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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Founder of New France, by Charles W. Colby
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Founder of New France
+       A Chronicle of Champlain
+
+Author: Charles W. Colby
+
+Release Date: October 15, 2009 [EBook #30257]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Frontispiece: THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER--PORT ROYAL, 1606-7.  From a
+colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE FOUNDER OF
+
+NEW FRANCE
+
+
+A Chronicle of Champlain
+
+
+
+BY
+
+CHARLES W. COLBY
+
+
+
+
+TORONTO
+
+GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY
+
+1915
+
+
+
+
+  Copyright in all Countries subscribing to
+  the Berne Contention
+
+
+
+
+{v}
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                 Page
+
+   I. CHAMPLAIN'S EARLY YEARS  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    1
+  II. CHAMPLAIN IN ACADIA  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   22
+ III. CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   59
+  IV. CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   84
+   V. CHAMPLAIN'S LAST YEARS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  116
+  VI. CHAMPLAIN'S WRITINGS AND CHARACTER . . . . . . . . . . . .  137
+      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  152
+      INDEX  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  155
+
+
+
+
+{vii}
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER--PORT ROYAL, 1606-7  . . . .   _Frontispiece_
+  From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys.
+
+PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET.
+    (See Bibliographical Note, p. 154) . . . . . . .  _Facing page_ 4
+  From Laverdière's 'Champlain' in M'Gill
+    University Library.
+
+COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7 . . . . . . . .         "     36
+  Map by Bartholomew.
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION AT QUEBEC  . .         "     64
+  From Laverdière's 'Champlain' in M'Gill
+    University Library.
+
+HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ,
+    VICEROY OF NEW FRANCE  . . . . . . . . . . . . .         "     74
+  From Laverdière's 'Champlain' in M'Gill
+    University Library.
+
+THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609  . . . . . . .         "     86
+  From a drawing by J. D. Kelly in the Château
+    de Ramezay, Montreal.
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16 . . . . . . . . . . . . .         "    106
+  Map by Bartholomew.
+
+
+
+
+{1}
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S EARLY YEARS
+
+Were there a Who's Who in History its chronicle of Champlain's life and
+deeds would run as follows:
+
+
+Champlain, Samuel de.  Explorer, geographer, and colonizer.  Born in
+1567 at Brouage, a village on the Bay of Biscay.  Belonged by parentage
+to the lesser gentry of Saintonge.  In boyhood became imbued with a
+love of the sea, but also served as a soldier in the Wars of the
+League.  Though an enthusiastic Catholic, was loyal to Henry of
+Navarre.  On the Peace of Vervins (1598) returned to the sea, visiting
+the Spanish West Indies and Mexico.  Between 1601 and 1603 wrote his
+first book--the _Bref Discours_.  In 1603 made his first voyage to the
+St Lawrence, which he ascended as far as the Lachine Rapids.  From 1604
+to 1607 was actively engaged in the attempt of De Monts to establish a
+French colony in Acadia, at the same time exploring the seaboard from
+Cape Breton to Martha's Vineyard.  Returned to the St Lawrence in 1608
+and founded Quebec.  In 1609 discovered Lake Champlain, and fought his
+first battle with the Iroquois.  In 1613 ascended the Ottawa to a point
+{2} above Lac Coulange.  In 1615 reached Georgian Bay and was induced
+to accompany the Hurons, with their allies, on an unsuccessful
+expedition into the country of the Iroquois.  From 1617 to 1629
+occupied chiefly in efforts to strengthen the colony at Quebec and
+promote trade on the lower St Lawrence.  Taken a captive to London by
+Kirke in 1629 upon the surrender of Quebec, but after its recession to
+France returned (1633) and remained in Canada until his death, on
+Christmas Day 1635.  Published several important narratives describing
+his explorations and adventures.  An intrepid pioneer and the revered
+founder of New France.
