectual culture in our institutions of higher learning. +The ethical value is not the only value of the contests. In the +preparation of orations the undergraduate necessarily informs himself +of historical conditions, of the economic and social effects of war, +of the legal and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Page 10]</a></span>constitutional principles involved, and of the +problems, difficulties, and principles concerned with international +relations. It is this early beginning of an intelligent understanding +of the problems involved, together with the right moral insight, that +must count for future effectiveness in shaping international policies +and practices." Finally, while these contests have chiefly in mind the +shaping of the public opinion of coming generations, they are by no +means a negligible factor in their influence upon the public opinion +of to-day. The contests—local, state, and interstate—are heard by +many hundreds of people every year, and in many cases by persons who +would otherwise seldom come in contact with peace sentiments. The +permeating influence in college circles extends beyond those who +participate in the contests. The influence of any single contest may +indeed be small, but so too is the influence of any one peace +conference or congress. The task of molding public opinion along the +lines of any human uplift is always slow, and only gradually do the +influences of this character permeate and take possession of the +social mind; but every influence leaves its impression. It is only by +persistent activities and cumulative effects that the social mind can +be aroused to a full consciousness of any great moral issue, and still +more true is this when that moral issue is of national or +international importance. The many peace societies, the +Intercollegiate Peace Association among them, are just such persistent +activities, which, by gradually producing cumulative effects, will +ultimately reap their reward. But more perhaps than other peace +societies does the Intercollegiate Peace Association concern itself +with the social mind and the social conscience of the future.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Page 11]</a></span> +<i>The Contests.</i> The first oratorical contest was held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907. Arrangements were made for the +participation of only Ohio and Indiana colleges. State contests were +not held, but fourteen orations were submitted from as many different +institutions, nine from Ohio and five from Indiana. The writers of +eight of these were selected by judges on thought and composition to +take part in the speaking contest. Four were from Ohio and four from +Indiana. Indiana won both the first and the second prize. The first +prize was won by Paul Smith of DePauw University with the subject, +"The Conflict of War and Peace." The second prize went to Lawrence B. +Smelser of Earlham College, whose subject was "The Solving Principles +of Federation."</p> + +<p>The second contest was held at DePauw University, May 15, 1908. +Carrying out the plan adopted at the meeting at Cincinnati, the +contestants were selected by means of State contests, and an +invitation was extended to the colleges and universities of Michigan, +Illinois, and Wisconsin to participate in the contest. Wisconsin did +not respond, but contests were held in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and +Illinois. By special arrangement Juniata College was allowed to +represent Pennsylvania without a state contest. Glenn P. Wishard of +Northwestern University won the first prize; subject, "The United +States and Universal Peace." The second prize was won by H. P. Lenartz +of Notre Dame University; subject, "America and the World's Peace."</p> + +<p>The third Interstate contest took place at The University of Chicago, +May 4, 1909, in connection with the Second National Peace Congress. +Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Page 12]</a></span>Illinois, and Wisconsin were represented, +all having held State contests. Levi T. Pennington of Earlham College +won the first prize; subject, "The Evolution of World Peace." The +second prize went to Harold P. Flint of Illinois Wesleyan University; +subject, "America the Exemplar of Peace."</p> + +<p>The fourth annual contest was held at the University of Michigan, May +13, 1910. There were six contestants, Pennsylvania having come +regularly into the association. Arthur F. Young of Western Reserve +University won the first prize; subject, "The Waste of War—The Wealth +of Peace." The second prize went to Glenn N. Merry of Northwestern +University; subject, "A Nation's Opportunity."</p> + +<p>The fifth annual contest was held at Johns Hopkins University, May 5, +1911, in connection with the Third National Peace Congress. There were +seven contestants, Maryland being represented for the first time. The +first prize was won by Stanley H. Howe, Albion College, Michigan, and +the second prize by Wayne Walker Calhoun, Illinois Wesleyan +University. Mr. Howe's subject was "The Hope of Peace," and Mr. +Calhoun's, "War and the Man." This contest was one of the most +successful that had been held up to that time. It was greeted by one +of the largest audiences that had attended any of the sessions of the +Peace Congress, and the comparison of the orations, in both thought +and delivery, with the speeches given in the congress, was very +favorable to the young orators. A general enthusiasm was evoked for +the contests. Yet there was much fear that this contest might prove to +be the last, there being no assurance <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Page 13]</a></span>ahead for adequate funds to +carry on the work. It was decided, however, not to give up without +further trial, a decision well justified by subsequent developments.</p> + +<p>Assistance being secured from the Carnegie peace fund, eleven states +held contests in 1912. In addition to the seven that participated in +the contest at Baltimore, four additional states were added—New York, +North Carolina, Iowa, and Nebraska. With so many states, it became +necessary for the first time to divide them into groups. Two groups +were formed, an Eastern and a Western. The Western Group, of five +states, held its contest at Monmouth College, Illinois, April 26, and +the Eastern Group, of six states, at Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, +May 3. No prizes were given at either of these contests, but an +arrangement was made with the Lake Mohonk Conference by which the +ranking orator in each contest should meet and contest for first and +second place at Mohonk Lake at the time of the Lake Mohonk Conference. +The contest at Mohonk was held May 16, the contestants being Percival +V. Blanshard of the University of Michigan, who represented the +Western Group, and Russell Weisman of Western Reserve University, who +represented the Eastern Group. The title of Mr. Blanshard's oration +was "The Roosevelt Theory of War," and that of Mr. Weisman's, +"National Honor and Vital Interests." The Misses Seabury gave a first +prize of $75 and a second prize of $50. The judges awarded the first +prize to Mr. Blanshard and the second prize to Mr. Weisman. So great, +however, was the interest of the guests at Mohonk Lake, and so nearly +equal in merit were the orations, that a gentleman present gave <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Page 14]</a></span>an +additional $25 to Mr. Weisman to make the prizes equal, and Mr. Joshua +Bailey of Philadelphia gave each of the contestants an additional $50.</p> + +<p>Five additional states—Maine, Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, and +South Dakota—participated in the contests of 1913, making sixteen +states holding contests. Of these states three groups were formed, an +Eastern, a Central, and a Western. The Central Group held its contest +at Goshen College, Indiana, April 25; the Western Group at St. Louis, +May 1, as part of the program of the Fourth American Peace Congress; +and the Eastern Group at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, May 13. The +same arrangements were made as in the preceding year—that the +contestant holding the highest rank in each group should meet in a +final contest at Mohonk Lake. No prizes were given, except that the +Business Men's League of St. Louis gave a prize of $100 for the +contest at St. Louis. The contest at Mohonk was held May 15, and three +prizes were given by the Misses Seabury—$100, $75, and $50. Paul B. +Blanshard of the University of Michigan, a twin brother of the Mr. +Blanchard who won the first prize in 1912, represented the Central +Group and won the first prize with the subject, "The Evolution of +Patriotism." Calvert Magruder, St. John's College, Annapolis, +Maryland, represented the Eastern Group and won the second prize. His +subject was "Certain Phases of the Peace Movement." Vernon M. Welsh, +Knox College, Illinois, represented the Western Group and won the +third prize. His subject was "The Assurance of Peace."</p> + +<p><i>Growth.</i> The growth of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, like +that of most social movements, was slow in the first few years of its +existence, but with the gradual <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Page 15]</a></span>accretion of new states it has gained +in momentum, and is to-day increasing with such rapidity that only the +lack of financial support will prevent it from embracing in its +contests within another two years practically every state in the +Union. Starting with two states at the Earlham Conference in 1906 and +the first contest in 1907, it added three states in 1908, one in 1910, +and one in 1911, making seven states participating in the contests of +1911. Four more states were added for the contests of 1912, and five +additional ones for the contests of 1913 (nine states in two years), +making sixteen states in all. Since the contest in May, 1913, eight +states have been added for the contests of 1914, while the work of +organization is being carried on in several other states. By 1915 at +least thirty states will be holding contests if money can be secured +for properly financing them. Four groups are now definitely organized: +an Eastern, a Central, a Western, and a Southern. A Pacific Group is +in process of being organized. Thus, in seven years from the first +contest we have become a national association, extending from the +Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Lakes to the Gulf.</p> + +<p><i>Prizes and Finances.</i> In order to encourage the young men to enter +the contests, the plan of offering prizes was adopted at the outset. +The national association made itself responsible for the state prizes, +leaving the local institutions to provide for such local prizes as +they could arrange for. In some places such prizes are given, being +provided for in different ways, and in some places no local prizes are +given. At first only $50 and $25 were given for the two state prizes, +but after the second year it was made a definite policy of the +association to make <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Page 16]</a></span>the first state prize $75 and the second prize +$50. With rare exceptions, in the case of the second prize, this +policy is now maintained. In New York, however, there is a first prize +of $200 and a second prize of $100, given by Mrs. Elmer Black. For the +past two or three years the national association has made itself +responsible for the first prize only, leaving the states to look after +the second prize, though the secretary also looks after many of the +second prizes. No prizes are regularly given in the group contests, +but it is hoped that a plan may be evolved for giving one prize, as +the expenses of the winning contestant are large. At the national +contest at Mohonk Lake, prizes are given to each contestant. In 1914 +these prizes will probably range from $40 to $100.</p> + +<p>The prize money has come from various sources. In 1908 Mr. Carnegie +gave $1000, and in 1909 he gave $700. The Misses Seabury, of New +Bedford, Massachusetts, gave $500 a year from the first. They gave +$750 in 1913 and will give $1000 for prizes in 1914. In Illinois La +Verne W. Noyes has annually given the first prize of $75 and Harlow N. +Higginbotham the second prize of $50. In Michigan R. E. Olds gave the +first prize until 1913, and J. H. Moores the second prize until 1914. +In Ohio Samuel Mather and J. G. Schmidlapp furnish the prizes for +1914. In New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland the +prizes are given by individuals at the instigation of peace societies. +In some states the second prize is given by some individual or through +a collection from a number of individuals. The balance of the prizes +are paid out of the subvention of $1200 that has been allowed for the +past three years out of the Carnegie endowment fund. In <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Page 17]</a></span>1913 the +prizes amounted to $2400. In 1914 they approximate $3400, apart from +any local prizes that may be given.</p> + +<p>The annual subvention of $1200 from the Carnegie peace fund is wholly +inadequate to meet the growing needs of this association. Since this +subvention was first granted, the number of states has been more than +doubled, and it takes about $600 a year to run the secretary's office. +Unless more money is secured from some source, the association will be +unable to grow beyond its present limits.</p> + +<p><i>Officers and Organization.</i> The organization of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association has been a gradual development, and has undergone +modifications to meet the changing conditions due to the considerable +enlargement of the territory embraced within its sphere of activity, +chief of which has been the practical impossibility of getting +representatives to a national meeting from such a large extent of +territory. At first there were a president, secretary, and treasurer, +and an executive committee, with the college presidents of Ohio and +Indiana as vice presidents. At the meeting at DePauw University, in +1908, it was decided to create state committees, that should have +charge of the work in their respective states. As the states grew in +numbers the plan of having vice presidents was abandoned. In 1911 the +chairmen of the state committees were made members of an advisory +council, and in 1913 the executive committee was reorganized so that +there should be one member from each group of states in addition to +the president and secretary. When the organization is fully matured +the elected members of the executive committee will be a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Page 18]</a></span> +self-perpetuating body, only one or two going out of office in any +one year, reëlection being permitted. The executive committee will +elect the president, executive secretary, and treasurer, and the +president and the executive secretary will appoint the members of the +advisory council, who will be ex-officio chairmen of the state +committees. The officers up to date have been as follows:</p> + +<p><i>Presidents</i>: Dean William P. Rogers, Cincinnati Law School, +1906-1907; Professor George W. Knight, Ohio State University, +1907-1908; Professor Elbert Russell, Earlham College, 1908-1910; Dean +William P. Rogers, 1910-1911; President Charles F. Thwing, Western +Reserve University, 1911-.</p> + +<p><i>Secretaries</i>: Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Mr. George Fulk, +Cerro Gordo, Illinois, 1908-1911; Professor Stephen F. Weston, Antioch +College, 1911-.</p> + +<p><i>Treasurers</i>: Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Professor Stephen +F. Weston, 1908-.</p> + +<p><i>Orations.</i> In the seven years in which the contests have been held, +about twelve hundred orations have been written, a little more than +one half of these in the past two years. The number written in 1914 +will not fall far short of five hundred. For some time we have desired +to publish a volume of the prize orations, and within the past few +years there has been considerable demand for such a volume, as many +would-be contestants are anxious to see what they will have to measure +up to in order to win. Outsiders interested in the contests have also +desired such a publication. The present collection was therefore +projected, and the World Peace Foundation willingly undertook to issue +it as one of the books in its International Library.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Page 19]</a></span> +The ten orations that have been selected for this volume out of the +twelve hundred have all won the first prize in interstate contests. +The first five are the first prize orations in the national contests +of the first five years before the group contests were organized, and +were selected by a series of local, state, and interstate contests out +of about five hundred and fifty orations delivered. The last five, +selected by a series of contests out of about six hundred and fifty, +are the first prize orations of the group contests of the past two +years. They were delivered in the national contests at Mohonk Lake at +the time of the Lake Mohonk Conferences. The fact that many of the +second prize orations, and indeed a number of the others, were given +first place by some of the judges is indicative of the general high +character of all the orations, so that the ten selected orations are +very fairly typical of the thought and sentiment of the whole twelve +hundred. It is therefore believed that the publication of these +orations will be of great value not only as a stimulus to prospective +contestants but as a convincing proof of the quality of the work that +the undergraduate students of the country are doing in the contests. +They are evidence that these contests call out a high grade of +intellectual and moral culture, showing as they do keen and clear +thinking and high moral ideals.</p> + +<p>There is included as an appendix to these orations the Pugsley prize +oration of 1913, by Bryant Smith, a senior in Guilford College, North +Carolina, a sample of the prize essays annually submitted for the +Pugsley prize of $100 offered through the Lake Mohonk Conference by +Chester DeWitt Pugsley of Yonkers, New York. The essay is also +fittingly printed in this volume because <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Page 20]</a></span>Mr. Smith represented the +state of North Carolina in the Eastern Group contest of the +Intercollegiate Peace Association in 1912, while still another reason +for including it is the hope that others who have taken part in the +oratorical contests, and who are thereby excluded from entering those +contests again, may be encouraged to try for the Pugsley prize.</p> + +<p><i>Subjects of Orations.</i> In view of the fact that so many orations have +been written on peace subjects, it is worthy of note that the topics +have seldom been duplicated, and that when the same topic has been +twice used, the handling of it has been so different that little +duplication has been noticeable. Each oration well represents the +originality and the individuality of the writer or orator. Duplication +is shown in the quotations, and it is therefore suggested that +quotations be sparingly used.</p> + +<p>Not the least interesting feature of the orations is the combination +of idealism and practicality, which they reveal in the minds of the +contestants. Truly, these young men "have hitched their wagon to a +star," the star of universal good will.</p> + +<p>To show the wide range of subjects chosen, and therefore the scope and +many-sidedness of the peace question, the following list of titles +already used is given here. They are also given as suggestions to +future writers of orations, for there is no objection to choosing +subjects previously used. Even if there is some duplication of +thought, it makes little difference, since the contests are seldom +held twice in the same place. Included in the list are some titles +that show variations in the way of stating the same thing, and these +variations should be suggestive to future writers of orations.</p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Page 21]</a></span></p> +<div class="subjs"> +<p><b>PARTIAL LIST OF SUBJECTS</b></p> +<p> +America the Exemplar of Peace<br /> +America and the World's Peace<br /> +America's Mission in the Peace Movement<br /> +America's Mission to Mankind<br /> +America's Obligation<br /> +The Arbiter of the World<br /> +Arbitration <i>versus</i> War<br /> +The Challenge of Thor<br /> +The Conflict of War and Peace<br /> +A Congress of Nations<br /> +The Cost of Militarism<br /> +The Cost of Peace<br /> +The Crucial Parallelism<br /> +The Dawn of Peace<br /> +The Dawn of Universal Peace<br /> +Democracy and Peace<br /> +Diplomacy and Peace<br /> +Disillusionment<br /> +The Dominant Ideal<br /> +The End; and the Means<br /> +The Evolution of a Higher Patriotism<br /> +The Evolution of Justice<br /> +The Evolution of Law<br /> +The Evolution of National Greatness as a World Peacemaker<br /> +The Evolution of World Peace<br /> +The Fallacy of the Economics of War<br /> +The Federation of the World<br /> +Forces of War and Peace<br /> +The Foundations<br /> +From Chaos to Harmony<br /> +From History's Pages—Peace<br /> +Fruits of War and Fruits of Peace<br /> +Government and International Peace<br /> +The Growing Sentiment<br /> +The Growth of the Peace Movement<br /> +Honor Satisfied<br /> +The Ideal of the Century<br /> +Idealism and the Peace Movement<br /> +Immigration and Peace<br /> +The Inefficiency of War<br /> +Instead of War—What?<br /> +International Arbitration<br /> +International Justice and World Peace<br /> +International Peace<br /> +International Peace and the Prince of Peace<br /> +Justice and Peace<br /> +Justice by War or Peace<br /> +The Keynote of the Twentieth Century<br /> +The Lasting Wound<br /> +The Law of Peace<br /> +The Message of the Andes<br /> +Military Selection and its Effect on National Life<br /> +Modern Battlefields<br /> +A Nation's Opportunity<br /> +The New Anglo-Saxon<br /> +The New Brotherhood<br /> +The New Corner Stone<br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Page 22]</a></span> +The New Era<br /> +The New Nobility<br /> +The New Patriotism<br /> +The Next Step<br /> +The Panama Canal<br /> +The Passing of War<br /> +The Pathway to Peace<br /> +Patriotism and Peace<br /> +Peace and Armaments<br /> +Peace and the Evolution of Conscience<br /> +Peace and the Fortification of the Panama Canal<br /> +Peace and Public Opinion<br /> +Peace Inevitable<br /> +Peace is our Passion<br /> +Peace on Earth<br /> +Peace, our Great Ideal<br /> +The Philosophy of Universal Peace<br /> +Physical and Psychical Aspects of War<br /> +A Plea for International Peace<br /> +A Plea for Peace<br /> +Popular Fallacies about War<br /> +Popular Government and Peace<br /> +Popular Sentiment and Purer Citizenship: The Right Road to Peace<br /> +The Power of International Tolerance<br /> +The Prince of Peace<br /> +Progress toward Justice<br /> +The Proposed Court of Arbitral Justice<br /> +The Rationality of Peace<br /> +The Real Power<br /> +The Redemption of Patriotism<br /> +The Regaining of the World's Lost Legacy<br /> +Right or Might<br /> +The Significance of the Hague Conferences<br /> +The Rightful Ruler<br /> +A Simple Method of Forwarding Universal Peace<br /> +The Solving Principles of Federation<br /> +Sovereignty in Arbitration<br /> +Statesmanship <i>versus</i> Battleship<br /> +Thor or Christ<br /> +Ungrateful America<br /> +The United States and Universal Peace<br /> +The United States of the World<br /> +Universal Peace and the Brotherhood of Man<br /> +The Unnecessary Evil<br /> +A Vision of a Conquest<br /> +War and Christianity<br /> +War—The Demoralizer<br /> +War and its Elimination<br /> +War and the Laboring Man<br /> +War and the Man<br /> +War for Profit<br /> +War—Universal Brotherhood—Peace<br /> +The Warrior's Protest against War<br /> +The Waste of War—The Wealth of Peace<br /> +The Way of Peace<br /> +What, from Vengeance?<br /> +World Federation<br /> +The World Organization<br /> +</p> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Page 23]</a></span> +<i>Acknowledgments.</i> The Intercollegiate Peace Association is greatly +indebted to many state and city peace societies for coöperation and +assistance. They have materially strengthened our work and made +possible the enlargement of the field of our activities. To their +secretaries we are deeply indebted. The fullest coöperation of the +peace societies, each assisting and supplementing the work of others +wherever possible, will bring the most fruitful and the most speedy +results, and the fact that we have received such coöperation indicates +a full appreciation of the value of the work being done in these +contests. We wish also to express our gratitude to the many individual +contributors of prizes, especially to the Misses Seabury, for their +interest, encouragement, and generosity, because without their +assistance our association could not have survived. To the Misses +Seabury we are also under obligation for lending their rights over the +texts of orations for this publication. For the subvention from the +Carnegie Endowment for International Peace we thank the American Peace +Society, through whose agency it comes to us. For the publication of +this volume we are deeply grateful to the World Peace Foundation, +without whose coöperation the book could not have been published. To +Edwin D. Mead and Denys P. Myers the editor owes his sincere thanks +for suggestions and corrections of the manuscript. We trust that the +volume will be amply justified by the good that it will do.</p> + +<p style='text-align:right;'> +STEPHEN F. WESTON<br /> +<i>Executive Secretary</i></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Page 24]</a></span></p> +<h4>SUPPLEMENT</h4> + +<p><i>The Contests of 1914.</i> This volume was projected to be published +before the Lake Mohonk Conference in May, but it was decided to +include the five orations given in the national contest of 1914, and +so make the volume complete for the year of issue. The last five +orations, then, are the winning ones in the group contests of 1914, +contesting for place in the national contest at Mohonk Lake, May 16, +1914. They are the picked orations of over four hundred and fifty +prepared in one hundred and twenty colleges and universities, +representing twenty-two states. The fifteen orations in the volume are +the winning orations out of more than sixteen hundred and fifty +written by the student body of the country in the past eight years.</p> + +<p>In 1914 six additional states took part in the contests, making +twenty-two organized into five groups. The Pacific coast and Southern +groups were added during the year to the three groups organized in +1913. Three of the groups held their contests on May 1—the North +Atlantic at the College of the City of New York, the Central at +Western Reserve University, and the Western at Des Moines College. The +Southern Group held its contest at Vanderbilt University on May 10. On +the Pacific coast only Oregon was ready, and the winner of her state +contest was permitted to represent the group in the national contest. +Utah and California are planning to enter the contests of 1915. +Virginia, West Virginia, and South Carolina are organizing, and a +sixth group will then be formed—the South Atlantic Group.</p> + +<p style='text-align:right;'>S. F. W.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Page 25]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_CONFLICT_OF_WAR_AND_PEACE" id="THE_CONFLICT_OF_WAR_AND_PEACE"></a>THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Paul Smith</span>, DePauw University, Greencastle, Indiana<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Page 26]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Page 27]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE</h2> + + +<p>The past ages have witnessed a long conflict between two opposing +principles—the principle of might and the principle of right. The +first instituted the duel between equals and condemned the impotent to +slavery; the second ordained the courts of civil justice and signed +the Emancipation Proclamation. The principle of might licensed +despotism and degraded the many in the service of the few; the +principle of right proclaimed democracy and consecrated the few to the +service of the many. Thus in the realm of the individual and of the +state the diviner conception has won its triumphs, and to-day force is +tolerated only as it serves the cause of justice. But in the larger +international sphere the advocates of might prolong the ancient cry +for war; the disciples of right protest in a gentler demand for peace.</p> + +<p>The partisans of war urge four capital reasons in behalf of their +principle: personal glory, moral education, class interest, and +national egoism.</p> + +<p>We have as a heritage of our military past, not a sense of +the grim tragedy of war, but traditions which award the highest +meed of personal glory to the warrior. The roster of the world's +heroes contains two classes of names—great soldiers and +great altruists. Poet and orator and populace unite to do honor +to him who was not afraid to fight and to die for his home, his +king, his liberty, his country, his convictions. Bravery has +ever won its laurel crown, for an instinct within us applauds +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Page 28]</a></span> +physical courage and aggressiveness. And the gilded uniform and +clanking sword, the drumbeat and the bugle call, the camp fire and the +"far-flung battle line," stand as the most dramatic expressions of a +deep sentiment, primitive and thrilling.</p> + +<p>Akin to this martial hero worship is the argument that success in war +gives training for the higher contests of peace. Out of the war of +1776 the nation took George Washington for President; out of the +Mexican War, Zachary Taylor; out of the Civil War, General Grant; out +of the Spanish War, Theodore Roosevelt. The badge of the Grand Army of +the Republic is a certificate of merit. The cross of the Legion of +Honor opens the door to social and political and business prosperity. +Battle is regarded as a supreme test of sturdy manhood, and the harsh +discipline of the camp as education for the finer arts of the council. +War creates a heroism which later devotes itself to spiritual ends.</p> + +<p>Moreover, say the advocates, the interests of class require force for +their conservation. The hereditary nobility of Europe was founded by +military process for military purposes, and, with the passing of war, +loses its warrant for existence. On the other hand, it is claimed that +the under classes may come into the enjoyment of their inalienable +rights, common to all humanity, only by means of the sword. Witness +the peasantry of Russia! Even in America so great a prophet as Henry +Ward Beecher foresaw a tragic day when the bivouac of capital would be +set against the camp of labor. And lesser seers are not lacking who +freely predict, even for our democratic land, a desperate rebellion of +a proletariat of poverty against an aristocracy of wealth.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Page 29]</a></span> +Finally, the demands of national egoism are urged in behalf of war. +For example, Japan needs new territory for her growing millions and +must assume the conqueror's rôle. Or France goes mad with the lust of +empire and goes forth untamed until the day of Waterloo. Or Great +Britain must have new markets; and, falsely reasoning that trade +follows the flag, and the flag follows the bayonet, she seizes a realm +upon which the sun may never set. Or the interests of white men and +yellow men, of black men or red men, clash; and then the cannon must +be the final test, might must make right, and the strongest must +survive. The greed of territorial aggrandizement, the spirit of +national adventure, the longing for commercial supremacy, the honor of +a country, the pride of racial achievement—each is urged to justify +the necessity for bloodshed and carnage. Such are the arguments of the +advocates of war.</p> + +<p>To balance these, the advocates of peace plead four greater +considerations: against personal glory, the economic cost of +militarism; against the moral education of war, the higher heroism of +peace; against class interests, the sanctity of human life; and +against national egoism, the deeper spirit of national altruism.</p> + +<p>A single modern battleship costs more than the combined value of the +property and endowment of all the colleges of a certain great state. +Two thirds of the money passing through the treasury of the Republic +goes to the support of the military system. Computing two hundred dollars +a year as the average loss to society occasioned by the withdrawal of +each soldier and sailor from productive toil, and adding this sum to +the war budgets of the nations for the past fifty years, we obtain +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Page 30]</a></span> +a total of billions, beyond the reach of all imagination. +The money which armies, navies, wars, and pensions have cost the world +in fifty years would have installed in China a system of education +equal to that of the United States; would have transformed the arid +deserts of India into a modern Eden by irrigation; would have laid +railways from Cape Town to the remotest corner of Africa; would have +dug the Panama Canal; and, in addition, would have sent a translation +of the Bible, of Shakespeare, Homer, Goethe, and Dante to every family +on the globe. In a word, the wealth spent on wars in the last half +century would have transformed life for a majority of human beings. +The stoppage of this waste will shorten the hours of labor, reduce +pauperism, elevate the peasantry of Europe, lighten taxation, and work +an economic revolution.</p> + +<p>The argument for moral education mistakes national gratitude to +warriors for tribute to the training of the camp. But grant that war +develops the combative qualities, the argument forgets a darker moral +phase. It forgets the moral wrecks which are the sad products of war; +it forgets the effect of the loss of the refining influence of +womanhood upon the soldier; it forgets the debasement of sinking men +to the physical type of life. And the argument assumes that peace has +no "equivalent for war," declared by a famous educator to be the +greatest need of the age. Courage and endurance are as necessary in +social reforms as in carnal battle. To wrestle against principalities +and powers and rulers of the world-darkness calls forth the maximum +powers of manhood. Wendell Phillips stands in the ranks of heroes as +high as Philip Sheridan. The moral loss from war transcends the moral +gain.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Page 31]</a></span> +Yet war levies toll more tragic than any toll of dollars, more +appalling than any moral cost. A famous painting reveals the world's +conquerors, Xerxes, Cæsar, Alexander, Napoleon, and a lesser host, +mounted proudly on battle steeds, caparisoned with gorgeous trappings; +but the field through which they march is paved with naked, mutilated +corpses, the ghastly price of glory. The trenches at Port Arthur were +filled level-full with the bodies of self-sacrificed martyrs, and upon +this gruesome slope the final charges were made. Stripped of all +sentiment, war is organized and wholesale murder, a savage and awful +paradox which proclaims the shallowness of civilization. Said General +Sherman: "Only those who have never heard a shot, only those who have +never heard the shrieks of the wounded nor the groans of the dying, +can cry aloud for more blood, more vengeance, more desolation." God +grant the world may soon heed the Voice, sounding down from the +solemnity of Sinai, laying the divine command upon each man and each +nation: "Thou shalt not kill!"</p> + +<p>There yet remains the ethical argument for peace. Will any one +say that the supreme duty of altruism is binding upon men as +individuals, and not binding upon the same men acting conjointly +as a nation? When the people and the statesmen of one nation are +able to put themselves in the places of the statesmen and of the +people of another nation; when there is a common will to do +international justice rather than to despise the weaker country; +when not selfish interest alone, but the greatest good of the greatest +number, becomes the driving impulse of humanity; when the thrill of +fraternity crosses geographical lines and pauses not on the shores +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Page 32]</a></span> +of the seas—then war will be impossible, the energies of the +world will turn to the constructive arts, and from the midst of +contentment unshadowed by hunger, from prosperity unmenaced by want, +in the peaceful spirit of the Christ, the world will sing:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +"The crest and crowning of all good, life's final star is brotherhood;<br /> +For it will bring again to Earth her long-lost Poesy and Mirth;<br /> +Will send new light on every face, a kingly power upon the race.<br /> +And till it come, we men are slaves, and travel downward to dust of graves.<br /> +Come, clear the way, then, clear the way: blind creeds and kings have had their day.<br /> +Break the dead branches from the path: our hope is in the aftermath.<br /> +Our hope is in heroic men, star-led to build the world again.<br /> +To this Event the ages ran: Make way for Brotherhood—make way for man."<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>All great reforms have begun with "star-led" men and have moved from +individuals to groups and from groups to the nation. In every distinct +advance of the race prophetic persons have anticipated the trend of +the ages and have adopted new codes for themselves; the higher +morality has spread by agitation to include a larger group, and +finally it has become the policy of the nation. Thus slavery went, and +political equality came.</p> + +<p>And thus war must go and peace must come. First, we find protest +against the killing of individuals by individuals. The duel fell +into disrepute and at last was forbidden by law. The carrying of +weapons became unfashionable and at length was made a crime. With +the growth of the moral sense, mutual trust took the place of +armed neutrality. The present situation is ready for +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Page 33]</a></span> +the larger application of these principles. The argument which +abolished the carrying of weapons must frown upon excessive national +armaments. As the individual duel was superseded by personal +arbitration, so the national duel must be superseded by national +arbitration. The reason that maintains the civil court for the +settlement of individuals' disputes calls for a higher court for the +settlement of national disputes. Not alone among men, not alone within +states, but among the nations, right, not might, must rule; not force, +but justice; and written as the world's supreme mandate, as the +highest human law from which there may be no appeal, must be the +unshaken law of national righteousness.</p> + +<p>Tennyson's words were accounted a poet's fancy when he wrote:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd<br /> +In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>Yet the present year<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +will witness the fulfillment of that prophecy. +Disarmament and arbitration will be considered this summer, not by +agitators, not by theorists, nor yet prophetically by poets; but in +June, at the invitation of our own President,<a name="FNanchor_2_3" id="FNanchor_2_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_3" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +an actual international conference will assemble, a Parliament of the +World, composed of official representatives of every nation of the globe. +Thus we see the foregleams of an approaching day. The time is not far +distant when war will glide into the grim shadows of a scarce-remembered +past, when battles will pass into the oblivion of forgotten horrors. Then +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Page 34]</a></span> +will society realize its dreams of a kingdom of heaven upon earth, +where the barbaric lure of fighting will be lost; where no class lines +may exist save those freely acknowledged by a common justice; where +national egoism maintains no armies for conquest and no navies for +aggrandizement; where economic resources are devoted, not to mutual +physical destruction, but to splendid spiritual enlargement; where +"every nation that shall lift again its hand against a brother, on its +forehead will wear forevermore the curse of Cain"; and where, in the +realization of a vast, racial brotherhood, is fulfilled the prophetic +angel's song, "Peace on earth, good-will to men." Ruskin, the modern +bard of peace, has sung:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Put off, put off your mail, ye kings, and beat your brands to dust—<br /> +A surer grasp your hands must know, your hearts a better trust;<br /> +Nay, bend aback the lance's point, and break the helmet bar—<br /> +A noise is in the morning winds, but not the noise of war!<br /> +Among the grassy mountain paths the glittering troops increase—<br /> +They come, they come!—how fair their feet,—they come that publish peace.<br /> +</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +The Hague Conference of 1907 is referred to.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_3" id="Footnote_2_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_3"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> +By the courtesy of President Roosevelt the official call +for the Second Hague Conference was issued by the Emperor of Russia. +Forty-four nations were represented.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Page 35]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_UNITED_STATES_AND_UNIVERSAL_PEACE" id="THE_UNITED_STATES_AND_UNIVERSAL_PEACE"></a>THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Glenn Porter Wishard</span>, Northwestern University, +Evanston, Illinois<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at DePauw +University, Greencastle, Indiana, May 15, 1908</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Page 36]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Page 37]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Political and religious reforms move slowly. We change our beliefs and +at the same time hold fast to old customs. Farsighted public opinion +has declared war to be unchristian; sound statesmanship has stamped it +as unjust; the march of events has, in a majority of cases, proved it +to be unnecessary—and yet we continue to build mammoth engines of +destruction as if war were inevitable. Truly, the millennium is not at +hand, nor is war a thing of the past; but whereas war was once the +rule, now it is the exception. This is an age of peace; controversies +once decided by force are now settled by arbitration. Europe, once the +scene of continuous bloodshed, has not been plundered by conquering +armies for more than a generation, while the United States has enjoyed +a century of peace marred by only five years of foreign war. The four +notable conflicts of the last decade have been between great and small +powers, and have been confined to the outposts of civilization; while +during the same period more than one hundred disputes have been +settled by peaceful means. The willingness to arbitrate has been +manifest; the means have been provided; the Permanent International +Court, established by the Hague Conference in 1899, actually lives, +and has already adjudicated four important controversies.<a name="FNanchor_1_4" id="FNanchor_1_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_4" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Page 38]</a></span> +But arbitration, you say, will never succeed because the decisions +cannot be enforced. You forget that already some two hundred and fifty +disputes have been settled by this method, and in not one instance has +the losing power refused to abide by the decision.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_4" id="Footnote_1_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_4"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +From October 14, 1902, the date of the first decision, up +to the end of 1913, the Permanent Court has rendered thirteen +decisions settling international differences.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>Yesterday the man who advocated universal peace was called a dreamer; +to-day throughout the world organized public opinion demands the +abolition of war. Yesterday we erected statues to those who died for +their country; to-day we eulogize those who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed our heads to the god of war; to-day we lift our +hands to the Prince of Peace.</p> + +<p>I do not mean to say that we have entered the Utopian age, for the +present international situation is a peculiar one, since we are at the +same time blessed with peace and cursed with militarism. This is not +an age of war, yet we are burdened by great and ever-increasing +armaments; the mad race for naval supremacy continues, while the +relative strength of the powers remains practically the same; the +intense and useless rivalry of the nations goes on until, according to +the great Russian economist, Jean de Bloch, it means "slow destruction +in time of peace by swift destruction in the event of war." In Europe +to-day millions are being robbed of the necessaries of life, millions +more are suffering the pangs of abject poverty in order to support +this so-called "armed peace." Note the condition in our own country. +Last year we expended on our army, navy, and pensions sixty-seven per +cent of our total receipts. Think of it! In a time of profound peace +more than two thirds of our entire expenditures are charged to the +account of war.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Page 39]</a></span> +We do not advocate radical, Utopian measures; we do not propose +immediate disarmament; but we do maintain that when England, Germany, +France, and the United States each appropriates from thirty to forty +per cent of their total expenditures in preparation for war in an age +of peace, the time has come for the unprejudiced consideration of the +present international situation. Why do the great powers build so many +battleships? President Roosevelt, Representative Hobson, and others +would have us believe that England, Germany, and France are actually +preparing for war, while the United States is building these engines +of destruction for the purpose of securing peace. But what right have +we to assume that our navy is for the purpose of preserving peace, +while the navies of the European powers are for the purpose of making +war? Is not such an assumption an insult to our neighbors? As a matter +of fact, England builds new battleships because Germany does, Germany +increases her navy because France does, while the United States builds +new dreadnoughts because other nations pursue that policy. Call it by +whatever honey-coated name you will, the fact, remains that it is +military rivalry of the most barbarous type, a rivalry as useless as +it is oppressive, a rivalry prompted by jealousy and distrust where +there should be friendship and mutual confidence. There is riot one of +the powers but that would welcome relief from the bondage of +militarism; the demand for the limitation of armaments is almost +universal. Believing that to decry war and praise peace without +offering some plan by which the present situation may be changed is +superficial, we hasten to propose something practicable.</p> + +<p>How, then, shall we put an end to this useless rivalry +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Page 40]</a></span> +of the nations? At present a general agreement of the great powers on the +limitations of military establishments seems impossible. It remains +for some powerful nation to prove to the world that the great +armaments are not necessary to continued peace, with honor and +justice. Some nation must take the first step.<a name="FNanchor_1_5" id="FNanchor_1_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_5" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +Why not the United States? The nations of Europe are surrounded by +powerful enemies, while the United States is three thousand miles from +any conceivable foe. They are potentially weak, while our resources +are unlimited. They have inherited imperialism; we have inherited +democracy. Their society is permeated with militarism; ours is built +on peace and liberty. Our strategic position is unequaled, our +resources are unlimited, our foreign policy is peaceful, our +patriotism is unconquerable. In view of these facts, I ask you, What +nation has the greatest responsibility for peace? Are not we Americans +the people chosen to lift the burden of militarism from off the backs +of our downtrodden brother?</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_5" id="Footnote_1_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_5"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> +The widely heralded proposal in 1913 for a naval holiday +by all the great powers is the first move in this +direction.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>Now what are we doing to meet this responsibility? On the one hand, we +are performing a great work for peace. Many of our statesmen, business +men, and laborers, united in a common cause, are exerting a tremendous +influence in behalf of arbitration and disarmament. On the other hand, +we are spending more on our military establishment than any other +world power;<a name="FNanchor_2_6" id="FNanchor_2_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_6" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +we are building more battleships than any other +nation;<a name="FNanchor_3_7" id="FNanchor_3_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_7" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> we are +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Page 41]</a></span> +no longer trusting our neighbors; we are warning them to beware of our +mailed fist; and we are thereby declaring to the world that we have +lost our faith in the power of justice and are now trusting to the +force of arms.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_6" id="Footnote_2_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_6"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> +The orator is comparing the cost of the United States +army, navy, and pensions upkeep with the military establishments of +other powers.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_7" id="Footnote_3_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_7"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> +Since naval rivalry in its acute form has centered +between Great Britain and Germany, European naval building programs +have exceeded those of the United States.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>And why this paradoxical situation? Why do we at the same time prepare +for war and work for peace? It is simply because many of our statesmen +honestly believe that the best way to preserve peace is to prepare for +war. It is true that a certain amount of strength tends to command +respect, and for that reason a navy sufficient for self-defense is +warranted. Such a navy we now have. Why should it be enlarged? Naval +enthusiasts would have us prepare, not for the probable but for the +possible. Seize every questionable act of our neighbors, they say, +magnify it a thousand times, publish it in letters of flame throughout +the land, and make every American citizen believe that the great +powers are prepared to destroy us at any moment. Having educated the +people up to a sense of threatened annihilation, they burden them with +taxes, build artificial volcanoes dedicated to peace, parade them up +and down the high seas, and defy the world to attack us. Then, they +say, we shall have peace. Is this reasonable? As sure as thought leads +to action, so preparation for war leads to war. This argument that the +United States, since she is a peace-loving nation, should have the +largest navy in the world in order to preserve peace is illogical and +without foundation. By what divine right does the United States assume +the rôle of preserving the world's peace at the cannon's mouth? Since +when has it been true that might makes right, and that peace can be +secured only by acting the part of a bully? It is unjust, it is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Page 42]</a></span> +unpatriotic, it is unstatesmanlike, for men to argue that the United +States should browbeat the world into submission; that she should +build so many battleships that the nations of the Eastern hemisphere +will be afraid to oppose the ironclad dragon of the Western +Hemisphere. Peace purchased at the price of brute force is unworthy of +the name. Surely the United States cannot afford to be guilty of such +an injustice. If we wish to be free; if we wish to remain a true +republic; if we purpose to continue our mighty work for humanity, we +must limit our preparations for war. The best way to preserve peace is +to think peace, to believe in peace, and to work for peace.</p> + +<p>The extent to which the great powers will go in order to secure +enthusiasm for their military establishments is almost beyond +comprehension. Each nation has its great military rendezvous, its +grand naval parades, its magnificent display of gorgeous military +uniforms, its wave of colors, blare of trumpets, and bursts of martial +music. The United States is now sending her navy around the world—for +the purpose of training the seamen?—certainly, but also that the +youth of our land may be intoxicated by the apparent glory of it all, +and thus enlist for service; that the American citizens may be aroused +to greater enthusiasm by this magnificent display of the implements of +legalized murder, and thus be willing to build more floating arsenals +rather than irrigate arid lands, develop internal waterways, build +hospitals, schools, and colleges.</p> + +<p>The trouble with such exhibitions is, that it displays +only the bright side of militarism. If in place of the +Russian battleships they should display the starving masses +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Page 43]</a></span> +of dejected and despised beings who pay for those battleships; if in +place of the gay German uniforms they should exhibit the rags of the +disheartened peasants who pay for those uniforms; if in place of the +grand parade they should produce masses of wounded men and rivers of +blood; if in place of the stirring martial music they should produce +the writhing agonies and awful groans of dying men; if in place of +sham war they should produce actual war,—their exhibitions would +make militarism unbearable.</p> + +<p>Again, we are told that we have suddenly become a world power, and +that we must prepare to exercise a new diplomacy under new conditions. +We must increase our navy, they say, to enforce this new diplomacy. We +must prepare to fight in behalf of the Monroe Doctrine. But why, I +ask, cannot this new diplomacy be enforced as American diplomacy has +always been enforced? We promulgated the Monroe Doctrine without a +navy; we have maintained it for over eighty years without the show of +force. If our new diplomacy is right, it is as strong as the world's +respect for righteousness; if it is wrong, a hundred battleships +cannot enforce it.</p> + +<p>We have become a world power, and therefore we have a world-wide +responsibility, and that responsibility is to establish justice, not +force; to build colleges, not battleships; to enthrone love, not hate; +to insure peace, not war. Our mission is to strike the chains from the +ankles of war-burdened humanity. Our duty is to proclaim in the name +of the Most High our faith in the power of justice as opposed to the +force of arms. May it be said of us that we found the world burdened +with militarism, but left it blessed with peace; that we found liberty +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Page 44]</a></span> +among the strong alone, but left it the birthright of the weak; that +we found humanity a mass of struggling individuals, but left it a +united brotherhood. May it be said of us that we found peace purchased +by suffering, but left it as free as air; that we found peace bruised +and stained with militarism, but left it ruling the world through love +and liberty. May it be said of us that we fulfilled our mission as a +world power; that we were brave enough and strong enough to lead the +world into the path of universal peace.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Page 45]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_WORLD_PEACE" id="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_WORLD_PEACE"></a>THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Levi T. Pennington</span>, Earlham College, Richmond, +Indiana<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at The University +of Chicago, May 4, 1909</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Page 46]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Page 47]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE</h2> + +<p>In the progress of the world the dream of yesterday becomes the +confident hope of to-day and the realized fact of to-morrow. As old +systems fail to meet new conditions and new ideals, they are +discarded; and into the limbo of worse than useless things is passing +the system of human sacrifice to the Moloch of international warfare. +For centuries world peace has been the dream of the poet, the +philanthropist, the statesman, and the Christian. That dream is +becoming a confident hope. This generation should see it an +accomplished fact.</p> + +<p>There was a time when individual prowess determined the issue of every +difference. Might made right, so it was thought, and the winner in any +controversy was he who had the heaviest club, the strongest arm, or +the thickest skull. Man's interrelationships multiplied as humanity +advanced; with each new relation came new causes for quarrel, and for +a time advancing civilization brought but increase in murders and +assassinations.</p> + +<p>We know the process by which personal combat ceased; how the duel +replaced murder and ambush and assassination; how courts of law replaced +the duel. The dreamer saw the day when personal combat should be no more; +the man of mind refuted all the arguments in favor of the duel of men; +the constructive statesman of that early day instituted courts of law +and equity. Men who had a difference insisted that it was their quarrel +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Page 48]</a></span> +and they alone could settle it; but reason saw that two combatants +inflamed by passion are least fitted of all men to see where justice +lies. Many held that where honor is involved, no one can adjust the +difficulty but those most directly concerned; but reason saw that a +man's honor cannot be vindicated by killing his enemy or being killed +by him. Men said, "If personal combat is abolished, courage and +strength will perish from the earth." But reason saw that personal +combat in a selfish cause does not bring out the highest type of +courage; and that there are opportunities enough for the exercise of +the highest and best moral and physical courage to keep valor alive +forever. It was finally urged that there would be no power to enforce +the decree if personal differences were left to the adjudication of +others; but reason said, "That power will come with the need for it." +And so courts of law and equity arose, based on the need of humanity; +laws were passed defining rights and limiting aggression; and when one +man wronged another, that wrong was settled in court by the power of +the whole people and not in personal combat with the bludgeon or the +knife.</p> + +<p>For similar reasons wars between states and tribes have ceased; and +face to face with the inevitable logic of past progress stands the +world to-day. Though humanity has been slow to see it, the truth has +begun to dawn in the hearts of men—that international wars are no +more to be justified than civil strife, tribal warfare, or personal +combat. Gradually the omnipotent power of right is overcoming the +inertia of humanity, and the world is moving. One by one the awful +truths concerning war are forcing themselves upon the consciousness +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Page 49]</a></span> +and the conscience of men. The mighty power of fact is beating down +the opposition to world peace.</p> + +<p>Men have begun to realize the terrible cost, the unbelievable +wastefulness of actual war, and the preparation for possible war. When +we read that the armed peace of Europe the past thirty-seven years has +cost $111,000,000,000, nearly as much as the aggregate value of all +the resources of the United States, the richest nation on earth, the +figures are so appalling that mortal mind cannot conceive them, and +they lose their force. When we remember that two thirds of the +national revenues of the United States are spent on wars past or +prospective, the matter comes closer home. When we realize that the +cost of a single battleship exceeds the value of all the grounds and +buildings of all the colleges and universities in Illinois, the +figures have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship would +build a home for an American family, a comfortable home costing $1700, +the common man realizes that the richest nation on earth cannot afford +to go to war nor prepare for war.</p> + +<p>But mere money is one of the cheapest things in all the world. The +price of war never can be paid in gold. Not in national treasuries can +you see the payment of that price, where smug, well-groomed +politicians sign bonds and bills of credit. If you would see the +payment of that price of war, you must go to the place of war. With +all your senses open, step upon the battlefield. Smell the smoke of +burning powder, the reek of charging horses, the breath of fresh, red, +human blood. Feel the warmth of that blood as you seek to stanch the +wound in the breast of one of the world's bravest, dying for he +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Page 50]</a></span> +knows not what. Hear the screams of the shells, the booming roar of the +cannonade, the clash of the onslaught, the shrieks of the wounded, the +groans of the dying, the last gasp of him whose life has reached its +end. Such is the infernal music of war. See the victim of the conflict +reel in the saddle and fall headlong. Cast your eyes on the mangled +forms of godlike men, fallen in the midst of fullest life. Come in the +night after the battle and look upon the ghastly faces upturned in the +moonlight. Gaze on the windrows of the dead, Mars's awful harvest, +that impoverishes all and enriches none, and you know something of the +cost of war.</p> + +<p>And yet we have seen but little. Could we but enter the wasted homes +and see the broken hearts that war has made; could we go to the +almshouses and soldiers' orphans' homes and see widows and children by +the thousand suffering the doled-out charity of state or nation +because war has robbed them of their rightful protectors; could we but +realize the agony of the broken home, a thousandfold worse than the +agony of the battlefield,—then might we know more of the real cost of +war.</p> + +<p>And still our idea would be inadequate, though we realized the full +measure of every groan and heartache. Earth's most priceless treasures +are still more intangible things, the treasures of justice and +kindliness and love. In that higher realm the cost of war is most +terrible and most deadly. The spirit of war in the soldier sets aside +the moral law, makes human life seem valueless, human suffering a +thing to be disregarded, human slaughter an honorable profession. The +war spirit blinds the eye of the statesman, till wrong seems right, +folly seems expediency, and the death of thousands seems preferable +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Page 51]</a></span> +to the life and happiness of all under terms of peace not dictated by +his own will. Justice is dethroned, and revenge takes up the iron +scepter and lets fly the thunderbolt. The war spirit perverts the mind +of the publicist, till the achievements of honorable peace sink into +insignificance, and the press clamors for the war that means money to +the publisher but death to innocent thousands who can have no possible +interest in the conflict. The war spirit takes possession of the +pulpit, and the minister called to preach the loving message of the +Prince of Peace stirs up the spirit of contention and animosity, of +hate and murder. Could we but draw aside the curtain and, back of the +tinsel and gold braid, see the crime, the hate, the moral degradation +that war always brings, never again would a friend of humanity ask for +war.</p> + +<p>But the eyes of the world are opening to the fact that the cost of war +is far too high in money and in men, in suffering and sacrifice, and +in those higher values of justice and kindliness and love. And as the +thought once grew that personal differences might be settled without +personal combat, so men are looking toward the settlement of +international difficulties without recourse to the sword. They have +seen that every argument against the duel of men applies with still +greater force against the duel of nations. And the world has moved +farther toward world peace in the past twenty-five years than in all +the centuries of history that have preceded. World peace has become +not the dream of the poet but the confident hope of the world, whose +realization is the task whose accomplishment is set for the men of +this generation.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Page 52]</a></span> +One by one the obstacles to world peace are being broken down. +Commerce has destroyed much of international prejudice. Community of +interest has obviated many former causes of quarrel. The sophistical +arguments of the friends of war are being answered by the logic of +hard facts. Warfare has been ameliorated by international agreement. +Vast reaches of territory have been neutralized. Unfortified cities +are no longer to be bombarded in any country. Actual disarmament has +taken place between the United States and Canada, between Chile and +Argentina.<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Norway and Sweden have separated peaceably. Bulgaria has +achieved her independence without bloodshed. The Dogger Bank incident, +which a century earlier would have plunged England and Russia into +war, has been adjusted amicably. Two Hague Conferences have advanced +tremendously the progress of international amity. Over eighty +arbitration treaties are now in force. We already have a permanent +high court of nations, to which are being referred questions that +would once have resulted in war. And we are nearer than the dreamer of +last century dared hope to "the Parliament of man, the Federation of +the world."</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The famous "disarmament" between the Argentine Republic +and Chile was brought about by a series of four documents of May 28, +1902, one of July 10, 1902, and one of January 9, 1903. A preliminary +protocol declares the disposition of both countries "to remove all +causes for trouble in their international relations." A general treaty +of arbitration unlimited in scope was signed for a period of ten +years. A convention bound each country to "desist from acquiring the +vessels of war now building for them, and from henceforth making new +acquisitions." Article II says that "the two governments bind +themselves not to increase their naval armaments during a period of +five years, without previous notice." As a result of arbitration +resulting from this series of agreements the frontier was disarmed and +remains free from military posts. New naval programs of both countries +were formulated after the expiration of the period of abnegation, and +dreadnoughts are now in course of construction.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Page 53]</a></span> +But not yet has the millennium dawned. In the face of all this +progress, armies and navies are stronger and more burdensome than +ever. The United States spends more on wars past and prospective than +for all educational purposes, and England, France, Germany, Russia, +groan under the burdens of the armed peace of Europe. Armed to the +teeth, the nations of the world lie watching one another. The mind of +the world is convinced that war is futile and terribly wasteful. The +heart of the world is convinced that war is cruel and inexcusable. The +conscience of the world has admitted that war is wrong and morally +unjustifiable. And still the preparation for war goes on, and unless +conditions are changed, war is inevitable. What is to be done? The +world's will must be moved, and men must be led to do what they have +already admitted is right and just and expedient.</p> + +<p>As we have led in other days, so must America lead to-day. As the +light of republican government and complete justice to the individual +first saw full dawn in the United States, so the eyes of the world are +turned toward us to see the dawn of world peace, and full justice to +all the nations. It is ours to lead. The example of the United States +will do more than a century of argument and conference. America should +begin the disarmament that will eventually mean the triumph of world +peace.</p> + +<p>We have naught to fear. We are far distant from the storm +centers of the world. We have no foes within that demand a large +standing army, and there are no enemies without that are anxious +to try conclusions with us on land or sea. Then away with war +talk and war scares and "jingoism." In time of peace let us +prepare for peace, that all the world may enjoy peace. American +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Page 54]</a></span> +disarmament will be a tremendous stride toward the accomplishment of +the world's desire—the cessation of international warfare; a +great world's court, to settle all international differences; an +international police force, to give effect to the decrees of this +court; and the end of the burdens of armies and navies under which the +whole world is groaning. Let heart and voice and pen, pulpit and press +and platform, soldier and statesmen and private citizen, ask for +peace, and not for war.</p> + +<p>This is a part of the world's larger hope. Pessimists there are who +say that human nature is belligerent, and that war will never be +abolished. But international warfare has already seen the handwriting +on the wall. Mars has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. +The fruitless slaughter of the millions is not to be forever nor for +long. Let us hasten the day when the rolling war drum will be hushed +forever, the bugle note no longer call to carnage; when "nation shall +not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any +more." Love shall take the place of Hate, and Justice sit on the +throne instead of Greed. Some day in the not distant future the +nations that have all these centuries bowed before the god of war +shall own eternal allegiance to the Prince of Peace. And "of the +increase of His government and of Peace there shall be no end."</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Page 55]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_WASTE_OF_WAR_THE_WEALTH_OF_PEACE" id="THE_WASTE_OF_WAR_THE_WEALTH_OF_PEACE"></a>THE WASTE OF WAR—THE WEALTH OF PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Arthur Foraker Young</span>, Western Reserve University, +Cleveland, Ohio<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University +of Michigan, May 13, 1910</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Page 56]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Page 57]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE WASTE OF WAR—THE WEALTH OF PEACE</h2> + +<p>In the worship of Mars, Herodotus tells us, the ancient Scythian +erected an old scimitar at the summit of a huge brush heap. To this, +as a symbol of the great god of war, he offered not only the produce +of the land but also human life in sacrifice. We shudder as we picture +the priest standing over his victim, his hands wet with the blood of +his fellow man. We cry out in horror as we think of the lives these +peoples sacrificed. We call it an inhuman glorification of a pagan +deity. We call it a ruthless waste of wealth and human life. These +practices we pronounce to be the result of a popular delusion—a false +sense of obligation to the spirit of war. Yet from the time the +Scythian drew the blood of his victim in homage to the great war god, +even down to our own day, the nations have paid homage to Mars.</p> + +<p>Though we boast of our progress in civilization, history reveals the +fact that we, too, have been the victims of the Scythian's delusion. +Is it not a fact that one of the most terrible customs of savage men +counts among its followers to-day all the nations of the earth? The +subtlest skill of the scientist, the keenest intelligence of the statesman, +vast stores of the world's resources, are devoted to maintaining great +armies and navies, to inventing new means of attack or defense, to +enlarging and making more deadly the enginery of war. What is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Page 58]</a></span> +our boast of civilization, while we tolerate this devotion of so +many men and so much of wealth to war? Is this not a sacrifice +essentially pagan in spirit? Are we not still paying unrighteous +homage to Mars?</p> + +<p>Why, then, we ask, do nations make provision for war the first +necessity of national life? Behold Russia. A few years ago, in time of +famine, spending millions of money for war equipment when millions of +her own peasantry were slowly starving for the lack of one dollar's +worth of food per month. What motive impelled Russia to this heathen +conduct? It was solely that Germany, France, England, Japan, and the +United States had great armies and navies against which starving +Russia must be prepared to defend herself. What dire stress compels +England to-day to perpetuate her program of naval supremacy when she +is struggling in the throes of budget difficulties which seem all but +unsolvable? What is it that compels Germany and France to tax +themselves until they fairly stagger under the burden of military +expenditures? Naught other than a suicidal lust for military power. +Naught other than the infatuation of the dizzy, competitive war dance +of mutual destruction—each nation blindly driven by all, and all by +each.</p> + +<p>We as Americans profess to find in the conduct of Russia, in the +militarism of England and Germany and France, examples of militarism +run rampant. How our hearts have warmed within us when we have thought +of our own republic as the happy envied nation, free from the burden +of militarism! Our farmer has gone singing about his work, apparently +not having to carry on his back a soldier, as does the European peasant. +Our mechanic has freely plied his trade without thought of supporting +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Page 59]</a></span> +a sailor. Yet how can we say that the United States in buying +battleships and erecting coast defenses, in arming her soldiers with +Krag-Jörgensens, has not been deprived of schools, colleges, and +opportunities essential to happiness and prosperity? In a decade we +have spent nearly a billion dollars on our navy alone. Yes, we have +aped the military fashions of Europe and have set a new standard of +military waste.</p> + +<p>Verily our national advancement waits on militarism. Inland waterways +should be improved; forests must be safeguarded; other natural +resources of untold value should be conserved; millions of acres of +desert lands should be improved; millions in swamps should be +redeemed. The problem of the nation's food supply is becoming urgent; +for its solution we must look more and more to scientific methods in +agriculture. Yet contrast the support our government gives these vital +interests with war's mighty drain on our treasury. Congress +appropriated $648,000,000 for all expenditures in 1910. Of this amount +$407,000,000 were appropriated for war expenditures and the glories of +militarism. For this same year agriculture received for all its needs +the comparatively paltry sum of $12,000,000. In spite of the fact that +our nation is devoting two thirds of its enormous national +expenditures to war, our militarists point to our vast national wealth +and sneer at the niggardly mortals who object to spending it for guns.</p> + +<p>It is evident that no nation is yet beyond the infatuation for display +of the splendors of war, yet in every one there are signs of a new +power that is coming upon us. All are thinking less of the glories of +war—of the beat of the drum, of the rhythmic tread of regiments, of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Page 60]</a></span> +glittering sabers and of monster battleships—and are thinking more +and more of the glories of peace, of thriving industries, of +magnificent libraries, of comfortable homes, and of more efficient +schools. Obviously, though we still possess a war spirit, we are +seeing with a clearer vision that the waste of war is depriving us of +the fullest measure of the wealth of peace. Our frame of mind is much +the same as that of the ragged street urchin who, having lost his +day's earnings, thinks of a hundred things which he might have spent +it for. The same spirit is permeating every nation. The American +manufacturer, the Russian peasant, the English mechanic, the German +scientist, the French scholar, are all asking themselves, "Why need +the world continue to carry this Atlantean burden of war?"</p> + +<p>Already this sentiment has accomplished practically all that can be +done in humanizing war. It has outlawed the dumdum bullet, it has +enforced radical sanitary measures, it has neutralized the Red Cross +and brought its ministrations to the relief of the sufferings of war. +But humanized war is not the goal of this sentiment. As long as there +is an increase of armaments there will be war; as long as the battle +rages there will be waste and suffering. The same sentiment which has +humanized war now demands war's abolition. It has already accomplished +something toward this end in making the settlement of international +disputes through arbitration more probable than war. What it +has not accomplished is the discrediting of militarism. It has +failed to stop the growth of armaments. Can we expect our +regiments to find contentment in the irksome routine of training +camp with never a thought of charging the enemy? Can we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Page 61]</a></span> +expect to man the seas with fleets of war just for gay parade and +cruises around the world? Can we expect that our skilled gunners will +be satisfied to practice, practice always, and never long for human +targets? It is against arming nations for battle and tempting them to +fight that the peace sentiment is rousing itself and is being organized. +It is in this labor that peace societies the world over are performing +valiant service. Their great mission is the creation of an intelligent +public opinion, a force more potent than government itself.</p> + +<p>What, for instance, was the purpose of the founder of this +Intercollegiate Peace Association? Not, I take it, to give men a +chance to win petty oratorical triumphs; not, I suppose, to bring +together speakers to entertain such audiences as this—or to weary +them. But their object must have been to set the men of our colleges +to thinking on the great question of peace. In such ways are peace +societies using the platform and the press to establish a firm basis +for unity and peace throughout the world.</p> + +<p>Yesterday the advocate of world peace was called a dreamer; to-day +rapidly organizing public opinion demands the abolition of war and +recognizes the wealth and culture of peace. Yesterday we erected +statues to those who died for their country; to-day we cheer the +Gladstones, the McKinleys, the Roosevelts, who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed the knee to Mars; to-day we join in peans to the +Prince of Peace. Yes, the new spirit of the day is fraternal; it is +undaunted; it is for mankind. Even now the world's geniuses are +mustering the soldier citizens of every nation for a peaceful +conflict. The great battles of to-morrow are to be fought +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Page 62]</a></span> +in quiet laboratories, in legislative halls, in courts of justice, +and on the broad battlefields of productive labor.</p> + +<p>The final outcome is, indeed, irresistible. Racial movements have +mixed all peoples; the oceans have become the world's common highways; +the air is filled with voices speaking from city to city and from +continent to continent; an international postal system makes the +world's ideas one; there is quick participation of mankind in the +fruits of invention and research. We behold financial and economic +enterprises world-wide in their outreach; we feel the force of social +projects and social ideals that concern not one but every nation; and +we are participating in missionary movements that affect not one but +every race, and are changing the very face of nature itself. Our world +is a world unified beyond all possible conception a century ago, and +the world unity is a certain stepping stone to world peace.</p> + +<p>The world never offered grander opportunity to the nations for +leadership—not for leadership in military splendor, but for +leadership in the sublime paths of peace. For the United States this +call means not only opportunity but even obligation. Already this +country has performed well her duty in fostering international +arbitration. She has been a party to half of the cases where +disputes between nations have been referred to the Hague Tribunal. +Arbitration is performing its mission with more and more efficiency, +yet each year the war budgets of the nations are increasing. The +peace sentiment now demands a decrease of armaments, a conversion +of the waste of war into the wealth of peace. To demonstrate that +this is practicable is the immediate opportunity before us, +our present obligation. What is our waste of war expressed +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Page 63]</a></span> +in terms of the wealth of peace? Notice! Two thirds of the cost of one +dreadnought, like the mammoth <i>Florida</i> launched but yesterday, would +erect and furnish a veritable palace for every foreign ambassador and +minister of the United States, thus solving a perplexing problem of +our diplomatic service. One twenty-second of the cost of one +dreadnought would support for one year the entire force of the +American Board of Foreign Missions in their work of proclaiming our +gospel of peace. One half the cost of one dreadnought would erect and +equip twenty-five manual-training schools, teaching the rudiments of a +trade to forty thousand young people each year. The cost of two +dreadnoughts would provide every state in the Union with a +half-million dollars with which to save the juvenile delinquents from +criminal courts and schools of vice behind prison bars. The cost of +one dreadnought, wisely spent each year in the fight against +tuberculosis, would make the white plague in a single generation a +disease as rare as smallpox is to-day.</p> + +<p>Where now we are erecting battleships and forts, it is for us to build +libraries and schools. Where now we drain our treasuries in equipping +men to fight their fellow men, it is for us to arm against the common +enemy, disease. Where now we pour out our wealth before the pagan +Mars, it is for us to devote our treasure to supporting the works of +the Prince of Peace.</p> + +<p>Such a victory for peace would make America not simply a world +power: it would make her the world leader. Will we stop tagging +at the heels of Great Britain and Germany and travel this broadening +road in which we can be first? How humiliating to struggle along, +a trailer in the military procession! How noble to set the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Page 64]</a></span> +daring example of living up to the belief in peace! Will we say: "See +our hands; we bear no bludgeons. Search us; we carry no concealed +weapons. Militarism we have thrown to the scrap heap of practices +discredited and vicious. We have stopped war's wanton waste of men and +treasure; we rejoice in the growing wealth of peace ideals realized"? +Thus shall we speed the steadily growing public opinion of the world, +to the bar of which must finally come every nation which does aught to +break or hinder the world's peace.</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Page 65]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_HOPE_OF_PEACE" id="THE_HOPE_OF_PEACE"></a>THE HOPE OF PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Stanley H. Howe</span>, Albion College, Albion, Michigan<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Johns Hopkins +University, May 5, 1911</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Page 66]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Page 67]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE HOPE OF PEACE</h2> + + +<p>The history of civilization is a record of changing +ideals, and ideals are best reared in the hearts of the +world's young men. Inevitably, nations look toward the +cradle for their future and intrust the care of their destiny +to the hands of youth. "Tell me what are the prevailing +sentiments that occupy the minds of your young +men," declared Edmund Burke, "and I will tell you what +is to be the character of the next generation." When the +blood of youth is sluggish and impure; when the young +hold wealth more dear than worth, remove the check of +virtue from their selfish aims, establish Mammon as their +god, and, ambitious to govern the world, forget how to +govern themselves,—then nations choke and die. But +when the blood of youth is rich and pure, pulsating +through the veins of the universe with strong, resistless +surge; when fathers teach anew the angel's message of +good will and peace, and sons build high their goal upon +a pedestal of service and of truth,—then nations breathe +and live. What hope, then, asks the world, finds the doctrine +of peace in the ideals and aspirations of America's +youth to-day?</p> + +<p>The nation faces a charge of militarism. It is the indictment +of her critics that never before in American history +has the government entertained an attitude so hostile +toward her neighbors and so dangerous to the interests of +peace. They point to the attempt to fortify the Canal and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Page 68]</a></span> +cry out that America would drain her treasury to build a +monument of reproach to international integrity. They +criticize the vast appropriations for the navy and declare +that America is starving her poor that she may more +pompously parade the seas. They protest against the +"war-game" on the Rio Grande<a name="FNanchor_1_9" id="FNanchor_1_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_9" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and even charge that +in the interest of a Wall Street king America invites the +world to arms. And these are not illusions. The lure of +gold has turned the nation from her mission. The spirit +of commercialism has eclipsed the sentiment of brotherhood +and tempted the Republic to barter her honor for +the price of imperial supremacy. Wherein, then, again +asks the world, finds America hope for the future? And +to the charges of her critics, with their dismal prophecy +of a "wrong forever on the throne," this is the nation's +answer and defense—that an eclipse is never permanent, +that the world stays not in the valley of the shadow +forever, and that the solution of the problem, the fulfillment +of a national mission, and the hope of world peace +find their common assurance in the changing ideals of +America's aspiring young men.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_9" id="Footnote_1_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_9"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +Part of the United States army was mobilized on the frontier for maneuvers, +in 1911, owing to the Mexican revolutionary disturbances.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>The young American is essentially ambitious. He is +wont to seek the shortest path to leadership, and, when +blocked at one highway, to turn with undiminished ardor +to another. And his ideal is a mirror of the age in which +he lives. In revolutionary days he covets the glory of +a minuteman, and in the deeds of Warren and Putnam +finds the consummation of his hopes. Again, in the +hour of civil war his eyes turn toward the battlefield—and +from her boys under twenty-one the Union draws +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Page 69]</a></span> +eighty-five per cent of her defenders. But fortunately +for America this drama of the youth's ideal has one more +act. The lure of fife and drum has become a thing of the +past. The glamour of military life has become a dream of +yesterday. The young man is learning that the prize of +battle is never equal to the price. And with the growing +conviction of the folly and futility of international +strife must disappear the last apology for war. Nations +will cease to struggle, not when they have learned that +war is a tragedy but when they have discovered that it +is a farce.</p> + +<p>And the youth of to-day is learning it. In the same +deplorable conditions which the nation's critics have regarded +as an alarming tendency toward militarism, he +reads a message of the absurdity of war. Militarism +itself is revealing a mission. Based as it is on the spirit +of aggrandizement, it is teaching to youth the economic +value of a human life. It is uncovering its own selfish +motives and betraying its own senseless ends. It is impressing +the world with the truth that battles are fought +for purse string and not for principle. It is teaching to +youth a new ideal; it is itself the answer to complaints +of friends and calumnies of foes. It is the cloud before +the dawn. It heralds the coming of the brightest epoch +yet chronicled in American history. It is the realization +of that glorious prophecy of John Hay that the time is +coming when "the clangor of arms shall cease, and we +can fancy that at last our ears, no longer stunned by +the din of armies, may hear the morning stars singing +together and all the sons of God shouting for joy."</p> + +<p>And is this but the dream of a visionary? Is it merely +the fancied perception of an inexistent star? Is it nothing +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Page 70]</a></span> +more than a groundless hope and an alluring vagary? +The answer is visible everywhere. And the hope of peace +finds its safest assurance among the institutions of learning +in America. James Bryce has referred to the United +States as the nation having the largest proportion of its +young men in college. In the last month of June more +than fifty thousand collegians wore the cap and gown of +graduation. It is to the trust of the college-bred man that +the peace movement confides its future, and modern education +assumes no greater responsibility than the training +of the new world-citizen. Already the school has become +the most potent factor in the new uplift. The youth is no +longer dependent upon the newspaper for his knowledge +of world-politics. An intelligent study of foreign affairs +is at last regarded as of as much importance as a study +of the past. To broaden the young man's vision of the +world, prominent educators are even advocating traveling +fellowships. In twenty-five of the larger universities +of America an association of Cosmopolitan Clubs is +establishing the groundworks for a wider international +fraternity. Plans are already under way to have an +organized delegation of more than a hundred students of +all nationalities present at the third Hague Conference. +Day by day the problem of world-unity is becoming more +and more deeply embedded in the mind and thought of +the rising generation. More and more is youthful patriotism +becoming a realization of the truth that "Above all +nations is humanity." The lure of war is losing its magnetic +power and the brotherhood of man becoming more +and more an international reality. A sentiment for universal +peace is sweeping the world, and behind the defenses +of advancing civilization, armed with the strength +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Page 71]</a></span> +of a lofty and unselfish purpose, stands an army of +America's young men, mustered from the nation's colleges, +enlisted to serve for an eternity, and invulnerable +in the protection of a new and a conquering ideal.</p> + +<p>Therefore the significance of the young man in the +world's affairs to-day is something more than a fancy. +Again and again the plea for world-harmony hears a +response in the changing ideals of a new generation. The +growing sentiment of the educated youth of Japan finds +its crystallization in the efforts of Count Okuma toward +the consummation of world-disarmament. The spirit of +the youth of England finds expression in the ambitious +dream of George V, whose hope it is to tie the bond of +Anglo-Saxon unity, long since dissevered by George III. +Among the young men of Russia the life of the great +philosopher of world-citizenship has left a lasting conviction +of the senselessness of war. Even in imperialistic +Germany the reckless building of dreadnoughts brings out +a vigorous and uncompromising protest from the thinking +youth of the land. In America a vision of the international +parliament of man, growing large in the minds +of her leading statesmen, finds expression in the continued +philanthropy of a great industrial king. And, +most significant of all, these are the world-wide examples +that the college man enthrones in the empire of his +thoughts. Sixty thousand European students, bound together +by the cosmopolitan ties of a peace fraternity, have +ceased to glorify the triumphs of the battlefield. The commentaries +of the hero-worshiper to-day do not record the +names of a Marlborough or a Bonaparte. Rather does +the young man find his idols in the more humble annals +of a Tolstoy or a Hay. And the new ideal of international +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Page 72]</a></span> +peace is not merely the religion of a few enthusiasts. In +an individual way these apostles of peace voice to the +world the spirit of the unnumbered thousands of obscurer +men whose lives and talents are directed, not to the construction +of material kingdoms but to the building of a +better and more world-wide brotherhood.</p> + +<p>Such is the Hope of Peace. The nation's critics may +continue their indictment, and, pointing out the crises +of the hour, paint in dismal hues a picture of the problems +never to be solved except by shot and shell. Her +skeptics, blinded by thought of the errors of the past, +may prophesy the desecration of her honor and the disappointing +failure of her hopes. The press may pen a +graphic story of the military spirit of the age, and frowning +patriarchs relate the deeds of golden days gone by. +But underneath this cloud that overhangs, and almost +hidden in the gloom of history's disparagement, the new +world-citizen discerns the birth-light of a brighter and +more steadfast star,—perceives the coming triumph of +good will and peace,—and the awakened eyes of expectant +America look forward with promise to the dawn +of that new day when a nation shall be judged by the +weight of its cross and not by the wealth of its crown.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Page 73]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_ROOSEVELT_THEORY_OF_WAR" id="THE_ROOSEVELT_THEORY_OF_WAR"></a>THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Percival V. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan, +Ann Arbor<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1912, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Page 74]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Page 75]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR</h2> + + +<p>Ex-President Roosevelt has made this astounding +statement, "By war alone can we acquire those virile +qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual +life." These words, coming from the lips of a nation's +idol, have fallen like a bomb shell in the camp of the +pacifists. Not that Mr. Roosevelt's opinion was of overwhelming +weight, but that he was voicing the opinion +of some of the most influential thinkers of the modern +world. Not long before the German philosopher Nietzsche +had taken a like position, and he was indorsed by Von +Moltke, the statesman; Ernest Renan, the historian; +Hegel, the philosopher; Charles Kingsley and Canon +Farrar, the divines. We must have a care, we peace +advocates, how we treat such men's opinions. If they +are right; if, as they maintain, war develops a nation, +then we are fighting against the instrument of our own +salvation and smothering the only hope of the nation +itself.</p> + +<p>But are they right? Does war make for national greatness? +Before we can give a rational verdict we must +answer certain other questions. What is our nation, anyway? +What are the factors that make for its greatness? +And how does war affect these factors?</p> + +<p>Plainly our nation is not some abstraction that haunts +the marble halls at Washington. Nor is it our vast dominion +on which, like England's, the sun never sets. You +will find it rather in workshop and store and factory; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Page 76]</a></span> +it is no more nor less than our men. If the capital at +Washington is founded on pygmy manhood, it will be +blown away like thistledown before some passing wind of +revolution. Russia, Turkey, Spain, will tell you that. If +our men are giants, the nation will be lasting as adamant. +England and Germany and America are monumental +testimonies.</p> + +<p>Now what are the qualities in our men that make +the nation great?</p> + +<p>Here a problem in analysis confronts us. Let us go +about it as does the student in the laboratory. He dissects +a plant or mineral to find the mysteries of its nature. +We are to dissect a civilization to find the factors of its +strength. One little specimen will reveal the secrets of +the whole species. So one sample of civilization will show +the hidden springs of all. Go with me to the public +square of any modern city and there you will behold the +qualities that build all civilization. From the hum and +rattle and roar that rises from the sea of humanity come +a thousand various voices, but all speak of one theme—industry. +There in the center of the throng and press +a slender monument rises, crowned perhaps with a figure +of Liberty or Justice. It tells you a simple story of +Idealism. Yonder stands a silent, vine-clad church, +crowned by a mighty finger pointing heavenward and +beckoning always to the higher life. What need of going +farther? Industry, Idealism, Morality—already we have +found the secret of human success, the triple key to all +advance, of man or group or nation. Here is Carlyle, with +his gospel of labor, the labor that conquers all things; +here is Ruskin, with his exalting idealism, that gives an +aim and purpose to all human toil; here is the great +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Page 77]</a></span> +apostle Paul himself, who transfigures that toil and +exalts that purpose with his everlasting gospel of moral +sublimity. Here is our threefold criterion, by which every +nation must stand or fall. The Anglo-Saxon is what he +is through unceasing industry, perpetual aspiration, and +moral strength. The Central African is what he is through +inbred sluggishness, total lack of purpose, and almost total +absence of morality.</p> + +<p>These are the basic elements of national greatness. But +the great question still remains, How does war affect +them?</p> + +<p>Concerning the effect of war on labor, we declare unhesitatingly +that the two are everlasting foes, and that +whenever War lays hands on Labor's throat, it strangles +her. This is part of the inevitable program of war, for +note that it is on the laboring men that the dreadful +claims of war must fall. Mark its course. A bugle sounds +the call to arms. From workshop, mill, and factory the +laborers pour forth; out go the men into a trade where +plunder and robbery are a means of livelihood; when +pillage and slaughter wane, indolence becomes the order +of the day; commerce degenerates into blockade-running +by sea and marauding by land. How tame the life of +peace to this wild life of war! And all the time the love +of toil is fading from men's minds; at home the factory +wheels are turning more and more feebly, and when at +last the sword is laid aside, there is only "confusion +worse confounded," for the channels of labor are choked +with men reared in habits of indolence or trained in the +school of vice. Before the scar on that nation's industry +can finally be healed, decades and perhaps centuries of +peace must pass away.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Page 78]</a></span> +But if war is a scar on the nation's industry, it is likewise +a blot on her ideals. Though this element of idealism +at first seems visionary and impractical, it is one of the +foundation stones of progress. The fixed gulf between +what man is and what he knows he might be is the +decisive factor in his advance. Ideals are the pulleys of +the unseen, round which man throws his hopes and aims, +by which he pulls himself across the chasm and into the +larger life. To advance at all, man must have ideals—for +himself, for his family, for his nation. But mark the effect +of war on these ideals. In place of the ideal of peace—to +serve men and uplift them—one is taught the ideal of war—to +make himself the most widely feared of professional +murderers. Instead of the ideal of peace—to make his +family comfortable, happy, and prosperous—comes in the +war ideal, by whose terms the family head deserts his +own flock to kill other family heads for the eternal glory +of the Stars and Stripes. As for his ideal of the nation's +greatness, we have ample testimony that when bullets +and cannon balls cone crashing through the <ins class="correction" title="original reads 'spendid'">splendid</ins> +structure of his purpose, it speedily crumbles into an +ignominious desire to hide himself behind the nearest +tree. No; do not say that war builds up ideals; it tears +them down and tramples them in the dust; aye more, it +sets back crime itself where they should rightly stand.</p> + +<p>But if war so dethrones a nation's ideals, what may it +not do to a nation's morality? Imagine if you can a million +men, the core of the national power, turning themselves +into machines to carry out blindly the schemes +of leaders who may be right or wrong; schooled in the +belief that manslaughter is manliness, that the rash +courage of the brute is above the moral courage of a man; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Page 79]</a></span> +forgetful of the meaning of human life; thoughtless of a +thing so common as death; heedless of its eternal consequences. +No wonder Channing cried so bitterly: "War +is the concentration of all human crimes. Under its standard +gather violence, malignity, rage, fraud, rapacity, and +lust. If it only slew men, it would do little. But it turns +man into a beast of prey. Here is the evil of war, that +man, made to be the brother, becomes the deadly foe of +his kind; that man, whose duty is to mitigate suffering, +makes the infliction of suffering his study and end."</p> + +<p>No, Mr. Roosevelt, for once at least you are wrong! +We cannot believe that war builds up a nation. Rather +will we believe those words of Herbert Spencer, more +sweeping but far more true, "Advance to the highest +forms of man and society depends on the decline of +militancy and the growth of industrialism."</p> + +<p>"But wait," you say; "all this is theory and abstraction. +We want matters of fact. Your case may be true +as philosophy, but you have failed to ground it in example." +So it is to history that our last appeal must be +made, for, says Bolingbroke, "History is philosophy, +teaching by example." Every decree of her stern tribunal +is impartial and irrevocable. War the tonic or war the +poison? She is the final judge. She will take you back, if +you will, to her childhood days and point you out vast empires, +owning the known world, Babylonians, Assyrians, +Egyptians, Medes, and Persians, fearful fighters all of +them. But no, not quite all either. On a sandy stretch of +seashore, half hidden by the unwieldy empires around it, +we see a timid, peaceful little people called the Hebrews; +they alone, from all that mighty company, have stood the +"wreckful siege" of thirty centuries. Watch its sinister +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Page 80]</a></span> +movement down the ages and you will see the war cloud +hover over Greece, and her republics melt to nothing in +disunion and decay. It hovers over the Huns, and they +suddenly sink from sight; over Islam, and its civilization +crumbles faster than it grew; over Spain, and all the +New World treasures cannot save her from decay. Finally, +like the cloud no bigger than a hand, it rises from +the island of Corsica and moves toward Central Europe. +All too well does Europe know its meaning. From north +and south, from east and west, she pours into the field the +finest armies that the Old World ever saw. Then she +pauses. Europe grows tense with a nameless dread. The +storm cloud blackens, hovers lower, then bursts with all +its fury through the continent. For ten long years, at the +command of an imperial butcher, the soil is drenched with +blood, the sky grows lurid from burning Paris to burning +Moscow, three million homes are draped in black. Grand, +indeed, and glorious! But Europe lost more than her +gorgeous standards, more than her ruined cities; she left +her manhood on those bloody fields.</p> + +<p>We might extend the awful picture, but the story is +the same, dread tale of death for nations as for men. Is +not this enough? Is it not clear that this traitor to +labor, this despoiler of ideals, this foe to morality, is not +the benefactor but the destroyer of nations? And shall +we not "here highly resolve" no longer to walk in this +"valley of the shadow of death," but to hasten toward the +dawning of a brighter, purer day? For in spite of pessimism, +in spite of scholarship, in spite of history, the day is</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">"coming yet, for a' that—</span><br /> +When man to man, the world o'er,<br /> +Shall brothers be for a' that."<br /> +</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Page 81]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_VITAL_INTERESTS" id="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_VITAL_INTERESTS"></a>NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Russell Weisman</span>, Western Reserve University +Cleveland, Ohio<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1912, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Page 82]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Page 83]</a></span></p> +<h2>NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS</h2> + + +<p>The day for deprecating in general terms the evils of +war and of extolling the glories of peace is past. Such +argument is little needed. International trade requires +peace. International finance dictates peace. Even armies +and navies are now justified primarily as agents of peace. +Yet so wantonly are these agents looting the world's treasuries +that they are themselves forcing their own displacement +by courts of arbitration. The two hundred and +fifty disputes successfully arbitrated in the past century +challenge with trumpet-tongued eloquence the support +of all men for reason's peaceful rule. To-day no discussion +is needed to show that if war is to be abolished, if +navies are to dwindle and armies diminish, if there is +to be a federation of the world, it must come through +treaties of arbitration. In this way alone lies peace; yet +in this way lies the present great barrier to further +progress—the conception which many nations, especially +the United States, hold of "national honor and vital +interests." The reservation from arbitration of so-called +matters of national honor and vital interests constitutes +the weak link in every existing arbitration treaty between +the great powers of the world. This reservation furnishes +the big-navy men all the argument they need. It +destroys the binding power of the treaties by allowing +either party to any dispute to refuse arbitration. It was +by this reservation that the United States Senate so lately +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Page 84]</a></span> +killed the British and the French treaties. And I contend +here to-night that the one subject which imperatively demands +discussion is national honor and vital interests. +That the next important step must be the exposure of +the reactionary influence of the United States in excepting +these matters from arbitration.</p> + +<p>Only fifteen months ago President Taft made his memorable +declaration that this barrier ought to be removed +from the pathway of peace. He proposed that the United +States negotiate new treaties to abide by the adjudication +of courts in every international issue which could not be +settled by negotiation, whether involving honor or territory +or money. The next morning the proposal was +heralded by the press throughout the world. A few days +later the halls of Parliament resounded with applause +when Great Britain's secretary of state for foreign affairs +announced that his government would welcome such a +treaty with the United States. France soon followed. +Then, to the surprise of all, hesitating Germany and +cautious Japan showed a like willingness to enter into +such agreements. Universal peace seemed all but realized.</p> + +<p>The cause was at once borne up on a mighty wave +of public opinion. The peace societies were in a frenzy +of activity. Mass meetings of indorsement were held in +England and America. Editorials of approval appeared +in all parts of the world. The movement was now irresistible. +Within eight months the British and the French +treaties were drafted. Three of the greatest nations of +the world were at last to commit themselves unreservedly +to the cause of international peace. Even disputes involving +national honor should not halt the beneficent +work of high courts of law and of reason. The day when +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Page 85]</a></span> +the treaties were signed, August 3, 1911, was hailed as +a red-letter day in the annals of the civilized world. It +was proclaimed the dawn of a new and auspicious era in +the affairs of men and of nations.</p> + +<p>During all the months preceding the action of the +Senate on these treaties the only statesman of any prominence +to raise his voice in opposition was ex-President +Theodore Roosevelt. The gist of his successive and violent +attacks on the treaties is contained in this utterance, +which I quote, "It would be not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute +that affects our vital interests or our independence +or our honor." In this spirit, to the surprise and disappointment +of the whole nation, the Senate amended the +treaties out of their original intent, and placed upon them +limitations that defeated their purpose. By the Senate's +action the United States is still committed to the pretense +that there may be occasion for a just and solemn +war, that vital interests and national honor may force +us to fight.</p> + +<p>What, then, are the vital interests that can be conserved +only by saber and bullet? Nothing more, nothing +less, according to various acknowledged authorities, than +a state's independence and its territorial integrity. Did +the keen mind of our former president really foresee the +seizure of some of our territory by England or France? +Yet he protests it that it would be "not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute +that affects our vital interests." Did Senator Lodge +and his threescore colleagues who amended the treaties +actually fear an attempt to overthrow our form of government, +to destroy our political institutions, or to take +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Page 86]</a></span> +away those individual rights and sacred privileges upon +which our government was founded? Yet to save us +from such fate they refused unlimited arbitration.</p> + +<p>For the United States to except from arbitration her +vital interests is obvious pretense. To add thereto her +national honor is extreme hypocrisy. What is national +honor? No man knows. It is one thing to-day; another, +to-morrow. It may involve an indemnity claim, a boundary +line, a fisheries dispute. In fact, any controversy may +be declared by either party, at will, to be a question of +national honor. Thus in the hands of an unskilled or +malicious diplomacy, any question which was originally +a judicial one may become a question of national honor. +What, then, will we arbitrate? Every case in which a +favorable award is assured us. If we want Texas, we +send an army after it. Every case that does not rouse +our anger. Let the <i>Maine</i> blow up and we fight. A treaty +with an elastic exception like this is a farcical sham and +a delusion.</p> + +<p>It is high time the true and humiliating significance +of these fearsome phrases should be as familiar to every +taxpayer as is the burden of bristling camps and restless +navies. Read the record of Great Britain's first offer of +unlimited arbitration in the Olney-Pauncefote treaty of +1897. There, too, you will find national honor and vital +interests clogging the machinery of universal peace. By +these same exceptions the Senate emasculated that treaty +and defeated the spirit of the agreement. Is it conceivable +that the Senate actually feared that our interests +would be imperiled by that treaty? Did it delve out +some hidden dangers which escaped the careful scrutiny +of both the English and American embassies, some peril +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Page 87]</a></span> +unforeseen by the keen judicial mind of President Cleveland, +who characterized the defeat of the treaty as "the +greatest grief" of his administration.</p> + +<p>But this is not all. The American representatives at +both Hague Conferences were the first to place these +same limitations on all arbitration proposals.</p> + +<p>Look at it from what point of view you will, our government's +conduct must appear humiliating. Considering +the fact that universal arbitration treaties have proved +practical, it is well-nigh incredible. Behold our bellicose +sister American republics. Argentina and Chile, Brazil +and Argentina, Bolivia and Peru, all have agreements +for the arbitration of all questions whatsoever. All the +Central American republics are bound by treaty to decide +every difference of whatever nature in the Central American +Court of Justice. Denmark's three treaties with Italy, +Portugal, and the Netherlands withhold no cause, however +vital, from reason's peaceful sway. Norway and +Sweden likewise have an agreement to abide by the decision +of the Hague Court in whatever disputes may +occur. The very existence of all these treaties is significant, +yet even more significant is the fact that they have +been triumphantly tested. Norway and Sweden at one +extremity of the globe and Argentina and Chile at the +other have thus quietly settled disputes in which their +honor and interests were seriously involved.</p> + +<p>Do you ask further evidence of the hypocrisy with +which our Senate parades our national honor and our +vital interests to the undoing of a grand work? Search +our history and you will find it in abundance. In the +great case of the Alabama claims, Charles Francis Adams +pronounced the construction of Confederate ships in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Page 88]</a></span> +English ports to be a violation of the international law +of neutrality. This certainly was a question of national +honor and vital interests, yet he pleaded for arbitration. +In reply Lord John Russell said, "That is a question of +honor which we will never arbitrate, for England's honor +cannot be made the subject of arbitration." The case +was debated for six years. Then came England's "Grand +Old Man," the mighty Gladstone, with a different view. +"It is to the interest," he said, "not only of England and +the United States, but of the world, peaceably to settle +those claims." He submitted them to a joint high commission. +England lost and paid. Thus the honor of both +nations was successfully arbitrated. Likewise the Newfoundland +fisheries case had been a bone of contention +between Great Britain and America from the day our +independence was recognized. As late as 1887 it threatened +to become the cause of war. No question ever arose +which more vitally affected the interests of America, yet +the Senate recently accepted a settlement by arbitration. +Similarly, the Alaska fur seal dispute, the Alaskan and +the Venezuelan boundary disputes, and the northeast +boundary controversy all involved both the vital interests +and the national honor of England and America, yet +all were satisfactorily and permanently arbitrated. So +excited were we over our northwest boundary that the +principal issue of a political campaign was "The whole +of Oregon or none! Fifty-four forty or fight!" Yet we +peaceably acquiesced in a treaty that gave us neither.</p> + +<p>Yes, our honor may be arbitrated. If we are ill-prepared +for war, we arbitrate. If we are sure of a +favorable award, we arbitrate. But we must have a +loophole, an ever-ready escape from obligation. Posing +as the most enlightened nation on the face of the globe, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Page 89]</a></span> +we refuse entirely to displace those medieval notions +according to which personal honor found its best protection +in the dueling pistol, and national honor its only +vindication in slaughter and devastation. To unlimited +arbitration we refuse to submit.</p> + +<p>Fifteen years ago England, the mighty England, gave +us her pledge that no cause should ever justify war. This +pledge our Senate in the name of honor refused. Unlimited +arbitration agreements were suggested at both +Hague Conferences. Americans promptly placed restrictions +upon them in the name of honor. Again has England +with enthusiasm just offered us unrestricted arbitration. +Again she is repulsed by our Senate in the name of +honor. France, too, bears to our doors an unqualified +pledge of arbitration. France, too, is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. Germany and Japan express +a desire to settle every question at the bar of justice. +Impelled by honor we pass their desire unheeded. +Our Clevelands, our Olneys, our Edward Everett Hales, +our Carl Schurzes, our John Hays, have all urged unlimited +arbitration. Our Davises and Clarks and Platts +and Quays in Senate seats have undone their work in +the name of honor. Our Charles Eliots and Nicholas +Butlers, our Albert Shaws and Hamilton Holts, now +plead for universal peace through unlimited arbitration. +Senators Bacon and Lodge and Heyburn and Hitchcock, +apparently impelled by constitutional prerogative, party +prejudice, or personal animosity, now cast their votes for +limitations in the name of honor. From the platform of +peace conferences, from the halls of colleges, from the +pulpit and the bench, from the offices of bankers and +merchants and manufacturers, from the press, with +scarcely a column's exception, there arises a swelling +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Page 90]</a></span> +plea for treaties of arbitration that know no exceptions. +In the name of honor that plea is defied.</p> + +<p>Honor? No, an ocean of exception large enough to +float any number of battleships for which pride and ambition +may be willing to pay! Honor? No, a finical and +foolish reservation that at any moment may become a +maelstrom of suspicion and rage and hatred and destruction +and death! Honor? No, a mountainous barrier to +peace that must be leveled before there can be progress! +Honor? No, the incarnation of selfishness, the cloak of +shrewd politics, the mask of false patriotism! National +honor? No, national dishonor!</p> + +<p>Before the nations of the world the United States +stands to-day in an unenviable light. It is a false light. +Since the days of William Penn and Benjamin Franklin +our people have led in much of the march upward from +the slough of weltering strife. Many a <ins class="correction" title="original has 'stumblingblock'">stumbling block</ins> +to progress we have removed from the rugged pathway, +but for fifteen years our government has refused to touch +the barrier of national honor and vital interests. England +and France have now laid this duty squarely at our door. +"It is a social obligation as imperative as the law of +Moses, as full of hope as the Great Physician's healing +touch." Let us here highly resolve that there shall be +uttered a new official interpretation of national honor and +vital interests, an interpretation synonymous with dignity +and fidelity, sincerity, and integrity, and confidence in the +vows both of men and of nations. "If we have 'faith +in the right as God gives us to see the right,' we shall +catch a vision of opportunity that shall fire the soul with +a spirit of service which the darkness of night shall not +arrest, which the course of the day shall not weary."</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Page 91]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_PATRIOTISM" id="THE_EVOLUTION_OF_PATRIOTISM"></a>THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Paul B. Blanshard</span>, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Central Group Contest, 1913, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Page 92]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Page 93]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM</h2> + + +<p>Robert Southey has asked through the lips of a little +child the greatest peace question that the world has +known. He pictures a summer evening on the old battlefield +of Blenheim. On a chair before his vine-clad cottage +sat old Kaspar while his grandchildren, Wilhelmine and +Peterkin, played on the lawn. Suddenly Peterkin from +a nearby brook unearthed a skull and, running, brought +it to Kaspar's knee. The old man took the gruesome +thing from the boy, and told him that this had been the +head of a man killed in the great battle of Blenheim. +Then little Wilhelmine looked up into her grandfather's +face and said:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +"Now tell us all about the war,<br /> +And what they fought each other for."<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>Here we have the central question in the problem of +war. Why do men fight? Through the answer to that +question lies the path to world-peace.</p> + +<p>Few men fight to-day for glory. Modern militarism +has no place for Lancelots and Galahads. The glory of +the regiment has absorbed the glory of the individual. +Few men fight to-day to gain great wealth. The treasures +that glittered before Pizarro do not tempt our soldiers. +Material wealth is more easily won in factory or +farm or mill. Few men fight to-day for religion. The +conquest of religion has become a conquest of peace; +the very ideal of peace is an end of religion itself. Glory, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Page 94]</a></span> +wealth, religion—these are no longer the causes of war. +Then why do men fight? The answer is obvious. Men +fight to-day for patriotism. Patriotism is the cause of war.</p> + +<p>The next step in our reasoning is more difficult. If +patriotism is the cause of war, how shall we treat the +cause to destroy the result? Shall we attempt to abolish +patriotism as Tolstoy would have us do, or shall we try +to change its nature so that war as a natural result will +be impossible? To answer these questions we must +study patriotism from its very beginnings. We must +ask: What is patriotism? Where did it come from? +What place has it in our life?</p> + +<p>Observe first the simplest cell of life, the amœba. We +can watch it through the microscope. It is so tiny that +it keeps house in a drop of water. It has neither emotion +nor consciousness, in the human sense. It lives a while, +and then splits in two to form other cells that have no +connection with each other. Yet this infinitesimal bit of +life has an instinct, the instinct to save itself. Watch an +amœba as fire is brought near. It immediately moves +away. Its every act is regulated by this one instinct, +self-preservation.</p> + +<p>Now let us leave the microscope and go outdoors. +Over there is a bird in a tree top, feeding its young in +a nest. Suppose that a fire should suddenly consume +the tree. Would the mother bird fly away in safety? +No, it would die on its nest in the effort to save its +young. There is more than self-preservation here. The +scientist will tell you that the instinct has expanded to +include the preservation of the offspring.</p> + +<p>And now turn to primitive man. The recent excavations +in Sussex will give us a picture of him. He is a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Page 95]</a></span> +wild, gorilla-like figure that creeps beneath the trees. +He can leap with lightning force on his prey. He drapes +his body with bearskins, and eats meat from fingers +that end in claws. And yet with all his savage ferocity, +this is more than an animal. This is a man. In his breast +there stir the instincts of a man. In his life we see the +vital element of patriotism, love. His little savage family +is more precious to him than all the world. He will fight +and die, not only for self-preservation but for those +who to him are "brother and sister and mother." This +is the stamp of the human. This is the potentially divine.</p> + +<p>But as the storms of war beat about these little savage +families, the sense of common danger welded them into +one. Out of grim necessity friendship came, and friendship +gave birth to patriotism. Loyalty and sacrifice were +not limited to the family; men fought and died for +their tribe.</p> + +<p>And now let us turn the microscope upon ourselves. +We would fight for our country. We say because we +love our country. We call that feeling patriotism. It is +more extended than the savage love of tribe; it gives +loyalty to a great government and democratic principles. +We speak of that feeling as divine, but it is terribly +human. Its expression is the same harsh ferocity that +inspired the life of the savage.</p> + +<p>To-morrow America goes to war. In great black type +we read the call for men, and a sense of common danger +thrills us. In the evening by a street lamp's glare we +watch a passionate agitator who points to a flag that we +have learned to love. The tramp, tramp of passing regiments +and the sound of martial music thrill us. We lay +down our tool or pen and march to the front. And then +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Page 96]</a></span> +comes the first engagement. The air is blackened with +rifle smoke; the roar of cannonry deafens us. Dazed, +we crouch behind an earthwork while the enemy creeps +through the smoke. Suddenly they charge. We fire, +but they surge on through the smoke. They mount the +earthwork. We leap together! Men scream hoarsely! +Musket butts crash! Daggers plunge into quivering +flesh! Divine feeling! Glorious patriotism!</p> + +<p>The passing of this savage patriotism is inevitable. +The whole course of nature is against it. The very history +of development will tell you that. Loyalty has +never been an immutable thing. It has been a ceaseless +and irresistible growth from the individual to the family, +to the tribe, to the nation. The time for a world-patriotism +has come. Why should men limit their loyalty by +a row of stones and trees that we call a boundary? +Why are men patriots, anyway, except to save their +privileges and their government? The primitive patriot +had no choice but to fight. He was put down in a little +plot of cleared ground hemmed in by mighty forests, +and made to hew out a home in a vast world of enemies. +But how far we have come from him! The twentieth-century +world is a little world. Our earth is like an open +book. We have cut through the jungle wastes of Africa; +we have photographed the poles. We sell and buy things +from Greenland and Java. In such a civilization war-patriotism +has no place. It is no longer the only guide +to self-preservation; it has become the most terrible instrument +of self-destruction. And for just this reason +war-patriotism must go. It runs counter to the whole +trend of nature itself. It is diametrically opposed to the +mission of patriotism in the world. Just as those little +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Page 97]</a></span> +savage families joined hands in tribal loyalty, just as the +scattered clans and tribes united under national government, +so nations must clasp hands around the globe in a +new spirit of "worldism" that shall make war impossible.