+
+
+Into some such terms as these would the writer of a biographical
+dictionary crowd his notice of Champlain's career, so replete with
+danger and daring, with the excitement of sailing among the uncharted
+islands of Penobscot Bay, of watching the sun descend below the waves
+of Lake Huron, of attacking the Iroquois in their palisaded stronghold,
+of seeing English cannon levelled upon the houses of Quebec.  It is not
+from a biographical dictionary that one can gain true knowledge of
+Champlain, into whose experience were crowded so many novel sights and
+whose soul was tested, year after year, by the ever-varying perils of
+the wilderness.  No life, it is true, can be fitly sketched in a
+chronological {3} abridgment, but history abounds with lives which,
+while important, do not exact from a biographer the kind of detail that
+for the actions of Champlain becomes priceless.  Kant and Hegel were
+both great forces in human thought, yet throughout eighty years Kant
+was tethered to the little town of Königsberg, and Hegel did not know
+what the French were doing in Jena the day after there had been fought
+just outside a battle which smote Prussia to her knees.  The deeds of
+such men are their thoughts, their books, and these do not make a
+story.  The life of Champlain is all story.  The part of it which
+belongs to the Wars of the League is lost to us from want of records.
+But fortunately we possess in his _Voyages_ the plain, direct narrative
+of his exploits in America--a source from which all must draw who would
+know him well.
+
+The method to be pursued in this book is not that of the critical
+essay.  Nor will these pages give an account of Champlain's times with
+reference to ordinances regulating the fur trade, or to the policy of
+French kings and their ministers towards emigration.  Such subjects
+must be touched on, but here it will be only incidentally.  What may be
+taken to concern us is the spirited action of {4} Champlain's middle
+life--the period which lies between his first voyage to the St Lawrence
+and his return from the land of the Onondagas.  Not that he had ended
+his work in 1616.  The unflagging efforts which he continued to put
+forth on behalf of the starving colony at Quebec demand all praise.
+But the years during which he was incessantly engaged in exploration
+show him at the height of his powers, with health still unimpaired by
+exposure and with a soul that courted the unknown.  Moreover, this is
+the period for which we have his own narrative in fullest detail.
+
+[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET
+  (See Bibliographical Note, P. 154)
+From Laverdière's _Champlain_ in M'Gill University Library]
+
+Even were we seeking to set down every known fact regarding Champlain's
+early life, the task would not be long.  Parkman, in referring to his
+origin, styles him 'a Catholic gentleman,' with not even a footnote
+regarding his parentage.[1]  Dionne, in a biography {5} of nearly three
+hundred pages, does indeed mention the names of his father and mother,
+but dismisses his first twenty years in twenty lines, which say little
+more than that he learned letters and religion from the parish priest
+and a love of the sea from his father.  Nor is it easy to enlarge these
+statements unless one chooses to make guesses as to whether or not
+Champlain's parents were Huguenots because he was called Samuel, a
+favourite name with French Protestants.  And this question is not worth
+discussion, since no one has, or can, cast a doubt upon the sincerity
+of his own devotion to the Catholic faith.
+
+In short, Champlain by birth was neither a peasant nor a noble, but
+issued from a middle-class family; and his eyes turned towards the sea
+because his father was a mariner dwelling in the small seaport of
+Brouage.
+
+Thus when a boy Champlain doubtless had lessons in navigation, but he
+did not become a sailor in the larger sense until he had first {6} been
+a soldier.  His youth fell in the midst of the Catholic Revival, when
+the Church of Rome, having for fifty years been sore beset by Lutherans
+and Calvinists, began to display a reserve strength which enabled her
+to reclaim from them a large part of the ground she had lost.  But this
+result was not gained without the bitterest and most envenomed
+struggle.  If doctrinal divergence had quickened human hatreds before
+the Council of Trent, it drove them to fury during the thirty years
+that followed.  At the time of the Massacre of St Bartholomew Champlain
+was five years old.  He was seventeen when William the Silent was
+assassinated; twenty when Mary Stuart was executed at Fotheringay;
+twenty-one when the Spanish Armada sailed against England and when the
+Guises were murdered at Blois by order of Henry III; twenty-two when
+Henry III himself fell under the dagger of Jacques Clement.  The bare
+enumeration of these events shows that Champlain was nurtured in an age
+of blood and iron rather than amid those humanitarian sentiments which
+prevail in an age of religious toleration.