</p> + +<p>But we cannot gain a world-spirit by a sudden destruction +of our patriotism. We will never usher in tranquillity +with a crash. The nihilism of Tolstoy would plunge us +into lawlessness and anarchy, for the chief element of +patriotism we must keep. "What is that element?" you +ask. It is the willingness of the individual to sacrifice +his welfare for the welfare of the group. There we have +the stem of the world-spirit of to-morrow. But the blossom +will not burst forth in a night. It must come by an +unfolding and a growth. We cannot climb to universal +peace upon a golden ladder and cut the rungs beneath +us. Evolution builds on the past. The final spirit of +"worldism" will be a broadening and a deepening and +a humanizing of the spirit of sacrifice which is the +noblest element in our patriotism.</p> + +<p>"But," you ask, "if the evolution of patriotism is inevitable, +what have we to do with it? Why should we +meddle with the course of nature?" We reply that the +evolution must come through you. We are not "puppets +jerked by unseen wires." "Consciousness," says Bergson, +"is essentially free." Man the savage or man the philosopher—he +alone can decide. Let him purify patriotism +with Christianity and he has brotherhood; adulterate it +with avarice and he has war. The evolution of patriotism +is not a physical thing. Listen to Huxley, "Social progress +means a checking of the cosmic process at every +step and the substitution for it of the ethical process." +The evolution of patriotism, then, is a moral thing, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Page 98]</a></span> +morality is man-made. We are men, but we can be supermen. +We are patriots of a nation. We can be patriots +of the world.</p> + +<p>The evolution of patriotism is no theorist's dream. It +is a palpable fact. The patriot of one age may be the +scoundrel of the next. A turn of the kaleidoscope and +Paul the convict trades places with Nero the Emperor. +Who was the ideal ancient patriot? The statesman, +Pericles? The thinker, Plato? No. The most efficient +murderer, a Macedonian boy. "I must civilize," he says. +So he starts into his neighbor's country with forty thousand +fighters at his back. Does Persia yield its banner? +No. Then crush it. Does Thebes resist? Then burn +it to the ground. Do the women prate of freedom? Load +them with slave chains. What? Do they still hold out? +Then slaughter the swine. And as men watch him wading +through seas of blood, riding roughshod over prostrate +lives and dead hopes and shattered empires, the +blind age cries out, "O godlike Alexander!"</p> + +<p>"Godlike!" Oh, but there's new meaning in that word +to-day. How much nobler a picture our modern patriot +presents! Not waving the brand of destruction, not a +king of murder will you find the great patriot of to-day. +His thunderbolt of conquest was a host of righteousness. +His empire was built in the hearts of men. In the teeming +slums of the world's greatest city he lifted the standard +of the Christ. Haggard children stretched out hands +for bread. He fed them with his last crust. Thousands +were dying in the city's filth. He pointed them to a more +Beautiful City where pain should be no more. And when +the body of William Booth was borne through the silent +throngs of London streets, a million heads were bowed +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Page 99]</a></span> +in reverence to this patriot of a purer day. In every +hamlet of civilization some heart called him godlike.</p> + +<p>Is not the trend of patriotism clear? Are not the +seeds of a new world-loyalty already in our soil? The +trumpet call to war can never rouse this newer patriotism. +The summons "peace on earth and good will to men"—that +is the future bugle call. And for us the task is clear. +To take our destiny into our own hands, to throw off the +prejudices of nationalism, to turn our faces resolutely to +the future and strive for that summit of brotherhood and +universal peace, that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"One far-off divine event</span><br /> +To which the whole creation moves."<br /> +</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Page 100]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Page 101]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CERTAIN_PHASES_OF_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT" id="CERTAIN_PHASES_OF_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT"></a>CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Calvert Magruder</span>, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1913, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Page 102]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Page 103]</a></span></p> +<h2>CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + + +<p> +Ladies and Gentlemen:<br /> +</p> + +<p>We are gathered here this evening in the confident +expectation that a rule of reason will soon be established +among the nations. It has been a hard, at times almost a +discouraging, fight—for it is difficult to convince the +world of its own insanity, and lovers of peace have +often been tempted to cry in their despair, "How long, +O Lord, how long?"</p> + +<p>But there have always been men, with vision unaffected +by martial glamour, who have foreseen in the logic of the +world's history the inevitable end of war, and we have +progressed now to a point where peace is the normal +condition in international relationships. But it is an +armed peace, founded on the false principle of suspicion +and distrust, and we come now to consider the practical +question of what the third Hague Conference can do to +establish peace upon a firm and enduring foundation.</p> + +<p>You will remember that the First Hague Conference +established a so-called Permanent Court of Arbitration. +It is not a definite, tangible tribunal, but merely a panel +of a hundred or more men from whom the arbiters in +each specific case may be selected; and therefore, though +it is a great step in the right direction and though it has +accomplished some good work, it has not commanded full +confidence and recognition. To supplement this court +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Page 104]</a></span> +the Conference of 1907 proposed a new organization—a +Judicial Court of Arbitration, to be composed of seventeen +judges of recognized legal authority, to sit for terms +of twelve years, and to be competent to decide all cases. +Here, then, is the nucleus of an easily accessible supreme +court of the world, whose decisions would soon build +up a new system of international law. Its composition, +jurisdiction, and procedure are agreed upon. The vital +problem, a mode of selecting the judges, remains unsettled. +Evidently, then, the first great duty of the next +Hague Conference is to put into operation this court, of +which all the nations recognize the need and desirability.</p> + +<p>Following logically the establishment of competent +machinery for arbitration comes the second great duty +of that conference—the passage of a convention binding +the nations to resort to this court in all cases that +fail of ordinary diplomatic settlement. The Judicial +Court of Arbitration, if the nations are not bound to use +it, would certainly fail of its purpose. A general treaty +making arbitration obligatory is not too much to demand, +for the Conference of 1907 declared itself unanimous +"in recognizing the principle of compulsory arbitration." +Separate arbitration treaties mounting into the hundreds +have been negotiated between individual nations, but +almost all contain that fatal reservation of questions of +"honor and vital interests." Honor and vital interests—could +any words be more vague and indefinite? Are +these not the very cases which interested nations are +least competent to decide? A complete answer to that +silly reservation is found in our hundred years' peace +with Great Britain. As John W. Foster, that keen student +of our diplomatic history, has said, "The United +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Page 105]</a></span> +States can have no future dispute with England more +seriously involving the territorial integrity, the honor of +the nation, its vital interests, or its independence, than +those questions which have already been submitted to +arbitration." Denmark has agreed with Italy and the +Netherlands to arbitrate all questions that fail of diplomatic +settlement, thus insuring perpetual peace between +those nations. Here indeed is the pathway of true +national honor.</p> + +<p>Coincident with the establishment of the legal machinery +for arbitration and the growth thereof, we would +naturally have expected a cessation in the mad race for +armament-supremacy. But the very reverse has happened, +and to deal firmly with this contradictory situation is the +third great duty of the next Hague Conference. Of what +avail are our Courts of Arbitral Justice when this intolerable +economic waste is permitted! To limit armaments +was the avowed purpose of the First Hague Conference, +but nothing was accomplished save the adoption of a +neatly worded resolution that the limitation aforesaid +is "highly desirable for the enlargement of the material +and moral well-being of humanity." In 1907 the subject +was again under discussion, the nations exhorted to a +serious examination of the question—and there the matter +rested. We have reached now an insufferable stage +where effective action must be taken. Let us hear no more +that deceptive catch phrase, "If you want peace prepare +for war." When bad blood is likely to arise between +individuals the very worst policy to pursue is to furnish +them with weapons. And so it is with nations. Consider, +if you will, the neck-and-neck race between Great Britain +and the German Empire in the construction of battleships. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Page 106]</a></span> +What fool will call that preparation for war a guaranty +of peace? We might be disposed to admit the sincerity +of those who say we must arm and ever arm to maintain +peace, except that they are too often men with professional +and business interests at stake. In England there +have been amazing revelations of this sinister condition—armament +companies with peers, members of Parliament, +newspaper owners, officers of the army and navy, +as stockholders; enormous appropriations forced through +Parliament by interested parties; periodic war scares in +newspapers inspired by armament syndicates. Only recently +we read how the great Krupp firm of Germany had +been exposed in its practice of bribing officials to obtain +valuable military information and furnishing French +newspapers with war-scare articles calculated to induce +Germany to increase her armament orders. In Russia +and France they face a similar state of affairs. Here in +the United States we are undoubtedly not free therefrom. +And then there are the navy leagues in every country, +playing upon the fears of the nations by startling tales +of what the others are doing, and so on through an endless +chain, manufacturing a demand for battleships in +the name and under the guise of patriotism. We shrink +from the contemplation of such greed and selfishness, +and appeal for relief to the third Hague Conference.</p> + +<p>We come now to a consideration of the fourth prime +duty devolving upon that conference. Ocean commerce +in war should be rendered inviolable. In effecting this +we not only abolish a barbarous custom, but at the +same time remove one of the chief causes of great +navies. As long as the safety of the merchant marine +is not guaranteed by international agreement, just so +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Page 107]</a></span> +long will nations with commercial aspirations build enormous +navies for their protection. It is true England has +hitherto opposed this reform,—confident in her naval +supremacy,—but she cannot again fly in the face of a +general demand without too great a sacrifice of prestige.</p> + +<p>Here, then, are four important problems of the peace +movement, all difficult, but not impossible of solution +when we remember that the Conference of 1907, in good +faith, I believe, adopted the following declaration, "That, +by working together during the past four months, the +collected powers not only have learnt to understand +one another and to draw close together, but have succeeded +... in evolving a very lofty conception of the +common welfare of humanity." Whether these fine +words breathe sincerity or hypocrisy the next Hague +Conference has ample opportunity to prove.</p> + +<p>And now, what shall we say of the position of +America in this war against war? Her boundless resources; +her amalgamation of men from all parts of the +world into one people; her impregnable geographical +situation; her embodiment of the three cardinal principles +of world-union (federation, interstate free trade, +interstate courts); the genius and ideals of our government—all +give America a logical leadership. She can +boast of the first peace society in the world, of a glorious +record of arbitration, of a long list of the wisest +international statesmen, of a most advanced position at +The Hague upon the questions of ocean commerce, +courts of justice, arbitration, limitation of armaments. +But there is the darker view. The treaties negotiated +by Secretary Knox with France and with England, agreeing +to arbitrate every question that fails of diplomatic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Page 108]</a></span> +settlement—those treaties were rejected by the United +States Senate. There was a transcendent opportunity +to lay the foundation for a speedy realization of peace +universal, with France and England willing, yes, even +anxious to coöperate—and America failed! Mr. Taft +has shown that if the position of the Senate is accepted +as international law, then we may as well bid +farewell to any hopes of leadership in the peace movement, +for our nation could then enter upon no general +arbitration agreements because of the prerogative +of the Senate in each specific case to accept or refuse +arbitration.</p> + +<p>It is at this point, Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is +work for the humblest of us to do. In the intellectual +field we can aid in the creation of an intelligent, forceful +public opinion that will induce the Senate to recede from +its fatal attitude, and that will resist a false, cheap patriotism +which is relentlessly endeavoring to crush America +'neath the burden of militarism. Then in the moral field +we can stimulate and foster a peaceful attitude, a sentiment +for peace, in the hearts of our countrymen; and +until this is accomplished there can be no peace universal, +for, as Senator Root has said, "The questions at issue +between disputing nations are nothing, the spirit that +deals with them is everything." And finally, in the +educational field, let us take heed that the men and +women of our rising generation are taught the glorious +pages of our arbitration history as well as they know +the battles of our country. Let us take care that it is +grounded into their minds and habits of thought from +earliest years, that "peace hath her victories no less +renowned than war."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Page 109]</a></span> +In conclusion, let us not be deceived by that vain +apology for war, that it is necessary to keep alive the +heroic spirit and to stimulate manly courage. Despite +the noble side in war, its bestial side predominates; its +larger effect upon men is demoralizing. And if it be +glorious to die for a cause, how much nobler to live and +strive for an ideal, utilizing the talents that God gave +us for its realization! The movement for peace is not +one of weaklings and mollycoddles. It is championed +by red-blooded men, daring to bear the ridicule of the +thoughtless and to fight for the preconceptions of humanity. +Peace has her heroes in daily life—miners, +mariners, policemen, firemen, men of every station, displaying +the nobility of their souls often unheralded and +unsung. The venerable William T. Stead, bearing across +the ocean his message of international good will, sacrificed +his life on the <i>Titanic</i> that others might live. He was +a hero, yes, but a hero of peace.</p> + +<p>It would be an insult to your intelligence to prove the +self-evident proposition that war is uneconomic, unscientific, +unchristian. The movement for its elimination, +above all, is logical and practical, and should appeal to +every man. Is it nothing to you? Yes, it is a great +deal to you. Merely let your imaginations picture the +day when the seventy per cent of our national revenue +now sacrificed on the altar of folly is diverted to the arts +of peace, to the amelioration of social conditions, to advancing +the happiness of our people—at peace with all +other peoples in the assurance of international law and +love. Ladies and Gentlemen, if we but do our duty, the +dawn of that great day will come in our generation!</p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Page 110]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Page 111]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_ASSURANCE_OF_PEACE" id="THE_ASSURANCE_OF_PEACE"></a>THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Vernon M. Welsh</span>, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1913, and Third +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Page 112]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Page 113]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE</h2> + + +<p>The birth and rapid rise of the present movement for +international peace are events of recent years. The nineteenth +century found its welcome in the smoking cannon +and crimsoned fields of Hohenlinden. At its close the +first great peace conference of The Hague was in session. +One hundred years ago Napoleon was sweeping across +Europe in his terrible attempt to create an empire. To-day +France, England, and America have agreed on treaties +that declare for unbroken peace. Touched by the wand +of progress, the Utopian ideal of yesterday has become +the dominant political issue of to-day. It is pertinent, +then, that we seek the true nature of this revolution. +Is it borne on the crest of a popular impulse that will +recede as rapidly as it has risen, or is it a permanent +movement, the product of natural forces working through +ordinary channels?</p> + +<p>The nineteenth century represents a break with the +past. Swept into the mighty current of transition, the +habits and customs of a thousand years have disappeared. +With the development of natural resources, the establishment +and growth of the factory system, the use of means +of rapid communication, nations have entered upon a new +era. Commerce and industry have come to dominate +thought and action and are transforming the very life +of the world. Defying the rigorous climate of both the +poles, trade has penetrated the frozen recesses of Hudson +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Page 114]</a></span> +Bay and made of the Falkland Islands a relay station in +the progress of victorious industry. Nor is the equatorial +heat more discouraging. The thick jungles of Africa +have yielded their secrets, and the muddy waters of the +Amazon are churned by propellers a thousand miles +from the sea. International trade routes traverse the +seas, connecting continent with continent. In forty +years this commerce has increased from two billions +to thirty billions. Giant corporations have ignored political +boundaries, carried trade wherever profitable, +and are supplying the varied demands of entire communities. +Tariff walls, but lately effective barriers, are +crumbling before the onslaught of trade. Nations are +no longer independent. The wheat from Canada and +the Dakotas feeds the mill workers of Sheffield and the +nobility of Berlin. The failure of the Georgia cotton +crop halts the looms of England and raises the cost of +living throughout Europe. Nations can no longer exist +as self-sufficient economic units. Never before were they +so mutually interdependent. Never before has the welfare +and security of one state depended upon the enterprise +and diligence of another. And the movement for +international peace is the chance offspring of these new +social forces, at once a protest and a warning against +the wrecking of modern economic structures by the +ruthless hand of war.</p> + +<p>Commerce, the most important of these new forces, +flourishes unprejudiced by armaments and military prestige. +In the open competition of the world's markets +stronger powers meet and suffer from the rivalry of +states that have no military standing. Relative to population, +Norway has a carrying trade three times as great +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Page 115]</a></span> +as England's. With her million trained warriors Germany +is beaten by the merchants of Holland. The flag +of little Denmark flies at more mastheads than does the +Stars and Stripes. Where then is the commercial advantage +supposed to attend superior military strength?</p> + +<p>But it is to prevent the seizure of its commerce by others +that nations must empty their treasuries to keep ironclads +afloat. Yet what could be gained by attempted +confiscation? If Germany annihilated England's navy +to-morrow, how would she profit? Commerce is a process +of exchange, the continuance and promotion of +which is dependent upon the degree of mutual profit. +Commercial gain is not a consequent of military success. +It is since England seized the gold fields, diamond mines, +and fertile plateaus of lower Africa that British securities +have dropped twenty points. In 1871 Germany humbled +and humiliated France almost beyond toleration, yet her +share of the world's commerce has not been augmented +thereby. So would it be with England. True, Germany +might commit some depredations and hinder the passage +of trade, but what would be her motive? How could +she gain? Even if the British Isles were depopulated, +it is doubtful whether Germany would benefit. For by +what miracle would Germany be able to develop the +facilities, the shipyards, mills, factories, foundries, mines +and machinery, to supply the trade which the foremost +of commercial nations has been generations in building +up? Germany's banner might wave over the Bank of +England, her excise boats police the Thames and the +Clyde, yet she would behold the trade of a conquered +province going to foreign nations. Trade does not follow +the flag. Undisturbed by political changes or military +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Page 116]</a></span> +reverses, it flows in constantly widening channels wherever +productive fields are found.</p> + +<p>And in the waging of war, do we reckon the direct +cost to commerce? The commercial relations of the +entire world are disturbed. Prolonged conflict is accompanied +by the closing of the bank and the factory, the +dismantling of the shop and mill, and the lengthening +of the bread line in every city and town. In what state +of prosperity and happiness might not France have been +had Napoleon never lived? With half a century gone, +our own country is still suffering from the devastation +of the Civil War. Our commerce with South America +is scarcely beyond the point it had reached before our +week-end tiff with Spain. Yet there are those who prate +of national honor and of war as insuring prosperity. +From the leader of a newborn national party we hear +that without a periodic war America would become effeminate +and weak, her aggressive commercial life timid +and corrupt, and within a few brief years the great Republic +would sink to a fourth-rate power. Up, brave +Americans, and man the guns! Awake, sons of freedom, +and sweep the seas! Fourteen years without a war; our +beloved land is ruined. You men of the factory and mill, +you men of property and business, you producers of the +nation's wealth, forward into the carnage; burn the +homes of thrift and industry, for commerce will be enriched +thereby; ravage the fields and despoil the cities, +for this will insure vigorous national life; impoverish +happy peoples, spread famine and pestilence through +fertile valleys, mark the sites of contented villages with +smoldering ruins, defy your Christian God, and kindle +the fires of hell in human breasts; commit violence, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Page 117]</a></span> +treachery, rapine, ay, murder,—for the eternal glory +of the Stars and Stripes. Yet commerce and industry—the +glittering prizes which every nation covets when it +builds a dreadnought or enlarges its army—demand that +the creative forces of peace supplant the destructive +wastes of war.</p> + +<p>To-day the financial relationships of nations are inextricably +entangled. The big banks in the capitals of the +world are in communication with each other every second +of the day. During the American crisis in 1907 the bank +rate in England went up to seven per cent, forcing many +British concerns to suspend operations. Because of the +Balkan War the bank rate in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna +is the highest in twenty years, and European securities +have depreciated over six billion dollars. Foreign investments +are raising insuperable barriers to war. Should +the French bombard Hamburg to-day they would destroy +the property of Frenchmen. Let Emperor William capture +London, loot the Bank of England, and he will +return to find German industry paralyzed, the banks +closed, and a panic sweeping the land. Let English +regiments again move to invade the United States, +English warships draw up in battle line to attack our +seaports, and four billions of the earnings of the English +people would bar the way. To the victor of the +present the spoils of war are valueless. Japan, victor +over the great Russian Empire, staggers under a colossal +debt. The Italian government hears rumbles of +discontent, because the cost of winning a victory has +been too great. What better proof do we need that +war is profitless, that it means financial suicide? It +has been transformed from a gainful occupation into +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Page 118]</a></span> +economic folly, and war will cease because the price +is becoming prohibitive.</p> + +<p>In this movement for peace, capital's strongest ally +is her most active enemy. Raised to a position of independence +and power by the Industrial Revolution, labor +is wielding an effective influence. The complexity of +modern business has aroused workingmen in every +country to a common interest and sympathy. The +International Congress of Trade Unions, representing +twenty countries and over ten million men, has declared +for universal disarmament. Just last month eighty-five +thousand coal miners in Illinois resolved that if the +United States declared war on a foreign power, they +would call a general strike.</p> + +<p>And why not? Why should the workingmen of one +country offer themselves as targets for those of another? +Why should the workers of Germany be taxed to support +a war against England, Germany's best market? +Can the rice growers of Japan profit by killing Americans +to whom they sell their produce? War means +suffering and want, and the laborer has come to know +it. He is cold to the sight of its flaunting flags and the +sound of its grand, wild music, for he sees the larder +bare, funds exhausted, and hunger at the door. He refuses +to sacrifice his body and the welfare of his family +upon the altar of Mars. No longer can kings and emperors +satisfy their grasping ambitions. Armed by the +ballot, the masses are to-day supreme. Never again will +the cruel hand of tyranny press to their lips the poisoned +cup of death. Their sway is absolute. The destinies of +nations are in their keeping. The decree has gone forth +that war must cease.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Page 119]</a></span> +Born of these greater movements, a host of influences +bring nearer the dawn of peace. The express and the +wireless have supplanted the oxcart and the courier. +Chicago and Boston are closer to-day than New York +and Albany a century ago. Within the hour of their +occurrence events that happen in Paris are published in +Chicago and St. Louis. Political boundaries are fading +before larger interests. Every railroad train crossing the +frontier, every ship plying the seas, every article of +commerce, every exchange of business, every cable conveying +news from distant lands—all these are potent +factors in the cause of international peace. Add to +these the conciliating influence of foreign investments, +the telephone and telegraph, travel, education, democracy, +religion, and you have marshaled a host for peace +whose clarion trumpets shall never sound retreat. Casting +aside the prejudice of ages, modern industrialism +flings around the world the economic bonds against +which the forces of militarism are powerless.</p> + +<p>Here, then, in the world-wide operations of commerce +and industry is the <i>assurance of peace</i>. The skeptic may +scoff and the cynic point to Mexico and the Balkans, +but the Industrial Revolution has produced a multitude +of influences that are knitting the nations into an indissoluble +unity. Men are beginning to realize the integrity +of mankind, and a world-consciousness is arising. Kindness +and justice—yesterday but community ideals—are +extending their sway throughout the earth. Even while +bayonets are bared in conflict and cannon thunder against +hostile camps, the magic of our civilization is weaving +bonds of union that cannot be broken. Peace, not war, +is the true grandeur of nations; love, not hate, is the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Page 120]</a></span> +immutable law of God; and so surely as governments +and kings are powerless to divide when home and factory +would bind, some not too distant day will find the +battle flags all furled, the sword's arbitrament abandoned, +and the world at peace.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Page 121]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="EDUCATION_FOR_PEACE" id="EDUCATION_FOR_PEACE"></a>EDUCATION FOR PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Francis J. Lyons</span>, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, +representing the Southern Group<br /> +<small>First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Page 122]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Page 123]</a></span></p> +<h2>EDUCATION FOR PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Time was when war was beneficial. Historians have +justified the spread of knowledge by the sword. At the +world's awakening, it was well that the new thought +should be diffused even at the sacrifice of human blood. +It was justified because there was no other means. We +have to cast our imagination back through the centuries +and realize that then there were no railroads, no telegraph, +no newspapers; that man was bound by narrow +limits; and the elemental processes of the world were +undiscovered. We do not criticize Alexander for conquering +the eastern perils, for he carried in his phalanxes +the spirit of new-discovered thought. We do not denounce +Rome for piercing the unknown realms with her +legions, for she was the mother of a new belief. But +this was at the dawn of history, when erudition was in +its struggling embryo, and the physical was the better +part of man. Man went forth to battle as a religion.</p> + +<p>The world grew partly wise, and man preached the +gospel of brotherhood. But it did not last. The changing +of the peoples smoldered the fires of rising intelligence, +and the world rolled back again in darkness—a +darkness long and black. Centuries passed, and a new +light came, slowly but courageously. Man blinkingly +came forth, dazed and unsteady. The light grew, and +man grew with it; but rooted deep in his heart was the +love of war of his ancestors. In a different spirit, it is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Page 124]</a></span> +true; but it was there, and he went forth to battle not +because it was religion, but because it was brave.</p> + +<p>The world rolled on; war grew; it developed with +the state; it became an art; was studied—and now our +cycle turns. It faces us as a custom backed up by the +centuries—deep-rooted, a consumer that yields no returns +and, what with our modern appliances, a terror +to the hearts of all the world. Men fought in the early +ages because they thought it was just; men fought in +the Middle Ages because they considered it brave; men +of our modern age will banish war because it is a +fallacy.</p> + +<p>Do you know that to maintain our so-called prestige we +spend seventy per cent of our national income? Think +of it! Seventy per cent to maintain our present status +and to prepare for the future! Think of that awful +drain; think, if applied in other channels, what good +could be done! We are proud of our battleship <i>Texas</i>. +She is a noble war dog; yet do you realize that if we +had applied the money spent on her in our own state +we could have had one gigantic paved highway twice +the distance from El Paso to Galveston? We could have +had two hundred high schools, representing $75,000 each. +We could have raised our institutions of higher learning +to a level with any of the East or North. Fifteen millions +gone for a floating war machine which in twenty +years will be a piece of rusted, useless iron; fifteen millions +for a sailing dragon who, each time one of her big +guns speaks, wastes the equivalent of a four-year college +education for some youth—$1700—for a single shot. +Our war dogs sail the seas; our soldiers parade our +forts; and we look on and raise a joyous hubbub as the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Page 125]</a></span> +nations of the world rush madly on, wasting themselves +in the race for military supremacy.</p> + +<p>Have you ever considered yourself transported to some +celestial height, and there, from the regions of the infinite, +allowed to view a battle on earth? How foolish it must +seem, these pygmies coming forth to make war. See them +as they charge and wound and kill! See brother slay +brother! See the wounded left to die! Hear the cries +of distress, and picture the grief that follows all! Men +battling to conquer; men assuming the prerogative of +a god—how foolish, yet how serious! And these artificial +lines that men call boundaries, how punctiliously +they are guarded! "Take but a hundred feet, and we +shall war with thee." How foolish this too must seem +when viewed from above—that we should carry on war +over even a slight infraction on any imaginary, mathematical +line.</p> + +<p>We cherish the thought that the youth of our land +are being taught self-restraint. It is ever impressed upon +them that there are courts of justice for the settlement +of controversies. Law and order have become stock +phrases, dinned into their ears at every turn. The man +who would settle his difficulty by trying the physical +metal of his adversary is of the past. By the new order +he is taboo as a savage. Individual self-restraint rings +out in our vocabulary as nationally descriptive. The +babe at the mother's knee learns first the virtue of it; +the child at school is tutored to it soundly; the man in +life is lectured with it regularly. Brotherhood! Love! +Self-restraint!</p> + +<p>But what of the self-restraint of the nation? In the +teaching of the individual, is it not odd and inconsistent +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Page 126]</a></span> +that we forget the teaching of the unit? We paint the +inner rooms of our national character with colors bright +and pleasing, but the exterior, though weathering the +heavier storms, is forgotten. If the child be taught that +individuals should arbitrate their differences, can he not +learn that the individual nations are subject to the same +rule? If arbitration is best for each man, surely it must +be best for all. If the child be taught that self-restraint +is the boasted characteristic of the model American, +should he not learn that the model American nation +should be self-restraining? Let us learn this lesson, and +surely we will never war. Herein shall we find the solution +of this great problem. We can preach about peace +and write pretty orations, but if we are to impress it +upon the hearts of the world, we must teach it, and in +a systematic manner. It is not to be learned in a day. +It is the labor of a generation and more. It must be +a fully developed characteristic. Man is learning self-development; +now we must turn to the bigger ideals—national +restraint, national development, international +brotherhood.</p> + +<p>Do you say this is idealism—visionary? On the +contrary, it is thoroughly practicable. The only way to +attain world-peace is for the individual citizen to think +peace, to teach peace, and to act in accordance with such +thoughts and teachings. Just as public opinion causes +war, so only through cultivated public opinion can we +hope for peace. I do not say to sink our battleships and +turn free our army. I do not argue that we should quit +guarding ourselves and throw ourselves open to the +world; but what I seek is that we should turn our faces +with bright hope to the future, eager to assist in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Page 127]</a></span> +abolition of all that tends to war, eager to assist in the only +proper way—the enlightenment of the world-nations.</p> + +<p>The call comes naturally to America, the land of new +belief; America, the New World of Opportunity, as +Emerson calls it; the land cut off from the conventional +past; a land that has taken world-leadership in the march +of a single century. To America, where problems are +studied and fallacies dethroned, the birthplace and the +abiding home of democracy; to America, the Christian, +the civilized! What will the answer be? Already we +can hear the faint responses, as yet vague and indistinct, +the drowned murmurings of the wiser tongues. These +must grow into a national anthem whose echo will challenge +the powers of the world and startle them into the +consciousness of the new brotherhood. We will answer:</p> + +<p>"Yes, we have learned the lessons of the centuries—that +war is a fallacy, and armed peace its ill-sprung child; +that man is no longer savage; that with enlightened mind +he has controlled his warring instinct; that human love +is a mightier power than war; and that we are one in +the brotherhood of the Master.</p> + +<p>"Let us stand before the nations, clad in simple honesty, +panoplied in elemental justice; let us appeal to the +common conscience of the world; let us say to the war-made +powers, there is a way out, and we will lead. We +will help you police the sea; we will give our constabulary +to a quota of peace, but we are through. No great +standing army, no more leviathan battleships. We trust +to what we boast of as the highest attainment of the age, +the innate justice of civilized humanity."</p> + +<p>To such a national summons, how will Texas respond? +Facing the Mexican boundary for eight hundred miles, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Page 128]</a></span> +Texas is to-day peculiarly the guardian of our nation. +The situation calls not for agitation and jingoism, bit for +rare patience, sanity, and self-control. Through troubled +waters our chosen captain is guiding the Ship of State. +It is no time for mutiny, but rather a time for obedience.</p> + +<p>In this critical hour let every loyal citizen say with +a contemporary poet:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In this grave hour—God help keep the President!</span><br /> +To him all Lincoln's tenderness be lent,<br /> +The grave, sweet nature of the man that saw<br /> +Most power in peace and let no claptrap awe<br /> +His high-poised duty from its primal plan<br /> +Of rule supreme for the whole good of man.<br /><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In this grave hour—Lord, give him all the light,</span><br /> +And us the faith that peace is more than might,<br /> +That settled nations have high uses still<br /> +To curb the hasty, regulate the ill,<br /> +And without bloodshed from the darkest hour<br /> +Make manifest high reason's nobler power.<br /> +</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Page 129]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_PEACE" id="NATIONAL_HONOR_AND_PEACE"></a>NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Louis Broido</span>, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, +representing the North Atlantic Group<br /> +<small>Second Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Page 130]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Page 131]</a></span></p> +<h2>NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Since the dawn of history the teachers, thinkers, and +prophets of mankind have prayed and labored for the +abolition of war. In the process of the centuries, their +hope has become the aspiration of the mass of men. +Growing slowly, as do all movements for righteousness, +the cause of peace first claimed the attention of the +world in the year 1899, when Nicholas of Russia called +the nations together to discuss ways and means for the +arbitration of international differences and for the abolition +of war. From that day on, the movement for peace +has progressed by leaps and bounds, and to-day it has +reached the highest point of its development.</p> + +<p>Already nations have signed treaties to arbitrate many +of their differences. Holland, Denmark, Argentina, and +Chile have agreed to arbitrate every dispute. But these +nations are not potent enough in world affairs for their +action to have an international influence. It remains for +the great powers like England, France, Germany, and +the United States to agree to submit every difficulty to +arbitration, and thus take the step that will result in +the practical abolition of war.</p> + +<p>If one would find the reasons that thus far have kept +the great powers from agreeing to submit <i>all</i> differences +to arbitration, his search need not be long nor difficult. +The Peace Conference of 1907 reports that the objections +to international arbitration have dwindled to four. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Page 132]</a></span> +Of these objections the one commonly considered of most +weight is this: "We will not submit to arbitration questions +involving our national honor." Even so recently +as the spring of 1912, our own Senate refused to give +its assent to President Taft's proposed treaties with +France and England to arbitrate all differences, and refused +on the ground that "we cannot agree to arbitrate +questions involving our national honor." This is the +statement that you and I as workers for peace are +constantly called upon to refute.</p> + +<p>Let us, therefore, consider what honor is. For centuries +honor was maintained and justice determined among +men by a strong arm and a skillfully used weapon. It +mattered not that often the guilty won and the dishonorable +succeeded. Death was the arbiter, honor was appeased, +and men were satisfied. But with the growth of +civilization there slowly came to man the consciousness +that honor can be maintained only by use of reason and +justice administered only in the light of truth. Then +private settlement of quarrels practically ceased; trial +by combat was abolished; and men learned that real +honor lies in the graceful and manly acceptance of decisions +rendered by impartial judges.</p> + +<p>As men have risen to higher ideals of honor in their +relations with one another, so nations have risen to a +higher standard in international affairs. Centuries ago +tyrants ruled and waged war on any pretext; now before +rulers rush to arms, they stop to count the cost. +Nations once thought it honorable to use poisoned bullets +and similar means of destruction; a growing humanitarianism +has compelled them to abandon such practices. +At one time captives were killed outright; there was a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Page 133]</a></span> +higher conception of honor when they were forced into +slavery; now the quickening sense of universal sympathy +compels belligerent nations to treat prisoners of +war humanely and to exchange them at the close of the +conflict. At one time neutrals were not protected; now +their rights are generally recognized. A few hundred +years ago arbitration was almost unknown; in the last +century more than six hundred cases were settled by +peaceful means.</p> + +<p>During the last quarter of a century we have caught +a glimpse of a new national honor. It is the belief that +battle and bloodshed, except for the immediate defense +of hearth and home, is a blot on the 'scutcheon of any +nation. It is the creed of modern men who rise in their +majesty and say: "We will not stain our country's honor +with the bloodshed of war. God-given life is too dear. +The forces of vice, evil, and disease are challenging us +to marshal our strength and give them battle. There is +too much good waiting to be done, too much suffering +waiting to be appeased, for us to waste the life-blood of +our fathers and sons on the field of useless battle. Here +do we stand. We believe we are right. With faith in +our belief we throw ourselves upon the altar of truth. +Let heaven-born justice decide." Here is honor unsmirched, +untainted! Here is pride unhumbled! Here +is patriotism that is all-embracing, that makes us so +zealous for real honor that we turn from the horrors +of war to combat the evils that lie at our very doors.</p> + +<p>We know that faith in such national honor will abolish +war. We know, too, that men will have war only so long +as they want war. If this be true, then, just as soon as +you and I, in whose hands the final decision for or +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Page 134]</a></span> +against war must ever rest, express through the force +of an irresistible public opinion the doctrine that our +conception of national honor demands the arbitration of +every dispute, just so soon will our legislators free themselves +from financial dictators and liberate the country +from the dominance of a false conception of national +honor.</p> + +<p>Do you say this ideal is impractical? History proves +that questions of the utmost importance can be peacefully +settled without the loss of honor. The Casa Blanca +dispute between France and Germany, the Venezuela +question, the North Atlantic Fisheries case, the Alabama +claims—these are proof indisputable that questions of +honor may be successfully arbitrated. "Does not this +magnificent achievement," says Carl Schurz of the Alabama +settlement, "form one of the most glorious pages +of the common history of England and America? Truly, +the two great nations that accomplished this need not be +afraid of unadjustable questions of honor in the future."</p> + +<p>In the face of such splendid examples, how meaningless +is the doctrine of the enemies of peace, "We will +not arbitrate questions of national honor. We will decide +for ourselves what is right and for that right we will +stand, even if this course plunges us into the maelstrom +of war. We will not allow our country to be dishonored +by any other." Well has Andrew Carnegie expressed the +modern view: "Our country cannot be dishonored by +any other country, or by all the powers combined. It +is impossible. All honor wounds are self-inflicted. We +alone can dishonor ourselves or our country. One sure +way of doing so is to insist upon the unlawful and unjust +demand that we sit as judges in our own case, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Page 135]</a></span> +instead of agreeing to abide by the decision of a court or +a tribunal. We are told that this is the stand of a weakling, +that progress demands the fighting spirit. We, too, +demand the fighting spirit; but we condemn the military +spirit. We are told that strong men fight for honor. We +answer with Mrs. Mead: 'Justice and honor are larger +words than peace, and if fighting would enable us to get +justice and maintain honor, I would fight! But it is not +that way!'" For it is impossible to maintain honor by +recourse to arms; right may fall before might, and, +viewed in the light of its awful cost, even victory is +defeat. In the words of Nicholas Murray Butler: "To +argue that a nation's honor must be defended by the +blood of its citizens, if need be, is quite meaningless, for +any nation, though profoundly right in its contention, +might be defeated at the hands of a superior force exerted +in behalf of an unjust and unrighteous cause. +What becomes of national honor then?"</p> + +<p>Too long have we been fighting windmills; we must +struggle with ourselves; we must conquer the passions +that have blinded our reason. We have been enrolled in +the army of thoughtlessness; the time has come to enroll +in the army of God. We have followed a false ideal of +honor; we must disillusion ourselves and the world. If +men declare that the preservation of courage and manliness +demand that we fight, let us lead them to the fight, +not against each other, but against all that is unrighteous +and undesirable in our national life. Men still cling +to an ancient conception of national honor; let us convince +them that there is a newer and higher conception. +Men still declare that peace is the dream of the poet +and prophet; let us prove by historical example that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Page 136]</a></span> +questions, even of national honor, can be happily settled +by arbitration. If men despair, let us remind them that +to-day, as never before, the mass of men are slowly and +surely working out God's plan for this great cause.</p> + +<p>The day of triumph is not far distant. Already the +moving finger of Time paints on the wide horizon, in +the roseate tints of the dawn, the picture of Peace—Peace, +the victory of victories, beside which Marathon +and Gettysburg pale into insignificance; victory without +the strains of martial music, unaccompanied by the sob +of widowed and orphaned; victory on God's battlefield +in humanity's war on war.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Page 137]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_NEW_NATIONALISM_AND_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT" id="THE_NEW_NATIONALISM_AND_THE_PEACE_MOVEMENT"></a>THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Ralph D. Lucas</span>, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois, +representing the Central Group<br /> +<small>Third Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Page 138]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Page 139]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT</h2> + + +<p>Nationalism is a precious product of the centuries. +The world has paid a tremendous price to widen the +political unit until its boundaries include continents. +It has been an equally difficult task to weld the spirit +of diverse peoples into a homogeneous whole. And the +story of this development constitutes a heritage not soon +to be given up. The tales of victory and defeat are held +even more dear to a united people than life itself. Rightly +will any nation jealously defy him who dares advance +to plunder its possessions. And it is well that men do +not wish to surrender it upon slight provocation. That +has been a good diplomacy that sought to protect the +nation by war. By the extension of political unity +peoples gain moral and physical strength. Thrift becomes +more common and moral courage greater when a +people strike forward with common aims. And in proportion +as the nation as a whole enjoys these advantages +and opportunities, the individual widens his horizon in +peaceful association with fellow men and receives a +benefit beyond computation.</p> + +<p>But, good as nationalism has been in the past, a gradual +change seems to be overtaking the world's politics. +National diplomacy hesitates where a century ago it +was firm. Forces which once drove the nations apart +seem now to be drawing them together. The discord of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Page 140]</a></span> +disputes seems to be disappearing in the harmony of +coöperation. It is no longer possible to determine easily +what a nation's interests really are. And it is of the +forces that are bringing about this change in the policies +of nations, of this new nationalism and its bearing upon +the peace movement, that I wish to speak.</p> + +<p>Within the last two centuries economic forces have +worked a mighty revolution. Continents have been converted +into communities. The prosperity of our eastern +industries controls the activities of the West, and a disturbance +from any section throws a tremor over all. +Tribal barter has developed into a world-wide commerce +until the most distant nation may easily acquire the +products of another. Steel rails weave a web of commercialism +among the peoples, and the cable welds them +in a mighty network which, responsive to every flash of +news, brings all the nations into a mutuality of interests. +So interdependent are the nations and so vital are their +relations that a single fluctuation in the most distant +market finds a response in our own. A slight disorder +in Wall Street strains the whole financial world. And +thus through intercourse in commerce, industry, the +press, Christian missions, and scholastic research a system +has been developed that holds no place for the selfish +policy of exploiting backward peoples. We no longer +consider the advance of alien peoples in wealth and +prosperity as a menace to our own. There is being developed +a strong international public opinion which realizes +that anything that destroys the well-being of one +member is the concern of all.</p> + +<p>In the light of these facts, future world-politics <ins class="correction" title="original has repeated words 'can can'">can</ins> +have no place for the settlement of disputes by force. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Page 141]</a></span> +A declaration of war by one of the large powers to-day +would be more terrible than it has ever been in the past. +The man of business, of education, of philanthropy, of +civic advancement cannot reasonably advocate a policy +that would ruin business, stagnate education, increase +poverty, and turn progress over to the ravages of manslaughter. +Industry cannot continue when the shoulder +that should turn the wheels of industry grows weary +beneath the weight of the musket. Education cannot +proceed when libraries and lecture halls are deserted for +the camp and fortress. A Tolstoy with all his power of +vivid presentation does not overdraw the picture. The +moral fiber and physical strength of a people must forever +afterward bear their scars. A struggling people can +never rid themselves of the evil effects of the conflict, +although they may rejoice in the valor of their heroes. +Nations cannot afford to become the theaters of carnage +and bloodshed and the rendezvous of commercial and +moral pirates and civic grafters.</p> + +<p>Why, then, do nations throw away their strength in +the building and equipping of armies and navies? The +advocates of militarism tell us that we need a navy to +protect our commerce. Possibly it is true that under the +present system of international law this is somewhat +excusable; for although private property on land is +exempt from confiscation and the old forms of privateering +have long ago been abolished by an agreement of +the powers, yet the policy does not apply to maritime +warfare. Enemy's goods in enemy's ships are still subject +to seizure. But while this argument does hold for +the present, the condition could easily be remedied. +Because a man with foreign capital operates ships instead +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Page 142]</a></span> +of factories, why is there any special reason for exposing +his property to depredation? In the light of common +sense such a policy seems absurd. And it should be one +of the first aims of our diplomats to eliminate all possibility +of this licensed robbery, for as long as it exists +there will always be the cry for extravagant expenditure +in order to preserve international peace.</p> + +<p>But even if we should not need a navy to protect our +commerce, again the opponents of the policy of settling +international disputes by arbitration say that we need +armies and navies to preserve our honor. They tell us +that there are certain questions which cannot be submitted +to any tribunal; that a nation must reserve the +right to submit only those questions it sees fit. Surrender +this right, and prestige and self-respect are gone and we +become a nation of "mollycoddles" whose patriotism has +no virile qualities. It is true that the independence and +security of each nation is essential to international life. +It is self-governing nations, not subjugated ones, that +make possible a strong international life. But the converse +is equally true. An international life made up of +independent, coöperating, and mutually helpful nations +is the best security by which national life can be guaranteed. +Those who say that questions of national honor +cannot be submitted to a tribunal have a wrong conception +of the essence of national life. Love of country +means more than a mere willingness to serve as a target +for the enemy's guns. We would not deduct one iota +from the respect and honor due those who have served +the nation on the field of battle. But what a service +they might have rendered if they had been spared that +life to live serving their fellow men and contributing to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Page 143]</a></span> +the vigor of the race! None of us will give up his firm +resolve to defend his own country with all his strength. +But theirs is a cheap patriotism which depends for its +expression upon the thrilling note of fife and drum. The +great test of patriotism is the everyday purpose to deal +justly with one's neighbor. Let him who would be a +patriot and serve the nation put his life into the work +close at hand, and, with a civic temper and moral courage +that can grip the scourge, rid our social life of its damning +influences. This is the spirit of true national honor. +This it is that makes of a nation a real nation. The call +to arms is but another signal of the defeat of the underlying +principles of civilization.</p> + +<p>Only slowly will any large number of the people accept +these new conceptions. But there are already hopeful +signs. The growing sentiment is rapidly crystallizing. +The developing code of international equity as expressed +by the establishment of such an institution as the Hague +Court is a step in the right direction. The peaceful settlement +of the Venezuelan boundary dispute was an +honor to the nations involved. And the work of the +International Commission of Inquiry in the Dogger Bank +episode between Russia and England is significant of the +trend. Again, a modern innovation was wrought when +the International Conference in 1906 settled the conflicting +interests of Germany, France, and Spain in +Morocco. Within the last century the powers ratified +over two hundred treaties, each providing for the peaceful +settlement by tribunals of specified international disputes. +It is true that most peace treaties have dealt +almost exclusively with legal questions. The nations +have hesitated to submit all international differences to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Page 144]</a></span> +a court of arbitration. But the spirit for arbitral settlement +is widening. And this spirit is not for a mere +avoidance of war, but seeks the substitution of a better +method than war for determining justice between nations. +Each nation has its own individual problems to deal with, +and in this respect all cannot proceed according to set +rules. The movement does not mean the extinction and +obliteration of nationality and national rights. The individual +has not been minimized because he consents to +submit his differences with his fellow men to a court for +settlement. And this must be the ultimate attitude of +nations whose honor we have a right to guard jealously.</p> + +<p>What, then, shall be our program? Whatever attitude +is to be adopted, most people agree that the day of universal +peace is far in the future. The Balkans and +Mexico remind us of the difficulty lying before the +coming generations. But the numerous peace societies +whose purpose it is to circulate authentic documents, +that the great mass of citizens may be brought into sympathetic +touch through accurate information, are doing +much for the cause. The erection of the Hague Court +gives something lasting and tangible to work from. +And, above all, the nations will rise to higher standards +principally by adopting the ideals of the individual. As +man has risen above his barbaric ideals, so will the nations +throw their military expenditures into the coffers of public +welfare as they come more and more to judge their successes, +not by victories in war but by achievements in +education, commerce, industry, and artizanship. And, +proceeding with such aims, the established international +court must be the medium through which all differences +will be settled. We shall discover that our internal +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Page 145]</a></span> +policy of dealing with the individual can be more easily +applied to international relations than was at first supposed. +And having reached this point in the evolution +of international peace, there must be added to the international +court a world-wide police force. As the system +develops and our prejudices are abandoned, a method of +policing must stand as an enforcer of international law. +Until then there is little hope that military expenditures +will radically diminish, for we cannot reasonably abolish +our present methods unless we have something secure +to substitute.</p> + +<p>Perhaps such a system will not abolish the utter possibility +of war. Only the future can tell us what heights +of success the policy will reach. There are those of us +who have high hopes because we believe in the good +sense of the American people and of our great contemporaries. +By the past we are made confident of the +future. But if the goal is to be reached, it is for us as +individual citizens to contribute our influence toward +developing the attitude of peace among our fellow men. +For our international welfare and for the honor of the +newest of great nations, may we in this issue throw our +influence, as a united people, on the side of a higher +international morality! May the united peoples of the +world abolish the prejudices of misconceptions and, +drawn together by common interests, resolve that the +priceless heritage of centuries shall not be imperiled by +war! And thus over a warring humanity the breaking +day of peace shall be hastened, at whose high noon there +shall be heard not the clashing of arms but the increasing +hum of prosperity under the sway of the new and +better national life.