+
+Finding his country a camp, or rather two camps, he became a soldier,
+and fought for ten {7} years in the wretched strife to which both
+Leaguers and Huguenots so often sacrificed their love of country.  With
+Henry of Valois, Henry of Navarre, and Henry of Guise as personal foes
+and political rivals, it was hard to know where the right line of faith
+and loyalty lay; but Champlain was both a Catholic and a king's man,
+for whom all things issued well when Henry of Navarre ceased to be a
+heretic, giving France peace and a throne.  It is unfortunate that the
+details of these adventurous years in Champlain's early manhood should
+be lost.  Unassisted by wealth or rank, he served so well as to win
+recognition from the king himself, but beyond the names of his
+commanders (D'Aumont, St Luc, and Brissac) there is little to show the
+nature of his exploits.[2]  In any case, these ten years of campaigning
+were a good school for one who afterwards was to look death in the face
+a thousand times amidst the icebergs of the North Atlantic, and off the
+rocky coast of Acadia, and in the forests of the Iroquois.
+
+With such parentage and early experiences as have been indicated
+Champlain entered upon his career in the New World.  It is {8}
+characteristic that he did not leave the army until his services were
+no longer needed.  At the age of thirty-one he was fortunate enough to
+be freed from fighting against his own countrymen.  In 1598 was signed
+the Peace of Vervins by which the enemies of Henry IV, both Leaguers
+and Spaniards, acknowledged their defeat.  To France the close of
+fratricidal strife came as a happy release.  To Champlain it meant also
+the dawn of a career.  Hastening to the coast, he began the long series
+of voyages which was to occupy the remainder of his life.  Indeed, the
+sea and what lay beyond it were henceforth to be his life.
+
+The sea, however, did not at once lead Champlain to New France.
+Provençal, his uncle, held high employment in the Spanish fleet, and
+through his assistance Champlain embarked at Blavet in Brittany for
+Cadiz, convoying Spanish soldiers who had served with the League in
+France.  After three months at Seville he secured a Spanish commission
+as captain of a ship sailing for the West Indies.  Under this
+appointment it was his duty to attend Don Francisco Colombo, who with
+an armada of twenty galleons sailed in January 1599 to protect Porto
+Rico from the English.  In the maritime strife of Spain {9} and England
+this expedition has no part that remains memorable.  For Champlain it
+meant a first command at sea and a first glimpse of America.
+
+The record of this voyage was an incident of no less importance in
+Champlain's fortunes than the voyage itself.  His cruisings in the
+Spanish Main gave him material for a little book, the _Bref Discours_;
+and the _Bref Discours_ in turn advanced his career.  Apart from any
+effect which it may have had in securing for him the title of
+Geographer to the King, it shows his own aspiration to be a geographer.
+Navigation can be regarded either as a science or a trade.  For
+Champlain it was plainly a science, demanding care in observation and
+faithfulness of narrative.  The _Bref Discours_ was written immediately
+upon his return from the West Indies, while the events it describes
+were still fresh in mind.  Appearing at a time when colonial secrets
+were carefully guarded, it gave France a glimpse of Spanish America
+from French eyes.  For us it preserves Champlain's impressions of
+Mexico, Panama, and the Antilles.  For Champlain himself it was a
+profession of faith, a statement that he had entered upon the
+honourable occupation of navigator; in other words, that {10} he was to
+be classed neither with ship-captains nor with traders, but with
+explorers and authors.
+
+It was in March 1601 that Champlain reached France on his return from
+the West Indies.  The next two years he spent at home, occupied partly
+with the composition of his _Bref Discours_ and partly with the quest
+of suitable employment.  His avowed preference for the sea and the
+reputation which he had already gained as a navigator left no doubt as
+to the sphere of his future activities, but though eager to explore
+some portion of America on behalf of the French crown, the question of
+ways and means presented many difficulties.  Chief among these was the
+fickleness of the king.  Henry IV had great political intelligence, and
+moreover desired, in general, to befriend those who had proved loyal
+during his doubtful days.  His political sagacity should have led him
+to see the value of colonial expansion, and his willingness to advance
+faithful followers should have brought Champlain something better than
+his pension and the title of Geographer.  But the problems of France
+were intricate, and what most appealed to the judgment of Henry was the
+need of domestic reorganization after a {11} generation of slaughter
+which had left the land desolate.  Hence, despite momentary impulses to
+vie with Spain and England in oversea expansion, he kept to the path of
+caution, avoiding any expenditure for colonies which could be made a
+drain upon the treasury, and leaving individual pioneers to bear the
+cost of planting his flag in new lands.  In friendship likewise his
+good impulses were subject to the vagaries of a mercurial temperament
+and a marked willingness to follow the line of least resistance.  In
+the circumstances it is not strange that Champlain remained two years
+ashore.
+
+The man to whom he owed most at this juncture was Aymar de Chastes.
+Though Champlain had served the king faithfully, his youth and birth
+prevented him from doing more than belongs to the duty of a subaltern.
+But De Chastes, as governor of Dieppe, at a time when the League seemed
+everywhere triumphant, gave Henry aid which proved to be the means of
+raising him from the dust.  It was a critical event for Champlain that
+early in 1603 De Chastes had determined to fit out an expedition to
+Canada.  Piety and patriotism seem to have been his dominant motives,
+but an opening for profit was also {12} offered by a monopoly of the
+Laurentian fur trade.  During the civil wars Champlain's strength of
+character had become known at first hand to De Chastes, who both liked
+and admired him.  Then, just at the right moment, he reached
+Fontainebleau, with his good record as a soldier and the added prestige
+which had come to him from his successful voyage to the West Indies.
+He and De Chastes concluded an agreement, the king's assent was
+specially given, and in the early spring of 1603 the founder of New
+France began his first voyage to the St Lawrence.
+
+
+Champlain was now definitely committed to the task of gaining for
+France a foothold in North America.  This was to be his steady purpose,
+whether fortune frowned or smiled.  At times circumstances seemed
+favourable; at other times they were most disheartening.  Hence, if we
+are to understand his life and character, we must consider, however
+briefly, the conditions under which he worked.
+
+It cannot be said that Champlain was born out of his right time.  His
+active years coincide with the most important, most exciting period in
+the colonial movement.  At the outset Spain had gone beyond all rivals
+in the {13} race for the spoils of America.  The first stage was marked
+by unexampled and spectacular profits.  The bullion which flowed from
+Mexico and Peru was won by brutal cruelty to native races, but Europe
+accepted it as wealth poured forth in profusion from the mines.  Thus
+the first conception of a colony was that of a marvellous
+treasure-house where gold and silver lay piled up awaiting the arrival
+of a Cortez or a Pizarro.
+
+Unhappily disillusion followed.  Within two generations from the time
+of Columbus it became clear that America did not yield bonanza to every
+adventurer.  Yet throughout the sixteenth century there survived the
+dream of riches to be quickly gained.  Wherever the European landed in
+America he looked first of all for mines, as Frobisher did on the
+unpromising shores of Labrador.  The precious metals proving illusive,
+his next recourse was to trade.  Hawkins sought his profit from slaves.
+The French bought furs from the Indians at Tadoussac.  Gosnold brought
+back from Cape Cod a mixed cargo of sassafras and cedar.
+
+But wealth from the mines and profits from a coasting trade were only a
+lure to the cupidity of Europe.  Real colonies, {14} containing the
+germ of a nation, could not be based on such foundations.  Coligny saw
+this, and conceived of America as a new home for the French race.
+Raleigh, the most versatile of the Elizabethans, lavished his wealth on
+the patriotic endeavour to make Virginia a strong and self-supporting
+community.  'I shall yet live to see it an English nation,' he
+wrote--at the very moment when Champlain was first dreaming of the St
+Lawrence.  Coligny and Raleigh were both constructive statesmen.  The
+one was murdered before he could found such a colony as his thought
+presaged: the other perished on the scaffold, though not before he had
+sowed the seed of an American empire.  For Raleigh was the first to
+teach that agriculture, not mines, is the true basis of a colony.  In
+itself his colony on Roanoke Island was a failure, but the idea of
+Roanoke was Raleigh's greatest legacy to the English race.
+
+With the dawn of the seventeenth century events came thick and fast.
+It was a time when the maritime states of Western Europe were all
+keenly interested in America, without having any clear idea of the
+problem.  Raleigh, the one man who had a grasp of the situation,
+entered upon his tragic imprisonment in the {15} same year that
+Champlain made his first voyage to the St Lawrence.  But while thought
+was confused and policy unsettled, action could no longer be postponed.