</p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Page 146]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Page 147]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="MANS_MORAL_NATURE_THE_HOPE_OF_UNIVERSAL_PEACE" id="MANS_MORAL_NATURE_THE_HOPE_OF_UNIVERSAL_PEACE"></a>MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Victor Morris</span>, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon +representing the Pacific Coast Group<br /> +<small>Fourth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Page 148]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Page 149]</a></span></p> +<h2>MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE</h2> + + +<p>Two thousand years ago the coming of a Prince of +Peace, the Prince of Peace, inaugurated the fulfillment +of the prophetic promise that "peace shall cover the +earth," and that "man shall learn war no more forever." +From the time of Jesus until now men have passively +accepted the idea, but have failed to do their part in its +fulfillment. To-day there are few indeed but believe that +it would be desirable to abolish war. Many also feel in +a way that war is brutal. But here our feelings on this +great question largely end. We are not aroused to talk, +and work, and fight against war as inhuman, as economic +folly, as unreason, and especially as an immorality and +a sin. Now we are not here to harangue about the physical +sufferings wrought through war, but we are here to +inquire and find out what we can do about it. How are +we going to attack the war problem in order to bring +about action, instead of simply talk and discussion? In +considering this war problem it is well to bear in mind +the fact that war is a resultant of a deeper cause, the war +spirit. The war spirit is the spirit of him who first made +war in heaven; the war spirit—ambitious, aggressive, +covetous and revengeful, rampant through the centuries, +never conquered by force, in war subdued only by +exhaustion. This war spirit still exists to scourge the +nations with war, to stagger with its problem of war the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Page 150]</a></span> +brains of statesmen believing in peace. How are we to +attack this stupendous problem? What appeal can we +make to the nations that will be strong enough to do +away with the war spirit?</p> + +<p>In order to overthrow this mighty evil, certainly every +possible force must be enlisted. The thought which I +wish to bring to you is this: While such appeals as those +to economy and to reason are of value, they are not in +themselves strong enough to cause the nations to abolish +war; and hence, in view of the real inner nature of the +war spirit, man's moral nature, working through a developed +conscience upon war, is the only force strong enough +to effect universal peace.</p> + +<p>Against war peace-advocates appeal with force from a +business standpoint, on grounds of economy and financial +expediency. The vast system of international trade +and commerce calls for world peace. The prosperity of +world-industries and business requires good will and +brotherhood between the nations. So heavy, also, have +the burdens of war and militarism become that three +fourths of our own expenditures go for war purposes, +past and present, and in Great Britain two thirds are so +spent.<a name="FNanchor_1_10" id="FNanchor_1_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_10" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Every German citizen, it is said, carries a soldier +on his back. By the testimony of financiers and ministers +of state themselves, nothing but financial ruin and +bankruptcy await the nations if the present military +tragedy continues. But has this obvious condition of +affairs affected the race for armaments? Not unless it +has accelerated it. To every appeal to economy the +reply is that the outlay is necessary if we are to exist at +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Page 151]</a></span> +all. But even suppose that for a season the economic +motive should lead us to abolish war, as soon as financial +advantage was apparent to a nation through war it is +evident that all restraints would be removed and war +ensue again. The same motive used to abolish war would +bring war once more. Again, when we remember that it +is the deeper cause, the war spirit, that we must quench, +we can understand why this appeal is often made to +those who bear not. So far as the great mass of men is +concerned, purely economic considerations cannot change +the spirit and impulses of the soul. History reveals no +great uplifting of humanity or change in ideals as having +arisen through purely economic or financial considerations.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_10" id="Footnote_1_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_10"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +The percentages as a matter of fact are not so large, but the argument +is not impaired by the fact.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>The peace plea has also been based on grounds of +reason. Clearly has it been pointed out that reason +demands that no person shall sit in judgment on his own +case, yet this we do in a resort to arms. War is not +arbitrament by reason, but arbitrament by the sword. +Every plain argument of reason condemns war and +militarism. The arguments of reason have, indeed, been +strong, and have attracted much attention, resulting in +the settlement of many disputes by arbitration. But as +concerns the final wiping out of war and the surrendering +of heavy armaments, reason alone cannot present a +permanent powerful appeal, for it is easy in times of +stress to plead that reason and justice demand the war. +Never was there a fight but the contending parties +claimed they were justified. But the chief fact that +seems to put reason in the category of impotent appeals +is the fact that it is an appeal to the mind, while the war +spirit can only be removed by an appeal to the heart, +wherein it resides. We may reason with nations all we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Page 152]</a></span> +please, but when the war fury arises, then all the reasoning +proves to have been in vain, the appeal to the mind +turns out to be too feeble.</p> + +<p>Appeals to economy and reason, then, are appeals +we must make, but they are too weak in themselves +to make a permanent impression against the war spirit. +We must then look for some additional, some more +compelling, force.</p> + +<p>Let us examine the real inner nature of war, for this +ought surely to throw some light upon our problem. +War is not economy; it is not reason. Is war, then, +morality? Is it virtue? It would hardly seem necessary +for us to answer this question, for modern civilized +nations long ago recognized blood feuds with their kindred +as contrary to real morality, as nothing but murder; +but they seem unable to recognize that war is just the +same—nothing but legalized, organized murder. From +the use of violence in settling our international disputes +arise all the deadly passions of the soul, such as treachery, +insolence, revenge, and a murderous spirit, with +the accompanying fruits of robbery, misery, and blood. +Surely, O nations! nothing which bears such fruits can +be anything but corrupt, for a good tree cannot bring +forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth +good fruit.</p> + +<p>Look also at its relationship to civilization and citizenship, +and its effects upon theme. "War and civilization," +said one of the great English ministers, "are contradictory +terms, even as Christ and Mars." Particularly +damaging is the effect of war upon citizens. For does it +not blunt the sensibilities, harden the heart, inflame the +mind with passions, and deaden the consciences of men? +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Page 153]</a></span> +Said the same great English preacher, "The sword that +smites the enemy abroad, also lays bare the primeval +savage within the citizen at home." And again, "War is +not so horrible in that it drains the dearest veins of the +foe, but in that it drains our own hearts of the yet more +precious elements of pity, mercy, generosity, which are +the lifeblood of the soul."</p> + +<p>What now must be our conclusion about war? Had +we ten thousand voices, surely every one would be in +honor bound to declare war an immorality. Every incident +of war declares it such. Every result of battle hands +down the same decree. In the words of a famous +Russian battle painter, we too may define war as "the +antithesis of all morality."</p> + +<p>This clear idea of the real inner nature of war ought +surely to enable us to find our ground of attack. Since +war is sin and war is crime, the conclusion which we +draw is, that if it is possible ever to abolish war, man's +conscience, his sense of right and wrong, is the only force +powerful enough to accomplish the result.</p> + +<p>The great searchlight of morality must be turned on +war—a searchlight which is always bright and strong +and which never has failed to reveal the truth. To turn +this on full and strong means to awaken the consciences +of men. It must be an individual proposition—not simply +the developed consciences of a few leaders who may be +submerged by the war spirit of the masses, but there +must be developed consciences of all the people individually. +All our arbitration treaties and the actual settlement +of disputes by arbitration are of great value and +should be pressed as far as possible; but are these sufficient +forces to develop the consciences of men against +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Page 154]</a></span> +war as an immorality and a sin? What are the forces +that have always come to our support against an immorality +and a sin?</p> + +<p>How about our churches? Have they been doing +their duty? Have they made it clear that war is sin and +war is crime? Has not the Church been too easy? Has +its voice sounded clear and strong on this world-evil? +Surely a duty rests upon the ministry to be insistent in +its characterization of war. What peace-advocates must +do is to urge this upon the Church and bring it to a realization +of its duty. Church members know the character +of war and simply need to have the matter brought home +to their hearts.</p> + +<p>What about our schools,—not simply the colleges and +universities, but all the schools,—which offer fertile +ground to sow the seeds of peace? Thus far in the history +of our schools too much emphasis has been laid upon military +history, etc. Dates and events of national wars have +been thoroughly drilled into students, and the glory and +blaze of war brought out. We have actually made it a +glory and a virtue. One of the most encouraging signs +of the times, however, is the fact that many of our text-books +are dropping out the prolonged study of wars and +centering more on the peaceful pursuits of the nation +and the commercial relations with foreign powers. How +about direct peace teaching in the lower schools? How +much of it do we include in the work? None at all. +Many are the speakers who address the schools on war +reminiscences, but few indeed are the appeals made for +peace. Not until this movement is strongly emphasized +in our schools from the very beginning can we hope +completely to drive out the war spirit; for time is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Page 155]</a></span> +required to develop in the individual conscience a full +realization of the real nature of war, and such development +should begin with the plastic period of youth.</p> + +<p>With Church and school lined up on the side of peace, +the home teaching will soon fall in line; and Church, +school, and home combined can develop so strong a conviction +concerning war, can make so forceful an appeal +to man's moral nature, that the war spirit will take its +leave and be gone forever.</p> + +<p>We always look to history for a confirmation of our +beliefs, and let us glance now to the records of the past +and learn her teachings.</p> + +<p>First of all, look at the duel as the mode of settling +a personal difficulty if peaceful settlement appeared impossible. +First, it was heartily accepted as a gentlemanly, +honorable, and brave mode of settlement. Then, tolerated +and simply suffered to exist. Finally, condemned +by conscience as an immorality and a sin, it was banished +from civilized nations.</p> + +<p>Look also at slavery. At first heartily accepted as a +divine arrangement. Then tolerated by the world as +undesirable, yet not necessarily wrong. Next its overthrowal +attempted on grounds of pity and of reason; +until finally, recognized as an immorality and a sin, it +too was blotted from the pages of civilization.</p> + +<p>No great uplift of humanity, no great movement in +civilization, but has found its path to success in the +developed moral sense of man. No great change in +civilized institutions but has found itself produced by +the dynamic, moving forces of morality.</p> + +<p>War must be abolished. Only the great powers of +morality are vital enough, are dynamic and powerful +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Page 156]</a></span> +enough, to carry out our peace program. These forces +lie dormant, and simply need stimulation and development. +Recognizing the impotency of appeals to economy +and to reason, what are we going to do?</p> + +<p>In the name of humanity let us impeach war and the +war spirit. It is a traitor to every ideal of civilization +and of justice. It is the instrument of hatred and of +pride, the agent of jealousy and of avarice. In the name +of the dead and dying, in the name of justice, which it +dethrones, in the name of those whose loved ones it +demands, we impeach war as a traitor, guilty of all high +crimes and misdemeanors. What else shall we do? Stir +up from its greatest depths the heart of man. Educate +his conscience till he is unwilling to suffer war to exist. +Begin early in Church, school, and home to instil in the +minds of young and old continually the true conception +of war, that it is an immorality, contrary to every principle +of Christianity and to every teaching of our Christ.</p> + +<p>Let us bring into the conflict against war the great, +dynamic, motive force—the Moral Nature of Man. +And when we shall have thus developed the consciences +of men, there will henceforth be laid up for us a crown +of victory, as there will then be a fuller realization that +in man's moral nature is the Hope of Universal Peace.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Page 157]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_TASK_OF_THE_TWENTIETH_CENTURY" id="THE_TASK_OF_THE_TWENTIETH_CENTURY"></a>THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Harold Husted</span>, Ottawa University, Ottawa, Kansas, +representing the Western Group<br /> +<small>Fifth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914</small></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Page 158]</a></span></p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Page 159]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY</h2> + +<p>Age by age, civilization advances. Each successive era +has contributed that invention or accomplished that +achievement which has placed another round in the +great ladder of civilization. The development of many +small states into powerful nations, and many wonderful +improvements in other fields, such as steam navigation, +the railroad, the telegraph, and wireless communication, +crown the last as the greatest of centuries in the history +of the human family. It is difficult to understand why +the human mind, whence these mighty inspirations originated, +has been incapable of realizing that there still +remains the most degrading, the most deteriorating, the +foulest blot that ever disgraced this world—the killing +of civilized men, by men, as a permissible mode of settling +international disputes. This world can never attain +its highest standard of civilization until this one +disgraceful blemish, called war, is obliterated. It is the +collective task of the people living in this twentieth +century to bring into reality the millennium of Tennyson,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd<br /> +In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>The beginning of this social task, then, is the enlightenment +of the peoples as to the immorality, waste, and +ineffectiveness of war. God commanded, "Thou shalt +not kill." Who shall presume to declare that this precept +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Page 160]</a></span> +was directed not to nations but to individuals only? +that one man shall not kill, but nations may? We are +horrified at the report of a single murder, yet, if viewed +from the light of truth, what is war but wholesale murder? +What tongue, what pen, can describe the bloody +havoc of the battle of Gettysburg, where, between the +rise and set of a single sun, fifty thousand of our fellow +men sank to earth, dead or wounded?</p> + +<p>What sentiment in human hearts which needs to be +perpetuated sent rank after rank, column after column, +of blue soldiers against the impregnable stone wall of +Fredericksburg? And who will place the blame for the +carnage of Cold Harbor elsewhere than upon the folly +of misguided patriotism and cruel, selfish interests that +made the bloody battle possible?</p> + +<p>Every soldier is connected, as all of us, by dear ties +of kindred, love, and friendship. Perhaps there is an aged +mother, who fondly hoped to lean her bending form on +his more youthful arm; perhaps a young wife, whose +life is entwined inseparably with his; perchance a sister, +a brother. But as he falls on the field of battle, must +not all these suffer? His aged mother surely falls with +him. His young wife is suddenly widowed, his children +orphaned. That husband's helping hand is forever stayed. +A parent's voice is stilled, and the children's plaintive +cries for their loving father fall on unheeding ears. Tell +me, friends, you who know the bitterness of parting with +dear ones whom you watched tenderly through the last +hopeful moments, can you measure your anguish? Yet, +what a contrast! Your dear ones departed soothed by +kindness and love, while the dying soldier gasped out +his life on the battlefield alone.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Page 161]</a></span> +And what a waste is war! We are just beginning to +realize the tremendous cost, the incalculable wastefulness, +not only of actual war but of the preparation for future +possible wars. For the current fiscal year ending June 30, +1914, the United States has appropriated in round numbers +$535,000,000, in preparation for future wars and +because of wars fought in the past. Sixty-seven cents +out of every dollar expended by our national government +goes to feed the present-day mania for war, present +and past, leaving only thirty-three cents out of +each dollar for the combined expense of the executive, +legislative, and judicial departments of our national +government. When we realize that the cost of a single +battleship exceeds the total value of all the grounds +and buildings of all the colleges and universities in the +state of Kansas, the figures indicating this expense have +more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the +cost of a single shot from one of the great guns of +that battleship is $1700, enough to send a young man +through college, the common man realizes that the +United States cannot afford to go to war or even +prepare for war.</p> + +<p>And all this suffering and cost are to no purpose. +War is utterly ineffectual to secure or advance its professed +object. The wretchedness it involves contributes +to no beneficial result, helps to establish no right, and, +therefore, in no respect promotes harmony between the +contending nations.</p> + +<p>When the Saviour was born, angels from heaven sang +to the children of the human family this benediction:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +Glory to God in the highest,<br /> +Peace on earth, good will toward men.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Page 162]</a></span> +And at last, in the beginning of this twentieth century, +nations seem to be visibly approaching that unity so +long hoped and prayed for; and that nation which shall +precede all others in the abolition of war will be crowned +by history with everlasting honor. The risk will be very +little, the gain incalculable.</p> + +<p>We are coming to believe that the most significant +fact about man and his civilization is their improvability. +Individual inventive genius has added improvement after +improvement until it would seem that man's mastery over +nature is to be well-nigh complete as these ideas and inventions +are socialized and extended to benefit all. We +are now entering the era of social achievement when +mankind unitedly undertakes by organization and coöperation +mightier tasks than ever accomplished before. Many +dreadful diseases are disappearing before preventive medicine, +and sanitary science is eliminating many plagues; +pestilence is coming to be a thing of the past. Human +welfare is now the concern of coöperative mankind, and +social science will condemn and banish war or fail to +establish itself as an applied science. It <i>can</i> be done! +It <i>ought</i> to be done! It <i>will</i> be done!</p> + +<p>And although this consummation seems to many far +away, it may be accomplished by very simple methods. +It only waits the time of concerted action on the part of +the leading nations when the principles of arbitration +can be invoked more fully, and a world-court established +with plenary powers for settling all disputes between +the nations.</p> + +<p>International legislation has occurred repeatedly, +though no world-court has as yet been established. In +the case of the Universal Postal Union we have what +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Page 163]</a></span> +is tantamount to world-legislation, in that all civilized +nations have entered into a formal agreement regarding +the delivery of mail. Another instance of practical world-legislation +is that of the International Bureau of Weights +and Measures. Many other examples might be given in +which several nations are parties to an agreement regarding +some important measure, such as the respect paid to +the flag of truce, the regulations concerning commerce +on the high seas, and the etiquette of diplomacy. Paramount +in world-importance has been the agreement of +the leading nations of the world in the establishment of +the Hague conferences for the amelioration of war.</p> + +<p>Since a conference of nations can meet and decide on +the mitigation of the horrors of war, it is certainly conceivable +that a tribunal of nations can prevent war. +Such a tribunal would in no respect differ from the +Supreme Court of the United States in its fundamental +foundations. As our Supreme Court is final in settling +all disputes in this country, so the international court +would be final in adjusting all controversies between the +nations. And such a court is clearly the next decisive +step in the promotion of this great task of securing +world-peace.</p> + +<p>If nations can agree to establish war as their arbiter +of peace, why can they not establish a more peaceful +substitute? It is possible, for there is nothing in the +nature of strife that cannot be settled, no quarrel that +cannot be judged, no difficulty that cannot be satisfactorily +adjusted.</p> + +<p>With the establishment of a true world-court, there +would rise on the vision of the nations for the first time +the prospect of justice for the united whole of mankind. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Page 164]</a></span> +Justice to the smaller countries would be secured; encroachments +by the strong upon the weak would be prevented; +the moral standard of politics would be uplifted; +and though every step would be exposed to the selfishness, +corruption, and love of despotism that are prevalent +in all men, yet is it not reasonable to suppose that, +as progress is now being made in the various nations +for overcoming these evils, so it would be made in this +united whole, to the unspeakable benefit of mankind?</p> + +<p>This country has been foremost in the promotion of +this great movement to organize the world. It is especially +fitting that the United States should take the lead. +The greatest nation having a government of the people +and by the people, with the longest experience and the +greatest success, is best fitted to lead others. We have +the form of national government which foreshadows the +form of world-government. Theoretically, our states are +sovereign; all rights which are not formally surrendered +by accepting the Constitution of the United States are +reserved to them. In a like manner, referring to the +establishment of a world-court, the nations individually +will be expected to surrender to the nations collectively +only such jurisdiction as pertains to the settling of +their controversies.</p> + +<p>A world-court would appeal to the strongest, the purest, +and the deepest thinkers of every race. It would +cover a new field, appealing to reason and altruism and +justice. It would by its very effect upon individuals +tend to develop the qualities it demands, and would +prove a mighty influence for uplifting the intellectual +and moral standards not only of men but nations. It +would by its very international nature annihilate all +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Page 165]</a></span> +national antipathies and promote an era of universal +good will and genuine understanding.</p> + +<p>To send a husband or father, glorious in the perfection +of physical manhood, out on the field of carnage to be +slain in an effort to settle international difficulty or to +uphold fancied national honor, is unquestionable barbarism. +It is far more humane to terminate disputed +questions by arbitration than by the keen-edged sword. +International peace compacts can hold mankind together +by unbreakable yet unburdensome bonds and greatly +promote prosperity and social progress. The wanton woe +and waste that inevitably follow in the train of war will +soon be things of the past. The twentieth century, already +so full of radiant promise, so enlivened by a new +social conscience, will devote its collective energies to +the abolition of war and the substitution of its successor—a +world-court, based on the facts of humane solidarity +and the principles of international peace.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Page 166]</a></span></p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Page 167]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_PRESENT_STATUS_OF_INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION" id="THE_PRESENT_STATUS_OF_INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION"></a>THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION</h2> + +<p style='text-align:center;'>By <span class="smcap">Bryant Smith</span>, Guilford College, North Carolina, a +Senior in Guilford College<br/> + +<small>Prize-Winning Essay in the Pugsley Contest, 1912-1913</small></p> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Page 168]</a></span></p> +<h4>THE PUGSLEY PRIZE-ESSAY CONTESTS</h4> + +<p><small>In 1908 Mr. Chester DeWitt Pugsley, then an undergraduate +student in Harvard University, gave $50 as a prize to be offered +by the Lake Mohonk Conference for the best essay on "International +Arbitration" by an undergraduate student of an American +college. The prize was won by L. B. Bobbitt of Baltimore, +a sophomore in Johns Hopkins University. The following year +(1909-1910) a similar prize, of $100, was won by George Knowles +Gardner of Worcester, Massachusetts, a Harvard sophomore. +A like prize of $100 in 1910-1911 was won by Harry Posner of +West Point, Mississippi, a senior in the Mississippi Agricultural +and Mechanical College.</small></p> + +<p><small>The prize of 1911-1912, of which John K. Starkweather of Denver, +Colorado, a junior in Brown University, was the winner, was +the first offered to men students only (other similar prizes having +been offered to women students) in the United States and Canada.</small></p> + +<p><small>In the fifth Pugsley contest (1912-1913) the prize was awarded +to Bryant Smith of Guilford College, North Carolina, a senior in +Guilford College at the same place, whose essay follows. The +judges were Chancellor Elmer Ellsworth Brown of New York +University, Rollo Ogden, editor of the New York <i>Evening Post</i>, +and Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles, U.S.A., retired.</small></p> + +<p><small>Each winner is invited to the Lake Mohonk Conference next +following, where he publicly receives the prize from its donor, +Mr. Pugsley.</small></p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Page 169]</a></span></p> +<h2>THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION</h2> + + +<p>The first concerted effort looking toward an eventual world-wide peace +was the Hague Conference of 1899, where representatives of twenty-six +nations assembled in response to a rescript from the Czar of Russia, +whose avowed purpose, as set forth in the rescript, was to discuss +ways and, if possible, devise means, to arrest the alarming increase +in expenditures for armaments which threatened to bankrupt the +national governments.</p> + +<p>Unable to accomplish anything definite in this respect because of the +vigorous opposition headed by Germany, the delegates turned their +attention toward giving official recognition and concrete form to +ideas which had already obtained in the settlement of international +disputes, and toward the formation of a court before which the nations +might have their differences adjudicated. The principles embodied in +good offices and mediation and commissions of inquiry have given +gratifying evidence of their efficiency, each in its respective +capacity. The original achievement of the conference, however, was the +Permanent Court of Arbitration. The composition of this court was to +include not more than four persons from each of the signatory powers; +from which panel, in case of an appeal to arbitration, each party was +to select two judges, who, in turn, should elect their own umpire +unless otherwise provided by the disputants. That it would +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Page 170]</a></span> +be subject to criticism might have been expected. That twenty-six nations +could unanimously agree upon any court whatever was the real occasion for +surprise. The four cases arbitrated during the eight years intervening +between this and the Second Hague Conference served to bring out its +defects, chief of which were its decentralized and intangible nature. +Nominally a court, in reality it was but a panel scattered all over +the world from which a court could, with great difficulty and expense, +be selected. Nominally permanent, in reality it had to be re-created +for each case to be judged.</p> + +<p>The Second Hague Conference, working on a basis of this short +experience, undertook to remedy these inherent defects in the arbitral +machinery by leaving the Permanent Court just as it was, and by +creating besides an International Court of Prize to serve a special +function indicated by its name, and a court of Judicial Arbitration to +supplement the work of, if not eventually to supplant, the former +court. To insure greater impartiality and also to encourage the weaker +powers the expenses of the new court, instead of falling upon the +litigants in each case, were to be prorated among the ratifying +powers. To insure greater tangibility and permanency the new court was +to be composed of only seventeen members, each to serve a term of +twelve years at a salary of $2400 per annum, with an additional $40 +for each day of actual service. Furthermore, the court was to meet +once a year and to elect each year a delegation of three of its +members to sit at The Hague for settling minor cases arising in the +interval between regular sessions, having the power also to call extra +sessions of the entire court whenever occasion should +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Page 171]</a></span> +demand. To insure a more judicial personnel the convention specifies +that members shall be qualified to hold high legal posts in their +respective countries. The method by which members of the court were to +be appointed—the one point upon which the delegates were unable +to agree—was deferred for subsequent determination.</p> + +<p>This, in addition to the one hundred and fifty-odd treaties privately +entered into by two or more nations, many of which contain pledges to +submit certain classes of disputes to the Permanent Court, is, in +brief, what has been accomplished by way of constructive political +organization by the modern peace movement.</p> + +<p>How much does this signify? In view of the present attitude of the +social mind, what are we to infer from this as bearing upon the +ultimate outcome of international arbitration? It shall be the purpose +of this paper to answer that question.</p> + +<p>In an address before the Mohonk Conference of 1911 Dr. Cyrus Northrup, +ex-president of the University of Minnesota, said: "What is really +wanted is not continued talking in favor of peace with the idea of +converting the people; for the people are already converted! They are +ready for peace and arbitration!" In the October number of the <i>Review +of Reviews</i> for 1909, Privy Councillor Karl von Stengel, one of the +German delegation to the First Hague Conference, is quoted as follows: +"It must be stated emphatically that in its ultimate aims the peace +movement is not only ... Utopian, but ... dangerous...." These +quotations are given as typical of the attitude manifested by the two +extremes, the injudiciously optimistic and the ultraconservative, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Page 172]</a></span> +toward every social reform. All true progress pursues a course +intermediate to these two.</p> + +<p>The idea entertained by so many enthusiastic peace advocates, that the +world is ready for peace if we but had institutional facilities +adequate to carry out the will of the people, is erroneous. In all +democratic states political institutions are but a concrete expression +of the social mind, the media created by the people, through which +society executes its will. "With a given phase of human character ... +there must go an adapted class of institutions."<a name="FNanchor_1_11" id="FNanchor_1_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_11" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +Therefore, I submit that if the people were ready for peace they +could easily provide the means necessary for its accomplishment.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_11" id="Footnote_1_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_11"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +Herbert Spencer, "The Study of Sociology."</p></div> + +<p>The first gentleman quoted above drew his conclusion from the +indications that of the two million inhabitants of his state, one +million nine hundred thousand would favor arbitration as shown by the +enthusiasm manifested at a meeting of the state peace society a few +weeks before. Similar conditions in other parts of the country, he +thought, would corroborate the application of his assertion to the +entire country. Such a conclusion is fallacious in that it fails to +consider three essential facts about the people of the United States +which largely determine the attitude of any people toward war. First, +they have no grievance. Second, no appeal is being made to their +patriotic bias. Third, their emotions and passions are quiescent.</p> + +<p>The first of these needs only brief mention. No people in this enlightened +age wishes to fight as a matter of course, regardless of any reasonable +pretext. If nations never had any personal interests involved, there would, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Page 173]</a></span> +of course, be no more war. In this respect the people of the United +States are not ahead of the other parts of the civilized world. Disinterested +parties have been in favor of peace for two thousand years.</p> + +<p>The other two facts deserve more extended consideration.</p> + +<p>The disposition in individuals to pluck motes out of their neighbors' +eyes and leave beams in their own, in the nation becomes what Herbert +Spencer calls the bias of patriotism. According to him patriotism is +but an extended self-interest. We love our country because our own +interests and our country's interests are one. Unable to view +international affairs apart from national interests, we are +handicapped in making those balanced judgments necessary to judicial +arbitration. An act reprehensible under the Union Jack becomes +patriotic under the Stars and Stripes. At both Hague Conferences all +the powers were seemingly in favor of curtailing expenditures for +armaments. The unprecedented increase in expenditures which followed +bespeaks their sincerity, or, rather, bespeaks each nation's mistrust +of the sincerity of others. A number of years ago the Farmers' +Alliance, organized in some of the Southern tobacco states, voted to +reduce the acreage of tobacco for a given year in order to raise the +price. So many members tried to profit by this opportunity to realize +a high price for a big crop that there was a greater acreage planted +that year than ever before. Can we expect better of groups than of the +individuals of which the groups are composed? Most nations question +the justice of Russia's policy leading up to the war with Japan, England's +course in South Africa, and America's attitude toward the Philippines; yet the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Page 174]</a></span> +body of citizens of each of these three countries, while concurring in +the general opinion concerning the other two, justifies its own +government's actions with patriotic pride.</p> + +<p>The chief respect in which this bias interferes with the progress of +international arbitration is in restricting the scope of general +arbitration treaties, the average formula of such treaties excluding +all questions which involve "national honor and vital interests." A +greatly modified survival of the spirit which in primitive peoples +regarded the tribe over the mountain or across the stream as a fit +object of hatred and fear, the objection to a judicial settlement of +such questions assumes that a nation's honor and vital interests are +goods peculiar in that they may be inconsistent with justice. The +attitude of the United States toward the recently proposed treaty +between England and America may be taken as typical of the attitude +which prevails on this subject generally. The formulators of the +treaty took an advanced step in that, instead of reserving questions +of national honor and vital interests, they provided for the +arbitration of all differences which are "justiciable in their nature +by reason of being susceptible of decision by the application of +principles of law or equity," thereby recognizing the judicial nature +of arbitration. The action of the Senate, however, which sustained the +opinion of the majority report of the Senate Committee on Foreign +Relations, objecting to the last clause of Article III of the +treaty,<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id="FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Page 175]</a></span> +would indicate that the significance of a general arbitration treaty +attaches not so much to the definition of its scope as to who shall +determine what cases conform to the definition. It would seem that the +nature of the reservation is relatively unimportant so long as its +interpretation devolves upon the parties at variance. The majority +report, objecting to the delegation to the joint high commission of +the power to determine the arbitrability of cases in terms of the +treaty, contains this statement<a name="FNanchor_1_13" id="FNanchor_1_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_13" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +in which the minority report likewise concurs: "Every one agrees that +there are certain questions which no nation ... will ever submit to +the decision of any one else." As cases of this nature it enumerates +territorial integrity, admission of immigrants, and our Monroe +Doctrine. The significance of this insistence upon a means of evasion +is evident. There is not yet enough international confidence. The +powers are not yet ready to submit to unlimited arbitration.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> +The clause, referring to the commission of inquiry, reads:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"It is further agreed, however, that in cases in which the Parties +disagree as to whether or not a difference is subject to arbitration +under Article I of this Treaty, that question shall be submitted to +the Joint High Commission of Inquiry; and if all or all but one of the +members of the Commission agree and report that such difference is +within the scope of Article I, it shall be referred to arbitration in +accordance with the provisions of this treaty."—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_13" id="Footnote_1_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_13"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> +See Senate Document 98, 62d Cong., 1st Sess., 9-10.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>The other enemy to rational judgment—and rational judgment must be +the only basis of arbitration—is the danger of emotionalism. The +average man is yet largely irrational. When cool and self-possessed, +and when his prejudices and traditions do not interfere, he can pass +rational judgment upon questions in which his own interests are not +concerned; but when his passions are aroused he dispenses with any +effort to reason and acts in obedience to blind impulse. He knows that +it is expensive to fight, that it is dangerous, and that it is wrong; +but when he is provoked, he fights. The characteristics of the average +man are the characteristics of society. We have not yet outgrown the mob.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Page 176]</a></span> +Interwoven with this impulsive temperament and associated with some of +the most cherished affections of the human heart is the spirit of war, +developed by thousands of generations of ancestral conflict and passed +on to us as a heritage to be rooted out of our nature before we shall +realize in its fullness the ideal for which we strive. Mortal conflict +sanctified by religion, devastation idealized by literature, pillage +justified by patriotism, fellow-destruction ennobled by +self-sacrifice—these form a complex of contradictory emotions from +which men are as yet unable to unravel the one essential +characteristic of war; namely, the attempt to dispense justice in a +trial by battle, and make it stand out in its revealed inconsistency, +dissociated from its traditional concomitants of which it is neither +part nor parcel. The romance of knighthood and chivalry still appeals +to the human heart, notwithstanding the fact that war, love, and +religion, the knight's creed, are an inconsistent combination. Most +men can be made to see this in their minds, but cannot be made to feel +it in their souls. Many old Civil War veterans, who would not consent +for their sons to volunteer in the Spanish-American War, would have +gone themselves had they been able. Some did go. To men so disposed it +is useless to talk of the horrors of war. Give us a just grievance; +let some competent enthusiast inflame this passion with a war cry like +"Remember the Maine," "Fifty-four forty or fight," "Liberty or death," +and, reënforced by the animal inherent in man, it will arouse popular +demonstrations devoid of all reason, creating a force that cannot be +controlled by a cold, calculating intellect. Can you listen to a bugle +call on a clear, still night without a quickening of the pulse +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Page 177]</a></span> +as there flashes through your soul a suggestion of all past history with +its marshaling hosts and heroic deeds? Can you see a military parade +without a suggestion of "Dixie" and the Star Spangled Banner, or +feeling your bosom swell with patriotic pride? This association may +be, and doubtless is, a delusion, but it is a delusion developed and +fortified by thousands of years of custom and precedent and it would +be contrary to the history of human progress if man should become +disillusionized in one generation. It may take centuries. If we are to +have international arbitration in the near future, we must have it in +spite of this spirit of war rather than by destroying the spirit. In +fact, the only practical way to destroy it is to let it, like +vestigial organs of which biologists tell us, degenerate from disuse. +This inherited emotional tendency remains as a threat with which we, +as exponents of arbitration, must reckon before we are justified in +saying that the world is ready for peace.</p> + +<p>Because of these two social characteristics—the patriotic bias which +perverts judgment, and uncontrolled passions which submerge +reason—the educational propagandists still have a task to perform.</p> + +<p>Let us now examine the stand-pat idea that unlimited arbitration is +but a dream as expressed in the quotation from Privy Councillor +Stengel. This is farther from the truth than the other extreme just +discussed. He who will, with an unprejudiced mind, examine cross +sections of history at widely separated stages, cannot fail to see +that along with the growing tendency of reason to predominate over +passion, superstition, and custom there has been a parallel tendency +to restrict militarism as a social activity. From a war conceived as +religion to war +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Page 178]</a></span> +as patriotism, then war as commercialism and the tool +of ambition, man is now coming to the more rational conception of war +as the despoiler of nations. David speaks of the "season of the year" +when nations went forth to battle. Fifteen hundred years later +governments pretended at least to justify their military operations on +rational grounds. To-day war is the last resort, and even its most +ardent defenders do not attempt to justify it except in disputes which +involve national honor and vital interests.</p> + +<p>In view of the foregoing facts it is evident that the modern peace +movement has by no means the whole of the task to perform. Rather, we +can almost justify ourselves in the assumption that war is not long to +remain one of our social inconsistencies and that it is now making its +last, and, therefore, most determined, stand on questions of national +honor and vital interests.</p> + +<p>Among the numerous forces contributing to this evolution of +international peace, the chief agencies have been, and still are, +moral and industrial. These same forces are working to-day with +cumulative effect.</p> + +<p>Warfare is becoming more and more inconsistent with the ethical spirit +of the times. Men may talk of the expenses, horrors, and devastations +of war as paramount causes for the tendency to substitute arbitration; +but antedating all other causes, underlying and strengthening all +others, is the slowly changing social conscience which, as each +generation passes, appreciates more fully warfare's inconsistency with +justice and antagonism to right. This same cause found civilized +society taking keen delight in the heathen barbarity of a gladiatorial +combat, and has transformed and lifted it up to where +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Page 179]</a></span> +it is horrified at a bull-baiting or a prize fight. It found human +beings with absolute power of life and death over other human beings +and has evolved the view that all men are created free and equal. It +found individuals settling questions of honor by a resort to arms, and +has substituted therefor a judge, counsel, and a jury. These three +institutions—gladiatorial combats, slavery, and +dueling—were no more regarded in their day as only temporary +phenomena of social evolution than is war so regarded by military +sympathizers of to-day; yet these have one by one been eliminated, and +war is fast becoming as much out of harmony with the ethical spirit of +this age as was each of the above out of harmony with the spirit of +the age which dispensed with it, and the effort to demonstrate that +war is just as dispensable is meeting with success. The teachings of +Christ, who two thousand years ago announced the doctrine of human +brotherhood and surrendered his life to make this doctrine effective, +have slowly but surely wrought their leavening influence upon the +source of all war; namely, the hearts of men. Warfare has for +centuries been gradually yielding to this deepening consciousness and +that it must eventually, if not soon, take its place beside the +long-discarded gladiatorial profession, the outlawed slave trade, and +the discountenanced custom of the duelist must be evident to any one +who takes more than a superficial view of the great determining forces +which shape human progress.</p> + +<p>Besides moral forces, industrial forces were mentioned as a factor +tending to the adoption of arbitration. During recent times, under the +impetus caused by the relatively modern innovations of steam, electricity, and the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Page 180]</a></span> +press, this class of causes has been unusually +effective. Industry has overstepped international boundary lines. +Through the division of labor we are passing from the independence of +nations to the interdependence of nations. International banking, +transportation, and commerce, by establishing communities of interest +in all parts of the world, are binding the peoples of the earth into +one great industrial organization. As striking evidence of this +development, more than one hundred and fifty international +associations<a name="FNanchor_1_14" id="FNanchor_1_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_14" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +and more than thirty-five international unions of +states have been formed. The modern intricate system of communication +is a veritable nervous system which, in the event of any local +paralysis or upheaval, informs the entire industrial organism. The +figure is no longer "the shot heard, round the world," but becomes +"the pulse-beat felt, round the world." If Spencer's definition of +patriotism—that is, coextensive with personal interests—is correct, +the bias of patriotism cannot retard the progress of arbitration much +longer, for patriotism will be a world-wide feeling, since personal +interests are no longer restricted to nationality.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_14" id="Footnote_1_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_14"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> +"Annuaire de la Vie Internationale," 1910-1911, reports on 510.—<i>Editor.</i></p></div> + +<p>No, Herr Stengel, each passing year finds the causes which make for +war weakened and the causes which make for arbitration proportionately +reënforced. The skeptics are the dreamers and the peace workers are +the practical men of affairs.</p> + +<p>From the foregoing synopsis of the technical accomplishments of the +modern peace movement to date, and from the effort to interpret their +significance in the light of fundamental social characteristics and +the present social attitude, I trust three things have become evident:</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Page 181]</a></span> +<i>First.</i> The movement for international peace through arbitration, far +from being a mere bubble on the surface of society to be burst by the +first war cloud which appears on the horizon, is a movement, centuries +old, coincident with social evolution, deep-rooted in the very nature +of a developing world-wide civilization.</p> + +<p><i>Second.</i> International peace through arbitration is not to be a +ready-made affair, coming in on the crest of some wave of popular +enthusiasm as was expected by many in 1899.</p> + +<p><i>Third.</i> Being an outgrowth of the natural laws of human development, +a result so much deeper and more fundamental than political laws can +produce, international peace through arbitration may be furthered, but +cannot be accomplished, by legislation; may be delayed, but cannot be +prevented, by the neglect to legislate. To undertake to hasten +arbitration by forcing legislative proceedings beyond what the people +will indorse, would be as futile as to turn up the hands of the clock +to hasten the passage of time.</p> + +<p>To those who can appreciate these facts there is no occasion for +discouragement in the suspicious attitude manifested by the powers +toward any definite step in the direction of unrestricted arbitration, +apparently so inconsistent with their general pacific professions. +"Rapid growth and quickly accomplished reforms are necessarily +unsound, incomplete, and disappointing."<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id="FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> +F. H. Giddings, "The Elements of Sociology."</p></div> + +<p>With the truth of these deductions granted, it would seem safe to assume +that the institutions for the settlement of international difficulties will +develop in much the same way as have the institutions for the settlement +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Page 182]</a></span> +of difficulties between individuals. It should be profitable, +therefore, to compare the present growth of arbitration with the +evolution and decay of the various modes of trial as the idea of +judicial settlement diffused itself through the mind of the English +people causing established forms to give way to something better. +Dispensing with the blood feud, which hardly deserves the name of +trial, the oldest form of such institution was trial by ordeal which, +according to Thayer in his "Evidence at the Common Law," seems to have +been "indigenous with the human creature in the earliest stages of his +development." This form gradually fell into disuse before the more +rational form of compurgation introduced into Teutonic courts in the +fifth century. In 1215 it was formally abolished. Compurgation was +abolished in 1440 as its inferiority to trial by witnesses became +fully recognized. In the latter form, instituted early in the ninth +century, when the witnesses disagreed the judicial talent of the day +conceived of no other method of decision than to fight it out. Thus we +have trial by witnesses and trial by battle developing concurrently, +although they were recognized as distinct forms. After two centuries +of effort to abolish it, trial by battle was made illegal in 1833, the +last case recorded as being so decided occurring in 1835. Out of the +trial by witnesses has evolved our modern trial by jury, at first +limited to certain unimportant cases, then having its sphere extended +as its superiority became more evident, until finally it superseded +all other forms and to-day is the accepted mode of settling even +questions of honor.</p> + +<p>The growth and extension of international arbitration has not been +dissimilar to this. Six cases were arbitrated +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Page 183]</a></span> +in the eighteenth century, four hundred and seventy-one in the +nineteenth, while more than one hundred and fifty cases have been +arbitrated during the first thirteen years of the twentieth century. +Between the First and Second Hague Conferences only four uses were +submitted to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Since the Second +Conference, notwithstanding the unsatisfactory disposition of the +Venezuelan affair, eight cases have been tried, a ninth is pending, a +tenth will soon be docketed if the United States is not to act the +hypocrite in her international relations by refusing to submit to +England's request to arbitrate the question as to whether or no we +exempt our coastwise vessels from toll duty through the Panama Canal. +Defects have been detected in the Permanent Court of Arbitration and +we are well on the way toward a better court. Representatives of only +twenty-six nations took part in the deliberations of the First Hague +Conference; representatives of forty-four nations took part in the +deliberations of the Second Hague Conference. Wars of aggression and +conquest, though not formally outlawed, are effectively so, and +arbitration for the recovery of contract debts is now practically +obligatory. As time passes and its feasibility gains credence, +arbitration, like the jury trial, will extend its sphere of usefulness +until it too settles questions of honor. Nor need we imply from this +analogy that it will take such an age to accomplish this result. +Because of the increased mobility of society, resulting from the greater +like-mindedness and consciousness of kind incident to our modern +communities of interests and systems of communication, and from our +greater susceptibility to rational rather than traditional appeals, a reform +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Page 184]</a></span> +can be wrought more easily and the people can adjust themselves to the +change far more readily than several centuries ago.</p> + +<p>Bearing in mind, then, our attempted analysis of counter social forces +at work, our deductions from this analysis and the foregoing analogy +the significance of which grows out of the truth of these deductions, +let us conclude with a suggestion as to what the next Hague Conference +should attempt. It should, of course, like the former Conferences, +extract as many teeth as possible from war. As to improving our +arbitration facilities, its first task evidently should be to +determine some method whereby members of the Judicial Arbitration +Court shall be apportioned and selected. If, as has been suggested, it +is decided to use the same scheme of apportionment as that for the +International Court of Prize, the provision that each party to a case +shall have a representative on the bench should be changed so as to +provide that neither party shall have a representative on the bench. +If this court is not to be a misnomer like the Permanent Court of +Arbitration, its rulings must be in accord with the principles of +jurisprudence rather than with the spirit of compromise such a +provision would tend to produce. With this accomplished and the +Judicial Court of Arbitration put in practical working order "of free +and easy access" to the powers, it may be doubted whether anything +further can be done. If the powers can be made to agree to submit to +the court all cases growing out of the disputed interpretation of +treaties, a great advance will have been made, but it is doubtful +whether the present state of public opinion would indorse such a +progressive step. These international +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Page 185]</a></span> +legislators can do no more than provide channels through which the +spirit of international peace can exercise itself as it expands, and +the Judicial Court of Arbitration, at the optional use of the nations, +conforms admirably to this requirement. The delegates should, +therefore, avoid the universal tendency of such bodies to legislate +too much. None of these Hague Conferences can alone accomplish the +ultimate purpose of the so-called dreamers, but each Conference may be +a landmark on the upward journey toward that consummation, anticipated +by Utopians from the earliest times, foretold by prophets from Micah +and Isaiah to Robert Burns and Tennyson, labored for by practical +statesmen from Hugo Grotius to William H. Taft, when each man shall be +a native of his state and a citizen of the world.</p> + + +<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4> + + +<p>For acts and conventions of Hague Conferences:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Texts of the Peace Conferences" by James Brown Scott.</p></div> + +<p>For data concerning proposed treaty with England:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Text of treaty and majority and minority reports of Senate +Committee on Foreign Relations.</p></div> + +<p>For statistics of arbitration treaties:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Revised List of Arbitration Treaties," compiled by Denys +P. Myers.</p></div> + +<p>For development of trial by jury:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Evidence at the Common Law" by Thayer.</p></div> + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association, by Intercollegiate Peace Association + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORATIONS--INTERCOLL. PEACE ASSOC. *** + +***** This file should be named 30150-h.htm or 30150-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/0/1/5/30150/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Ritu Aggarwal and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate Peace Association + +Author: Intercollegiate Peace Association + +Editor: Stephen F. Weston + +Release Date: October 1, 2009 [EBook #30150] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORATIONS--INTERCOLL. PEACE ASSOC. *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Ritu Aggarwal and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + + + + +TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES: + + + Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_. + + The word "amoeba" uses oe ligature in the original on page 94. + + For consistency, a period has been added at the end of the word + "Editor" in some footnotes where it was missing. + + The following misprints have been corrected: + "spendid" corrected to "splendid" (page 78) + "stumblingblock" corrected to "stumbling block" (page 90) + "can can" corrected to "can" (page 140) + + Other than corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in + spelling, punctuation, hyphenation and ligature usage have been + retained. + + + + + PRIZE ORATIONS + OF THE + INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + + EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION + BY + STEPHEN F. WESTON, PH.D. + EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE ASSOCIATION + PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, ANTIOCH COLLEGE + YELLOW SPRINGS, OHIO + + + + FOREWORD BY + CHARLES F. THWING + + + BOSTON + THE WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION + 1914 + + + + + THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED + TO THE + MISSES MARY AND HELEN SEABURY + WHOSE INTEREST AND ASSISTANCE + HAVE MADE POSSIBLE THE ORATIONS OF THE + INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + FOREWORD vii + By CHARLES F. THWING, President of the Association + + THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION 1 + By STEPHEN F. WESTON, Executive Secretary of the Association + + THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE 25 + By PAUL SMITH, DePauw University, Indiana + + THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE 35 + By GLENN PORTER WISHARD, Northwestern University, Illinois + + THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE 45 + By LEVI T. PENNINGTON, Earlham College, Indiana + + THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE 55 + By ARTHUR FORAKER YOUNG, Western Reserve University, Ohio + + THE HOPE OF PEACE 65 + By STANLEY H. HOWE, Albion College, Michigan + + THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR 73 + By PERCIVAL V. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan + + NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS 81 + By RUSSELL WEISMAN, Western Reserve University, Ohio + + THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM 91 + By PAUL B. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan + + CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT 101 + By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Maryland + + THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE 111 + By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Illinois + + EDUCATION FOR PEACE 121 + By FRANCIS J. LYONS, University of Texas + + NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE 129 + By LOUIS BROIDO, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania + + THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT 137 + By RALPH D. LUCAS, Knox College, Illinois + + MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE 147 + By VICTOR MORRIS, University of Oregon + + THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 157 + By HAROLD HUSTED, Ottawa University, Kansas + + THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 167 + By BRYANT SMITH, Guilford College, North Carolina + + + + +FOREWORD + + +These orations are selected from hundreds of similar addresses spoken +in recent years by hundreds of students in American colleges. I +believe it is not too bold to say that they represent the highest +level of undergraduate thinking and speaking. They are worthy +interpreters of the cause of peace, but they are, as well, noble +illustrations of the type of intellectual and moral culture of +American students. Whoever reads them will, I believe, become more +optimistic, not only over the early fulfillment of the dreams of peace +among nations, but also over the intellectual and ethical condition of +academic life. + +For the simple truth is that the cause of peace makes an appeal of +peculiar force to the undergraduate. It appeals to his imagination. +This imagination is at once historic and prophetic. War makes an +appeal to the historic imagination of the student. His study of Greek +and Roman history has been devoted too largely to the wars that these +peoples waged. Marathon, Salamis, Carthage, are names altogether too +familiar and significant. By contrast he sees what this history, which +is written in blood, might have become. If the millions of men slain +had been permitted to live, and if the uncounted treasure spent had +been economically used, the results in the history of civilization +would have been far richer and nobler. He notes, too, does this +student, that if the last decades of the eighteenth century and the +first decades of the nineteenth had been free from wars in Europe, +humanity would now have attained a far higher level of physical and +intellectual strength. The historic imagination of the student +pictures, as his reason interprets, such conditions. His prophetic +imagination likewise exercises its creative function. The student sees +nations to-day dwelling in armed truces and moving to and fro as a +soldiery actual or possible. He realizes that war puts up what +civilization puts down, and puts down what civilization elevates. He +reads the lamented Robertson's great lecture on the poetry of war, but +he knows also, as Robertson intimates, that "peace is blessed; peace +arises out of charity." The poetry of peace is more entrancing than +the poetry of carnage. To this primary element in the mind of the +undergraduate--the imagination--our great cause therefore makes an +appeal of peculiar earnestness. + +To the reason of the college man, also, the cause of peace makes a +peculiar appeal through its simple logic. War is most illogical. It +breaks the law of the proper interpretation of causality. When two +nations of adjacent territory cannot agree over a boundary line, why +should settlement be made in terms of physical force? When two nations +fail to see eye to eye in adjusting the questions of certain fishing +rights, why should they incarnadine the seas in seeking for the truth +to be applied in settlement? In civil disputes, why, asks the student, +should rifles be employed to discover truth and right? War is an +intellectual anachronism, a breach of logic. Of course, one may reply, +humanity is not logical in its reasoning any more than it is exact in +its observing. Of course it is not; but the college is set to cast +out the rule of no-reason and to bring in the reign of reason. Peace +furnishes a motive and a method of such advancement. Peace is logic +for the individual and for the nation. + +The illogical character of war is also made evident by the contrast +between the college man as a thinker and war itself. The college man +who thinks sees truth broadly; war interprets life narrowly, at the +point of the bayonet. The college man who thinks sees truth deeply; +war makes its primary appeal to the superficial love of glory, of +pomp, and of circumstance. The college man who thinks sees truth in +its highest relations; war is hell. The college man who thinks sees +truth in long ranges and in far-off horizons; war is emotional, and +the warrior flings the years into the hours. The college man who +thinks, thinks accurately, with logic, with reason; war does not +think--it strikes. "Strike," the college man may also say, "but hear!" +he cries; "yes, think." If the college can make the student think, it +has created the greatest force for making the world and the age a +world and an age of peace. + +It is plain enough, too, that the economic side of war makes a +tremendous appeal to the student. The cost of the battleship _Indiana_ +was practically $6,000,000; the total value of grounds and buildings +of the colleges and universities in Indiana is slightly more than +$7,000,000, and the productive funds are $4,000,000. The total cost of +the battleship _Oregon_ was more than $6,500,000; the total value of +grounds and buildings of the universities and colleges of Oregon is +less than $2,000,000, and the productive funds amount to hardly more +than $2,000,000. The cost of the battleship _Iowa_ was nearly +$6,000,000, and the productive funds of all the colleges and +universities of the state are only $5,000,000. The battleship +_Kentucky_ cost $5,000,000; in the colleges of that state the total +amount of productive funds is only $2,000,000, and the total value of +grounds and buildings, $3,000,000. The battleship _Alabama_ cost more +than $4,500,000, and the entire property, real and personal, of all +the universities and colleges in that state is less than $4,000,000. +The cost of the battleship _Wisconsin_ was more than $4,500,000; the +whole value of all grounds and buildings of the colleges and +universities of the state is only slightly more than $7,000,000. The +battleship _Maine_ cost more than $5,000,000, and the entire value in +grounds, buildings, and productive funds of the colleges and +universities of that state is little more than $5,000,000. + +The value of the buildings of five hundred colleges and universities +in this country was estimated in a recent year at $262,000,000, and +the productive funds at $357,000,000. Leaving out those now in course +of construction, the total cost of the battleships and armored +cruisers of the United States named after individual states is +$325,000,000. + +The cost of maintaining these battleships during the fiscal year of +1910, though many were in commission but a small part of the year, +amounted to no less than $33,000,000. The amount which all the +colleges and universities in this country received in tuition fees in +1911 was only $20,000,000; and the entire income received both from +fees and productive funds was only about $34,000,000. In other words, +when one takes into account the depreciation of the battleship or +armored cruiser, the entire cost of the thirty-eight battleships for a +single year is greater than the administration of the entire American +system of higher education. + +Is it not painfully manifest that the cost of war constitutes a mighty +argument for the economic mind of the student? + +Moreover, I am inclined to believe that the very difficulties +belonging to the triumph of our great cause constitute ground for its +closer relationship to the college man. The college man wishes, as +well as needs, a hard job. The easy task, the rosy opportunity, makes +no appeal. He is like Garibaldi's soldiers, who, when the choice was +once offered them by the commander to surrender to ease and safety, +chose hardship and peril. The Boxer revolution in China was followed +by hundreds of applications from college men and women to be sent +forth to China to take the place of the martyrs. The difficulties in +the progress of the great cause are of every sort and condition. +Industrial narrowness and commercial greed, military and political +ambitions, sectional zeal, national jealousy, the sensitiveness of +each nation in matters of national honor, the glamour of the good and +the beautiful under the sentiment of patriotism, the historic honor +attending death for one's country, the ease of creating war scares +among the people, the looseness of the organization of the higher +forces of the world--all these conditions and more pile up into a +Pelion on Ossa as a part of the difficulties standing in the progress +of our great movement. But such difficulties inspire rather than +deter. The student says, "I will; therefore I can." He also says, "I +can; therefore I will." He knows that the forces fighting for him are +more than those that fight against him, strong as these are. Man in +his noblest relationships, the songs of the poet (the best +interpreter, from Homer and Virgil to the "Winepress" of Alfred +Noyes), the torture, the pains, the sufferings, the woes, the vision +of the prophet of a loving and perfect humanity, the reason of +logic--all these and more are to him inspirations, and strengthen him +in his great quest. He is a knight of the Holy Grail that is filled +from the river of the water of life. + +Perhaps, furthermore, the cause makes its most impressive appeal to +the collegian in its internationalism, or interpatriotism. This +internationalism addresses itself to his own international +appreciation. The collegian is a patriot. He is a patriot not only +against a foreign country but often against certain parts of his own +country--loyal to the interests which he believes a section of his own +nation properly represents. The German students have fought for their +Fatherland; they have also fought for the liberal sentiments of their +own land against reactionary movements, as in 1848. In the American +Civil War no brighter record is to be found than is embodied in the +tablets in Memorial Hall, Cambridge, or in Memorial Hall, Chapel Hill, +University of North Carolina. But the collegian possesses the +international sense, and possesses it more and more deeply with each +passing decade. His is the international mind, interpreting phenomena +in terms of common justice. His is the international heart, feeling +the universal joys and sorrows, woes and exultations. His is the +international will, seeking to do good to all men. His is the +international conscience, weighing right and duty in the scales of +divine humanity. Whatever interpretation he gives to the sayings of +Paul that God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of the +earth and has fixed the bounds of their habitation,--whether he stops +with the words "the face of the earth" or whether he goes on to +interpret the limitations of their residence,--it is nevertheless true +that his mind, his heart, his will, and his conscience do go out +toward all nations in their endeavor to realize their highest racial +and interracial peace. No man is a foreigner to him. + +I have, I trust, said enough to intimate that these orations arise out +of a natural and normal condition of the student mind and heart. They +also, in subject as well as in origin, bear a special message of cheer +and hopefulness to all who have a good will toward the collegian and +toward the great cause for which we all are laboring. + + CHARLES F. THWING + _President_ + + WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY + CLEVELAND, OHIO + + + + +PRIZE ORATIONS + +THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PEACE ASSOCIATION + + +_Origin._ In the autumn of 1904 President Noah E. Byers of Goshen +College, Goshen, Indiana, a Mennonite college, invited to a conference +representatives of all the colleges in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio +that are conducted by those religious denominations that advocate +nonresistance as one of their essential religious principles. Such +bodies are the Mennonites, the Dunkards, and the Quakers. In the +spring of 1905 a more specific invitation was sent out, with the +result that a conference was held at Goshen College, June 22-23, 1905. +This date is important, since the call of President Byers for such a +conference was the first active step ever taken to interest the +college world, and particularly undergraduates, in the great movement +for world peace founded upon the idea of human brotherhood. While the +conference did not take place until a month after President Gilman had +suggested to the Lake Mohonk Conference, in May, 1905, that it should +extend its peace work to the colleges and universities, yet the call +for the conference was several months prior to the action of the +Mohonk Conference. + +Eight institutions were represented at this conference--Goshen, +Earlham, Central Mennonite, Ashland, Wilmington, Juniata, and Penn +colleges and Friends' University. No definite plan of work had been +mapped out, but a simple organization was effected, and arrangements +were made for a second conference at Earlham College (Society of +Friends). Professor Elbert Russell of Earlham College was elected +president, and upon him devolved most of the work of arranging for the +second conference, which was held April 13-14, 1906. For this +conference no denominational lines were drawn, it being felt that all +colleges and universities should be interested in this important work. +Hence invitations were sent to all institutions of higher learning in +both Indiana and Ohio. Eight institutions were represented: Indiana, +three--Earlham and Goshen colleges and Indiana University; Ohio, +five--Antioch, Denison, Miami, Wilmington, and Central Mennonite. This +representation was small, considering the importance of the conference +and the excellent program that had been arranged for by Professor +Russell. But notwithstanding the small number of institutions +represented, the conference was a marked success, made so very largely +by the many excellent addresses--among others, those of Edwin D. Mead, +Benjamin F. Trueblood, Professor Ernst Richard of Columbia University, +and Honorable William Dudley Foulke. + +On the last day of the conference the delegates from the different +colleges met and perfected a permanent organization, which it was +agreed should be called the Intercollegiate Peace Association. Thus, +after a year of preliminary work, the Intercollegiate Peace +Association came into definite and permanent existence on April 14, +1906. At this meeting Dean William P. Rogers of the Cincinnati Law +School was elected president, and Professor Elbert Russell, secretary +and treasurer. The president and the secretary, President Noah E. +Byers of Goshen College, and Professor Stephen F. Weston of Antioch +College constituted the executive committee. The writer has remained +on the executive committee from the beginning, as either an elected or +an ex-officio member. + +Two methods of propaganda were adopted: intercollegiate oratorical +contests, and public addresses on peace questions before the student +body and faculties of colleges and universities. It was also agreed +that the work should begin with Ohio and Indiana and gradually extend +to other states. Although no definite plan was formulated until a year +later, at the meeting at Cincinnati, it was understood from the outset +that it should be the aim gradually to extend the field of work, so +that ultimately most of the institutions of higher learning in +practically all of the states should be embraced within the +organization and participate in the contests. + +_Purpose._ The purpose of the association has been quite definitely +set forth in my "Historical Sketch"[1] and in my report for 1912. +From these the following statement is very largely borrowed. The +fundamental purpose of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is to +instill into the minds and hearts of the young men of our colleges +and universities the principle that the highest ideals of justice +and righteousness should govern the conduct of men in all their +international affairs quite as much as in purely individual and social +matters, and that, therefore, the true aim of all international +dealings should be to settle differences, of whatever nature, by +peaceful methods through an appeal to the noblest human instincts +and the highest ideals of life, rather than by the arbitrament of +the sword through an appeal to the lower passions; and, further, +both on humanitarian and economic grounds, to arouse in the youth of +to-day an appreciation of the importance of a peaceful settlement of +international disputes, and to inculcate a spirit antagonistic to the +inhuman waste of life and the reckless waste of wealth in needless +warfare. + + [1] Printed in _Antioch College Bulletin_, Vol. VII, No. 1, + December, 1910. + +This appeal to the idealism of youth is founded upon the psychological +fact that it is the ideals of life that determine the conduct of life. +It is ideals that rule the world; hence the importance of right ideals +based upon a comprehensive understanding of the real nature and +deepest implications of human fellowship. The alleged impracticability +is not in the ideal but in the difficulty of making the ideal such a +dominant part of our being that it shall consistently direct our +activities under every circumstance. One of the essential conditions +of human progress is the conviction that such ideals are vital to the +highest attainments and that these should be the aim of all our +strivings. Unfortunately such a standard of life is far from being +realized. Policy rules largely in the world of practical life; either +high ideals are considered impracticable, or there is no attempt to +enforce consistency between belief and practice. + +Mindful of the further fact that the ideals and habits of thought and +action that prevail in mature life are those that are formed in youth, +the Intercollegiate Peace Association turns to the young manhood of +the undergraduate for its field of operations. The aim is to give such +a firm mold to the ideals of the undergraduate that they shall for all +time shape his activities to the end of righteous conduct in all +international dealings. In particular, the aim is to cultivate in the +young men of our colleges and universities such sentiments and +standards of conduct as will insure their devotion to the furtherance +of international peace through arbitration and other methods of +pacific settlement rather than by battleships--standards of conduct +based upon the fundamental truth that conflicts between men, and +therefore principles of right and justice, can be rightly settled only +through the mediation of mind, and that every effort to settle them by +force is not only illogical, a psychological impossibility, but is the +way of the brute, not the way of man, whose nature touches the divine. +All the more important must this work with the undergraduate be +considered when we reflect that it is the young men in our colleges +and universities to-day who will mold the public opinion and the +national and international policy of the next generation; for it is +such young men as these that will control the pulpit and the press, +the legislation and the diplomacy of the future. It is this fact that +gives such peculiar importance to the work of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association. To quote from the report of the secretary for 1912: + +"Other peace societies are laboring to create a public sentiment +to-day in favor of international peace, through arbitration of all +international differences. This is very essential. But the +Intercollegiate Peace Association is founded upon the belief that the +cause of peace will not triumph in a day, and that it is therefore of +the utmost importance that right ideals be rooted into the minds of +those who will give expression to the public opinion of the future. In +brief, it is building more for the future than for the immediate +present. The millennium of peace will not come until the ideals of a +Christian civilization take deeper root in the minds and hearts of +those who are the leaders of thought and action. One of the crying +sins of to-day is that professions of righteous living in accordance +with Christian ethical ideals are not taken seriously. Note the +disgraceful policy that has been pursued with regard to Turkey by the +nations of Europe that profess to be disciples of the Prince of Peace. +Hence it is of the utmost importance that those who are to become the +future translators of ideals into action shall be imbued with right +principles of life and of human relations. To this end it is sought to +cultivate the right sentiment against war, and for international +peace, among the undergraduates of our colleges; for what the +undergraduate thinks about and reads about to-day will very largely +determine his future principles and his conduct, and it is he who is +destined to mold the ideals, shape the policies, and determine the +actions of the people of to-morrow." + +_Methods and Results._ To carry out these purposes two things are +essential: an awakened interest in the cause of peace, and some +definite and effective method for molding sentiments and habits of +thought that will persist with such vitality that they will give shape +to future conduct and activities. To arouse an interest in the +subject, on the part of both professors and students, it was believed +at the outset that public addresses would be effective, and it was +hoped that the association would be able to inaugurate a course of +such addresses in our colleges and universities. It was, however, soon +found that to finance such a course would require more money than we +could hope to command for some time to come. In consequence, very +little has been done along this line further than to arrange for +occasional addresses and to encourage chapel talks. It is this field +of work that the Lake Mohonk Conference voted to adopt at the +suggestion of Dr. Gilman. The conference also found it difficult to +carry out the plan, and our association was invited to assume the +whole of this work--a request we would gladly have accepted, but which +we were compelled to decline for want of funds. It is a very important +field of work and could be made very effective toward realizing the +ultimate goal of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, for its effect +would undoubtedly be the enlistment of a much larger number of the +students in the oratorical contests, which must be our chief reliance +for getting international peace ideas to take a vital root in the +undergraduate mind. If we cannot secure the necessary funds for +carrying on this important work, it is hoped that some other peace +society will do it for us, for such addresses could be made a most +effective complement to our work. + +Being compelled to abandon the public addresses for want of money, we +have concentrated most of our efforts upon the intercollegiate +oratorical contests as perhaps the most effective method for carrying +out the purpose of the association. The contests are bound to arouse +an interest in the subject, while the preparation of orations is sure +to ingrain thoughts, sentiments, and convictions that will be +indelible in the character of the young men who participate in the +contests. While the contests are oratorical in their nature, their +primary purpose is not the cultivation of oratory. Oratory is simply +used as a means to an end--the cultivation of right ideas of justice +and righteousness between nations. That such a result will accrue is +assured both in psychological principles and in experience. Every +student who produces a well-prepared oration in bound to make the +thoughts and sentiments expressed a part of his being. The oration +would not be effective if it were otherwise. The writer has heard +scores of these orations, and he is convinced of the sincerity and +earnestness of the orators. Moreover, letters written to him by those +who have won prizes, attesting their interest in and their devotion to +the cause, by reason of their participation in the contests, give +ample evidence that the contests are bearing fruit. Nor can one read +the orations in this volume without being convinced of their +sincerity. + +Indeed, the reason why we do not have intercollegiate debates instead +of contests in oratory is because of the psychological truth, amply +justified by experience, that the student who prepares for the +negative side of a peace question would tend to have his thoughts +permanently fixed along the lines of the advocates of great armaments. +It is not that the student should not know the arguments opposing the +ideas of the advocates of peace by arbitration. We would not cultivate +bigotry even in a good cause. We would have him know the facts, as +indeed he must before he can present any arguments for peace that +would have any significance. But an acquaintance with the opposing +arguments is quite a different thing, in its effect upon the thought +of the student, from making that thought his own and publicly +defending it. + +Other results may be mentioned. While the cultivation of oratory is +not a function of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, it does +foster oratory as a valuable if not an indispensable instrument for +effecting its own end. In fact, the oratorical contests are something +more than agencies for interesting undergraduates in the peace +movement. The cultivation of the art of expression and of public +speaking, now very generally provided for in college and university +curriculums, is of especial significance to the work of this +association. For it is not alone of importance that the graduate who +leaves his alma mater should be indoctrinated with a message of peace +for the world; that his message may be effective, he must also have +attained some proficiency in the art of clear and forceful diction and +in the art of delivering his message in a pleasing and convincing +manner. Therefore, it is not without reason that our contests are for +the most part under the immediate direction of the department of +English, or of whatever departments have charge of the public speaking +in the various colleges and universities. + +A further factor in these contests is their cultural value, both moral +and intellectual. They necessarily cultivate the highest ethical +conceptions, historical and political knowledge, and careful and +logical thinking. To quote from the secretary's report for 1912: "The +work of the Intercollegiate Peace Association is a great force for +righteousness between nation and nation, and so between man and man, +and therefore may be considered as supplementary to the more strictly +moral and intellectual culture in our institutions of higher learning. +The ethical value is not the only value of the contests. In the +preparation of orations the undergraduate necessarily informs himself +of historical conditions, of the economic and social effects of war, +of the legal and constitutional principles involved, and of the +problems, difficulties, and principles concerned with international +relations. It is this early beginning of an intelligent understanding +of the problems involved, together with the right moral insight, that +must count for future effectiveness in shaping international policies +and practices." Finally, while these contests have chiefly in mind the +shaping of the public opinion of coming generations, they are by no +means a negligible factor in their influence upon the public opinion +of to-day. The contests--local, state, and interstate--are heard by +many hundreds of people every year, and in many cases by persons who +would otherwise seldom come in contact with peace sentiments. The +permeating influence in college circles extends beyond those who +participate in the contests. The influence of any single contest may +indeed be small, but so too is the influence of any one peace +conference or congress. The task of molding public opinion along the +lines of any human uplift is always slow, and only gradually do the +influences of this character permeate and take possession of the +social mind; but every influence leaves its impression. It is only by +persistent activities and cumulative effects that the social mind can +be aroused to a full consciousness of any great moral issue, and still +more true is this when that moral issue is of national or +international importance. The many peace societies, the +Intercollegiate Peace Association among them, are just such persistent +activities, which, by gradually producing cumulative effects, will +ultimately reap their reward. But more perhaps than other peace +societies does the Intercollegiate Peace Association concern itself +with the social mind and the social conscience of the future. + +_The Contests._ The first oratorical contest was held at the +University of Cincinnati, May 17, 1907. Arrangements were made for the +participation of only Ohio and Indiana colleges. State contests were +not held, but fourteen orations were submitted from as many different +institutions, nine from Ohio and five from Indiana. The writers of +eight of these were selected by judges on thought and composition to +take part in the speaking contest. Four were from Ohio and four from +Indiana. Indiana won both the first and the second prize. The first +prize was won by Paul Smith of DePauw University with the subject, +"The Conflict of War and Peace." The second prize went to Lawrence B. +Smelser of Earlham College, whose subject was "The Solving Principles +of Federation." + +The second contest was held at DePauw University, May 15, 1908. +Carrying out the plan adopted at the meeting at Cincinnati, the +contestants were selected by means of State contests, and an +invitation was extended to the colleges and universities of Michigan, +Illinois, and Wisconsin to participate in the contest. Wisconsin did +not respond, but contests were held in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and +Illinois. By special arrangement Juniata College was allowed to +represent Pennsylvania without a state contest. Glenn P. Wishard of +Northwestern University won the first prize; subject, "The United +States and Universal Peace." The second prize was won by H. P. Lenartz +of Notre Dame University; subject, "America and the World's Peace." + +The third Interstate contest took place at The University of Chicago, +May 4, 1909, in connection with the Second National Peace Congress. +Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin were represented, +all having held State contests. Levi T. Pennington of Earlham College +won the first prize; subject, "The Evolution of World Peace." The +second prize went to Harold P. Flint of Illinois Wesleyan University; +subject, "America the Exemplar of Peace." + +The fourth annual contest was held at the University of Michigan, May +13, 1910. There were six contestants, Pennsylvania having come +regularly into the association. Arthur F. Young of Western Reserve +University won the first prize; subject, "The Waste of War--The Wealth +of Peace." The second prize went to Glenn N. Merry of Northwestern +University; subject, "A Nation's Opportunity." + +The fifth annual contest was held at Johns Hopkins University, May 5, +1911, in connection with the Third National Peace Congress. There were +seven contestants, Maryland being represented for the first time. The +first prize was won by Stanley H. Howe, Albion College, Michigan, and +the second prize by Wayne Walker Calhoun, Illinois Wesleyan +University. Mr. Howe's subject was "The Hope of Peace," and Mr. +Calhoun's, "War and the Man." This contest was one of the most +successful that had been held up to that time. It was greeted by one +of the largest audiences that had attended any of the sessions of the +Peace Congress, and the comparison of the orations, in both thought +and delivery, with the speeches given in the congress, was very +favorable to the young orators. A general enthusiasm was evoked for +the contests. Yet there was much fear that this contest might prove to +be the last, there being no assurance ahead for adequate funds to +carry on the work. It was decided, however, not to give up without +further trial, a decision well justified by subsequent developments. + +Assistance being secured from the Carnegie peace fund, eleven states +held contests in 1912. In addition to the seven that participated in +the contest at Baltimore, four additional states were added--New York, +North Carolina, Iowa, and Nebraska. With so many states, it became +necessary for the first time to divide them into groups. Two groups +were formed, an Eastern and a Western. The Western Group, of five +states, held its contest at Monmouth College, Illinois, April 26, and +the Eastern Group, of six states, at Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, +May 3. No prizes were given at either of these contests, but an +arrangement was made with the Lake Mohonk Conference by which the +ranking orator in each contest should meet and contest for first and +second place at Mohonk Lake at the time of the Lake Mohonk Conference. +The contest at Mohonk was held May 16, the contestants being Percival +V. Blanshard of the University of Michigan, who represented the +Western Group, and Russell Weisman of Western Reserve University, who +represented the Eastern Group. The title of Mr. Blanshard's oration +was "The Roosevelt Theory of War," and that of Mr. Weisman's, +"National Honor and Vital Interests." The Misses Seabury gave a first +prize of $75 and a second prize of $50. The judges awarded the first +prize to Mr. Blanshard and the second prize to Mr. Weisman. So great, +however, was the interest of the guests at Mohonk Lake, and so nearly +equal in merit were the orations, that a gentleman present gave an +additional $25 to Mr. Weisman to make the prizes equal, and Mr. Joshua +Bailey of Philadelphia gave each of the contestants an additional $50. + +Five additional states--Maine, Massachusetts, Texas, Missouri, and +South Dakota--participated in the contests of 1913, making sixteen +states holding contests. Of these states three groups were formed, an +Eastern, a Central, and a Western. The Central Group held its contest +at Goshen College, Indiana, April 25; the Western Group at St. Louis, +May 1, as part of the program of the Fourth American Peace Congress; +and the Eastern Group at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, May 13. The +same arrangements were made as in the preceding year--that the +contestant holding the highest rank in each group should meet in a +final contest at Mohonk Lake. No prizes were given, except that the +Business Men's League of St. Louis gave a prize of $100 for the +contest at St. Louis. The contest at Mohonk was held May 15, and three +prizes were given by the Misses Seabury--$100, $75, and $50. Paul B. +Blanshard of the University of Michigan, a twin brother of the Mr. +Blanchard who won the first prize in 1912, represented the Central +Group and won the first prize with the subject, "The Evolution of +Patriotism." Calvert Magruder, St. John's College, Annapolis, +Maryland, represented the Eastern Group and won the second prize. His +subject was "Certain Phases of the Peace Movement." Vernon M. Welsh, +Knox College, Illinois, represented the Western Group and won the +third prize. His subject was "The Assurance of Peace." + +_Growth._ The growth of the Intercollegiate Peace Association, like +that of most social movements, was slow in the first few years of its +existence, but with the gradual accretion of new states it has gained +in momentum, and is to-day increasing with such rapidity that only the +lack of financial support will prevent it from embracing in its +contests within another two years practically every state in the +Union. Starting with two states at the Earlham Conference in 1906 and +the first contest in 1907, it added three states in 1908, one in 1910, +and one in 1911, making seven states participating in the contests of +1911. Four more states were added for the contests of 1912, and five +additional ones for the contests of 1913 (nine states in two years), +making sixteen states in all. Since the contest in May, 1913, eight +states have been added for the contests of 1914, while the work of +organization is being carried on in several other states. By 1915 at +least thirty states will be holding contests if money can be secured +for properly financing them. Four groups are now definitely organized: +an Eastern, a Central, a Western, and a Southern. A Pacific Group is +in process of being organized. Thus, in seven years from the first +contest we have become a national association, extending from the +Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Lakes to the Gulf. + +_Prizes and Finances._ In order to encourage the young men to enter +the contests, the plan of offering prizes was adopted at the outset. +The national association made itself responsible for the state prizes, +leaving the local institutions to provide for such local prizes as +they could arrange for. In some places such prizes are given, being +provided for in different ways, and in some places no local prizes are +given. At first only $50 and $25 were given for the two state prizes, +but after the second year it was made a definite policy of the +association to make the first state prize $75 and the second prize +$50. With rare exceptions, in the case of the second prize, this +policy is now maintained. In New York, however, there is a first prize +of $200 and a second prize of $100, given by Mrs. Elmer Black. For the +past two or three years the national association has made itself +responsible for the first prize only, leaving the states to look after +the second prize, though the secretary also looks after many of the +second prizes. No prizes are regularly given in the group contests, +but it is hoped that a plan may be evolved for giving one prize, as +the expenses of the winning contestant are large. At the national +contest at Mohonk Lake, prizes are given to each contestant. In 1914 +these prizes will probably range from $40 to $100. + +The prize money has come from various sources. In 1908 Mr. Carnegie +gave $1000, and in 1909 he gave $700. The Misses Seabury, of New +Bedford, Massachusetts, gave $500 a year from the first. They gave +$750 in 1913 and will give $1000 for prizes in 1914. In Illinois La +Verne W. Noyes has annually given the first prize of $75 and Harlow N. +Higginbotham the second prize of $50. In Michigan R. E. Olds gave the +first prize until 1913, and J. H. Moores the second prize until 1914. +In Ohio Samuel Mather and J. G. Schmidlapp furnish the prizes for +1914. In New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Maryland the +prizes are given by individuals at the instigation of peace societies. +In some states the second prize is given by some individual or through +a collection from a number of individuals. The balance of the prizes +are paid out of the subvention of $1200 that has been allowed for the +past three years out of the Carnegie endowment fund. In 1913 the +prizes amounted to $2400. In 1914 they approximate $3400, apart from +any local prizes that may be given. + +The annual subvention of $1200 from the Carnegie peace fund is wholly +inadequate to meet the growing needs of this association. Since this +subvention was first granted, the number of states has been more than +doubled, and it takes about $600 a year to run the secretary's office. +Unless more money is secured from some source, the association will be +unable to grow beyond its present limits. + +_Officers and Organization._ The organization of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association has been a gradual development, and has undergone +modifications to meet the changing conditions due to the considerable +enlargement of the territory embraced within its sphere of activity, +chief of which has been the practical impossibility of getting +representatives to a national meeting from such a large extent of +territory. At first there were a president, secretary, and treasurer, +and an executive committee, with the college presidents of Ohio and +Indiana as vice presidents. At the meeting at DePauw University, in +1908, it was decided to create state committees, that should have +charge of the work in their respective states. As the states grew in +numbers the plan of having vice presidents was abandoned. In 1911 the +chairmen of the state committees were made members of an advisory +council, and in 1913 the executive committee was reorganized so that +there should be one member from each group of states in addition to +the president and secretary. When the organization is fully matured +the elected members of the executive committee will be a +self-perpetuating body, only one or two going out of office in any +one year, reelection being permitted. The executive committee will +elect the president, executive secretary, and treasurer, and the +president and the executive secretary will appoint the members of the +advisory council, who will be ex-officio chairmen of the state +committees. The officers up to date have been as follows: + +_Presidents:_ Dean William P. Rogers, Cincinnati Law School, +1906-1907; Professor George W. Knight, Ohio State University, +1907-1908; Professor Elbert Russell, Earlham College, 1908-1910; Dean +William P. Rogers, 1910-1911; President Charles F. Thwing, Western +Reserve University, 1911-. + +_Secretaries:_ Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Mr. George Fulk, +Cerro Gordo, Illinois, 1908-1911; Professor Stephen F. Weston, Antioch +College, 1911-. + +_Treasurers:_ Professor Elbert Russell, 1906-1908; Professor Stephen +F. Weston, 1908-. + +_Orations._ In the seven years in which the contests have been held, +about twelve hundred orations have been written, a little more than +one half of these in the past two years. The number written in 1914 +will not fall far short of five hundred. For some time we have desired +to publish a volume of the prize orations, and within the past few +years there has been considerable demand for such a volume, as many +would-be contestants are anxious to see what they will have to measure +up to in order to win. Outsiders interested in the contests have also +desired such a publication. The present collection was therefore +projected, and the World Peace Foundation willingly undertook to issue +it as one of the books in its International Library. + +The ten orations that have been selected for this volume out of the +twelve hundred have all won the first prize in interstate contests. +The first five are the first prize orations in the national contests +of the first five years before the group contests were organized, and +were selected by a series of local, state, and interstate contests out +of about five hundred and fifty orations delivered. The last five, +selected by a series of contests out of about six hundred and fifty, +are the first prize orations of the group contests of the past two +years. They were delivered in the national contests at Mohonk Lake at +the time of the Lake Mohonk Conferences. The fact that many of the +second prize orations, and indeed a number of the others, were given +first place by some of the judges is indicative of the general high +character of all the orations, so that the ten selected orations are +very fairly typical of the thought and sentiment of the whole twelve +hundred. It is therefore believed that the publication of these +orations will be of great value not only as a stimulus to prospective +contestants but as a convincing proof of the quality of the work that +the undergraduate students of the country are doing in the contests. +They are evidence that these contests call out a high grade of +intellectual and moral culture, showing as they do keen and clear +thinking and high moral ideals. + +There is included as an appendix to these orations the Pugsley prize +oration of 1913, by Bryant Smith, a senior in Guilford College, North +Carolina, a sample of the prize essays annually submitted for the +Pugsley prize of $100 offered through the Lake Mohonk Conference by +Chester DeWitt Pugsley of Yonkers, New York. The essay is also +fittingly printed in this volume because Mr. Smith represented the +state of North Carolina in the Eastern Group contest of the +Intercollegiate Peace Association in 1912, while still another reason +for including it is the hope that others who have taken part in the +oratorical contests, and who are thereby excluded from entering those +contests again, may be encouraged to try for the Pugsley prize. + +_Subjects of Orations._ In view of the fact that so many orations have +been written on peace subjects, it is worthy of note that the topics +have seldom been duplicated, and that when the same topic has been +twice used, the handling of it has been so different that little +duplication has been noticeable. Each oration well represents the +originality and the individuality of the writer or orator. Duplication +is shown in the quotations, and it is therefore suggested that +quotations be sparingly used. + +Not the least interesting feature of the orations is the combination +of idealism and practicality, which they reveal in the minds of the +contestants. Truly, these young men "have hitched their wagon to a +star," the star of universal good will. + +To show the wide range of subjects chosen, and therefore the scope and +many-sidedness of the peace question, the following list of titles +already used is given here. They are also given as suggestions to +future writers of orations, for there is no objection to choosing +subjects previously used. Even if there is some duplication of +thought, it makes little difference, since the contests are seldom +held twice in the same place. Included in the list are some titles +that show variations in the way of stating the same thing, and these +variations should be suggestive to future writers of orations. + + PARTIAL LIST OF SUBJECTS + + America the Exemplar of Peace + America and the World's Peace + America's Mission in the Peace Movement + America's Mission to Mankind + America's Obligation + The Arbiter of the World + Arbitration _versus_ War + The Challenge of Thor + The Conflict of War and Peace + A Congress of Nations + The Cost of Militarism + The Cost of Peace + The Crucial Parallelism + The Dawn of Peace + The Dawn of Universal Peace + Democracy and Peace + Diplomacy and Peace + Disillusionment + The Dominant Ideal + The End; and the Means + The Evolution of a Higher Patriotism + The Evolution of Justice + The Evolution of Law + The Evolution of National Greatness as a World Peacemaker + The Evolution of World Peace + The Fallacy of the Economics of War + The Federation of the World + Forces of War and Peace + The Foundations + From Chaos to Harmony + From History's Pages--Peace + Fruits of War and Fruits of Peace + Government and International Peace + The Growing Sentiment + The Growth of the Peace Movement + Honor Satisfied + The Ideal of the Century + Idealism and the Peace Movement + Immigration and Peace + The Inefficiency of War + Instead of War--What? + International Arbitration + International Justice and World Peace + International Peace + International Peace and the Prince of Peace + Justice and Peace + Justice by War or Peace + The Keynote of the Twentieth Century + The Lasting Wound + The Law of Peace + The Message of the Andes + Military Selection and its Effect on National Life + Modern Battlefields + A Nation's Opportunity + The New Anglo-Saxon + The New Brotherhood + The New Corner Stone + The New Era + The New Nobility + The New Patriotism + The Next Step + The Panama Canal + The Passing of War + The Pathway to Peace + Patriotism and Peace + Peace and Armaments + Peace and the Evolution of Conscience + Peace and the Fortification of the Panama Canal + Peace and Public Opinion + Peace Inevitable + Peace is our Passion + Peace on Earth + Peace, our Great Ideal + The Philosophy of Universal Peace + Physical and Psychical Aspects of War + A Plea for International Peace + A Plea for Peace + Popular Fallacies about War + Popular Government and Peace + Popular Sentiment and Purer Citizenship: The Right Road to Peace + The Power of International Tolerance + The Prince of Peace + Progress toward Justice + The Proposed Court of Arbitral Justice + The Rationality of Peace + The Real Power + The Redemption of Patriotism + The Regaining of the World's Lost Legacy + Right or Might + The Significance of the Hague Conferences + The Rightful Ruler + A Simple Method of Forwarding Universal Peace + The Solving Principles of Federation + Sovereignty in Arbitration + Statesmanship _versus_ Battleship + Thor or Christ + Ungrateful America + The United States and Universal Peace + The United States of the World + Universal Peace and the Brotherhood of Man + The Unnecessary Evil + A Vision of a Conquest + War and Christianity + War--The Demoralizer + War and its Elimination + War and the Laboring Man + War and the Man + War for Profit + War--Universal Brotherhood--Peace + The Warrior's Protest against War + The Waste of War--The Wealth of Peace + The Way of Peace + What, from Vengeance? + World Federation + The World Organization + +_Acknowledgments._ The Intercollegiate Peace Association is greatly +indebted to many state and city peace societies for cooperation and +assistance. They have materially strengthened our work and made +possible the enlargement of the field of our activities. To their +secretaries we are deeply indebted. The fullest cooperation of the +peace societies, each assisting and supplementing the work of others +wherever possible, will bring the most fruitful and the most speedy +results, and the fact that we have received such cooperation indicates +a full appreciation of the value of the work being done in these +contests. We wish also to express our gratitude to the many individual +contributors of prizes, especially to the Misses Seabury, for their +interest, encouragement, and generosity, because without their +assistance our association could not have survived. To the Misses +Seabury we are also under obligation for lending their rights over the +texts of orations for this publication. For the subvention from the +Carnegie Endowment for International Peace we thank the American Peace +Society, through whose agency it comes to us. For the publication of +this volume we are deeply grateful to the World Peace Foundation, +without whose cooperation the book could not have been published. To +Edwin D. Mead and Denys P. Myers the editor owes his sincere thanks +for suggestions and corrections of the manuscript. We trust that the +volume will be amply justified by the good that it will do. + + STEPHEN F. WESTON + _Executive Secretary_ + + +SUPPLEMENT + +_The Contests of 1914._ This volume was projected to be published +before the Lake Mohonk Conference in May, but it was decided to +include the five orations given in the national contest of 1914, and +so make the volume complete for the year of issue. The last five +orations, then, are the winning ones in the group contests of 1914, +contesting for place in the national contest at Mohonk Lake, May 16, +1914. They are the picked orations of over four hundred and fifty +prepared in one hundred and twenty colleges and universities, +representing twenty-two states. The fifteen orations in the volume are +the winning orations out of more than sixteen hundred and fifty +written by the student body of the country in the past eight years. + +In 1914 six additional states took part in the contests, making +twenty-two organized into five groups. The Pacific coast and Southern +groups were added during the year to the three groups organized in +1913. Three of the groups held their contests on May 1--the North +Atlantic at the College of the City of New York, the Central at +Western Reserve University, and the Western at Des Moines College. The +Southern Group held its contest at Vanderbilt University on May 10. On +the Pacific coast only Oregon was ready, and the winner of her state +contest was permitted to represent the group in the national contest. +Utah and California are planning to enter the contests of 1915. +Virginia, West Virginia, and South Carolina are organizing, and a +sixth group will then be formed--the South Atlantic Group. + + S. F. W. + + + + +THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE + +By PAUL SMITH, DePauw University, Greencastle, Indiana + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University of +Cincinnati, May 17, 1907 + + + + +THE CONFLICT OF WAR AND PEACE + + +The past ages have witnessed a long conflict between two opposing +principles--the principle of might and the principle of right. The +first instituted the duel between equals and condemned the impotent to +slavery; the second ordained the courts of civil justice and signed +the Emancipation Proclamation. The principle of might licensed +despotism and degraded the many in the service of the few; the +principle of right proclaimed democracy and consecrated the few to the +service of the many. Thus in the realm of the individual and of the +state the diviner conception has won its triumphs, and to-day force is +tolerated only as it serves the cause of justice. But in the larger +international sphere the advocates of might prolong the ancient cry +for war; the disciples of right protest in a gentler demand for peace. + +The partisans of war urge four capital reasons in behalf of their +principle: personal glory, moral education, class interest, and +national egoism. + +We have as a heritage of our military past, not a sense of the grim +tragedy of war, but traditions which award the highest meed of +personal glory to the warrior. The roster of the world's heroes +contains two classes of names--great soldiers and great altruists. +Poet and orator and populace unite to do honor to him who was not +afraid to fight and to die for his home, his king, his liberty, his +country, his convictions. Bravery has ever won its laurel crown, for +an instinct within us applauds physical courage and aggressiveness. +And the gilded uniform and clanking sword, the drumbeat and the bugle +call, the camp fire and the "far-flung battle line," stand as the most +dramatic expressions of a deep sentiment, primitive and thrilling. + +Akin to this martial hero worship is the argument that success in war +gives training for the higher contests of peace. Out of the war of +1776 the nation took George Washington for President; out of the +Mexican War, Zachary Taylor; out of the Civil War, General Grant; out +of the Spanish War, Theodore Roosevelt. The badge of the Grand Army of +the Republic is a certificate of merit. The cross of the Legion of +Honor opens the door to social and political and business prosperity. +Battle is regarded as a supreme test of sturdy manhood, and the harsh +discipline of the camp as education for the finer arts of the council. +War creates a heroism which later devotes itself to spiritual ends. + +Moreover, say the advocates, the interests of class require force for +their conservation. The hereditary nobility of Europe was founded by +military process for military purposes, and, with the passing of war, +loses its warrant for existence. On the other hand, it is claimed that +the under classes may come into the enjoyment of their inalienable +rights, common to all humanity, only by means of the sword. Witness +the peasantry of Russia! Even in America so great a prophet as Henry +Ward Beecher foresaw a tragic day when the bivouac of capital would be +set against the camp of labor. And lesser seers are not lacking who +freely predict, even for our democratic land, a desperate rebellion of +a proletariat of poverty against an aristocracy of wealth. + +Finally, the demands of national egoism are urged in behalf of war. +For example, Japan needs new territory for her growing millions and +must assume the conqueror's role. Or France goes mad with the lust of +empire and goes forth untamed until the day of Waterloo. Or Great +Britain must have new markets; and, falsely reasoning that trade +follows the flag, and the flag follows the bayonet, she seizes a realm +upon which the sun may never set. Or the interests of white men and +yellow men, of black men or red men, clash; and then the cannon must +be the final test, might must make right, and the strongest must +survive. The greed of territorial aggrandizement, the spirit of +national adventure, the longing for commercial supremacy, the honor of +a country, the pride of racial achievement--each is urged to justify +the necessity for bloodshed and carnage. Such are the arguments of the +advocates of war. + +To balance these, the advocates of peace plead four greater +considerations: against personal glory, the economic cost of +militarism; against the moral education of war, the higher heroism of +peace; against class interests, the sanctity of human life; and +against national egoism, the deeper spirit of national altruism. + +A single modern battleship costs more than the combined value of the +property and endowment of all the colleges of a certain great state. +Two thirds of the money passing through the treasury of the Republic +goes to the support of the military system. Computing two hundred +dollars a year as the average loss to society occasioned by the +withdrawal of each soldier and sailor from productive toil, and adding +this sum to the war budgets of the nations for the past fifty years, +we obtain a total of billions, beyond the reach of all imagination. +The money which armies, navies, wars, and pensions have cost the world +in fifty years would have installed in China a system of education +equal to that of the United States; would have transformed the arid +deserts of India into a modern Eden by irrigation; would have laid +railways from Cape Town to the remotest corner of Africa; would have +dug the Panama Canal; and, in addition, would have sent a translation +of the Bible, of Shakespeare, Homer, Goethe, and Dante to every family +on the globe. In a word, the wealth spent on wars in the last half +century would have transformed life for a majority of human beings. +The stoppage of this waste will shorten the hours of labor, reduce +pauperism, elevate the peasantry of Europe, lighten taxation, and work +an economic revolution. + +The argument for moral education mistakes national gratitude to +warriors for tribute to the training of the camp. But grant that war +develops the combative qualities, the argument forgets a darker moral +phase. It forgets the moral wrecks which are the sad products of war; +it forgets the effect of the loss of the refining influence of +womanhood upon the soldier; it forgets the debasement of sinking men +to the physical type of life. And the argument assumes that peace has +no "equivalent for war," declared by a famous educator to be the +greatest need of the age. Courage and endurance are as necessary in +social reforms as in carnal battle. To wrestle against principalities +and powers and rulers of the world-darkness calls forth the maximum +powers of manhood. Wendell Phillips stands in the ranks of heroes as +high as Philip Sheridan. The moral loss from war transcends the moral +gain. + +Yet war levies toll more tragic than any toll of dollars, more +appalling than any moral cost. A famous painting reveals the world's +conquerors, Xerxes, Caesar, Alexander, Napoleon, and a lesser host, +mounted proudly on battle steeds, caparisoned with gorgeous trappings; +but the field through which they march is paved with naked, mutilated +corpses, the ghastly price of glory. The trenches at Port Arthur were +filled level-full with the bodies of self-sacrificed martyrs, and upon +this gruesome slope the final charges were made. Stripped of all +sentiment, war is organized and wholesale murder, a savage and awful +paradox which proclaims the shallowness of civilization. Said General +Sherman: "Only those who have never heard a shot, only those who have +never heard the shrieks of the wounded nor the groans of the dying, +can cry aloud for more blood, more vengeance, more desolation." God +grant the world may soon heed the Voice, sounding down from the +solemnity of Sinai, laying the divine command upon each man and each +nation: "Thou shalt not kill!" + +There yet remains the ethical argument for peace. Will any one say +that the supreme duty of altruism is binding upon men as individuals, +and not binding upon the same men acting conjointly as a nation? When +the people and the statesmen of one nation are able to put themselves +in the places of the statesmen and of the people of another nation; +when there is a common will to do international justice rather than to +despise the weaker country; when not selfish interest alone, but the +greatest good of the greatest number, becomes the driving impulse of +humanity; when the thrill of fraternity crosses geographical lines and +pauses not on the shores of the seas--then war will be impossible, +the energies of the world will turn to the constructive arts, and from +the midst of contentment unshadowed by hunger, from prosperity +unmenaced by want, in the peaceful spirit of the Christ, the world +will sing: + + "The crest and crowning of all good, life's final star is + brotherhood; + For it will bring again to Earth her long-lost Poesy and Mirth; + Will send new light on every face, a kingly power upon the race. + And till it come, we men are slaves, and travel downward to dust + of graves. + Come, clear the way, then, clear the way: blind creeds and kings + have had their day. + Break the dead branches from the path: our hope is in the aftermath. + Our hope is in heroic men, star-led to build the world again. + To this Event the ages ran: Make way for Brotherhood--make way for + man." + +All great reforms have begun with "star-led" men and have moved from +individuals to groups and from groups to the nation. In every distinct +advance of the race prophetic persons have anticipated the trend of +the ages and have adopted new codes for themselves; the higher +morality has spread by agitation to include a larger group, and +finally it has become the policy of the nation. Thus slavery went, and +political equality came. + +And thus war must go and peace must come. First, we find protest +against the killing of individuals by individuals. The duel fell into +disrepute and at last was forbidden by law. The carrying of weapons +became unfashionable and at length was made a crime. With the growth +of the moral sense, mutual trust took the place of armed neutrality. +The present situation is ready for the larger application of these +principles. The argument which abolished the carrying of weapons must +frown upon excessive national armaments. As the individual duel was +superseded by personal arbitration, so the national duel must be +superseded by national arbitration. The reason that maintains the +civil court for the settlement of individuals' disputes calls for a +higher court for the settlement of national disputes. Not alone among +men, not alone within states, but among the nations, right, not might, +must rule; not force, but justice; and written as the world's supreme +mandate, as the highest human law from which there may be no appeal, +must be the unshaken law of national righteousness. + +Tennyson's words were accounted a poet's fancy when he wrote: + + Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd + In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. + +Yet the present year[1] will witness the fulfillment of that prophecy. +Disarmament and arbitration will be considered this summer, not by +agitators, not by theorists, nor yet prophetically by poets; but in +June, at the invitation of our own President,[2] an actual +international conference will assemble, a Parliament of the World, +composed of official representatives of every nation of the globe. +Thus we see the foregleams of an approaching day. The time is +not far distant when war will glide into the grim shadows of a +scarce-remembered past, when battles will pass into the oblivion of +forgotten horrors. Then will society realize its dreams of a kingdom +of heaven upon earth, where the barbaric lure of fighting will be +lost; where no class lines may exist save those freely acknowledged by +a common justice; where national egoism maintains no armies for +conquest and no navies for aggrandizement; where economic resources +are devoted, not to mutual physical destruction, but to splendid +spiritual enlargement; where "every nation that shall lift again its +hand against a brother, on its forehead will wear forevermore the +curse of Cain"; and where, in the realization of a vast, racial +brotherhood, is fulfilled the prophetic angel's song, "Peace on earth, +good-will to men." Ruskin, the modern bard of peace, has sung: + + Put off, put off your mail, ye kings, and beat your brands to dust-- + A surer grasp your hands must know, your hearts a better trust; + Nay, bend aback the lance's point, and break the helmet bar-- + A noise is in the morning winds, but not the noise of war! + Among the grassy mountain paths the glittering troops increase-- + They come, they come!--how fair their feet,--they come that + publish peace. + + [1] The Hague Conference of 1907 is referred to. + + [2] By the courtesy of President Roosevelt the official call + for the Second Hague Conference was issued by the Emperor of + Russia. Forty-four nations were represented.