+The one fact which England, France, and Holland could not neglect was
+that to the north of Florida no European colony existed on the American
+coast.  Urging each of these states to establish settlements in a tract
+so vast and untenanted was the double desire to possess and to prevent
+one's neighbour from possessing.  On the other hand, caution raised
+doubts as to the balance of cost and gain.  The governments were ready
+to accept the glory and advantage, if private persons were prepared to
+take the risk.  Individual speculators, very conscious of the risk,
+demanded a monopoly of trade before agreeing to plant a colony.  But
+this caused new difficulty.  The moment a monopoly was granted,
+unlicensed traders raised an outcry and upbraided the government for
+injustice.
+
+Such were the problems upon the successful or unsuccessful solution of
+which depended enormous national interests, and each country faced them
+according to its institutions, rulers, and racial genius.  It only
+needs a table of events to show how fully the English, the {16} French,
+and the Dutch realized that something must be done.  In 1600 Pierre
+Chauvin landed sixteen French colonists at Tadoussac.  On his return in
+1601 he found that they had taken refuge with the Indians.  In 1602
+Gosnold, sailing from Falmouth, skirted the coast of Norumbega from
+Casco Bay to Cuttyhunk.  In 1603 the ships of De Chastes, with
+Champlain aboard, spent the summer in the St Lawrence; while during the
+same season Martin Pring took a cargo of sassafras in Massachusetts
+Bay.  From 1604 to 1607 the French under De Monts, Poutrincourt, and
+Champlain were actively engaged in the attempt to colonize Acadia.  But
+they were not alone in setting up claims to this region.  In 1605
+Waymouth, sailing from Dartmouth, explored the mouth of the Kennebec
+and carried away five natives.  In 1606 James I granted patents to the
+London Company and the Plymouth Company which, by their terms, ran
+athwart the grant of Henry IV to De Monts.  In the same year Sir
+Ferdinando Gorges sent Pring once more to Norumbega.  In 1607 Raleigh,
+Gilbert, and George Popham made a small settlement at the mouth of the
+Sagadhoc, where Popham died during the winter.  As a result of his
+death this colony {17} on the coast of Maine was abandoned, but 1607
+also saw the memorable founding of Jamestown in Virginia.  Equally
+celebrated is Champlain's founding of Quebec in 1608.  In 1609 the
+Dutch under an English captain, Henry Hudson, had their first glimpse
+of Manhattan.
+
+This catalogue of voyages shows that an impulse existed which
+governments could not ignore.  The colonial movement was far from being
+a dominant interest with Henry IV or James I, but when their subjects
+saw fit to embark upon it privately, the crown was compelled to take
+cognizance of their acts and frame regulations.  'Go, and let whatever
+good may, come of it!' exclaimed Robert de Baudricourt as Joan of Arc
+rode forth from Vaucouleurs to liberate France.  In much the same
+spirit Henry IV saw De Monts set sail for Acadia.  The king would
+contribute nothing from the public purse or from his own.  Sully, his
+prime minister, vigorously opposed colonizing because he wished to
+concentrate effort upon domestic improvements.  He believed, in the
+second place, that there was no hope of creating a successful colony
+north of the fortieth parallel.  Thirdly, he was in the pay of the
+Dutch.
+
+{18}
+
+The most that Henry IV would do for French pioneers in America was to
+give them a monopoly of trade in return for an undertaking to transport
+and establish colonists.  In each case where a monopoly was granted the
+number of colonists was specified.  As for their quality, convicts
+could be taken if more eligible candidates were not forthcoming.  The
+sixty unfortunates landed by La Roche on Sable Island in 1598 were all
+convicts or sturdy vagrants.  Five years later only eleven were left
+alive.
+
+For the story of Champlain it is not necessary to touch upon the
+relations of the French government with traders at a date earlier than
+1599.  Immediately following the failure of La Roche's second
+expedition, Pierre Chauvin of Honfleur secured a monopoly which covered
+the Laurentian fur trade for ten years.  The condition was that he
+should convey to Canada fifty colonists a year throughout the full
+period of his grant.  So far from carrying out this agreement either in
+spirit or letter, he shirked it without compunction.  After three years
+the monopoly was withdrawn, less on the ground that he had failed to
+fulfil his contract than from an outcry on the part of merchants who
+desired their share of the trade.  To {19} adjudicate between Chauvin
+and his rivals in St Malo and Rouen a commission was appointed at the
+close of 1602.  Its members were De Chastes, governor of Dieppe, and
+the Sieur de la Cour, first president of the Parlement of Normandy.  On
+their recommendation the terms of the monopoly were so modified as to
+admit to a share in the privilege certain leading merchants of Rouen
+and St Malo, who, however, must pay their due share in the expenses of
+colonizing.  Before the ships sailed in 1603 Chauvin had died, and De
+Chastes at once took his place as the central figure in the group of
+those to whom a new monopoly had just been conceded.[3]
+
+We are now on the threshold of Champlain's career, but only on the
+threshold.  The {20} voyage of 1603, while full of prophecy and
+presenting features of much interest, lacks the arduous and
+constructive quality which was to mark his greater explorations.  In
+1603 the two boats equipped by De Chastes were under the command of
+Pontgravé[4] and Prevert, both mariners from St Malo.  Champlain sailed
+in Pontgravé's ship and was, in fact, a superior type of supercargo.
+De Chastes desired that his expedition should be self-supporting, and
+the purchase of furs was never left out of sight.  At the same time,
+his purpose was undoubtedly wider than profit, and Champlain
+represented the extra-commercial motive.  While Pontgravé was trading
+with the Indians, Champlain, as the geographer, was collecting
+information about their character, their customs, and their country.
+Their religious ideas interested him much, and also their statements
+regarding the interior of the continent.  Such data as he could collect
+between the end of May and the middle of August he embodied in a book
+called _Des Sauvages_, which, true to its title, deals {21} chiefly
+with Indian life and is a valuable record, although in many regards
+superseded by the more detailed writings of the Jesuits.
+
+The voyage of 1603 added nothing material to what had been made known
+by Jacques Cartier and the fur traders about Canada.  Champlain
+ascended the St Lawrence to the Sault St Louis[5] and made two side
+excursions--one taking him rather less than forty miles up the Saguenay
+and the other up the Richelieu to the rapid at St Ours.  He also
+visited Gaspé, passed the Isle Percée, had his first glimpse of the
+Baie des Chaleurs, and returned to Havre with a good cargo of furs.  On
+the whole, it was a profitable and satisfactory voyage.  Though it
+added little to geographical knowledge, it confirmed the belief that
+money could be made in the fur trade, and the word brought back
+concerning the Great Lakes of the interior was more distinct than had
+before been reported.  The one misfortune of the expedition was that
+its author, De Chastes, did not live to see its success.  He had died
+less than a month before his ships reached Havre.
+
+
+
+[1] It is hard to define Champlain's social status in a single word.
+Parkman, besides styling him 'a Catholic gentleman,' speaks of him
+elsewhere as being 'within the pale of the noblesse.'  On the other
+hand, the _Biographie Saintongeoise_ says that he came from a family of
+fishermen.  The most important facts would seem to be these.  In
+Champlain's own marriage contract his father is styled 'Antoine de
+Champlain, Capitaine de la Marine.'  The same document styles Champlain
+himself 'Samuel de Champlain.'  A petition in which he asks for a
+continuation of his pension (_circ._ 1630) styles him in its opening
+words 'Le Sieur de Champlain' and afterwards 'le dit sieur Champlain'
+in two places, while in six places it styles him 'le dit sieur de
+Champlain.'  Le Jeune calls him 'Monsieur de Champlain.'  It is clear
+that he was not a noble.  It is also clear that he possessed sufficient
+social standing to warrant the use of _de_.  On the title-page of all
+his books after 1604 he is styled the 'Sieur de Champlain.'
+
+[2] He served chiefly in Brittany against the Spanish allies of the
+League, and reached the rank of quartermaster.
+
+[3] The history of all the companies formed during these years for
+trade in New France is the same.  First a monopoly is granted under
+circumstances ostensibly most favourable to the Government and to the
+privileged merchants; then follow the howls of the excluded traders,
+the lack of good voluntary colonists, the transportation to the colony
+of a few beggars, criminals, or unpromising labourers; a drain on the
+company's funds in maintaining these during the long winter; a steady
+decrease in the number taken out; at length no attempt to fulfil this
+condition of the monopoly; the anger of the Government when made aware
+of the facts; and finally the sudden repeal of the monopoly several
+years before its legal termination.--H. P. Biggar, _Early Trading
+Companies of New France_, p. 49.