--_Editor._ + + + + +THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE + +By GLENN PORTER WISHARD, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at DePauw University, +Greencastle, Indiana, May 15, 1908 + + + + +THE UNITED STATES AND UNIVERSAL PEACE + + +Political and religious reforms move slowly. We change our beliefs and +at the same time hold fast to old customs. Farsighted public opinion +has declared war to be unchristian; sound statesmanship has stamped it +as unjust; the march of events has, in a majority of cases, proved it +to be unnecessary--and yet we continue to build mammoth engines of +destruction as if war were inevitable. Truly, the millennium is not at +hand, nor is war a thing of the past; but whereas war was once the +rule, now it is the exception. This is an age of peace; controversies +once decided by force are now settled by arbitration. Europe, once the +scene of continuous bloodshed, has not been plundered by conquering +armies for more than a generation, while the United States has enjoyed +a century of peace marred by only five years of foreign war. The four +notable conflicts of the last decade have been between great and small +powers, and have been confined to the outposts of civilization; while +during the same period more than one hundred disputes have been +settled by peaceful means. The willingness to arbitrate has been +manifest; the means have been provided; the Permanent International +Court, established by the Hague Conference in 1899, actually lives, +and has already adjudicated four important controversies.[1] But +arbitration, you say, will never succeed because the decisions cannot +be enforced. You forget that already some two hundred and fifty +disputes have been settled by this method, and in not one instance has +the losing power refused to abide by the decision. + + [1] From October 14, 1902, the date of the first decision, + up to the end of 1913, the Permanent Court has rendered + thirteen decisions settling international + differences.--_Editor._ + +Yesterday the man who advocated universal peace was called a dreamer; +to-day throughout the world organized public opinion demands the +abolition of war. Yesterday we erected statues to those who died for +their country; to-day we eulogize those who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed our heads to the god of war; to-day we lift our +hands to the Prince of Peace. + +I do not mean to say that we have entered the Utopian age, for the +present international situation is a peculiar one, since we are at the +same time blessed with peace and cursed with militarism. This is not +an age of war, yet we are burdened by great and ever-increasing +armaments; the mad race for naval supremacy continues, while the +relative strength of the powers remains practically the same; the +intense and useless rivalry of the nations goes on until, according to +the great Russian economist, Jean de Bloch, it means "slow destruction +in time of peace by swift destruction in the event of war." In Europe +to-day millions are being robbed of the necessaries of life, millions +more are suffering the pangs of abject poverty in order to support +this so-called "armed peace." Note the condition in our own country. +Last year we expended on our army, navy, and pensions sixty-seven per +cent of our total receipts. Think of it! In a time of profound peace +more than two thirds of our entire expenditures are charged to the +account of war. + +We do not advocate radical, Utopian measures; we do not propose +immediate disarmament; but we do maintain that when England, Germany, +France, and the United States each appropriates from thirty to forty +per cent of their total expenditures in preparation for war in an age +of peace, the time has come for the unprejudiced consideration of the +present international situation. Why do the great powers build so many +battleships? President Roosevelt, Representative Hobson, and others +would have us believe that England, Germany, and France are actually +preparing for war, while the United States is building these engines +of destruction for the purpose of securing peace. But what right have +we to assume that our navy is for the purpose of preserving peace, +while the navies of the European powers are for the purpose of making +war? Is not such an assumption an insult to our neighbors? As a matter +of fact, England builds new battleships because Germany does, Germany +increases her navy because France does, while the United States builds +new dreadnoughts because other nations pursue that policy. Call it by +whatever honey-coated name you will, the fact, remains that it is +military rivalry of the most barbarous type, a rivalry as useless as +it is oppressive, a rivalry prompted by jealousy and distrust where +there should be friendship and mutual confidence. There is riot one of +the powers but that would welcome relief from the bondage of +militarism; the demand for the limitation of armaments is almost +universal. Believing that to decry war and praise peace without +offering some plan by which the present situation may be changed is +superficial, we hasten to propose something practicable. + +How, then, shall we put an end to this useless rivalry of the +nations? At present a general agreement of the great powers on the +limitations of military establishments seems impossible. It remains +for some powerful nation to prove to the world that the great +armaments are not necessary to continued peace, with honor and +justice. Some nation must take the first step.[2] Why not the United +States? The nations of Europe are surrounded by powerful enemies, +while the United States is three thousand miles from any conceivable +foe. They are potentially weak, while our resources are unlimited. +They have inherited imperialism; we have inherited democracy. Their +society is permeated with militarism; ours is built on peace and +liberty. Our strategic position is unequaled, our resources are +unlimited, our foreign policy is peaceful, our patriotism is +unconquerable. In view of these facts, I ask you, What nation has the +greatest responsibility for peace? Are not we Americans the people +chosen to lift the burden of militarism from off the backs of our +downtrodden brother? + + [2] The widely heralded proposal in 1913 for a naval holiday + by all the great powers is the first move in this + direction.--_Editor._ + +Now what are we doing to meet this responsibility? On the one hand, we +are performing a great work for peace. Many of our statesmen, business +men, and laborers, united in a common cause, are exerting a tremendous +influence in behalf of arbitration and disarmament. On the other hand, +we are spending more on our military establishment than any other +world power;[3] we are building more battleships than any other +nation;[4] we are no longer trusting our neighbors; we are warning +them to beware of our mailed fist; and we are thereby declaring to the +world that we have lost our faith in the power of justice and are now +trusting to the force of arms. + + [3] The orator is comparing the cost of the United States + army, navy, and pensions upkeep with the military + establishments of other powers.--_Editor._ + + [4] Since naval rivalry in its acute form has centered + between Great Britain and Germany, European naval building + programs have exceeded those of the United + States.--_Editor._ + +And why this paradoxical situation? Why do we at the same time prepare +for war and work for peace? It is simply because many of our statesmen +honestly believe that the best way to preserve peace is to prepare for +war. It is true that a certain amount of strength tends to command +respect, and for that reason a navy sufficient for self-defense is +warranted. Such a navy we now have. Why should it be enlarged? Naval +enthusiasts would have us prepare, not for the probable but for the +possible. Seize every questionable act of our neighbors, they say, +magnify it a thousand times, publish it in letters of flame throughout +the land, and make every American citizen believe that the great +powers are prepared to destroy us at any moment. Having educated the +people up to a sense of threatened annihilation, they burden them with +taxes, build artificial volcanoes dedicated to peace, parade them up +and down the high seas, and defy the world to attack us. Then, they +say, we shall have peace. Is this reasonable? As sure as thought leads +to action, so preparation for war leads to war. This argument that the +United States, since she is a peace-loving nation, should have the +largest navy in the world in order to preserve peace is illogical and +without foundation. By what divine right does the United States assume +the role of preserving the world's peace at the cannon's mouth? Since +when has it been true that might makes right, and that peace can be +secured only by acting the part of a bully? It is unjust, it is +unpatriotic, it is unstatesmanlike, for men to argue that the United +States should browbeat the world into submission; that she should +build so many battleships that the nations of the Eastern hemisphere +will be afraid to oppose the ironclad dragon of the Western +Hemisphere. Peace purchased at the price of brute force is unworthy of +the name. Surely the United States cannot afford to be guilty of such +an injustice. If we wish to be free; if we wish to remain a true +republic; if we purpose to continue our mighty work for humanity, we +must limit our preparations for war. The best way to preserve peace is +to think peace, to believe in peace, and to work for peace. + +The extent to which the great powers will go in order to secure +enthusiasm for their military establishments is almost beyond +comprehension. Each nation has its great military rendezvous, its +grand naval parades, its magnificent display of gorgeous military +uniforms, its wave of colors, blare of trumpets, and bursts of martial +music. The United States is now sending her navy around the world--for +the purpose of training the seamen?--certainly, but also that the +youth of our land may be intoxicated by the apparent glory of it all, +and thus enlist for service; that the American citizens may be aroused +to greater enthusiasm by this magnificent display of the implements of +legalized murder, and thus be willing to build more floating arsenals +rather than irrigate arid lands, develop internal waterways, build +hospitals, schools, and colleges. + +The trouble with such exhibitions is, that it displays only the bright +side of militarism. If in place of the Russian battleships they should +display the starving masses of dejected and despised beings who pay +for those battleships; if in place of the gay German uniforms they +should exhibit the rags of the disheartened peasants who pay for those +uniforms; if in place of the grand parade they should produce masses +of wounded men and rivers of blood; if in place of the stirring +martial music they should produce the writhing agonies and awful +groans of dying men; if in place of sham war they should produce +actual war,--their exhibitions would make militarism unbearable. + +Again, we are told that we have suddenly become a world power, and +that we must prepare to exercise a new diplomacy under new conditions. +We must increase our navy, they say, to enforce this new diplomacy. We +must prepare to fight in behalf of the Monroe Doctrine. But why, I +ask, cannot this new diplomacy be enforced as American diplomacy has +always been enforced? We promulgated the Monroe Doctrine without a +navy; we have maintained it for over eighty years without the show of +force. If our new diplomacy is right, it is as strong as the world's +respect for righteousness; if it is wrong, a hundred battleships +cannot enforce it. + +We have become a world power, and therefore we have a world-wide +responsibility, and that responsibility is to establish justice, not +force; to build colleges, not battleships; to enthrone love, not hate; +to insure peace, not war. Our mission is to strike the chains from the +ankles of war-burdened humanity. Our duty is to proclaim in the name +of the Most High our faith in the power of justice as opposed to the +force of arms. May it be said of us that we found the world burdened +with militarism, but left it blessed with peace; that we found liberty +among the strong alone, but left it the birthright of the weak; that +we found humanity a mass of struggling individuals, but left it a +united brotherhood. May it be said of us that we found peace purchased +by suffering, but left it as free as air; that we found peace bruised +and stained with militarism, but left it ruling the world through love +and liberty. May it be said of us that we fulfilled our mission as a +world power; that we were brave enough and strong enough to lead the +world into the path of universal peace. + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE + +By LEVI T. PENNINGTON, Earlham College, Richmond, Indiana + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at The University +of Chicago, May 4, 1909 + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF WORLD PEACE + + +In the progress of the world the dream of yesterday becomes the +confident hope of to-day and the realized fact of to-morrow. As old +systems fail to meet new conditions and new ideals, they are +discarded; and into the limbo of worse than useless things is passing +the system of human sacrifice to the Moloch of international warfare. +For centuries world peace has been the dream of the poet, the +philanthropist, the statesman, and the Christian. That dream is +becoming a confident hope. This generation should see it an +accomplished fact. + +There was a time when individual prowess determined the issue of every +difference. Might made right, so it was thought, and the winner in any +controversy was he who had the heaviest club, the strongest arm, or +the thickest skull. Man's interrelationships multiplied as humanity +advanced; with each new relation came new causes for quarrel, and for +a time advancing civilization brought but increase in murders and +assassinations. + +We know the process by which personal combat ceased; how the duel +replaced murder and ambush and assassination; how courts of law +replaced the duel. The dreamer saw the day when personal combat should +be no more; the man of mind refuted all the arguments in favor of the +duel of men; the constructive statesman of that early day instituted +courts of law and equity. Men who had a difference insisted that it +was their quarrel and they alone could settle it; but reason saw that +two combatants inflamed by passion are least fitted of all men to see +where justice lies. Many held that where honor is involved, no one can +adjust the difficulty but those most directly concerned; but reason +saw that a man's honor cannot be vindicated by killing his enemy or +being killed by him. Men said, "If personal combat is abolished, +courage and strength will perish from the earth." But reason saw that +personal combat in a selfish cause does not bring out the highest type +of courage; and that there are opportunities enough for the exercise +of the highest and best moral and physical courage to keep valor alive +forever. It was finally urged that there would be no power to enforce +the decree if personal differences were left to the adjudication of +others; but reason said, "That power will come with the need for it." +And so courts of law and equity arose, based on the need of humanity; +laws were passed defining rights and limiting aggression; and when one +man wronged another, that wrong was settled in court by the power of +the whole people and not in personal combat with the bludgeon or the +knife. + +For similar reasons wars between states and tribes have ceased; and +face to face with the inevitable logic of past progress stands the +world to-day. Though humanity has been slow to see it, the truth has +begun to dawn in the hearts of men--that international wars are no +more to be justified than civil strife, tribal warfare, or personal +combat. Gradually the omnipotent power of right is overcoming the +inertia of humanity, and the world is moving. One by one the awful +truths concerning war are forcing themselves upon the consciousness +and the conscience of men. The mighty power of fact is beating down +the opposition to world peace. + +Men have begun to realize the terrible cost, the unbelievable +wastefulness of actual war, and the preparation for possible war. When +we read that the armed peace of Europe the past thirty-seven years has +cost $111,000,000,000, nearly as much as the aggregate value of all +the resources of the United States, the richest nation on earth, the +figures are so appalling that mortal mind cannot conceive them, and +they lose their force. When we remember that two thirds of the +national revenues of the United States are spent on wars past or +prospective, the matter comes closer home. When we realize that the +cost of a single battleship exceeds the value of all the grounds and +buildings of all the colleges and universities in Illinois, the +figures have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship would +build a home for an American family, a comfortable home costing $1700, +the common man realizes that the richest nation on earth cannot afford +to go to war nor prepare for war. + +But mere money is one of the cheapest things in all the world. The +price of war never can be paid in gold. Not in national treasuries can +you see the payment of that price, where smug, well-groomed +politicians sign bonds and bills of credit. If you would see the +payment of that price of war, you must go to the place of war. With +all your senses open, step upon the battlefield. Smell the smoke of +burning powder, the reek of charging horses, the breath of fresh, red, +human blood. Feel the warmth of that blood as you seek to stanch the +wound in the breast of one of the world's bravest, dying for he knows +not what. Hear the screams of the shells, the booming roar of the +cannonade, the clash of the onslaught, the shrieks of the wounded, the +groans of the dying, the last gasp of him whose life has reached its +end. Such is the infernal music of war. See the victim of the conflict +reel in the saddle and fall headlong. Cast your eyes on the mangled +forms of godlike men, fallen in the midst of fullest life. Come in the +night after the battle and look upon the ghastly faces upturned in the +moonlight. Gaze on the windrows of the dead, Mars's awful harvest, +that impoverishes all and enriches none, and you know something of the +cost of war. + +And yet we have seen but little. Could we but enter the wasted homes +and see the broken hearts that war has made; could we go to the +almshouses and soldiers' orphans' homes and see widows and children by +the thousand suffering the doled-out charity of state or nation +because war has robbed them of their rightful protectors; could we but +realize the agony of the broken home, a thousandfold worse than the +agony of the battlefield,--then might we know more of the real cost of +war. + +And still our idea would be inadequate, though we realized the full +measure of every groan and heartache. Earth's most priceless treasures +are still more intangible things, the treasures of justice and +kindliness and love. In that higher realm the cost of war is most +terrible and most deadly. The spirit of war in the soldier sets aside +the moral law, makes human life seem valueless, human suffering a +thing to be disregarded, human slaughter an honorable profession. The +war spirit blinds the eye of the statesman, till wrong seems right, +folly seems expediency, and the death of thousands seems preferable +to the life and happiness of all under terms of peace not dictated by +his own will. Justice is dethroned, and revenge takes up the iron +scepter and lets fly the thunderbolt. The war spirit perverts the mind +of the publicist, till the achievements of honorable peace sink into +insignificance, and the press clamors for the war that means money to +the publisher but death to innocent thousands who can have no possible +interest in the conflict. The war spirit takes possession of the +pulpit, and the minister called to preach the loving message of the +Prince of Peace stirs up the spirit of contention and animosity, of +hate and murder. Could we but draw aside the curtain and, back of the +tinsel and gold braid, see the crime, the hate, the moral degradation +that war always brings, never again would a friend of humanity ask for +war. + +But the eyes of the world are opening to the fact that the cost of war +is far too high in money and in men, in suffering and sacrifice, and +in those higher values of justice and kindliness and love. And as the +thought once grew that personal differences might be settled without +personal combat, so men are looking toward the settlement of +international difficulties without recourse to the sword. They have +seen that every argument against the duel of men applies with still +greater force against the duel of nations. And the world has moved +farther toward world peace in the past twenty-five years than in all +the centuries of history that have preceded. World peace has become +not the dream of the poet but the confident hope of the world, whose +realization is the task whose accomplishment is set for the men of +this generation. + +One by one the obstacles to world peace are being broken down. +Commerce has destroyed much of international prejudice. Community of +interest has obviated many former causes of quarrel. The sophistical +arguments of the friends of war are being answered by the logic of +hard facts. Warfare has been ameliorated by international agreement. +Vast reaches of territory have been neutralized. Unfortified cities +are no longer to be bombarded in any country. Actual disarmament has +taken place between the United States and Canada, between Chile and +Argentina.[1] Norway and Sweden have separated peaceably. Bulgaria has +achieved her independence without bloodshed. The Dogger Bank incident, +which a century earlier would have plunged England and Russia into +war, has been adjusted amicably. Two Hague Conferences have advanced +tremendously the progress of international amity. Over eighty +arbitration treaties are now in force. We already have a permanent +high court of nations, to which are being referred questions that +would once have resulted in war. And we are nearer than the dreamer of +last century dared hope to "the Parliament of man, the Federation of +the world." + + [1] The famous "disarmament" between the Argentine Republic + and Chile was brought about by a series of four documents of + May 28, 1902, one of July 10, 1902, and one of January 9, + 1903. A preliminary protocol declares the disposition of both + countries "to remove all causes for trouble in their + international relations." A general treaty of arbitration + unlimited in scope was signed for a period of ten years. A + convention bound each country to "desist from acquiring the + vessels of war now building for them, and from henceforth + making new acquisitions." Article II says that "the two + governments bind themselves not to increase their naval + armaments during a period of five years, without previous + notice." As a result of arbitration resulting from this + series of agreements the frontier was disarmed and remains + free from military posts. New naval programs of both + countries were formulated after the expiration of the period + of abnegation, and dreadnoughts are now in course of + construction.--_Editor._ + +But not yet has the millennium dawned. In the face of all this +progress, armies and navies are stronger and more burdensome than +ever. The United States spends more on wars past and prospective than +for all educational purposes, and England, France, Germany, Russia, +groan under the burdens of the armed peace of Europe. Armed to the +teeth, the nations of the world lie watching one another. The mind of +the world is convinced that war is futile and terribly wasteful. The +heart of the world is convinced that war is cruel and inexcusable. The +conscience of the world has admitted that war is wrong and morally +unjustifiable. And still the preparation for war goes on, and unless +conditions are changed, war is inevitable. What is to be done? The +world's will must be moved, and men must be led to do what they have +already admitted is right and just and expedient. + +As we have led in other days, so must America lead to-day. As the +light of republican government and complete justice to the individual +first saw full dawn in the United States, so the eyes of the world are +turned toward us to see the dawn of world peace, and full justice to +all the nations. It is ours to lead. The example of the United States +will do more than a century of argument and conference. America should +begin the disarmament that will eventually mean the triumph of world +peace. + +We have naught to fear. We are far distant from the storm centers of +the world. We have no foes within that demand a large standing army, +and there are no enemies without that are anxious to try conclusions +with us on land or sea. Then away with war talk and war scares and +"jingoism." In time of peace let us prepare for peace, that all the +world may enjoy peace. American disarmament will be a tremendous +stride toward the accomplishment of the world's desire--the cessation +of international warfare; a great world's court, to settle all +international differences; an international police force, to give +effect to the decrees of this court; and the end of the burdens of +armies and navies under which the whole world is groaning. Let heart +and voice and pen, pulpit and press and platform, soldier and +statesmen and private citizen, ask for peace, and not for war. + +This is a part of the world's larger hope. Pessimists there are who +say that human nature is belligerent, and that war will never be +abolished. But international warfare has already seen the handwriting +on the wall. Mars has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. +The fruitless slaughter of the millions is not to be forever nor for +long. Let us hasten the day when the rolling war drum will be hushed +forever, the bugle note no longer call to carnage; when "nation shall +not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any +more." Love shall take the place of Hate, and Justice sit on the +throne instead of Greed. Some day in the not distant future the +nations that have all these centuries bowed before the god of war +shall own eternal allegiance to the Prince of Peace. And "of the +increase of His government and of Peace there shall be no end." + + + + +THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE + +By ARTHUR FORAKER YOUNG, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at the University +of Michigan, May 13, 1910 + + + + +THE WASTE OF WAR--THE WEALTH OF PEACE + + +In the worship of Mars, Herodotus tells us, the ancient Scythian +erected an old scimitar at the summit of a huge brush heap. To this, +as a symbol of the great god of war, he offered not only the produce +of the land but also human life in sacrifice. We shudder as we picture +the priest standing over his victim, his hands wet with the blood of +his fellow man. We cry out in horror as we think of the lives these +peoples sacrificed. We call it an inhuman glorification of a pagan +deity. We call it a ruthless waste of wealth and human life. These +practices we pronounce to be the result of a popular delusion--a false +sense of obligation to the spirit of war. Yet from the time the +Scythian drew the blood of his victim in homage to the great war god, +even down to our own day, the nations have paid homage to Mars. + +Though we boast of our progress in civilization, history reveals the +fact that we, too, have been the victims of the Scythian's delusion. +Is it not a fact that one of the most terrible customs of savage men +counts among its followers to-day all the nations of the earth? The +subtlest skill of the scientist, the keenest intelligence of the +statesman, vast stores of the world's resources, are devoted to +maintaining great armies and navies, to inventing new means of attack +or defense, to enlarging and making more deadly the enginery of war. +What is our boast of civilization, while we tolerate this devotion of +so many men and so much of wealth to war? Is this not a sacrifice +essentially pagan in spirit? Are we not still paying unrighteous +homage to Mars? + +Why, then, we ask, do nations make provision for war the first +necessity of national life? Behold Russia. A few years ago, in time of +famine, spending millions of money for war equipment when millions of +her own peasantry were slowly starving for the lack of one dollar's +worth of food per month. What motive impelled Russia to this heathen +conduct? It was solely that Germany, France, England, Japan, and the +United States had great armies and navies against which starving +Russia must be prepared to defend herself. What dire stress compels +England to-day to perpetuate her program of naval supremacy when she +is struggling in the throes of budget difficulties which seem all but +unsolvable? What is it that compels Germany and France to tax +themselves until they fairly stagger under the burden of military +expenditures? Naught other than a suicidal lust for military power. +Naught other than the infatuation of the dizzy, competitive war dance +of mutual destruction--each nation blindly driven by all, and all by +each. + +We as Americans profess to find in the conduct of Russia, in the +militarism of England and Germany and France, examples of militarism +run rampant. How our hearts have warmed within us when we have thought +of our own republic as the happy envied nation, free from the burden +of militarism! Our farmer has gone singing about his work, apparently +not having to carry on his back a soldier, as does the European +peasant. Our mechanic has freely plied his trade without thought of +supporting a sailor. Yet how can we say that the United States in +buying battleships and erecting coast defenses, in arming her soldiers +with Krag-Joergensens, has not been deprived of schools, colleges, and +opportunities essential to happiness and prosperity? In a decade we +have spent nearly a billion dollars on our navy alone. Yes, we have +aped the military fashions of Europe and have set a new standard of +military waste. + +Verily our national advancement waits on militarism. Inland waterways +should be improved; forests must be safeguarded; other natural +resources of untold value should be conserved; millions of acres of +desert lands should be improved; millions in swamps should be +redeemed. The problem of the nation's food supply is becoming urgent; +for its solution we must look more and more to scientific methods in +agriculture. Yet contrast the support our government gives these vital +interests with war's mighty drain on our treasury. Congress +appropriated $648,000,000 for all expenditures in 1910. Of this amount +$407,000,000 were appropriated for war expenditures and the glories of +militarism. For this same year agriculture received for all its needs +the comparatively paltry sum of $12,000,000. In spite of the fact that +our nation is devoting two thirds of its enormous national +expenditures to war, our militarists point to our vast national wealth +and sneer at the niggardly mortals who object to spending it for guns. + +It is evident that no nation is yet beyond the infatuation for display +of the splendors of war, yet in every one there are signs of a new +power that is coming upon us. All are thinking less of the glories of +war--of the beat of the drum, of the rhythmic tread of regiments, of +glittering sabers and of monster battleships--and are thinking more +and more of the glories of peace, of thriving industries, of +magnificent libraries, of comfortable homes, and of more efficient +schools. Obviously, though we still possess a war spirit, we are +seeing with a clearer vision that the waste of war is depriving us of +the fullest measure of the wealth of peace. Our frame of mind is much +the same as that of the ragged street urchin who, having lost his +day's earnings, thinks of a hundred things which he might have spent +it for. The same spirit is permeating every nation. The American +manufacturer, the Russian peasant, the English mechanic, the German +scientist, the French scholar, are all asking themselves, "Why need +the world continue to carry this Atlantean burden of war?" + +Already this sentiment has accomplished practically all that can be +done in humanizing war. It has outlawed the dumdum bullet, it has +enforced radical sanitary measures, it has neutralized the Red Cross +and brought its ministrations to the relief of the sufferings of war. +But humanized war is not the goal of this sentiment. As long as there +is an increase of armaments there will be war; as long as the battle +rages there will be waste and suffering. The same sentiment which has +humanized war now demands war's abolition. It has already accomplished +something toward this end in making the settlement of international +disputes through arbitration more probable than war. What it has not +accomplished is the discrediting of militarism. It has failed to stop +the growth of armaments. Can we expect our regiments to find +contentment in the irksome routine of training camp with never a +thought of charging the enemy? Can we expect to man the seas with +fleets of war just for gay parade and cruises around the world? Can we +expect that our skilled gunners will be satisfied to practice, +practice always, and never long for human targets? It is against +arming nations for battle and tempting them to fight that the peace +sentiment is rousing itself and is being organized. It is in this +labor that peace societies the world over are performing valiant +service. Their great mission is the creation of an intelligent public +opinion, a force more potent than government itself. + +What, for instance, was the purpose of the founder of this +Intercollegiate Peace Association? Not, I take it, to give men a +chance to win petty oratorical triumphs; not, I suppose, to bring +together speakers to entertain such audiences as this--or to weary +them. But their object must have been to set the men of our colleges +to thinking on the great question of peace. In such ways are peace +societies using the platform and the press to establish a firm basis +for unity and peace throughout the world. + +Yesterday the advocate of world peace was called a dreamer; to-day +rapidly organizing public opinion demands the abolition of war and +recognizes the wealth and culture of peace. Yesterday we erected +statues to those who died for their country; to-day we cheer the +Gladstones, the McKinleys, the Roosevelts, who live for humanity. +Yesterday we bowed the knee to Mars; to-day we join in peans to the +Prince of Peace. Yes, the new spirit of the day is fraternal; it is +undaunted; it is for mankind. Even now the world's geniuses are +mustering the soldier citizens of every nation for a peaceful +conflict. The great battles of to-morrow are to be fought in quiet +laboratories, in legislative halls, in courts of justice, and on the +broad battlefields of productive labor. + +The final outcome is, indeed, irresistible. Racial movements have +mixed all peoples; the oceans have become the world's common highways; +the air is filled with voices speaking from city to city and from +continent to continent; an international postal system makes the +world's ideas one; there is quick participation of mankind in the +fruits of invention and research. We behold financial and economic +enterprises world-wide in their outreach; we feel the force of social +projects and social ideals that concern not one but every nation; and +we are participating in missionary movements that affect not one but +every race, and are changing the very face of nature itself. Our world +is a world unified beyond all possible conception a century ago, and +the world unity is a certain stepping stone to world peace. + +The world never offered grander opportunity to the nations for +leadership--not for leadership in military splendor, but for +leadership in the sublime paths of peace. For the United States this +call means not only opportunity but even obligation. Already this +country has performed well her duty in fostering international +arbitration. She has been a party to half of the cases where disputes +between nations have been referred to the Hague Tribunal. Arbitration +is performing its mission with more and more efficiency, yet each year +the war budgets of the nations are increasing. The peace sentiment now +demands a decrease of armaments, a conversion of the waste of war into +the wealth of peace. To demonstrate that this is practicable is the +immediate opportunity before us, our present obligation. What is our +waste of war expressed in terms of the wealth of peace? Notice! Two +thirds of the cost of one dreadnought, like the mammoth _Florida_ +launched but yesterday, would erect and furnish a veritable palace for +every foreign ambassador and minister of the United States, thus +solving a perplexing problem of our diplomatic service. One +twenty-second of the cost of one dreadnought would support for one +year the entire force of the American Board of Foreign Missions in +their work of proclaiming our gospel of peace. One half the cost of +one dreadnought would erect and equip twenty-five manual-training +schools, teaching the rudiments of a trade to forty thousand young +people each year. The cost of two dreadnoughts would provide every +state in the Union with a half-million dollars with which to save the +juvenile delinquents from criminal courts and schools of vice behind +prison bars. The cost of one dreadnought, wisely spent each year in +the fight against tuberculosis, would make the white plague in a +single generation a disease as rare as smallpox is to-day. + +Where now we are erecting battleships and forts, it is for us to build +libraries and schools. Where now we drain our treasuries in equipping +men to fight their fellow men, it is for us to arm against the common +enemy, disease. Where now we pour out our wealth before the pagan +Mars, it is for us to devote our treasure to supporting the works of +the Prince of Peace. + +Such a victory for peace would make America not simply a world power: +it would make her the world leader. Will we stop tagging at the heels +of Great Britain and Germany and travel this broadening road in which +we can be first? How humiliating to struggle along, a trailer in the +military procession! How noble to set the daring example of living up +to the belief in peace! Will we say: "See our hands; we bear no +bludgeons. Search us; we carry no concealed weapons. Militarism we +have thrown to the scrap heap of practices discredited and vicious. We +have stopped war's wanton waste of men and treasure; we rejoice in the +growing wealth of peace ideals realized"? Thus shall we speed the +steadily growing public opinion of the world, to the bar of which must +finally come every nation which does aught to break or hinder the +world's peace. + + + + +THE HOPE OF PEACE + +By STANLEY H. HOWE, Albion College, Albion, Michigan + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Johns Hopkins +University, May 5, 1911 + + + + +THE HOPE OF PEACE + + +The history of civilization is a record of changing ideals, and ideals +are best reared in the hearts of the world's young men. Inevitably, +nations look toward the cradle for their future and intrust the care +of their destiny to the hands of youth. "Tell me what are the +prevailing sentiments that occupy the minds of your young men," +declared Edmund Burke, "and I will tell you what is to be the +character of the next generation." When the blood of youth is sluggish +and impure; when the young hold wealth more dear than worth, remove +the check of virtue from their selfish aims, establish Mammon as their +god, and, ambitious to govern the world, forget how to govern +themselves,--then nations choke and die. But when the blood of youth +is rich and pure, pulsating through the veins of the universe with +strong, resistless surge; when fathers teach anew the angel's message +of good will and peace, and sons build high their goal upon a pedestal +of service and of truth,--then nations breathe and live. What hope, +then, asks the world, finds the doctrine of peace in the ideals and +aspirations of America's youth to-day? + +The nation faces a charge of militarism. It is the indictment of her +critics that never before in American history has the government +entertained an attitude so hostile toward her neighbors and so +dangerous to the interests of peace. They point to the attempt to +fortify the Canal and cry out that America would drain her treasury +to build a monument of reproach to international integrity. They +criticize the vast appropriations for the navy and declare that +America is starving her poor that she may more pompously parade the +seas. They protest against the "war-game" on the Rio Grande[1] and +even charge that in the interest of a Wall Street king America invites +the world to arms. And these are not illusions. The lure of gold has +turned the nation from her mission. The spirit of commercialism has +eclipsed the sentiment of brotherhood and tempted the Republic to +barter her honor for the price of imperial supremacy. Wherein, then, +again asks the world, finds America hope for the future? And to the +charges of her critics, with their dismal prophecy of a "wrong forever +on the throne," this is the nation's answer and defense--that an +eclipse is never permanent, that the world stays not in the valley of +the shadow forever, and that the solution of the problem, the +fulfillment of a national mission, and the hope of world peace find +their common assurance in the changing ideals of America's aspiring +young men. + + [1] Part of the United States army was mobilized on the + frontier for maneuvers, in 1911, owing to the Mexican + revolutionary disturbances.--_Editor._ + +The young American is essentially ambitious. He is wont to seek the +shortest path to leadership, and, when blocked at one highway, to turn +with undiminished ardor to another. And his ideal is a mirror of the +age in which he lives. In revolutionary days he covets the glory of a +minuteman, and in the deeds of Warren and Putnam finds the +consummation of his hopes. Again, in the hour of civil war his eyes +turn toward the battlefield--and from her boys under twenty-one the +Union draws eighty-five per cent of her defenders. But fortunately for +America this drama of the youth's ideal has one more act. The lure of +fife and drum has become a thing of the past. The glamour of military +life has become a dream of yesterday. The young man is learning that +the prize of battle is never equal to the price. And with the growing +conviction of the folly and futility of international strife must +disappear the last apology for war. Nations will cease to struggle, +not when they have learned that war is a tragedy but when they have +discovered that it is a farce. + +And the youth of to-day is learning it. In the same deplorable +conditions which the nation's critics have regarded as an alarming +tendency toward militarism, he reads a message of the absurdity of +war. Militarism itself is revealing a mission. Based as it is on the +spirit of aggrandizement, it is teaching to youth the economic value +of a human life. It is uncovering its own selfish motives and +betraying its own senseless ends. It is impressing the world with the +truth that battles are fought for purse string and not for principle. +It is teaching to youth a new ideal; it is itself the answer to +complaints of friends and calumnies of foes. It is the cloud before +the dawn. It heralds the coming of the brightest epoch yet chronicled +in American history. It is the realization of that glorious prophecy +of John Hay that the time is coming when "the clangor of arms shall +cease, and we can fancy that at last our ears, no longer stunned by +the din of armies, may hear the morning stars singing together and all +the sons of God shouting for joy." + +And is this but the dream of a visionary? Is it merely the fancied +perception of an inexistent star? Is it nothing more than a +groundless hope and an alluring vagary? The answer is visible +everywhere. And the hope of peace finds its safest assurance among the +institutions of learning in America. James Bryce has referred to the +United States as the nation having the largest proportion of its young +men in college. In the last month of June more than fifty thousand +collegians wore the cap and gown of graduation. It is to the trust of +the college-bred man that the peace movement confides its future, and +modern education assumes no greater responsibility than the training +of the new world-citizen. Already the school has become the most +potent factor in the new uplift. The youth is no longer dependent upon +the newspaper for his knowledge of world-politics. An intelligent +study of foreign affairs is at last regarded as of as much importance +as a study of the past. To broaden the young man's vision of the +world, prominent educators are even advocating traveling fellowships. +In twenty-five of the larger universities of America an association of +Cosmopolitan Clubs is establishing the groundworks for a wider +international fraternity. Plans are already under way to have an +organized delegation of more than a hundred students of all +nationalities present at the third Hague Conference. Day by day the +problem of world-unity is becoming more and more deeply embedded in +the mind and thought of the rising generation. More and more is +youthful patriotism becoming a realization of the truth that "Above +all nations is humanity." The lure of war is losing its magnetic power +and the brotherhood of man becoming more and more an international +reality. A sentiment for universal peace is sweeping the world, and +behind the defenses of advancing civilization, armed with the strength +of a lofty and unselfish purpose, stands an army of America's young +men, mustered from the nation's colleges, enlisted to serve for an +eternity, and invulnerable in the protection of a new and a conquering +ideal. + +Therefore the significance of the young man in the world's affairs +to-day is something more than a fancy. Again and again the plea for +world-harmony hears a response in the changing ideals of a new +generation. The growing sentiment of the educated youth of Japan finds +its crystallization in the efforts of Count Okuma toward the +consummation of world-disarmament. The spirit of the youth of England +finds expression in the ambitious dream of George V, whose hope it is +to tie the bond of Anglo-Saxon unity, long since dissevered by George +III. Among the young men of Russia the life of the great philosopher +of world-citizenship has left a lasting conviction of the +senselessness of war. Even in imperialistic Germany the reckless +building of dreadnoughts brings out a vigorous and uncompromising +protest from the thinking youth of the land. In America a vision of +the international parliament of man, growing large in the minds of her +leading statesmen, finds expression in the continued philanthropy of a +great industrial king. And, most significant of all, these are the +world-wide examples that the college man enthrones in the empire of +his thoughts. Sixty thousand European students, bound together by the +cosmopolitan ties of a peace fraternity, have ceased to glorify the +triumphs of the battlefield. The commentaries of the hero-worshiper +to-day do not record the names of a Marlborough or a Bonaparte. Rather +does the young man find his idols in the more humble annals of a +Tolstoy or a Hay. And the new ideal of international peace is not +merely the religion of a few enthusiasts. In an individual way these +apostles of peace voice to the world the spirit of the unnumbered +thousands of obscurer men whose lives and talents are directed, not to +the construction of material kingdoms but to the building of a better +and more world-wide brotherhood. + +Such is the Hope of Peace. The nation's critics may continue their +indictment, and, pointing out the crises of the hour, paint in dismal +hues a picture of the problems never to be solved except by shot and +shell. Her skeptics, blinded by thought of the errors of the past, may +prophesy the desecration of her honor and the disappointing failure of +her hopes. The press may pen a graphic story of the military spirit of +the age, and frowning patriarchs relate the deeds of golden days gone +by. But underneath this cloud that overhangs, and almost hidden in the +gloom of history's disparagement, the new world-citizen discerns the +birth-light of a brighter and more steadfast star,--perceives the +coming triumph of good will and peace,--and the awakened eyes of +expectant America look forward with promise to the dawn of that new +day when a nation shall be judged by the weight of its cross and not +by the wealth of its crown. + + + + +THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR + +By PERCIVAL V. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor + +First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1912, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912 + + + + +THE ROOSEVELT THEORY OF WAR + + +Ex-President Roosevelt has made this astounding statement, "By war +alone can we acquire those virile qualities necessary to win in the +stern strife of actual life." These words, coming from the lips of a +nation's idol, have fallen like a bomb shell in the camp of the +pacifists. Not that Mr. Roosevelt's opinion was of overwhelming +weight, but that he was voicing the opinion of some of the most +influential thinkers of the modern world. Not long before the German +philosopher Nietzsche had taken a like position, and he was indorsed +by Von Moltke, the statesman; Ernest Renan, the historian; Hegel, the +philosopher; Charles Kingsley and Canon Farrar, the divines. We must +have a care, we peace advocates, how we treat such men's opinions. If +they are right; if, as they maintain, war develops a nation, then we +are fighting against the instrument of our own salvation and +smothering the only hope of the nation itself. + +But are they right? Does war make for national greatness? Before we +can give a rational verdict we must answer certain other questions. +What is our nation, anyway? What are the factors that make for its +greatness? And how does war affect these factors? + +Plainly our nation is not some abstraction that haunts the marble +halls at Washington. Nor is it our vast dominion on which, like +England's, the sun never sets. You will find it rather in workshop and +store and factory; it is no more nor less than our men. If the +capital at Washington is founded on pygmy manhood, it will be blown +away like thistledown before some passing wind of revolution. Russia, +Turkey, Spain, will tell you that. If our men are giants, the nation +will be lasting as adamant. England and Germany and America are +monumental testimonies. + +Now what are the qualities in our men that make the nation great? + +Here a problem in analysis confronts us. Let us go about it as does +the student in the laboratory. He dissects a plant or mineral to find +the mysteries of its nature. We are to dissect a civilization to find +the factors of its strength. One little specimen will reveal the +secrets of the whole species. So one sample of civilization will show +the hidden springs of all. Go with me to the public square of any +modern city and there you will behold the qualities that build all +civilization. From the hum and rattle and roar that rises from the sea +of humanity come a thousand various voices, but all speak of one +theme--industry. There in the center of the throng and press a slender +monument rises, crowned perhaps with a figure of Liberty or Justice. +It tells you a simple story of Idealism. Yonder stands a silent, +vine-clad church, crowned by a mighty finger pointing heavenward and +beckoning always to the higher life. What need of going farther? +Industry, Idealism, Morality--already we have found the secret of +human success, the triple key to all advance, of man or group or +nation. Here is Carlyle, with his gospel of labor, the labor that +conquers all things; here is Ruskin, with his exalting idealism, that +gives an aim and purpose to all human toil; here is the great apostle +Paul himself, who transfigures that toil and exalts that purpose with +his everlasting gospel of moral sublimity. Here is our threefold +criterion, by which every nation must stand or fall. The Anglo-Saxon +is what he is through unceasing industry, perpetual aspiration, and +moral strength. The Central African is what he is through inbred +sluggishness, total lack of purpose, and almost total absence of +morality. + +These are the basic elements of national greatness. But the great +question still remains, How does war affect them? + +Concerning the effect of war on labor, we declare unhesitatingly that +the two are everlasting foes, and that whenever War lays hands on +Labor's throat, it strangles her. This is part of the inevitable +program of war, for note that it is on the laboring men that the +dreadful claims of war must fall. Mark its course. A bugle sounds the +call to arms. From workshop, mill, and factory the laborers pour +forth; out go the men into a trade where plunder and robbery are a +means of livelihood; when pillage and slaughter wane, indolence +becomes the order of the day; commerce degenerates into +blockade-running by sea and marauding by land. How tame the life of +peace to this wild life of war! And all the time the love of toil is +fading from men's minds; at home the factory wheels are turning more +and more feebly, and when at last the sword is laid aside, there is +only "confusion worse confounded," for the channels of labor are +choked with men reared in habits of indolence or trained in the school +of vice. Before the scar on that nation's industry can finally be +healed, decades and perhaps centuries of peace must pass away. + +But if war is a scar on the nation's industry, it is likewise a blot +on her ideals. Though this element of idealism at first seems +visionary and impractical, it is one of the foundation stones of +progress. The fixed gulf between what man is and what he knows he +might be is the decisive factor in his advance. Ideals are the pulleys +of the unseen, round which man throws his hopes and aims, by which he +pulls himself across the chasm and into the larger life. To advance at +all, man must have ideals--for himself, for his family, for his +nation. But mark the effect of war on these ideals. In place of the +ideal of peace--to serve men and uplift them--one is taught the ideal +of war--to make himself the most widely feared of professional +murderers. Instead of the ideal of peace--to make his family +comfortable, happy, and prosperous--comes in the war ideal, by whose +terms the family head deserts his own flock to kill other family heads +for the eternal glory of the Stars and Stripes. As for his ideal of +the nation's greatness, we have ample testimony that when bullets and +cannon balls cone crashing through the splendid structure of his +purpose, it speedily crumbles into an ignominious desire to hide +himself behind the nearest tree. No; do not say that war builds up +ideals; it tears them down and tramples them in the dust; aye more, it +sets back crime itself where they should rightly stand. + +But if war so dethrones a nation's ideals, what may it not do to a +nation's morality? Imagine if you can a million men, the core of the +national power, turning themselves into machines to carry out blindly +the schemes of leaders who may be right or wrong; schooled in the +belief that manslaughter is manliness, that the rash courage of the +brute is above the moral courage of a man; forgetful of the meaning +of human life; thoughtless of a thing so common as death; heedless of +its eternal consequences. No wonder Channing cried so bitterly: "War +is the concentration of all human crimes. Under its standard gather +violence, malignity, rage, fraud, rapacity, and lust. If it only slew +men, it would do little. But it turns man into a beast of prey. Here +is the evil of war, that man, made to be the brother, becomes the +deadly foe of his kind; that man, whose duty is to mitigate suffering, +makes the infliction of suffering his study and end." + +No, Mr. Roosevelt, for once at least you are wrong! We cannot believe +that war builds up a nation. Rather will we believe those words of +Herbert Spencer, more sweeping but far more true, "Advance to the +highest forms of man and society depends on the decline of militancy +and the growth of industrialism." + +"But wait," you say; "all this is theory and abstraction. We want +matters of fact. Your case may be true as philosophy, but you have +failed to ground it in example." So it is to history that our last +appeal must be made, for, says Bolingbroke, "History is philosophy, +teaching by example." Every decree of her stern tribunal is impartial +and irrevocable. War the tonic or war the poison? She is the final +judge. She will take you back, if you will, to her childhood days and +point you out vast empires, owning the known world, Babylonians, +Assyrians, Egyptians, Medes, and Persians, fearful fighters all of +them. But no, not quite all either. On a sandy stretch of seashore, +half hidden by the unwieldy empires around it, we see a timid, +peaceful little people called the Hebrews; they alone, from all that +mighty company, have stood the "wreckful siege" of thirty centuries. +Watch its sinister movement down the ages and you will see the war +cloud hover over Greece, and her republics melt to nothing in disunion +and decay. It hovers over the Huns, and they suddenly sink from sight; +over Islam, and its civilization crumbles faster than it grew; over +Spain, and all the New World treasures cannot save her from decay. +Finally, like the cloud no bigger than a hand, it rises from the +island of Corsica and moves toward Central Europe. All too well does +Europe know its meaning. From north and south, from east and west, she +pours into the field the finest armies that the Old World ever saw. +Then she pauses. Europe grows tense with a nameless dread. The storm +cloud blackens, hovers lower, then bursts with all its fury through +the continent. For ten long years, at the command of an imperial +butcher, the soil is drenched with blood, the sky grows lurid from +burning Paris to burning Moscow, three million homes are draped in +black. Grand, indeed, and glorious! But Europe lost more than her +gorgeous standards, more than her ruined cities; she left her manhood +on those bloody fields. + +We might extend the awful picture, but the story is the same, dread +tale of death for nations as for men. Is not this enough? Is it not +clear that this traitor to labor, this despoiler of ideals, this foe +to morality, is not the benefactor but the destroyer of nations? And +shall we not "here highly resolve" no longer to walk in this "valley +of the shadow of death," but to hasten toward the dawning of a +brighter, purer day? For in spite of pessimism, in spite of +scholarship, in spite of history, the day is + + "coming yet, for a' that-- + When man to man, the world o'er, + Shall brothers be for a' that." + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS + +By RUSSELL WEISMAN, Western Reserve University Cleveland, Ohio + +First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1912, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 16, 1912 + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND VITAL INTERESTS + + +The day for deprecating in general terms the evils of war and of +extolling the glories of peace is past. Such argument is little +needed. International trade requires peace. International finance +dictates peace. Even armies and navies are now justified primarily as +agents of peace. Yet so wantonly are these agents looting the world's +treasuries that they are themselves forcing their own displacement by +courts of arbitration. The two hundred and fifty disputes successfully +arbitrated in the past century challenge with trumpet-tongued +eloquence the support of all men for reason's peaceful rule. To-day no +discussion is needed to show that if war is to be abolished, if navies +are to dwindle and armies diminish, if there is to be a federation of +the world, it must come through treaties of arbitration. In this way +alone lies peace; yet in this way lies the present great barrier to +further progress--the conception which many nations, especially the +United States, hold of "national honor and vital interests." The +reservation from arbitration of so-called matters of national honor +and vital interests constitutes the weak link in every existing +arbitration treaty between the great powers of the world. This +reservation furnishes the big-navy men all the argument they need. It +destroys the binding power of the treaties by allowing either party to +any dispute to refuse arbitration. It was by this reservation that the +United States Senate so lately killed the British and the French +treaties. And I contend here to-night that the one subject which +imperatively demands discussion is national honor and vital interests. +That the next important step must be the exposure of the reactionary +influence of the United States in excepting these matters from +arbitration. + +Only fifteen months ago President Taft made his memorable declaration +that this barrier ought to be removed from the pathway of peace. He +proposed that the United States negotiate new treaties to abide by the +adjudication of courts in every international issue which could not be +settled by negotiation, whether involving honor or territory or money. +The next morning the proposal was heralded by the press throughout the +world. A few days later the halls of Parliament resounded with +applause when Great Britain's secretary of state for foreign affairs +announced that his government would welcome such a treaty with the +United States. France soon followed. Then, to the surprise of all, +hesitating Germany and cautious Japan showed a like willingness to +enter into such agreements. Universal peace seemed all but realized. + +The cause was at once borne up on a mighty wave of public opinion. The +peace societies were in a frenzy of activity. Mass meetings of +indorsement were held in England and America. Editorials of approval +appeared in all parts of the world. The movement was now irresistible. +Within eight months the British and the French treaties were drafted. +Three of the greatest nations of the world were at last to commit +themselves unreservedly to the cause of international peace. Even +disputes involving national honor should not halt the beneficent work +of high courts of law and of reason. The day when the treaties were +signed, August 3, 1911, was hailed as a red-letter day in the annals +of the civilized world. It was proclaimed the dawn of a new and +auspicious era in the affairs of men and of nations. + +During all the months preceding the action of the Senate on these +treaties the only statesman of any prominence to raise his voice in +opposition was ex-President Theodore Roosevelt. The gist of his +successive and violent attacks on the treaties is contained in this +utterance, which I quote, "It would be not merely foolish but wicked +for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute that affects our +vital interests or our independence or our honor." In this spirit, to +the surprise and disappointment of the whole nation, the Senate +amended the treaties out of their original intent, and placed upon +them limitations that defeated their purpose. By the Senate's action +the United States is still committed to the pretense that there may be +occasion for a just and solemn war, that vital interests and national +honor may force us to fight. + +What, then, are the vital interests that can be conserved only by +saber and bullet? Nothing more, nothing less, according to various +acknowledged authorities, than a state's independence and its +territorial integrity. Did the keen mind of our former president +really foresee the seizure of some of our territory by England or +France? Yet he protests it that it would be "not merely foolish but +wicked for us as a nation to agree to arbitrate any dispute that +affects our vital interests." Did Senator Lodge and his threescore +colleagues who amended the treaties actually fear an attempt to +overthrow our form of government, to destroy our political +institutions, or to take away those individual rights and sacred +privileges upon which our government was founded? Yet to save us from +such fate they refused unlimited arbitration. + +For the United States to except from arbitration her vital interests +is obvious pretense. To add thereto her national honor is extreme +hypocrisy. What is national honor? No man knows. It is one thing +to-day; another, to-morrow. It may involve an indemnity claim, a +boundary line, a fisheries dispute. In fact, any controversy may be +declared by either party, at will, to be a question of national honor. +Thus in the hands of an unskilled or malicious diplomacy, any question +which was originally a judicial one may become a question of national +honor. What, then, will we arbitrate? Every case in which a favorable +award is assured us. If we want Texas, we send an army after it. Every +case that does not rouse our anger. Let the _Maine_ blow up and we +fight. A treaty with an elastic exception like this is a farcical sham +and a delusion. + +It is high time the true and humiliating significance of these +fearsome phrases should be as familiar to every taxpayer as is the +burden of bristling camps and restless navies. Read the record of +Great Britain's first offer of unlimited arbitration in the +Olney-Pauncefote treaty of 1897. There, too, you will find national +honor and vital interests clogging the machinery of universal peace. +By these same exceptions the Senate emasculated that treaty and +defeated the spirit of the agreement. Is it conceivable that the +Senate actually feared that our interests would be imperiled by that +treaty? Did it delve out some hidden dangers which escaped the careful +scrutiny of both the English and American embassies, some peril +unforeseen by the keen judicial mind of President Cleveland, who +characterized the defeat of the treaty as "the greatest grief" of his +administration. + +But this is not all. The American representatives at both Hague +Conferences were the first to place these same limitations on all +arbitration proposals. + +Look at it from what point of view you will, our government's conduct +must appear humiliating. Considering the fact that universal +arbitration treaties have proved practical, it is well-nigh +incredible. Behold our bellicose sister American republics. Argentina +and Chile, Brazil and Argentina, Bolivia and Peru, all have agreements +for the arbitration of all questions whatsoever. All the Central +American republics are bound by treaty to decide every difference of +whatever nature in the Central American Court of Justice. Denmark's +three treaties with Italy, Portugal, and the Netherlands withhold no +cause, however vital, from reason's peaceful sway. Norway and Sweden +likewise have an agreement to abide by the decision of the Hague Court +in whatever disputes may occur. The very existence of all these +treaties is significant, yet even more significant is the fact that +they have been triumphantly tested. Norway and Sweden at one extremity +of the globe and Argentina and Chile at the other have thus quietly +settled disputes in which their honor and interests were seriously +involved. + +Do you ask further evidence of the hypocrisy with which our Senate +parades our national honor and our vital interests to the undoing of a +grand work? Search our history and you will find it in abundance. In +the great case of the Alabama claims, Charles Francis Adams pronounced +the construction of Confederate ships in English ports to be a +violation of the international law of neutrality. This certainly was a +question of national honor and vital interests, yet he pleaded for +arbitration. In reply Lord John Russell said, "That is a question of +honor which we will never arbitrate, for England's honor cannot be +made the subject of arbitration." The case was debated for six years. +Then came England's "Grand Old Man," the mighty Gladstone, with a +different view. "It is to the interest," he said, "not only of England +and the United States, but of the world, peaceably to settle those +claims." He submitted them to a joint high commission. England lost +and paid. Thus the honor of both nations was successfully arbitrated. +Likewise the Newfoundland fisheries case had been a bone of contention +between Great Britain and America from the day our independence was +recognized. As late as 1887 it threatened to become the cause of war. +No question ever arose which more vitally affected the interests of +America, yet the Senate recently accepted a settlement by arbitration. +Similarly, the Alaska fur seal dispute, the Alaskan and the Venezuelan +boundary disputes, and the northeast boundary controversy all involved +both the vital interests and the national honor of England and +America, yet all were satisfactorily and permanently arbitrated. So +excited were we over our northwest boundary that the principal issue +of a political campaign was "The whole of Oregon or none! Fifty-four +forty or fight!" Yet we peaceably acquiesced in a treaty that gave us +neither. + +Yes, our honor may be arbitrated. If we are ill-prepared for war, we +arbitrate. If we are sure of a favorable award, we arbitrate. But we +must have a loophole, an ever-ready escape from obligation. Posing as +the most enlightened nation on the face of the globe, we refuse +entirely to displace those medieval notions according to which +personal honor found its best protection in the dueling pistol, and +national honor its only vindication in slaughter and devastation. To +unlimited arbitration we refuse to submit. + +Fifteen years ago England, the mighty England, gave us her pledge that +no cause should ever justify war. This pledge our Senate in the name +of honor refused. Unlimited arbitration agreements were suggested at +both Hague Conferences. Americans promptly placed restrictions upon +them in the name of honor. Again has England with enthusiasm just +offered us unrestricted arbitration. Again she is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. France, too, bears to our doors an +unqualified pledge of arbitration. France, too, is repulsed by our +Senate in the name of honor. Germany and Japan express a desire to +settle every question at the bar of justice. Impelled by honor we pass +their desire unheeded. Our Clevelands, our Olneys, our Edward Everett +Hales, our Carl Schurzes, our John Hays, have all urged unlimited +arbitration. Our Davises and Clarks and Platts and Quays in Senate +seats have undone their work in the name of honor. Our Charles Eliots +and Nicholas Butlers, our Albert Shaws and Hamilton Holts, now plead +for universal peace through unlimited arbitration. Senators Bacon and +Lodge and Heyburn and Hitchcock, apparently impelled by constitutional +prerogative, party prejudice, or personal animosity, now cast their +votes for limitations in the name of honor. From the platform of peace +conferences, from the halls of colleges, from the pulpit and the +bench, from the offices of bankers and merchants and manufacturers, +from the press, with scarcely a column's exception, there arises a +swelling plea for treaties of arbitration that know no exceptions. In +the name of honor that plea is defied. + +Honor? No, an ocean of exception large enough to float any number of +battleships for which pride and ambition may be willing to pay! Honor? +No, a finical and foolish reservation that at any moment may become a +maelstrom of suspicion and rage and hatred and destruction and death! +Honor? No, a mountainous barrier to peace that must be leveled before +there can be progress! Honor? No, the incarnation of selfishness, the +cloak of shrewd politics, the mask of false patriotism! National +honor? No, national dishonor! + +Before the nations of the world the United States stands to-day in an +unenviable light. It is a false light. Since the days of William Penn +and Benjamin Franklin our people have led in much of the march upward +from the slough of weltering strife. Many a stumbling block to +progress we have removed from the rugged pathway, but for fifteen +years our government has refused to touch the barrier of national +honor and vital interests. England and France have now laid this duty +squarely at our door. "It is a social obligation as imperative as the +law of Moses, as full of hope as the Great Physician's healing touch." +Let us here highly resolve that there shall be uttered a new official +interpretation of national honor and vital interests, an +interpretation synonymous with dignity and fidelity, sincerity, and +integrity, and confidence in the vows both of men and of nations. "If +we have 'faith in the right as God gives us to see the right,' we +shall catch a vision of opportunity that shall fire the soul with a +spirit of service which the darkness of night shall not arrest, which +the course of the day shall not weary." + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM + +By PAUL B. BLANSHARD, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor + +First Prize Oration in the Central Group Contest, 1913, and in the +National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +THE EVOLUTION OF PATRIOTISM + + +Robert Southey has asked through the lips of a little child the +greatest peace question that the world has known. He pictures a summer +evening on the old battlefield of Blenheim. On a chair before his +vine-clad cottage sat old Kaspar while his grandchildren, Wilhelmine +and Peterkin, played on the lawn. Suddenly Peterkin from a nearby +brook unearthed a skull and, running, brought it to Kaspar's knee. The +old man took the gruesome thing from the boy, and told him that this +had been the head of a man killed in the great battle of Blenheim. +Then little Wilhelmine looked up into her grandfather's face and said: + + "Now tell us all about the war, + And what they fought each other for." + +Here we have the central question in the problem of war. Why do men +fight? Through the answer to that question lies the path to +world-peace. + +Few men fight to-day for glory. Modern militarism has no place for +Lancelots and Galahads. The glory of the regiment has absorbed the +glory of the individual. Few men fight to-day to gain great wealth. +The treasures that glittered before Pizarro do not tempt our soldiers. +Material wealth is more easily won in factory or farm or mill. Few men +fight to-day for religion. The conquest of religion has become a +conquest of peace; the very ideal of peace is an end of religion +itself. Glory, wealth, religion--these are no longer the causes of +war. Then why do men fight? The answer is obvious. Men fight to-day +for patriotism. Patriotism is the cause of war. + +The next step in our reasoning is more difficult. If patriotism is the +cause of war, how shall we treat the cause to destroy the result? +Shall we attempt to abolish patriotism as Tolstoy would have us do, or +shall we try to change its nature so that war as a natural result will +be impossible? To answer these questions we must study patriotism from +its very beginnings. We must ask: What is patriotism? Where did it +come from? What place has it in our life? + +Observe first the simplest cell of life, the amoeba. We can watch it +through the microscope. It is so tiny that it keeps house in a drop of +water. It has neither emotion nor consciousness, in the human sense. +It lives a while, and then splits in two to form other cells that have +no connection with each other. Yet this infinitesimal bit of life has +an instinct, the instinct to save itself. Watch an amoeba as fire is +brought near. It immediately moves away. Its every act is regulated by +this one instinct, self-preservation. + +Now let us leave the microscope and go outdoors. Over there is a bird +in a tree top, feeding its young in a nest. Suppose that a fire should +suddenly consume the tree. Would the mother bird fly away in safety? +No, it would die on its nest in the effort to save its young. There is +more than self-preservation here. The scientist will tell you that the +instinct has expanded to include the preservation of the offspring. + +And now turn to primitive man. The recent excavations in Sussex will +give us a picture of him. He is a wild, gorilla-like figure that +creeps beneath the trees. He can leap with lightning force on his +prey. He drapes his body with bearskins, and eats meat from fingers +that end in claws. And yet with all his savage ferocity, this is more +than an animal. This is a man. In his breast there stir the instincts +of a man. In his life we see the vital element of patriotism, love. +His little savage family is more precious to him than all the world. +He will fight and die, not only for self-preservation but for those +who to him are "brother and sister and mother." This is the stamp of +the human. This is the potentially divine. + +But as the storms of war beat about these little savage families, the +sense of common danger welded them into one. Out of grim necessity +friendship came, and friendship gave birth to patriotism. Loyalty and +sacrifice were not limited to the family; men fought and died for +their tribe. + +And now let us turn the microscope upon ourselves. We would fight for +our country. We say because we love our country. We call that feeling +patriotism. It is more extended than the savage love of tribe; it +gives loyalty to a great government and democratic principles. We +speak of that feeling as divine, but it is terribly human. Its +expression is the same harsh ferocity that inspired the life of the +savage. + +To-morrow America goes to war. In great black type we read the call +for men, and a sense of common danger thrills us. In the evening by a +street lamp's glare we watch a passionate agitator who points to a +flag that we have learned to love. The tramp, tramp of passing +regiments and the sound of martial music thrill us. We lay down our +tool or pen and march to the front. And then comes the first +engagement. The air is blackened with rifle smoke; the roar of +cannonry deafens us. Dazed, we crouch behind an earthwork while the +enemy creeps through the smoke. Suddenly they charge. We fire, but +they surge on through the smoke. They mount the earthwork. We leap +together! Men scream hoarsely! Musket butts crash! Daggers plunge into +quivering flesh! Divine feeling! Glorious patriotism! + +The passing of this savage patriotism is inevitable. The whole course +of nature is against it. The very history of development will tell you +that. Loyalty has never been an immutable thing. It has been a +ceaseless and irresistible growth from the individual to the family, +to the tribe, to the nation. The time for a world-patriotism has come. +Why should men limit their loyalty by a row of stones and trees that +we call a boundary? Why are men patriots, anyway, except to save their +privileges and their government? The primitive patriot had no choice +but to fight. He was put down in a little plot of cleared ground +hemmed in by mighty forests, and made to hew out a home in a vast +world of enemies. But how far we have come from him! The +twentieth-century world is a little world. Our earth is like an open +book. We have cut through the jungle wastes of Africa; we have +photographed the poles. We sell and buy things from Greenland and +Java. In such a civilization war-patriotism has no place. It is no +longer the only guide to self-preservation; it has become the most +terrible instrument of self-destruction. And for just this reason +war-patriotism must go. It runs counter to the whole trend of nature +itself. It is diametrically opposed to the mission of patriotism in +the world. Just as those little savage families joined hands in +tribal loyalty, just as the scattered clans and tribes united under +national government, so nations must clasp hands around the globe in a +new spirit of "worldism" that shall make war impossible. + +But we cannot gain a world-spirit by a sudden destruction of our +patriotism. We will never usher in tranquillity with a crash. The +nihilism of Tolstoy would plunge us into lawlessness and anarchy, for +the chief element of patriotism we must keep. "What is that element?" +you ask. It is the willingness of the individual to sacrifice his +welfare for the welfare of the group. There we have the stem of the +world-spirit of to-morrow. But the blossom will not burst forth in a +night. It must come by an unfolding and a growth. We cannot climb to +universal peace upon a golden ladder and cut the rungs beneath us. +Evolution builds on the past. The final spirit of "worldism" will be a +broadening and a deepening and a humanizing of the spirit of sacrifice +which is the noblest element in our patriotism. + +"But," you ask, "if the evolution of patriotism is inevitable, what +have we to do with it? Why should we meddle with the course of +nature?" We reply that the evolution must come through you. We are not +"puppets jerked by unseen wires." "Consciousness," says Bergson, "is +essentially free." Man the savage or man the philosopher--he alone can +decide. Let him purify patriotism with Christianity and he has +brotherhood; adulterate it with avarice and he has war. The evolution +of patriotism is not a physical thing. Listen to Huxley, "Social +progress means a checking of the cosmic process at every step and the +substitution for it of the ethical process." The evolution of +patriotism, then, is a moral thing, and morality is man-made. We are +men, but we can be supermen. We are patriots of a nation. We can be +patriots of the world. + +The evolution of patriotism is no theorist's dream. It is a palpable +fact. The patriot of one age may be the scoundrel of the next. A turn +of the kaleidoscope and Paul the convict trades places with Nero the +Emperor. Who was the ideal ancient patriot? The statesman, Pericles? +The thinker, Plato? No. The most efficient murderer, a Macedonian boy. +"I must civilize," he says. So he starts into his neighbor's country +with forty thousand fighters at his back. Does Persia yield its +banner? No. Then crush it. Does Thebes resist? Then burn it to the +ground. Do the women prate of freedom? Load them with slave chains. +What? Do they still hold out? Then slaughter the swine. And as men +watch him wading through seas of blood, riding roughshod over +prostrate lives and dead hopes and shattered empires, the blind age +cries out, "O godlike Alexander!" + +"Godlike!" Oh, but there's new meaning in that word to-day. How much +nobler a picture our modern patriot presents! Not waving the brand of +destruction, not a king of murder will you find the great patriot of +to-day. His thunderbolt of conquest was a host of righteousness. His +empire was built in the hearts of men. In the teeming slums of the +world's greatest city he lifted the standard of the Christ. Haggard +children stretched out hands for bread. He fed them with his last +crust. Thousands were dying in the city's filth. He pointed them to a +more Beautiful City where pain should be no more. And when the body of +William Booth was borne through the silent throngs of London streets, +a million heads were bowed in reverence to this patriot of a purer +day. In every hamlet of civilization some heart called him godlike. + +Is not the trend of patriotism clear? Are not the seeds of a new +world-loyalty already in our soil? The trumpet call to war can never +rouse this newer patriotism. The summons "peace on earth and good will +to men"--that is the future bugle call. And for us the task is clear. +To take our destiny into our own hands, to throw off the prejudices of +nationalism, to turn our faces resolutely to the future and strive for +that summit of brotherhood and universal peace, that + + "One far-off divine event + To which the whole creation moves." + + + + +CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT + +By CALVERT MAGRUDER, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland + +First Prize Oration in the Eastern Group Contest, 1913, and Second +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +CERTAIN PHASES OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT + + +Ladies and Gentlemen: + +We are gathered here this evening in the confident expectation that a +rule of reason will soon be established among the nations. It has been +a hard, at times almost a discouraging, fight--for it is difficult to +convince the world of its own insanity, and lovers of peace have often +been tempted to cry in their despair, "How long, O Lord, how long?" + +But there have always been men, with vision unaffected by martial +glamour, who have foreseen in the logic of the world's history the +inevitable end of war, and we have progressed now to a point where +peace is the normal condition in international relationships. But it +is an armed peace, founded on the false principle of suspicion and +distrust, and we come now to consider the practical question of what +the third Hague Conference can do to establish peace upon a firm and +enduring foundation. + +You will remember that the First Hague Conference established a +so-called Permanent Court of Arbitration. It is not a definite, +tangible tribunal, but merely a panel of a hundred or more men from +whom the arbiters in each specific case may be selected; and +therefore, though it is a great step in the right direction and though +it has accomplished some good work, it has not commanded full +confidence and recognition. To supplement this court the Conference +of 1907 proposed a new organization--a Judicial Court of Arbitration, +to be composed of seventeen judges of recognized legal authority, to +sit for terms of twelve years, and to be competent to decide all +cases. Here, then, is the nucleus of an easily accessible supreme +court of the world, whose decisions would soon build up a new system +of international law. Its composition, jurisdiction, and procedure are +agreed upon. The vital problem, a mode of selecting the judges, +remains unsettled. Evidently, then, the first great duty of the next +Hague Conference is to put into operation this court, of which all the +nations recognize the need and desirability. + +Following logically the establishment of competent machinery for +arbitration comes the second great duty of that conference--the +passage of a convention binding the nations to resort to this court in +all cases that fail of ordinary diplomatic settlement. The Judicial +Court of Arbitration, if the nations are not bound to use it, would +certainly fail of its purpose. A general treaty making arbitration +obligatory is not too much to demand, for the Conference of 1907 +declared itself unanimous "in recognizing the principle of compulsory +arbitration." Separate arbitration treaties mounting into the hundreds +have been negotiated between individual nations, but almost all +contain that fatal reservation of questions of "honor and vital +interests." Honor and vital interests--could any words be more vague +and indefinite? Are these not the very cases which interested nations +are least competent to decide? A complete answer to that silly +reservation is found in our hundred years' peace with Great Britain. +As John W. Foster, that keen student of our diplomatic history, has +said, "The United States can have no future dispute with England more +seriously involving the territorial integrity, the honor of the +nation, its vital interests, or its independence, than those questions +which have already been submitted to arbitration." Denmark has agreed +with Italy and the Netherlands to arbitrate all questions that fail of +diplomatic settlement, thus insuring perpetual peace between those +nations. Here indeed is the pathway of true national honor. + +Coincident with the establishment of the legal machinery for +arbitration and the growth thereof, we would naturally have expected a +cessation in the mad race for armament-supremacy. But the very reverse +has happened, and to deal firmly with this contradictory situation is +the third great duty of the next Hague Conference. Of what avail are +our Courts of Arbitral Justice when this intolerable economic waste is +permitted! To limit armaments was the avowed purpose of the First +Hague Conference, but nothing was accomplished save the adoption of a +neatly worded resolution that the limitation aforesaid is "highly +desirable for the enlargement of the material and moral well-being of +humanity." In 1907 the subject was again under discussion, the nations +exhorted to a serious examination of the question--and there the +matter rested. We have reached now an insufferable stage where +effective action must be taken. Let us hear no more that deceptive +catch phrase, "If you want peace prepare for war." When bad blood is +likely to arise between individuals the very worst policy to pursue is +to furnish them with weapons. And so it is with nations. Consider, if +you will, the neck-and-neck race between Great Britain and the German +Empire in the construction of battleships. What fool will call that +preparation for war a guaranty of peace? We might be disposed to admit +the sincerity of those who say we must arm and ever arm to maintain +peace, except that they are too often men with professional and +business interests at stake. In England there have been amazing +revelations of this sinister condition--armament companies with peers, +members of Parliament, newspaper owners, officers of the army and +navy, as stockholders; enormous appropriations forced through +Parliament by interested parties; periodic war scares in newspapers +inspired by armament syndicates. Only recently we read how the great +Krupp firm of Germany had been exposed in its practice of bribing +officials to obtain valuable military information and furnishing +French newspapers with war-scare articles calculated to induce Germany +to increase her armament orders. In Russia and France they face a +similar state of affairs. Here in the United States we are undoubtedly +not free therefrom. And then there are the navy leagues in every +country, playing upon the fears of the nations by startling tales of +what the others are doing, and so on through an endless chain, +manufacturing a demand for battleships in the name and under the guise +of patriotism. We shrink from the contemplation of such greed and +selfishness, and appeal for relief to the third Hague Conference. + +We come now to a consideration of the fourth prime duty devolving upon +that conference. Ocean commerce in war should be rendered inviolable. +In effecting this we not only abolish a barbarous custom, but at the +same time remove one of the chief causes of great navies. As long as +the safety of the merchant marine is not guaranteed by international +agreement, just so long will nations with commercial aspirations +build enormous navies for their protection. It is true England has +hitherto opposed this reform,--confident in her naval supremacy,--but +she cannot again fly in the face of a general demand without too great +a sacrifice of prestige. + +Here, then, are four important problems of the peace movement, all +difficult, but not impossible of solution when we remember that the +Conference of 1907, in good faith, I believe, adopted the following +declaration, "That, by working together during the past four months, +the collected powers not only have learnt to understand one another +and to draw close together, but have succeeded ... in evolving a very +lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity." Whether these +fine words breathe sincerity or hypocrisy the next Hague Conference +has ample opportunity to prove. + +And now, what shall we say of the position of America in this war +against war? Her boundless resources; her amalgamation of men from all +parts of the world into one people; her impregnable geographical +situation; her embodiment of the three cardinal principles of +world-union (federation, interstate free trade, interstate courts); +the genius and ideals of our government--all give America a logical +leadership. She can boast of the first peace society in the world, of +a glorious record of arbitration, of a long list of the wisest +international statesmen, of a most advanced position at The Hague upon +the questions of ocean commerce, courts of justice, arbitration, +limitation of armaments. But there is the darker view. The treaties +negotiated by Secretary Knox with France and with England, agreeing to +arbitrate every question that fails of diplomatic settlement--those +treaties were rejected by the United States Senate. There was a +transcendent opportunity to lay the foundation for a speedy +realization of peace universal, with France and England willing, yes, +even anxious to cooperate--and America failed! Mr. Taft has shown that +if the position of the Senate is accepted as international law, then +we may as well bid farewell to any hopes of leadership in the peace +movement, for our nation could then enter upon no general arbitration +agreements because of the prerogative of the Senate in each specific +case to accept or refuse arbitration. + +It is at this point, Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is work for the +humblest of us to do. In the intellectual field we can aid in the +creation of an intelligent, forceful public opinion that will induce +the Senate to recede from its fatal attitude, and that will resist a +false, cheap patriotism which is relentlessly endeavoring to crush +America 'neath the burden of militarism. Then in the moral field we +can stimulate and foster a peaceful attitude, a sentiment for peace, +in the hearts of our countrymen; and until this is accomplished there +can be no peace universal, for, as Senator Root has said, "The +questions at issue between disputing nations are nothing, the spirit +that deals with them is everything." And finally, in the educational +field, let us take heed that the men and women of our rising +generation are taught the glorious pages of our arbitration history as +well as they know the battles of our country. Let us take care that it +is grounded into their minds and habits of thought from earliest +years, that "peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." + +In conclusion, let us not be deceived by that vain apology for war, +that it is necessary to keep alive the heroic spirit and to stimulate +manly courage. Despite the noble side in war, its bestial side +predominates; its larger effect upon men is demoralizing. And if it be +glorious to die for a cause, how much nobler to live and strive for an +ideal, utilizing the talents that God gave us for its realization! The +movement for peace is not one of weaklings and mollycoddles. It is +championed by red-blooded men, daring to bear the ridicule of the +thoughtless and to fight for the preconceptions of humanity. Peace has +her heroes in daily life--miners, mariners, policemen, firemen, men of +every station, displaying the nobility of their souls often unheralded +and unsung. The venerable William T. Stead, bearing across the ocean +his message of international good will, sacrificed his life on the +_Titanic_ that others might live. He was a hero, yes, but a hero of +peace. + +It would be an insult to your intelligence to prove the self-evident +proposition that war is uneconomic, unscientific, unchristian. The +movement for its elimination, above all, is logical and practical, and +should appeal to every man. Is it nothing to you? Yes, it is a great +deal to you. Merely let your imaginations picture the day when the +seventy per cent of our national revenue now sacrificed on the altar +of folly is diverted to the arts of peace, to the amelioration of +social conditions, to advancing the happiness of our people--at peace +with all other peoples in the assurance of international law and love. +Ladies and Gentlemen, if we but do our duty, the dawn of that great +day will come in our generation! + + + + +THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE + +By VERNON M. WELSH, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois + +First Prize Oration in the Western Group Contest, 1913, and Third +Prize in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May 15, 1913 + + + + +THE ASSURANCE OF PEACE + + +The birth and rapid rise of the present movement for international +peace are events of recent years. The nineteenth century found its +welcome in the smoking cannon and crimsoned fields of Hohenlinden. At +its close the first great peace conference of The Hague was in +session. One hundred years ago Napoleon was sweeping across Europe in +his terrible attempt to create an empire. To-day France, England, and +America have agreed on treaties that declare for unbroken peace. +Touched by the wand of progress, the Utopian ideal of yesterday has +become the dominant political issue of to-day. It is pertinent, then, +that we seek the true nature of this revolution. Is it borne on the +crest of a popular impulse that will recede as rapidly as it has +risen, or is it a permanent movement, the product of natural forces +working through ordinary channels? + +The nineteenth century represents a break with the past. Swept into +the mighty current of transition, the habits and customs of a thousand +years have disappeared. With the development of natural resources, the +establishment and growth of the factory system, the use of means of +rapid communication, nations have entered upon a new era. Commerce and +industry have come to dominate thought and action and are transforming +the very life of the world. Defying the rigorous climate of both the +poles, trade has penetrated the frozen recesses of Hudson Bay and +made of the Falkland Islands a relay station in the progress of +victorious industry. Nor is the equatorial heat more discouraging. The +thick jungles of Africa have yielded their secrets, and the muddy +waters of the Amazon are churned by propellers a thousand miles from +the sea. International trade routes traverse the seas, connecting +continent with continent. In forty years this commerce has increased +from two billions to thirty billions. Giant corporations have ignored +political boundaries, carried trade wherever profitable, and are +supplying the varied demands of entire communities. Tariff walls, but +lately effective barriers, are crumbling before the onslaught of +trade. Nations are no longer independent. The wheat from Canada and +the Dakotas feeds the mill workers of Sheffield and the nobility of +Berlin. The failure of the Georgia cotton crop halts the looms of +England and raises the cost of living throughout Europe. Nations can +no longer exist as self-sufficient economic units. Never before were +they so mutually interdependent. Never before has the welfare and +security of one state depended upon the enterprise and diligence of +another. And the movement for international peace is the chance +offspring of these new social forces, at once a protest and a warning +against the wrecking of modern economic structures by the ruthless +hand of war. + +Commerce, the most important of these new forces, flourishes +unprejudiced by armaments and military prestige. In the open +competition of the world's markets stronger powers meet and suffer +from the rivalry of states that have no military standing. Relative to +population, Norway has a carrying trade three times as great as +England's. With her million trained warriors Germany is beaten by the +merchants of Holland. The flag of little Denmark flies at more +mastheads than does the Stars and Stripes. Where then is the +commercial advantage supposed to attend superior military strength? + +But it is to prevent the seizure of its commerce by others that +nations must empty their treasuries to keep ironclads afloat. Yet what +could be gained by attempted confiscation? If Germany annihilated +England's navy to-morrow, how would she profit? Commerce is a process +of exchange, the continuance and promotion of which is dependent upon +the degree of mutual profit. Commercial gain is not a consequent of +military success. It is since England seized the gold fields, diamond +mines, and fertile plateaus of lower Africa that British securities +have dropped twenty points. In 1871 Germany humbled and humiliated +France almost beyond toleration, yet her share of the world's commerce +has not been augmented thereby. So would it be with England. True, +Germany might commit some depredations and hinder the passage of +trade, but what would be her motive? How could she gain? Even if the +British Isles were depopulated, it is doubtful whether Germany would +benefit. For by what miracle would Germany be able to develop the +facilities, the shipyards, mills, factories, foundries, mines and +machinery, to supply the trade which the foremost of commercial +nations has been generations in building up? Germany's banner might +wave over the Bank of England, her excise boats police the Thames and +the Clyde, yet she would behold the trade of a conquered province +going to foreign nations. Trade does not follow the flag. Undisturbed +by political changes or military reverses, it flows in constantly +widening channels wherever productive fields are found. + +And in the waging of war, do we reckon the direct cost to commerce? +The commercial relations of the entire world are disturbed. Prolonged +conflict is accompanied by the closing of the bank and the factory, +the dismantling of the shop and mill, and the lengthening of the bread +line in every city and town. In what state of prosperity and happiness +might not France have been had Napoleon never lived? With half a +century gone, our own country is still suffering from the devastation +of the Civil War. Our commerce with South America is scarcely beyond +the point it had reached before our week-end tiff with Spain. Yet +there are those who prate of national honor and of war as insuring +prosperity. From the leader of a newborn national party we hear that +without a periodic war America would become effeminate and weak, her +aggressive commercial life timid and corrupt, and within a few brief +years the great Republic would sink to a fourth-rate power. Up, brave +Americans, and man the guns! Awake, sons of freedom, and sweep the +seas! Fourteen years without a war; our beloved land is ruined. You +men of the factory and mill, you men of property and business, you +producers of the nation's wealth, forward into the carnage; burn the +homes of thrift and industry, for commerce will be enriched thereby; +ravage the fields and despoil the cities, for this will insure +vigorous national life; impoverish happy peoples, spread famine and +pestilence through fertile valleys, mark the sites of contented +villages with smoldering ruins, defy your Christian God, and kindle +the fires of hell in human breasts; commit violence, treachery, +rapine, ay, murder,--for the eternal glory of the Stars and Stripes. +Yet commerce and industry--the glittering prizes which every nation +covets when it builds a dreadnought or enlarges its army--demand that +the creative forces of peace supplant the destructive wastes of war. + +To-day the financial relationships of nations are inextricably +entangled. The big banks in the capitals of the world are in +communication with each other every second of the day. During the +American crisis in 1907 the bank rate in England went up to seven per +cent, forcing many British concerns to suspend operations. Because of +the Balkan War the bank rate in Berlin, Paris, and Vienna is the +highest in twenty years, and European securities have depreciated over +six billion dollars. Foreign investments are raising insuperable +barriers to war. Should the French bombard Hamburg to-day they would +destroy the property of Frenchmen. Let Emperor William capture London, +loot the Bank of England, and he will return to find German industry +paralyzed, the banks closed, and a panic sweeping the land. Let +English regiments again move to invade the United States, English +warships draw up in battle line to attack our seaports, and four +billions of the earnings of the English people would bar the way. To +the victor of the present the spoils of war are valueless. Japan, +victor over the great Russian Empire, staggers under a colossal debt. +The Italian government hears rumbles of discontent, because the cost +of winning a victory has been too great. What better proof do we need +that war is profitless, that it means financial suicide? It has been +transformed from a gainful occupation into economic folly, and war +will cease because the price is becoming prohibitive. + +In this movement for peace, capital's strongest ally is her most +active enemy. Raised to a position of independence and power by the +Industrial Revolution, labor is wielding an effective influence. The +complexity of modern business has aroused workingmen in every country +to a common interest and sympathy. The International Congress of Trade +Unions, representing twenty countries and over ten million men, has +declared for universal disarmament. Just last month eighty-five +thousand coal miners in Illinois resolved that if the United States +declared war on a foreign power, they would call a general strike. + +And why not? Why should the workingmen of one country offer themselves +as targets for those of another? Why should the workers of Germany be +taxed to support a war against England, Germany's best market? Can the +rice growers of Japan profit by killing Americans to whom they sell +their produce? War means suffering and want, and the laborer has come +to know it. He is cold to the sight of its flaunting flags and the +sound of its grand, wild music, for he sees the larder bare, funds +exhausted, and hunger at the door. He refuses to sacrifice his body +and the welfare of his family upon the altar of Mars. No longer can +kings and emperors satisfy their grasping ambitions. Armed by the +ballot, the masses are to-day supreme. Never again will the cruel hand +of tyranny press to their lips the poisoned cup of death. Their sway +is absolute. The destinies of nations are in their keeping. The decree +has gone forth that war must cease. + +Born of these greater movements, a host of influences bring nearer the +dawn of peace. The express and the wireless have supplanted the oxcart +and the courier. Chicago and Boston are closer to-day than New York +and Albany a century ago. Within the hour of their occurrence events +that happen in Paris are published in Chicago and St. Louis. Political +boundaries are fading before larger interests. Every railroad train +crossing the frontier, every ship plying the seas, every article of +commerce, every exchange of business, every cable conveying news from +distant lands--all these are potent factors in the cause of +international peace. Add to these the conciliating influence of +foreign investments, the telephone and telegraph, travel, education, +democracy, religion, and you have marshaled a host for peace whose +clarion trumpets shall never sound retreat. Casting aside the +prejudice of ages, modern industrialism flings around the world the +economic bonds against which the forces of militarism are powerless. + +Here, then, in the world-wide operations of commerce and industry is +the _assurance of peace_. The skeptic may scoff and the cynic point to +Mexico and the Balkans, but the Industrial Revolution has produced a +multitude of influences that are knitting the nations into an +indissoluble unity. Men are beginning to realize the integrity of +mankind, and a world-consciousness is arising. Kindness and +justice--yesterday but community ideals--are extending their sway +throughout the earth. Even while bayonets are bared in conflict and +cannon thunder against hostile camps, the magic of our civilization is +weaving bonds of union that cannot be broken. Peace, not war, is the +true grandeur of nations; love, not hate, is the immutable law of +God; and so surely as governments and kings are powerless to divide +when home and factory would bind, some not too distant day will find +the battle flags all furled, the sword's arbitrament abandoned, and +the world at peace. + + + + +EDUCATION FOR PEACE + +By FRANCIS J. LYONS, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, +representing the Southern Group + +First Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914 + + + + +EDUCATION FOR PEACE + + +Time was when war was beneficial. Historians have justified the spread +of knowledge by the sword. At the world's awakening, it was well that +the new thought should be diffused even at the sacrifice of human +blood. It was justified because there was no other means. We have to +cast our imagination back through the centuries and realize that then +there were no railroads, no telegraph, no newspapers; that man was +bound by narrow limits; and the elemental processes of the world were +undiscovered. We do not criticize Alexander for conquering the eastern +perils, for he carried in his phalanxes the spirit of new-discovered +thought. We do not denounce Rome for piercing the unknown realms with +her legions, for she was the mother of a new belief. But this was at +the dawn of history, when erudition was in its struggling embryo, and +the physical was the better part of man. Man went forth to battle as a +religion. + +The world grew partly wise, and man preached the gospel of +brotherhood. But it did not last. The changing of the peoples +smoldered the fires of rising intelligence, and the world rolled back +again in darkness--a darkness long and black. Centuries passed, and a +new light came, slowly but courageously. Man blinkingly came forth, +dazed and unsteady. The light grew, and man grew with it; but rooted +deep in his heart was the love of war of his ancestors. In a different +spirit, it is true; but it was there, and he went forth to battle not +because it was religion, but because it was brave. + +The world rolled on; war grew; it developed with the state; it became +an art; was studied--and now our cycle turns. It faces us as a custom +backed up by the centuries--deep-rooted, a consumer that yields no +returns and, what with our modern appliances, a terror to the hearts +of all the world. Men fought in the early ages because they thought it +was just; men fought in the Middle Ages because they considered it +brave; men of our modern age will banish war because it is a fallacy. + +Do you know that to maintain our so-called prestige we spend seventy +per cent of our national income? Think of it! Seventy per cent to +maintain our present status and to prepare for the future! Think of +that awful drain; think, if applied in other channels, what good could +be done! We are proud of our battleship _Texas_. She is a noble war +dog; yet do you realize that if we had applied the money spent on her +in our own state we could have had one gigantic paved highway twice +the distance from El Paso to Galveston? We could have had two hundred +high schools, representing $75,000 each. We could have raised our +institutions of higher learning to a level with any of the East or +North. Fifteen millions gone for a floating war machine which in +twenty years will be a piece of rusted, useless iron; fifteen millions +for a sailing dragon who, each time one of her big guns speaks, wastes +the equivalent of a four-year college education for some +youth--$1700--for a single shot. Our war dogs sail the seas; our +soldiers parade our forts; and we look on and raise a joyous hubbub as +the nations of the world rush madly on, wasting themselves in the +race for military supremacy. + +Have you ever considered yourself transported to some celestial +height, and there, from the regions of the infinite, allowed to view a +battle on earth? How foolish it must seem, these pygmies coming forth +to make war. See them as they charge and wound and kill! See brother +slay brother! See the wounded left to die! Hear the cries of distress, +and picture the grief that follows all! Men battling to conquer; men +assuming the prerogative of a god--how foolish, yet how serious! And +these artificial lines that men call boundaries, how punctiliously +they are guarded! "Take but a hundred feet, and we shall war with +thee." How foolish this too must seem when viewed from above--that we +should carry on war over even a slight infraction on any imaginary, +mathematical line. + +We cherish the thought that the youth of our land are being taught +self-restraint. It is ever impressed upon them that there are courts +of justice for the settlement of controversies. Law and order have +become stock phrases, dinned into their ears at every turn. The man +who would settle his difficulty by trying the physical metal of his +adversary is of the past. By the new order he is taboo as a savage. +Individual self-restraint rings out in our vocabulary as nationally +descriptive. The babe at the mother's knee learns first the virtue of +it; the child at school is tutored to it soundly; the man in life is +lectured with it regularly. Brotherhood! Love! Self-restraint! + +But what of the self-restraint of the nation? In the teaching of the +individual, is it not odd and inconsistent that we forget the +teaching of the unit? We paint the inner rooms of our national +character with colors bright and pleasing, but the exterior, though +weathering the heavier storms, is forgotten. If the child be taught +that individuals should arbitrate their differences, can he not learn +that the individual nations are subject to the same rule? If +arbitration is best for each man, surely it must be best for all. If +the child be taught that self-restraint is the boasted characteristic +of the model American, should he not learn that the model American +nation should be self-restraining? Let us learn this lesson, and +surely we will never war. Herein shall we find the solution of this +great problem. We can preach about peace and write pretty orations, +but if we are to impress it upon the hearts of the world, we must +teach it, and in a systematic manner. It is not to be learned in a +day. It is the labor of a generation and more. It must be a fully +developed characteristic. Man is learning self-development; now we +must turn to the bigger ideals--national restraint, national +development, international brotherhood. + +Do you say this is idealism--visionary? On the contrary, it is +thoroughly practicable. The only way to attain world-peace is for the +individual citizen to think peace, to teach peace, and to act in +accordance with such thoughts and teachings. Just as public opinion +causes war, so only through cultivated public opinion can we hope for +peace. I do not say to sink our battleships and turn free our army. I +do not argue that we should quit guarding ourselves and throw +ourselves open to the world; but what I seek is that we should turn +our faces with bright hope to the future, eager to assist in the +abolition of all that tends to war, eager to assist in the only +proper way--the enlightenment of the world-nations. + +The call comes naturally to America, the land of new belief; America, +the New World of Opportunity, as Emerson calls it; the land cut off +from the conventional past; a land that has taken world-leadership in +the march of a single century. To America, where problems are studied +and fallacies dethroned, the birthplace and the abiding home of +democracy; to America, the Christian, the civilized! What will the +answer be? Already we can hear the faint responses, as yet vague and +indistinct, the drowned murmurings of the wiser tongues. These must +grow into a national anthem whose echo will challenge the powers of +the world and startle them into the consciousness of the new +brotherhood. We will answer: + +"Yes, we have learned the lessons of the centuries--that war is a +fallacy, and armed peace its ill-sprung child; that man is no longer +savage; that with enlightened mind he has controlled his warring +instinct; that human love is a mightier power than war; and that we +are one in the brotherhood of the Master. + +"Let us stand before the nations, clad in simple honesty, panoplied in +elemental justice; let us appeal to the common conscience of the +world; let us say to the war-made powers, there is a way out, and we +will lead. We will help you police the sea; we will give our +constabulary to a quota of peace, but we are through. No great +standing army, no more leviathan battleships. We trust to what we +boast of as the highest attainment of the age, the innate justice of +civilized humanity." + +To such a national summons, how will Texas respond? Facing the Mexican +boundary for eight hundred miles, Texas is to-day peculiarly the +guardian of our nation. The situation calls not for agitation and +jingoism, bit for rare patience, sanity, and self-control. Through +troubled waters our chosen captain is guiding the Ship of State. It is +no time for mutiny, but rather a time for obedience. + +In this critical hour let every loyal citizen say with a contemporary +poet: + + In this grave hour--God help keep the President! + To him all Lincoln's tenderness be lent, + The grave, sweet nature of the man that saw + Most power in peace and let no claptrap awe + His high-poised duty from its primal plan + Of rule supreme for the whole good of man. + + In this grave hour--Lord, give him all the light, + And us the faith that peace is more than might, + That settled nations have high uses still + To curb the hasty, regulate the ill, + And without bloodshed from the darkest hour + Make manifest high reason's nobler power. + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE + +By LOUIS BROIDO, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, +representing the North Atlantic Group + +Second Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, +May 28, 1914 + + + + +NATIONAL HONOR AND PEACE + + +Since the dawn of history the teachers, thinkers, and prophets of +mankind have prayed and labored for the abolition of war. In the +process of the centuries, their hope has become the aspiration of the +mass of men. Growing slowly, as do all movements for righteousness, +the cause of peace first claimed the attention of the world in the +year 1899, when Nicholas of Russia called the nations together to +discuss ways and means for the arbitration of international +differences and for the abolition of war. From that day on, the +movement for peace has progressed by leaps and bounds, and to-day it +has reached the highest point of its development. + +Already nations have signed treaties to arbitrate many of their +differences. Holland, Denmark, Argentina, and Chile have agreed to +arbitrate every dispute. But these nations are not potent enough in +world affairs for their action to have an international influence. It +remains for the great powers like England, France, Germany, and the +United States to agree to submit every difficulty to arbitration, and +thus take the step that will result in the practical abolition of war. + +If one would find the reasons that thus far have kept the great powers +from agreeing to submit _all_ differences to arbitration, his search +need not be long nor difficult. The Peace Conference of 1907 reports +that the objections to international arbitration have dwindled to +four. Of these objections the one commonly considered of most weight +is this: "We will not submit to arbitration questions involving our +national honor." Even so recently as the spring of 1912, our own +Senate refused to give its assent to President Taft's proposed +treaties with France and England to arbitrate all differences, and +refused on the ground that "we cannot agree to arbitrate questions +involving our national honor." This is the statement that you and I as +workers for peace are constantly called upon to refute. + +Let us, therefore, consider what honor is. For centuries honor was +maintained and justice determined among men by a strong arm and a +skillfully used weapon. It mattered not that often the guilty won and +the dishonorable succeeded. Death was the arbiter, honor was appeased, +and men were satisfied. But with the growth of civilization there +slowly came to man the consciousness that honor can be maintained only +by use of reason and justice administered only in the light of truth. +Then private settlement of quarrels practically ceased; trial by +combat was abolished; and men learned that real honor lies in the +graceful and manly acceptance of decisions rendered by impartial +judges. + +As men have risen to higher ideals of honor in their relations with +one another, so nations have risen to a higher standard in +international affairs. Centuries ago tyrants ruled and waged war on +any pretext; now before rulers rush to arms, they stop to count the +cost. Nations once thought it honorable to use poisoned bullets and +similar means of destruction; a growing humanitarianism has compelled +them to abandon such practices. At one time captives were killed +outright; there was a higher conception of honor when they were +forced into slavery; now the quickening sense of universal sympathy +compels belligerent nations to treat prisoners of war humanely and to +exchange them at the close of the conflict. At one time neutrals were +not protected; now their rights are generally recognized. A few +hundred years ago arbitration was almost unknown; in the last century +more than six hundred cases were settled by peaceful means. + +During the last quarter of a century we have caught a glimpse of a new +national honor. It is the belief that battle and bloodshed, except for +the immediate defense of hearth and home, is a blot on the 'scutcheon +of any nation. It is the creed of modern men who rise in their majesty +and say: "We will not stain our country's honor with the bloodshed of +war. God-given life is too dear. The forces of vice, evil, and disease +are challenging us to marshal our strength and give them battle. There +is too much good waiting to be done, too much suffering waiting to be +appeased, for us to waste the life-blood of our fathers and sons on +the field of useless battle. Here do we stand. We believe we are +right. With faith in our belief we throw ourselves upon the altar of +truth. Let heaven-born justice decide." Here is honor unsmirched, +untainted! Here is pride unhumbled! Here is patriotism that is +all-embracing, that makes us so zealous for real honor that we turn +from the horrors of war to combat the evils that lie at our very +doors. + +We know that faith in such national honor will abolish war. We know, +too, that men will have war only so long as they want war. If this be +true, then, just as soon as you and I, in whose hands the final +decision for or against war must ever rest, express through the force +of an irresistible public opinion the doctrine that our conception of +national honor demands the arbitration of every dispute, just so soon +will our legislators free themselves from financial dictators and +liberate the country from the dominance of a false conception of +national honor. + +Do you say this ideal is impractical? History proves that questions of +the utmost importance can be peacefully settled without the loss of +honor. The Casa Blanca dispute between France and Germany, the +Venezuela question, the North Atlantic Fisheries case, the Alabama +claims--these are proof indisputable that questions of honor may be +successfully arbitrated. "Does not this magnificent achievement," says +Carl Schurz of the Alabama settlement, "form one of the most glorious +pages of the common history of England and America? Truly, the two +great nations that accomplished this need not be afraid of +unadjustable questions of honor in the future." + +In the face of such splendid examples, how meaningless is the doctrine +of the enemies of peace, "We will not arbitrate questions of national +honor. We will decide for ourselves what is right and for that right +we will stand, even if this course plunges us into the maelstrom of +war. We will not allow our country to be dishonored by any other." +Well has Andrew Carnegie expressed the modern view: "Our country +cannot be dishonored by any other country, or by all the powers +combined. It is impossible. All honor wounds are self-inflicted. We +alone can dishonor ourselves or our country. One sure way of doing so +is to insist upon the unlawful and unjust demand that we sit as judges +in our own case, instead of agreeing to abide by the decision of a +court or a tribunal. We are told that this is the stand of a weakling, +that progress demands the fighting spirit. We, too, demand the +fighting spirit; but we condemn the military spirit. We are told that +strong men fight for honor. We answer with Mrs. Mead: 'Justice and +honor are larger words than peace, and if fighting would enable us to +get justice and maintain honor, I would fight! But it is not that +way!'" For it is impossible to maintain honor by recourse to arms; +right may fall before might, and, viewed in the light of its awful +cost, even victory is defeat. In the words of Nicholas Murray Butler: +"To argue that a nation's honor must be defended by the blood of its +citizens, if need be, is quite meaningless, for any nation, though +profoundly right in its contention, might be defeated at the hands of +a superior force exerted in behalf of an unjust and unrighteous cause. +What becomes of national honor then?" + +Too long have we been fighting windmills; we must struggle with +ourselves; we must conquer the passions that have blinded our reason. +We have been enrolled in the army of thoughtlessness; the time has +come to enroll in the army of God. We have followed a false ideal of +honor; we must disillusion ourselves and the world. If men declare +that the preservation of courage and manliness demand that we fight, +let us lead them to the fight, not against each other, but against all +that is unrighteous and undesirable in our national life. Men still +cling to an ancient conception of national honor; let us convince them +that there is a newer and higher conception. Men still declare that +peace is the dream of the poet and prophet; let us prove by historical +example that questions, even of national honor, can be happily +settled by arbitration. If men despair, let us remind them that +to-day, as never before, the mass of men are slowly and surely working +out God's plan for this great cause. + +The day of triumph is not far distant. Already the moving finger of +Time paints on the wide horizon, in the roseate tints of the dawn, the +picture of Peace--Peace, the victory of victories, beside which +Marathon and Gettysburg pale into insignificance; victory without the +strains of martial music, unaccompanied by the sob of widowed and +orphaned; victory on God's battlefield in humanity's war on war. + + + + +THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT + +By RALPH D. LUCAS, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois, representing the +Central Group + +Third Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +THE NEW NATIONALISM AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT + + +Nationalism is a precious product of the centuries. The world has paid +a tremendous price to widen the political unit until its boundaries +include continents. It has been an equally difficult task to weld the +spirit of diverse peoples into a homogeneous whole. And the story of +this development constitutes a heritage not soon to be given up. The +tales of victory and defeat are held even more dear to a united people +than life itself. Rightly will any nation jealously defy him who dares +advance to plunder its possessions. And it is well that men do not +wish to surrender it upon slight provocation. That has been a good +diplomacy that sought to protect the nation by war. By the extension +of political unity peoples gain moral and physical strength. Thrift +becomes more common and moral courage greater when a people strike +forward with common aims. And in proportion as the nation as a whole +enjoys these advantages and opportunities, the individual widens his +horizon in peaceful association with fellow men and receives a benefit +beyond computation. + +But, good as nationalism has been in the past, a gradual change seems +to be overtaking the world's politics. National diplomacy hesitates +where a century ago it was firm. Forces which once drove the nations +apart seem now to be drawing them together. The discord of disputes +seems to be disappearing in the harmony of cooperation. It is no +longer possible to determine easily what a nation's interests really +are. And it is of the forces that are bringing about this change in +the policies of nations, of this new nationalism and its bearing upon +the peace movement, that I wish to speak. + +Within the last two centuries economic forces have worked a mighty +revolution. Continents have been converted into communities. The +prosperity of our eastern industries controls the activities of the +West, and a disturbance from any section throws a tremor over all. +Tribal barter has developed into a world-wide commerce until the most +distant nation may easily acquire the products of another. Steel rails +weave a web of commercialism among the peoples, and the cable welds +them in a mighty network which, responsive to every flash of news, +brings all the nations into a mutuality of interests. So +interdependent are the nations and so vital are their relations that a +single fluctuation in the most distant market finds a response in our +own. A slight disorder in Wall Street strains the whole financial +world. And thus through intercourse in commerce, industry, the press, +Christian missions, and scholastic research a system has been +developed that holds no place for the selfish policy of exploiting +backward peoples. We no longer consider the advance of alien peoples +in wealth and prosperity as a menace to our own. There is being +developed a strong international public opinion which realizes that +anything that destroys the well-being of one member is the concern of +all. + +In the light of these facts, future world-politics can have no place +for the settlement of disputes by force. A declaration of war by one +of the large powers to-day would be more terrible than it has ever +been in the past. The man of business, of education, of philanthropy, +of civic advancement cannot reasonably advocate a policy that would +ruin business, stagnate education, increase poverty, and turn progress +over to the ravages of manslaughter. Industry cannot continue when the +shoulder that should turn the wheels of industry grows weary beneath +the weight of the musket. Education cannot proceed when libraries and +lecture halls are deserted for the camp and fortress. A Tolstoy with +all his power of vivid presentation does not overdraw the picture. The +moral fiber and physical strength of a people must forever afterward +bear their scars. A struggling people can never rid themselves of the +evil effects of the conflict, although they may rejoice in the valor +of their heroes. Nations cannot afford to become the theaters of +carnage and bloodshed and the rendezvous of commercial and moral +pirates and civic grafters. + +Why, then, do nations throw away their strength in the building and +equipping of armies and navies? The advocates of militarism tell us +that we need a navy to protect our commerce. Possibly it is true that +under the present system of international law this is somewhat +excusable; for although private property on land is exempt from +confiscation and the old forms of privateering have long ago been +abolished by an agreement of the powers, yet the policy does not apply +to maritime warfare. Enemy's goods in enemy's ships are still subject +to seizure. But while this argument does hold for the present, the +condition could easily be remedied. Because a man with foreign capital +operates ships instead of factories, why is there any special reason +for exposing his property to depredation? In the light of common sense +such a policy seems absurd. And it should be one of the first aims of +our diplomats to eliminate all possibility of this licensed robbery, +for as long as it exists there will always be the cry for extravagant +expenditure in order to preserve international peace. + +But even if we should not need a navy to protect our commerce, again +the opponents of the policy of settling international disputes by +arbitration say that we need armies and navies to preserve our honor. +They tell us that there are certain questions which cannot be +submitted to any tribunal; that a nation must reserve the right to +submit only those questions it sees fit. Surrender this right, and +prestige and self-respect are gone and we become a nation of +"mollycoddles" whose patriotism has no virile qualities. It is true +that the independence and security of each nation is essential to +international life. It is self-governing nations, not subjugated ones, +that make possible a strong international life. But the converse is +equally true. An international life made up of independent, +cooperating, and mutually helpful nations is the best security by +which national life can be guaranteed. Those who say that questions of +national honor cannot be submitted to a tribunal have a wrong +conception of the essence of national life. Love of country means more +than a mere willingness to serve as a target for the enemy's guns. We +would not deduct one iota from the respect and honor due those who +have served the nation on the field of battle. But what a service they +might have rendered if they had been spared that life to live serving +their fellow men and contributing to the vigor of the race! None of +us will give up his firm resolve to defend his own country with all +his strength. But theirs is a cheap patriotism which depends for its +expression upon the thrilling note of fife and drum. The great test of +patriotism is the everyday purpose to deal justly with one's neighbor. +Let him who would be a patriot and serve the nation put his life into +the work close at hand, and, with a civic temper and moral courage +that can grip the scourge, rid our social life of its damning +influences. This is the spirit of true national honor. This it is that +makes of a nation a real nation. The call to arms is but another +signal of the defeat of the underlying principles of civilization. + +Only slowly will any large number of the people accept these new +conceptions. But there are already hopeful signs. The growing +sentiment is rapidly crystallizing. The developing code of +international equity as expressed by the establishment of such an +institution as the Hague Court is a step in the right direction. The +peaceful settlement of the Venezuelan boundary dispute was an honor to +the nations involved. And the work of the International Commission of +Inquiry in the Dogger Bank episode between Russia and England is +significant of the trend. Again, a modern innovation was wrought when +the International Conference in 1906 settled the conflicting interests +of Germany, France, and Spain in Morocco. Within the last century the +powers ratified over two hundred treaties, each providing for the +peaceful settlement by tribunals of specified international disputes. +It is true that most peace treaties have dealt almost exclusively with +legal questions. The nations have hesitated to submit all +international differences to a court of arbitration. But the spirit +for arbitral settlement is widening. And this spirit is not for a mere +avoidance of war, but seeks the substitution of a better method than +war for determining justice between nations. Each nation has its own +individual problems to deal with, and in this respect all cannot +proceed according to set rules. The movement does not mean the +extinction and obliteration of nationality and national rights. The +individual has not been minimized because he consents to submit his +differences with his fellow men to a court for settlement. And this +must be the ultimate attitude of nations whose honor we have a right +to guard jealously. + +What, then, shall be our program? Whatever attitude is to be adopted, +most people agree that the day of universal peace is far in the +future. The Balkans and Mexico remind us of the difficulty lying +before the coming generations. But the numerous peace societies whose +purpose it is to circulate authentic documents, that the great mass of +citizens may be brought into sympathetic touch through accurate +information, are doing much for the cause. The erection of the Hague +Court gives something lasting and tangible to work from. And, above +all, the nations will rise to higher standards principally by adopting +the ideals of the individual. As man has risen above his barbaric +ideals, so will the nations throw their military expenditures into the +coffers of public welfare as they come more and more to judge their +successes, not by victories in war but by achievements in education, +commerce, industry, and artizanship. And, proceeding with such aims, +the established international court must be the medium through which +all differences will be settled. We shall discover that our internal +policy of dealing with the individual can be more easily applied to +international relations than was at first supposed. And having reached +this point in the evolution of international peace, there must be +added to the international court a world-wide police force. As the +system develops and our prejudices are abandoned, a method of policing +must stand as an enforcer of international law. Until then there is +little hope that military expenditures will radically diminish, for we +cannot reasonably abolish our present methods unless we have something +secure to substitute. + +Perhaps such a system will not abolish the utter possibility of war. +Only the future can tell us what heights of success the policy will +reach. There are those of us who have high hopes because we believe in +the good sense of the American people and of our great contemporaries. +By the past we are made confident of the future. But if the goal is to +be reached, it is for us as individual citizens to contribute our +influence toward developing the attitude of peace among our fellow +men. For our international welfare and for the honor of the newest of +great nations, may we in this issue throw our influence, as a united +people, on the side of a higher international morality! May the united +peoples of the world abolish the prejudices of misconceptions and, +drawn together by common interests, resolve that the priceless +heritage of centuries shall not be imperiled by war! And thus over a +warring humanity the breaking day of peace shall be hastened, at whose +high noon there shall be heard not the clashing of arms but the +increasing hum of prosperity under the sway of the new and better +national life. + + + + +MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE + +By VICTOR MORRIS, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon representing +the Pacific Coast Group + +Fourth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +MAN'S MORAL NATURE THE HOPE OF UNIVERSAL PEACE + + +Two thousand years ago the coming of a Prince of Peace, the Prince of +Peace, inaugurated the fulfillment of the prophetic promise that +"peace shall cover the earth," and that "man shall learn war no more +forever." From the time of Jesus until now men have passively accepted +the idea, but have failed to do their part in its fulfillment. To-day +there are few indeed but believe that it would be desirable to abolish +war. Many also feel in a way that war is brutal. But here our feelings +on this great question largely end. We are not aroused to talk, and +work, and fight against war as inhuman, as economic folly, as +unreason, and especially as an immorality and a sin. Now we are not +here to harangue about the physical sufferings wrought through war, +but we are here to inquire and find out what we can do about it. How +are we going to attack the war problem in order to bring about action, +instead of simply talk and discussion? In considering this war problem +it is well to bear in mind the fact that war is a resultant of a +deeper cause, the war spirit. The war spirit is the spirit of him who +first made war in heaven; the war spirit--ambitious, aggressive, +covetous and revengeful, rampant through the centuries, never +conquered by force, in war subdued only by exhaustion. This war spirit +still exists to scourge the nations with war, to stagger with its +problem of war the brains of statesmen believing in peace. How are we +to attack this stupendous problem? What appeal can we make to the +nations that will be strong enough to do away with the war spirit? + +In order to overthrow this mighty evil, certainly every possible force +must be enlisted. The thought which I wish to bring to you is this: +While such appeals as those to economy and to reason are of value, +they are not in themselves strong enough to cause the nations to +abolish war; and hence, in view of the real inner nature of the war +spirit, man's moral nature, working through a developed conscience +upon war, is the only force strong enough to effect universal peace. + +Against war peace-advocates appeal with force from a business +standpoint, on grounds of economy and financial expediency. The vast +system of international trade and commerce calls for world peace. The +prosperity of world-industries and business requires good will and +brotherhood between the nations. So heavy, also, have the burdens of +war and militarism become that three fourths of our own expenditures +go for war purposes, past and present, and in Great Britain two thirds +are so spent.[1] Every German citizen, it is said, carries a soldier +on his back. By the testimony of financiers and ministers of state +themselves, nothing but financial ruin and bankruptcy await the +nations if the present military tragedy continues. But has this +obvious condition of affairs affected the race for armaments? Not +unless it has accelerated it. To every appeal to economy the reply is +that the outlay is necessary if we are to exist at all. But even +suppose that for a season the economic motive should lead us to +abolish war, as soon as financial advantage was apparent to a nation +through war it is evident that all restraints would be removed and war +ensue again. The same motive used to abolish war would bring war once +more. Again, when we remember that it is the deeper cause, the war +spirit, that we must quench, we can understand why this appeal is +often made to those who bear not. So far as the great mass of men is +concerned, purely economic considerations cannot change the spirit and +impulses of the soul. History reveals no great uplifting of humanity +or change in ideals as having arisen through purely economic or +financial considerations. + + [1] The percentages as a matter of fact are not so large, but + the argument is not impaired by the fact.--_Editor._ + +The peace plea has also been based on grounds of reason. Clearly has +it been pointed out that reason demands that no person shall sit in +judgment on his own case, yet this we do in a resort to arms. War is +not arbitrament by reason, but arbitrament by the sword. Every plain +argument of reason condemns war and militarism. The arguments of +reason have, indeed, been strong, and have attracted much attention, +resulting in the settlement of many disputes by arbitration. But as +concerns the final wiping out of war and the surrendering of heavy +armaments, reason alone cannot present a permanent powerful appeal, +for it is easy in times of stress to plead that reason and justice +demand the war. Never was there a fight but the contending parties +claimed they were justified. But the chief fact that seems to put +reason in the category of impotent appeals is the fact that it is an +appeal to the mind, while the war spirit can only be removed by an +appeal to the heart, wherein it resides. We may reason with nations +all we please, but when the war fury arises, then all the reasoning +proves to have been in vain, the appeal to the mind turns out to be +too feeble. + +Appeals to economy and reason, then, are appeals we must make, but +they are too weak in themselves to make a permanent impression against +the war spirit. We must then look for some additional, some more +compelling, force. + +Let us examine the real inner nature of war, for this ought surely to +throw some light upon our problem. War is not economy; it is not +reason. Is war, then, morality? Is it virtue? It would hardly seem +necessary for us to answer this question, for modern civilized nations +long ago recognized blood feuds with their kindred as contrary to real +morality, as nothing but murder; but they seem unable to recognize +that war is just the same--nothing but legalized, organized murder. +From the use of violence in settling our international disputes arise +all the deadly passions of the soul, such as treachery, insolence, +revenge, and a murderous spirit, with the accompanying fruits of +robbery, misery, and blood. Surely, O nations! nothing which bears +such fruits can be anything but corrupt, for a good tree cannot bring +forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit. + +Look also at its relationship to civilization and citizenship, and its +effects upon theme. "War and civilization," said one of the great +English ministers, "are contradictory terms, even as Christ and Mars." +Particularly damaging is the effect of war upon citizens. For does it +not blunt the sensibilities, harden the heart, inflame the mind with +passions, and deaden the consciences of men? Said the same great +English preacher, "The sword that smites the enemy abroad, also lays +bare the primeval savage within the citizen at home." And again, "War +is not so horrible in that it drains the dearest veins of the foe, but +in that it drains our own hearts of the yet more precious elements of +pity, mercy, generosity, which are the lifeblood of the soul." + +What now must be our conclusion about war? Had we ten thousand voices, +surely every one would be in honor bound to declare war an immorality. +Every incident of war declares it such. Every result of battle hands +down the same decree. In the words of a famous Russian battle painter, +we too may define war as "the antithesis of all morality." + +This clear idea of the real inner nature of war ought surely to enable +us to find our ground of attack. Since war is sin and war is crime, +the conclusion which we draw is, that if it is possible ever to +abolish war, man's conscience, his sense of right and wrong, is the +only force powerful enough to accomplish the result. + +The great searchlight of morality must be turned on war--a searchlight +which is always bright and strong and which never has failed to reveal +the truth. To turn this on full and strong means to awaken the +consciences of men. It must be an individual proposition--not simply +the developed consciences of a few leaders who may be submerged by the +war spirit of the masses, but there must be developed consciences of +all the people individually. All our arbitration treaties and the +actual settlement of disputes by arbitration are of great value and +should be pressed as far as possible; but are these sufficient forces +to develop the consciences of men against war as an immorality and a +sin? What are the forces that have always come to our support against +an immorality and a sin? + +How about our churches? Have they been doing their duty? Have they +made it clear that war is sin and war is crime? Has not the Church +been too easy? Has its voice sounded clear and strong on this +world-evil? Surely a duty rests upon the ministry to be insistent in +its characterization of war. What peace-advocates must do is to urge +this upon the Church and bring it to a realization of its duty. Church +members know the character of war and simply need to have the matter +brought home to their hearts. + +What about our schools,--not simply the colleges and universities, but +all the schools,--which offer fertile ground to sow the seeds of +peace? Thus far in the history of our schools too much emphasis has +been laid upon military history, etc. Dates and events of national +wars have been thoroughly drilled into students, and the glory and +blaze of war brought out. We have actually made it a glory and a +virtue. One of the most encouraging signs of the times, however, is +the fact that many of our text-books are dropping out the prolonged +study of wars and centering more on the peaceful pursuits of the +nation and the commercial relations with foreign powers. How about +direct peace teaching in the lower schools? How much of it do we +include in the work? None at all. Many are the speakers who address +the schools on war reminiscences, but few indeed are the appeals made +for peace. Not until this movement is strongly emphasized in our +schools from the very beginning can we hope completely to drive out +the war spirit; for time is required to develop in the individual +conscience a full realization of the real nature of war, and such +development should begin with the plastic period of youth. + +With Church and school lined up on the side of peace, the home +teaching will soon fall in line; and Church, school, and home combined +can develop so strong a conviction concerning war, can make so +forceful an appeal to man's moral nature, that the war spirit will +take its leave and be gone forever. + +We always look to history for a confirmation of our beliefs, and let +us glance now to the records of the past and learn her teachings. + +First of all, look at the duel as the mode of settling a personal +difficulty if peaceful settlement appeared impossible. First, it was +heartily accepted as a gentlemanly, honorable, and brave mode of +settlement. Then, tolerated and simply suffered to exist. Finally, +condemned by conscience as an immorality and a sin, it was banished +from civilized nations. + +Look also at slavery. At first heartily accepted as a divine +arrangement. Then tolerated by the world as undesirable, yet not +necessarily wrong. Next its overthrowal attempted on grounds of pity +and of reason; until finally, recognized as an immorality and a sin, +it too was blotted from the pages of civilization. + +No great uplift of humanity, no great movement in civilization, but +has found its path to success in the developed moral sense of man. No +great change in civilized institutions but has found itself produced +by the dynamic, moving forces of morality. + +War must be abolished. Only the great powers of morality are vital +enough, are dynamic and powerful enough, to carry out our peace +program. These forces lie dormant, and simply need stimulation and +development. Recognizing the impotency of appeals to economy and to +reason, what are we going to do? + +In the name of humanity let us impeach war and the war spirit. It is a +traitor to every ideal of civilization and of justice. It is the +instrument of hatred and of pride, the agent of jealousy and of +avarice. In the name of the dead and dying, in the name of justice, +which it dethrones, in the name of those whose loved ones it demands, +we impeach war as a traitor, guilty of all high crimes and +misdemeanors. What else shall we do? Stir up from its greatest depths +the heart of man. Educate his conscience till he is unwilling to +suffer war to exist. Begin early in Church, school, and home to instil +in the minds of young and old continually the true conception of war, +that it is an immorality, contrary to every principle of Christianity +and to every teaching of our Christ. + +Let us bring into the conflict against war the great, dynamic, motive +force--the Moral Nature of Man. And when we shall have thus developed +the consciences of men, there will henceforth be laid up for us a +crown of victory, as there will then be a fuller realization that in +man's moral nature is the Hope of Universal Peace. + + + + +THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY + +By HAROLD HUSTED, Ottawa University, Ottawa, Kansas, representing the +Western Group + +Fifth Prize Oration in the National Contest held at Mohonk Lake, May +28, 1914 + + + + +THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY + + +Age by age, civilization advances. Each successive era has contributed +that invention or accomplished that achievement which has placed +another round in the great ladder of civilization. The development of +many small states into powerful nations, and many wonderful +improvements in other fields, such as steam navigation, the railroad, +the telegraph, and wireless communication, crown the last as the +greatest of centuries in the history of the human family. It is +difficult to understand why the human mind, whence these mighty +inspirations originated, has been incapable of realizing that there +still remains the most degrading, the most deteriorating, the foulest +blot that ever disgraced this world--the killing of civilized men, by +men, as a permissible mode of settling international disputes. This +world can never attain its highest standard of civilization until this +one disgraceful blemish, called war, is obliterated. It is the +collective task of the people living in this twentieth century to +bring into reality the millennium of Tennyson, + + Till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furl'd + In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World. + +The beginning of this social task, then, is the enlightenment of the +peoples as to the immorality, waste, and ineffectiveness of war. God +commanded, "Thou shalt not kill." Who shall presume to declare that +this precept was directed not to nations but to individuals only? +that one man shall not kill, but nations may? We are horrified at the +report of a single murder, yet, if viewed from the light of truth, +what is war but wholesale murder? What tongue, what pen, can describe +the bloody havoc of the battle of Gettysburg, where, between the rise +and set of a single sun, fifty thousand of our fellow men sank to +earth, dead or wounded? + +What sentiment in human hearts which needs to be perpetuated sent rank +after rank, column after column, of blue soldiers against the +impregnable stone wall of Fredericksburg? And who will place the blame +for the carnage of Cold Harbor elsewhere than upon the folly of +misguided patriotism and cruel, selfish interests that made the bloody +battle possible? + +Every soldier is connected, as all of us, by dear ties of kindred, +love, and friendship. Perhaps there is an aged mother, who fondly +hoped to lean her bending form on his more youthful arm; perhaps a +young wife, whose life is entwined inseparably with his; perchance a +sister, a brother. But as he falls on the field of battle, must not +all these suffer? His aged mother surely falls with him. His young +wife is suddenly widowed, his children orphaned. That husband's +helping hand is forever stayed. A parent's voice is stilled, and the +children's plaintive cries for their loving father fall on unheeding +ears. Tell me, friends, you who know the bitterness of parting with +dear ones whom you watched tenderly through the last hopeful moments, +can you measure your anguish? Yet, what a contrast! Your dear ones +departed soothed by kindness and love, while the dying soldier gasped +out his life on the battlefield alone. + +And what a waste is war! We are just beginning to realize the +tremendous cost, the incalculable wastefulness, not only of actual war +but of the preparation for future possible wars. For the current +fiscal year ending June 30, 1914, the United States has appropriated +in round numbers $535,000,000, in preparation for future wars and +because of wars fought in the past. Sixty-seven cents out of every +dollar expended by our national government goes to feed the +present-day mania for war, present and past, leaving only thirty-three +cents out of each dollar for the combined expense of the executive, +legislative, and judicial departments of our national government. When +we realize that the cost of a single battleship exceeds the total +value of all the grounds and buildings of all the colleges and +universities in the state of Kansas, the figures indicating this +expense have more meaning to us. And when we reflect that the cost of +a single shot from one of the great guns of that battleship is $1700, +enough to send a young man through college, the common man realizes +that the United States cannot afford to go to war or even prepare for +war. + +And all this suffering and cost are to no purpose. War is utterly +ineffectual to secure or advance its professed object. The +wretchedness it involves contributes to no beneficial result, helps to +establish no right, and, therefore, in no respect promotes harmony +between the contending nations. + +When the Saviour was born, angels from heaven sang to the children of +the human family this benediction: + + Glory to God in the highest, + Peace on earth, good will toward men. + +And at last, in the beginning of this twentieth century, nations seem +to be visibly approaching that unity so long hoped and prayed for; and +that nation which shall precede all others in the abolition of war +will be crowned by history with everlasting honor. The risk will be +very little, the gain incalculable. + +We are coming to believe that the most significant fact about man and +his civilization is their improvability. Individual inventive genius +has added improvement after improvement until it would seem that man's +mastery over nature is to be well-nigh complete as these ideas and +inventions are socialized and extended to benefit all. We are now +entering the era of social achievement when mankind unitedly +undertakes by organization and cooperation mightier tasks than ever +accomplished before. Many dreadful diseases are disappearing before +preventive medicine, and sanitary science is eliminating many plagues; +pestilence is coming to be a thing of the past. Human welfare is now +the concern of cooperative mankind, and social science will condemn +and banish war or fail to establish itself as an applied science. It +_can_ be done! It _ought_ to be done! It _will_ be done! + +And although this consummation seems to many far away, it may be +accomplished by very simple methods. It only waits the time of +concerted action on the part of the leading nations when the +principles of arbitration can be invoked more fully, and a world-court +established with plenary powers for settling all disputes between the +nations. + +International legislation has occurred repeatedly, though no +world-court has as yet been established. In the case of the Universal +Postal Union we have what is tantamount to world-legislation, in that +all civilized nations have entered into a formal agreement regarding +the delivery of mail. Another instance of practical world-legislation +is that of the International Bureau of Weights and Measures. Many +other examples might be given in which several nations are parties to +an agreement regarding some important measure, such as the respect +paid to the flag of truce, the regulations concerning commerce on the +high seas, and the etiquette of diplomacy. Paramount in +world-importance has been the agreement of the leading nations of the +world in the establishment of the Hague conferences for the +amelioration of war. + +Since a conference of nations can meet and decide on the mitigation of +the horrors of war, it is certainly conceivable that a tribunal of +nations can prevent war. Such a tribunal would in no respect differ +from the Supreme Court of the United States in its fundamental +foundations. As our Supreme Court is final in settling all disputes in +this country, so the international court would be final in adjusting +all controversies between the nations. And such a court is clearly the +next decisive step in the promotion of this great task of securing +world-peace. + +If nations can agree to establish war as their arbiter of peace, why +can they not establish a more peaceful substitute? It is possible, for +there is nothing in the nature of strife that cannot be settled, no +quarrel that cannot be judged, no difficulty that cannot be +satisfactorily adjusted. + +With the establishment of a true world-court, there would rise on the +vision of the nations for the first time the prospect of justice for +the united whole of mankind. Justice to the smaller countries would +be secured; encroachments by the strong upon the weak would be +prevented; the moral standard of politics would be uplifted; and +though every step would be exposed to the selfishness, corruption, and +love of despotism that are prevalent in all men, yet is it not +reasonable to suppose that, as progress is now being made in the +various nations for overcoming these evils, so it would be made in +this united whole, to the unspeakable benefit of mankind? + +This country has been foremost in the promotion of this great movement +to organize the world. It is especially fitting that the United States +should take the lead. The greatest nation having a government of the +people and by the people, with the longest experience and the greatest +success, is best fitted to lead others. We have the form of national +government which foreshadows the form of world-government. +Theoretically, our states are sovereign; all rights which are not +formally surrendered by accepting the Constitution of the United +States are reserved to them. In a like manner, referring to the +establishment of a world-court, the nations individually will be +expected to surrender to the nations collectively only such +jurisdiction as pertains to the settling of their controversies. + +A world-court would appeal to the strongest, the purest, and the +deepest thinkers of every race. It would cover a new field, appealing +to reason and altruism and justice. It would by its very effect upon +individuals tend to develop the qualities it demands, and would prove +a mighty influence for uplifting the intellectual and moral standards +not only of men but nations. It would by its very international nature +annihilate all national antipathies and promote an era of universal +good will and genuine understanding. + +To send a husband or father, glorious in the perfection of physical +manhood, out on the field of carnage to be slain in an effort to +settle international difficulty or to uphold fancied national honor, +is unquestionable barbarism. It is far more humane to terminate +disputed questions by arbitration than by the keen-edged sword. +International peace compacts can hold mankind together by unbreakable +yet unburdensome bonds and greatly promote prosperity and social +progress. The wanton woe and waste that inevitably follow in the train +of war will soon be things of the past. The twentieth century, already +so full of radiant promise, so enlivened by a new social conscience, +will devote its collective energies to the abolition of war and the +substitution of its successor--a world-court, based on the facts of +humane solidarity and the principles of international peace. + + + + +THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION + +By BRYANT SMITH, Guilford College, North Carolina, a Senior in +Guilford College + +Prize-Winning Essay in the Pugsley Contest, 1912-1913 + + +THE PUGSLEY PRIZE-ESSAY CONTESTS + +In 1908 Mr. Chester DeWitt Pugsley, then an undergraduate student in +Harvard University, gave $50 as a prize to be offered by the Lake +Mohonk Conference for the best essay on "International Arbitration" by +an undergraduate student of an American college. The prize was won by +L. B. Bobbitt of Baltimore, a sophomore in Johns Hopkins University. +The following year (1909-1910) a similar prize, of $100, was won by +George Knowles Gardner of Worcester, Massachusetts, a Harvard +sophomore. A like prize of $100 in 1910-1911 was won by Harry Posner +of West Point, Mississippi, a senior in the Mississippi Agricultural +and Mechanical College. + +The prize of 1911-1912, of which John K. Starkweather of Denver, +Colorado, a junior in Brown University, was the winner, was the first +offered to men students only (other similar prizes having been offered +to women students) in the United States and Canada. + +In the fifth Pugsley contest (1912-1913) the prize was awarded to +Bryant Smith of Guilford College, North Carolina, a senior in Guilford +College at the same place, whose essay follows. The judges were +Chancellor Elmer Ellsworth Brown of New York University, Rollo Ogden, +editor of the New York _Evening Post_, and Lieutenant General Nelson +A. Miles, U.S.A., retired. + +Each winner is invited to the Lake Mohonk Conference next following, +where he publicly receives the prize from its donor, Mr. Pugsley. + + + + +THE PRESENT STATUS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION + + +The first concerted effort looking toward an eventual world-wide peace +was the Hague Conference of 1899, where representatives of twenty-six +nations assembled in response to a rescript from the Czar of Russia, +whose avowed purpose, as set forth in the rescript, was to discuss +ways and, if possible, devise means, to arrest the alarming increase +in expenditures for armaments which threatened to bankrupt the +national governments. + +Unable to accomplish anything definite in this respect because of the +vigorous opposition headed by Germany, the delegates turned their +attention toward giving official recognition and concrete form to +ideas which had already obtained in the settlement of international +disputes, and toward the formation of a court before which the nations +might have their differences adjudicated. The principles embodied in +good offices and mediation and commissions of inquiry have given +gratifying evidence of their efficiency, each in its respective +capacity. The original achievement of the conference, however, was the +Permanent Court of Arbitration. The composition of this court was to +include not more than four persons from each of the signatory powers; +from which panel, in case of an appeal to arbitration, each party was +to select two judges, who, in turn, should elect their own umpire +unless otherwise provided by the disputants. That it would be subject +to criticism might have been expected. That twenty-six nations could +unanimously agree upon any court whatever was the real occasion for +surprise. The four cases arbitrated during the eight years intervening +between this and the Second Hague Conference served to bring out its +defects, chief of which were its decentralized and intangible nature. +Nominally a court, in reality it was but a panel scattered all over +the world from which a court could, with great difficulty and expense, +be selected. Nominally permanent, in reality it had to be re-created +for each case to be judged. + +The Second Hague Conference, working on a basis of this short +experience, undertook to remedy these inherent defects in the arbitral +machinery by leaving the Permanent Court just as it was, and by +creating besides an International Court of Prize to serve a special +function indicated by its name, and a court of Judicial Arbitration to +supplement the work of, if not eventually to supplant, the former +court. To insure greater impartiality and also to encourage the weaker +powers the expenses of the new court, instead of falling upon the +litigants in each case, were to be prorated among the ratifying +powers. To insure greater tangibility and permanency the new court was +to be composed of only seventeen members, each to serve a term of +twelve years at a salary of $2400 per annum, with an additional $40 +for each day of actual service. Furthermore, the court was to meet +once a year and to elect each year a delegation of three of its +members to sit at The Hague for settling minor cases arising in the +interval between regular sessions, having the power also to call extra +sessions of the entire court whenever occasion should demand. To +insure a more judicial personnel the convention specifies that members +shall be qualified to hold high legal posts in their respective +countries. The method by which members of the court were to be +appointed--the one point upon which the delegates were unable to +agree--was deferred for subsequent determination. + +This, in addition to the one hundred and fifty-odd treaties privately +entered into by two or more nations, many of which contain pledges to +submit certain classes of disputes to the Permanent Court, is, in +brief, what has been accomplished by way of constructive political +organization by the modern peace movement. + +How much does this signify? In view of the present attitude of the +social mind, what are we to infer from this as bearing upon the +ultimate outcome of international arbitration? It shall be the purpose +of this paper to answer that question. + +In an address before the Mohonk Conference of 1911 Dr. Cyrus Northrup, +ex-president of the University of Minnesota, said: "What is really +wanted is not continued talking in favor of peace with the idea of +converting the people; for the people are already converted! They are +ready for peace and arbitration!" In the October number of the _Review +of Reviews_ for 1909, Privy Councillor Karl von Stengel, one of the +German delegation to the First Hague Conference, is quoted as follows: +"It must be stated emphatically that in its ultimate aims the peace +movement is not only ... Utopian, but ... dangerous...." These +quotations are given as typical of the attitude manifested by the two +extremes, the injudiciously optimistic and the ultraconservative, +toward every social reform. All true progress pursues a course +intermediate to these two. + +The idea entertained by so many enthusiastic peace advocates, that the +world is ready for peace if we but had institutional facilities +adequate to carry out the will of the people, is erroneous. In all +democratic states political institutions are but a concrete expression +of the social mind, the media created by the people, through which +society executes its will. "With a given phase of human character ... +there must go an adapted class of institutions."[1] Therefore, I +submit that if the people were ready for peace they could easily +provide the means necessary for its accomplishment. + + [1] Herbert Spencer, "The Study of Sociology." + +The first gentleman quoted above drew his conclusion from the +indications that of the two million inhabitants of his state, one +million nine hundred thousand would favor arbitration as shown by the +enthusiasm manifested at a meeting of the state peace society a few +weeks before. Similar conditions in other parts of the country, he +thought, would corroborate the application of his assertion to the +entire country. Such a conclusion is fallacious in that it fails to +consider three essential facts about the people of the United States +which largely determine the attitude of any people toward war. First, +they have no grievance. Second, no appeal is being made to their +patriotic bias. Third, their emotions and passions are quiescent. + +The first of these needs only brief mention. No people in this +enlightened age wishes to fight as a matter of course, regardless of +any reasonable pretext. If nations never had any personal interests +involved, there would, of course, be no more war. In this respect the +people of the United States are not ahead of the other parts of the +civilized world. Disinterested parties have been in favor of peace for +two thousand years. + +The other two facts deserve more extended consideration. + +The disposition in individuals to pluck motes out of their neighbors' +eyes and leave beams in their own, in the nation becomes what Herbert +Spencer calls the bias of patriotism. According to him patriotism is +but an extended self-interest. We love our country because our own +interests and our country's interests are one. Unable to view +international affairs apart from national interests, we are +handicapped in making those balanced judgments necessary to judicial +arbitration. An act reprehensible under the Union Jack becomes +patriotic under the Stars and Stripes. At both Hague Conferences all +the powers were seemingly in favor of curtailing expenditures for +armaments. The unprecedented increase in expenditures which followed +bespeaks their sincerity, or, rather, bespeaks each nation's mistrust +of the sincerity of others. A number of years ago the Farmers' +Alliance, organized in some of the Southern tobacco states, voted to +reduce the acreage of tobacco for a given year in order to raise the +price. So many members tried to profit by this opportunity to realize +a high price for a big crop that there was a greater acreage planted +that year than ever before. Can we expect better of groups than of the +individuals of which the groups are composed? Most nations question +the justice of Russia's policy leading up to the war with Japan, +England's course in South Africa, and America's attitude toward the +Philippines; yet the body of citizens of each of these three +countries, while concurring in the general opinion concerning the +other two, justifies its own government's actions with patriotic +pride. + +The chief respect in which this bias interferes with the progress of +international arbitration is in restricting the scope of general +arbitration treaties, the average formula of such treaties excluding +all questions which involve "national honor and vital interests." A +greatly modified survival of the spirit which in primitive peoples +regarded the tribe over the mountain or across the stream as a fit +object of hatred and fear, the objection to a judicial settlement of +such questions assumes that a nation's honor and vital interests are +goods peculiar in that they may be inconsistent with justice. The +attitude of the United States toward the recently proposed treaty +between England and America may be taken as typical of the attitude +which prevails on this subject generally. The formulators of the +treaty took an advanced step in that, instead of reserving questions +of national honor and vital interests, they provided for the +arbitration of all differences which are "justiciable in their nature +by reason of being susceptible of decision by the application of +principles of law or equity," thereby recognizing the judicial nature +of arbitration. The action of the Senate, however, which sustained the +opinion of the majority report of the Senate Committee on Foreign +Relations, objecting to the last clause of Article III of the +treaty,[2] would indicate that the significance of a general +arbitration treaty attaches not so much to the definition of its scope +as to who shall determine what cases conform to the definition. It +would seem that the nature of the reservation is relatively +unimportant so long as its interpretation devolves upon the parties at +variance. The majority report, objecting to the delegation to the +joint high commission of the power to determine the arbitrability of +cases in terms of the treaty, contains this statement[3] in which the +minority report likewise concurs: "Every one agrees that there are +certain questions which no nation ... will ever submit to the decision +of any one else." As cases of this nature it enumerates territorial +integrity, admission of immigrants, and our Monroe Doctrine. The +significance of this insistence upon a means of evasion is evident. +There is not yet enough international confidence. The powers are not +yet ready to submit to unlimited arbitration. + + [2] The clause, referring to the commission of inquiry, + reads: + + "It is further agreed, however, that in cases in + which the Parties disagree as to whether or not a + difference is subject to arbitration under Article I + of this Treaty, that question shall be submitted to + the Joint High Commission of Inquiry; and if all or + all but one of the members of the Commission agree + and report that such difference is within the scope + of Article I, it shall be referred to arbitration in + accordance with the provisions of this + treaty."--_Editor._ + + [3] See Senate Document 98, 62d Cong., 1st Sess., + 9-10.--_Editor._ + +The other enemy to rational judgment--and rational judgment must be +the only basis of arbitration--is the danger of emotionalism. The +average man is yet largely irrational. When cool and self-possessed, +and when his prejudices and traditions do not interfere, he can pass +rational judgment upon questions in which his own interests are not +concerned; but when his passions are aroused he dispenses with any +effort to reason and acts in obedience to blind impulse. He knows that +it is expensive to fight, that it is dangerous, and that it is wrong; +but when he is provoked, he fights. The characteristics of the average +man are the characteristics of society. We have not yet outgrown the +mob. + +Interwoven with this impulsive temperament and associated with some of +the most cherished affections of the human heart is the spirit of war, +developed by thousands of generations of ancestral conflict and passed +on to us as a heritage to be rooted out of our nature before we shall +realize in its fullness the ideal for which we strive. Mortal conflict +sanctified by religion, devastation idealized by literature, pillage +justified by patriotism, fellow-destruction ennobled by +self-sacrifice--these form a complex of contradictory emotions from +which men are as yet unable to unravel the one essential +characteristic of war; namely, the attempt to dispense justice in a +trial by battle, and make it stand out in its revealed inconsistency, +dissociated from its traditional concomitants of which it is neither +part nor parcel. The romance of knighthood and chivalry still appeals +to the human heart, notwithstanding the fact that war, love, and +religion, the knight's creed, are an inconsistent combination. Most +men can be made to see this in their minds, but cannot be made to feel +it in their souls. Many old Civil War veterans, who would not consent +for their sons to volunteer in the Spanish-American War, would have +gone themselves had they been able. Some did go. To men so disposed it +is useless to talk of the horrors of war. Give us a just grievance; +let some competent enthusiast inflame this passion with a war cry like +"Remember the Maine," "Fifty-four forty or fight," "Liberty or death," +and, reenforced by the animal inherent in man, it will arouse popular +demonstrations devoid of all reason, creating a force that cannot be +controlled by a cold, calculating intellect. Can you listen to a bugle +call on a clear, still night without a quickening of the pulse as +there flashes through your soul a suggestion of all past history with +its marshaling hosts and heroic deeds? Can you see a military parade +without a suggestion of "Dixie" and the Star Spangled Banner, or +feeling your bosom swell with patriotic pride? This association may +be, and doubtless is, a delusion, but it is a delusion developed and +fortified by thousands of years of custom and precedent and it would +be contrary to the history of human progress if man should become +disillusionized in one generation. It may take centuries. If we are to +have international arbitration in the near future, we must have it in +spite of this spirit of war rather than by destroying the spirit. In +fact, the only practical way to destroy it is to let it, like +vestigial organs of which biologists tell us, degenerate from disuse. +This inherited emotional tendency remains as a threat with which we, +as exponents of arbitration, must reckon before we are justified in +saying that the world is ready for peace. + +Because of these two social characteristics--the patriotic bias +which perverts judgment, and uncontrolled passions which submerge +reason--the educational propagandists still have a task to perform. + +Let us now examine the stand-pat idea that unlimited arbitration is +but a dream as expressed in the quotation from Privy Councillor +Stengel. This is farther from the truth than the other extreme just +discussed. He who will, with an unprejudiced mind, examine cross +sections of history at widely separated stages, cannot fail to see +that along with the growing tendency of reason to predominate over +passion, superstition, and custom there has been a parallel tendency +to restrict militarism as a social activity. From a war conceived as +religion to war as patriotism, then war as commercialism and the tool +of ambition, man is now coming to the more rational conception of war +as the despoiler of nations. David speaks of the "season of the year" +when nations went forth to battle. Fifteen hundred years later +governments pretended at least to justify their military operations on +rational grounds. To-day war is the last resort, and even its most +ardent defenders do not attempt to justify it except in disputes which +involve national honor and vital interests. + +In view of the foregoing facts it is evident that the modern peace +movement has by no means the whole of the task to perform. Rather, we +can almost justify ourselves in the assumption that war is not long to +remain one of our social inconsistencies and that it is now making its +last, and, therefore, most determined, stand on questions of national +honor and vital interests. + +Among the numerous forces contributing to this evolution of +international peace, the chief agencies have been, and still are, +moral and industrial. These same forces are working to-day with +cumulative effect. + +Warfare is becoming more and more inconsistent with the ethical spirit +of the times. Men may talk of the expenses, horrors, and devastations +of war as paramount causes for the tendency to substitute arbitration; +but antedating all other causes, underlying and strengthening all +others, is the slowly changing social conscience which, as each +generation passes, appreciates more fully warfare's inconsistency with +justice and antagonism to right. This same cause found civilized +society taking keen delight in the heathen barbarity of a gladiatorial +combat, and has transformed and lifted it up to where it is horrified +at a bull-baiting or a prize fight. It found human beings with +absolute power of life and death over other human beings and has +evolved the view that all men are created free and equal. It found +individuals settling questions of honor by a resort to arms, and has +substituted therefor a judge, counsel, and a jury. These three +institutions--gladiatorial combats, slavery, and dueling--were no more +regarded in their day as only temporary phenomena of social evolution +than is war so regarded by military sympathizers of to-day; yet these +have one by one been eliminated, and war is fast becoming as much out +of harmony with the ethical spirit of this age as was each of the +above out of harmony with the spirit of the age which dispensed with +it, and the effort to demonstrate that war is just as dispensable is +meeting with success. The teachings of Christ, who two thousand years +ago announced the doctrine of human brotherhood and surrendered his +life to make this doctrine effective, have slowly but surely wrought +their leavening influence upon the source of all war; namely, the +hearts of men. Warfare has for centuries been gradually yielding to +this deepening consciousness and that it must eventually, if not soon, +take its place beside the long-discarded gladiatorial profession, the +outlawed slave trade, and the discountenanced custom of the duelist +must be evident to any one who takes more than a superficial view of +the great determining forces which shape human progress. + +Besides moral forces, industrial forces were mentioned as a factor +tending to the adoption of arbitration. During recent times, under the +impetus caused by the relatively modern innovations of steam, +electricity, and the press, this class of causes has been unusually +effective. Industry has overstepped international boundary lines. +Through the division of labor we are passing from the independence of +nations to the interdependence of nations. International banking, +transportation, and commerce, by establishing communities of interest +in all parts of the world, are binding the peoples of the earth into +one great industrial organization. As striking evidence of this +development, more than one hundred and fifty international +associations[4] and more than thirty-five international unions of +states have been formed. The modern intricate system of communication +is a veritable nervous system which, in the event of any local +paralysis or upheaval, informs the entire industrial organism. The +figure is no longer "the shot heard, round the world," but becomes +"the pulse-beat felt, round the world." If Spencer's definition of +patriotism--that is, coextensive with personal interests--is correct, +the bias of patriotism cannot retard the progress of arbitration much +longer, for patriotism will be a world-wide feeling, since personal +interests are no longer restricted to nationality. + + [4] "Annuaire de la Vie Internationale," 1910-1911, reports + on 510.--_Editor._ + +No, Herr Stengel, each passing year finds the causes which make for +war weakened and the causes which make for arbitration proportionately +reenforced. The skeptics are the dreamers and the peace workers are +the practical men of affairs. + +From the foregoing synopsis of the technical accomplishments of the +modern peace movement to date, and from the effort to interpret their +significance in the light of fundamental social characteristics and +the present social attitude, I trust three things have become evident: + +_First._ The movement for international peace through arbitration, far +from being a mere bubble on the surface of society to be burst by the +first war cloud which appears on the horizon, is a movement, centuries +old, coincident with social evolution, deep-rooted in the very nature +of a developing world-wide civilization. + +_Second._ International peace through arbitration is not to be a +ready-made affair, coming in on the crest of some wave of popular +enthusiasm as was expected by many in 1899. + +_Third._ Being an outgrowth of the natural laws of human development, +a result so much deeper and more fundamental than political laws can +produce, international peace through arbitration may be furthered, but +cannot be accomplished, by legislation; may be delayed, but cannot be +prevented, by the neglect to legislate. To undertake to hasten +arbitration by forcing legislative proceedings beyond what the people +will indorse, would be as futile as to turn up the hands of the clock +to hasten the passage of time. + +To those who can appreciate these facts there is no occasion for +discouragement in the suspicious attitude manifested by the powers +toward any definite step in the direction of unrestricted arbitration, +apparently so inconsistent with their general pacific professions. +"Rapid growth and quickly accomplished reforms are necessarily +unsound, incomplete, and disappointing."[5] + + [5] F. H. Giddings, "The Elements of Sociology." + +With the truth of these deductions granted, it would seem safe to +assume that the institutions for the settlement of international +difficulties will develop in much the same way as have the +institutions for the settlement of difficulties between individuals. +It should be profitable, therefore, to compare the present growth of +arbitration with the evolution and decay of the various modes of trial +as the idea of judicial settlement diffused itself through the mind of +the English people causing established forms to give way to something +better. Dispensing with the blood feud, which hardly deserves the name +of trial, the oldest form of such institution was trial by ordeal +which, according to Thayer in his "Evidence at the Common Law," seems +to have been "indigenous with the human creature in the earliest +stages of his development." This form gradually fell into disuse +before the more rational form of compurgation introduced into Teutonic +courts in the fifth century. In 1215 it was formally abolished. +Compurgation was abolished in 1440 as its inferiority to trial by +witnesses became fully recognized. In the latter form, instituted +early in the ninth century, when the witnesses disagreed the judicial +talent of the day conceived of no other method of decision than to +fight it out. Thus we have trial by witnesses and trial by battle +developing concurrently, although they were recognized as distinct +forms. After two centuries of effort to abolish it, trial by battle +was made illegal in 1833, the last case recorded as being so decided +occurring in 1835. Out of the trial by witnesses has evolved our +modern trial by jury, at first limited to certain unimportant cases, +then having its sphere extended as its superiority became more +evident, until finally it superseded all other forms and to-day is the +accepted mode of settling even questions of honor. + +The growth and extension of international arbitration has not been +dissimilar to this. Six cases were arbitrated in the eighteenth +century, four hundred and seventy-one in the nineteenth, while more +than one hundred and fifty cases have been arbitrated during the first +thirteen years of the twentieth century. Between the First and Second +Hague Conferences only four uses were submitted to the Permanent Court +of Arbitration. Since the Second Conference, notwithstanding the +unsatisfactory disposition of the Venezuelan affair, eight cases have +been tried, a ninth is pending, a tenth will soon be docketed if the +United States is not to act the hypocrite in her international +relations by refusing to submit to England's request to arbitrate the +question as to whether or no we exempt our coastwise vessels from toll +duty through the Panama Canal. Defects have been detected in the +Permanent Court of Arbitration and we are well on the way toward a +better court. Representatives of only twenty-six nations took part in +the deliberations of the First Hague Conference; representatives of +forty-four nations took part in the deliberations of the Second Hague +Conference. Wars of aggression and conquest, though not formally +outlawed, are effectively so, and arbitration for the recovery of +contract debts is now practically obligatory. As time passes and its +feasibility gains credence, arbitration, like the jury trial, will +extend its sphere of usefulness until it too settles questions of +honor. Nor need we imply from this analogy that it will take such an +age to accomplish this result. Because of the increased mobility of +society, resulting from the greater like-mindedness and consciousness +of kind incident to our modern communities of interests and systems of +communication, and from our greater susceptibility to rational rather +than traditional appeals, a reform can be wrought more easily and the +people can adjust themselves to the change far more readily than +several centuries ago. + +Bearing in mind, then, our attempted analysis of counter social forces +at work, our deductions from this analysis and the foregoing analogy +the significance of which grows out of the truth of these deductions, +let us conclude with a suggestion as to what the next Hague Conference +should attempt. It should, of course, like the former Conferences, +extract as many teeth as possible from war. As to improving our +arbitration facilities, its first task evidently should be to +determine some method whereby members of the Judicial Arbitration +Court shall be apportioned and selected. If, as has been suggested, it +is decided to use the same scheme of apportionment as that for the +International Court of Prize, the provision that each party to a case +shall have a representative on the bench should be changed so as to +provide that neither party shall have a representative on the bench. +If this court is not to be a misnomer like the Permanent Court of +Arbitration, its rulings must be in accord with the principles of +jurisprudence rather than with the spirit of compromise such a +provision would tend to produce. With this accomplished and the +Judicial Court of Arbitration put in practical working order "of free +and easy access" to the powers, it may be doubted whether anything +further can be done. If the powers can be made to agree to submit to +the court all cases growing out of the disputed interpretation of +treaties, a great advance will have been made, but it is doubtful +whether the present state of public opinion would indorse such a +progressive step. These international legislators can do no more than +provide channels through which the spirit of international peace can +exercise itself as it expands, and the Judicial Court of Arbitration, +at the optional use of the nations, conforms admirably to this +requirement. The delegates should, therefore, avoid the universal +tendency of such bodies to legislate too much. None of these Hague +Conferences can alone accomplish the ultimate purpose of the so-called +dreamers, but each Conference may be a landmark on the upward journey +toward that consummation, anticipated by Utopians from the earliest +times, foretold by prophets from Micah and Isaiah to Robert Burns and +Tennyson, labored for by practical statesmen from Hugo Grotius to +William H. Taft, when each man shall be a native of his state and a +citizen of the world. + + +AUTHORITIES + + For acts and conventions of Hague Conferences: + "Texts of the Peace Conferences" by James Brown Scott. + + For data concerning proposed treaty with England: + Text of treaty and majority and minority reports of Senate + Committee on Foreign Relations. + + For statistics of arbitration treaties: + "Revised List of Arbitration Treaties," compiled by Denys P. + Myers. + + For development of trial by jury: + "Evidence at the Common Law" by Thayer. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Prize Orations of the Intercollegiate +Peace Association, by Intercollegiate Peace Association + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORATIONS--INTERCOLL. 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