+
+[4] François Gravé, Sieur du Pont, whose name, strictly speaking, is
+Dupont-Gravé, one of the most active French navigators of the
+seventeenth century.  From 1600 to 1629 his voyages to the St Lawrence
+and Acadia were incessant.
+
+[5] Now called the Lachine Rapids.  An extremely important point in the
+history of New France, since it marked the head of ship navigation on
+the St Lawrence.  Constantly mentioned in the writings of Champlain's
+period.
+
+
+
+
+{22}
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+CHAMPLAIN IN ACADIA[1]
+
+The early settlements of the French in America were divided into two
+zones by the Gulf of St Lawrence.  Considered from the standpoint of
+colonization, this great body of water has a double aspect.  In the
+main it was a vestibule to the vast region which extended westward from
+Gaspé to Lake Michigan and thence to the Mississippi.  But while a
+highway it was also a barrier, cutting off Acadia from the main route
+that led to the heart of the interior.  Port Royal, on the Bay of
+Fundy, was one centre and Quebec another.  Between them stretched
+either an impenetrable wilderness or an inland sea.  Hence Acadia
+remained separate from the Laurentian {23} valley, which was the heart
+of Canada--although Acadia and Canada combined to form New France.  Of
+these two sister districts Canada was the more secure.  The fate of
+Acadia shows how much less vulnerable to English attack were Quebec,
+Three Rivers, and Montreal than the seaboard settlements of Port Royal,
+Grand Pré, and Louisbourg.
+
+It is a striking fact that Champlain had helped to found Port Royal
+before he founded Quebec.  He was not the pioneer of Acadian
+colonization: De Monts deserves the praise of turning the first sod.
+But Champlain was a leading figure in the hard fight at St Croix and
+Port Royal; he it was who first charted in any detail the Atlantic
+seaboard from Cape Breton to Cape Cod; and his narrative joins with
+that of Lescarbot to preserve the story of the episode.
+
+Although unprosperous, the first attempt of the French to colonize
+Acadia is among the bright deeds of their colonial history.  While the
+death of De Chastes was most inopportune, the future of the French race
+in America did not hinge upon any one man.  In 1603 fishing on the
+Grand Bank off Newfoundland was a well-established occupation of
+Normans and Bretons, the fur trade held out hope of great {24} profit,
+and the spirit of national emulation supplied a motive which was
+stronger still.  Hence it is not surprising that to De Chastes there at
+once succeeds De Monts.
+
+As regards position they belonged to much the same class.  Both were
+men of standing, with enough capital and influence to organize an
+expedition.  In respect, however, of personality and circumstance there
+were differences.  By reason of advanced age De Chastes had been unable
+to accompany his ships, whereas De Monts was in his prime and had
+already made a voyage to the St Lawrence.  Moreover, De Monts was a
+Huguenot.  A generation later no Huguenot could have expected to
+receive a monopoly of the fur trade and a royal commission authorizing
+him to establish settlements, but Henry IV, who had once been a
+Protestant, could hardly treat his old co-religionists as Richelieu
+afterwards treated them.  The heresy of its founder was a source of
+weakness to the first French colony in Acadia, yet through a Calvinist
+it came into being.
+
+Like De Chastes, De Monts had associates who joined with him to supply
+the necessary funds, though in 1604 the investment was greater than on
+any previous occasion, and a {25} larger number were admitted to the
+benefits of the monopoly.  Not only did St Malo and Rouen secure
+recognition, but La Rochelle and St Jean de Luz were given a chance to
+participate.  De Monts' company had a capital of 90,000 livres, divided
+in shares--of which two-fifths were allotted to St Malo, two-fifths to
+La Rochelle and St Jean de Luz conjointly, and the remainder to Rouen.
+The personal investment of De Monts was somewhat more than a tenth of
+the total, as he took a majority of the stock which fell to Rouen.
+Apart from Sully's unfriendliness, the chief initial difficulty arose
+over religion.  The Parlement of Normandy refused to register De Monts'
+commission on the ground that the conversion of the heathen could not
+fitly be left to a heretic.  This remonstrance was only withdrawn after
+the king had undertaken to place the religious instruction of the
+Indians in the charge of priests--a promise which did not prevent the
+Protestant colonists from having their own pastor.  The monopoly
+contained wider privileges than before, including both Acadia and the
+St Lawrence.  At the same time, the obligation to colonize became more
+exacting, since the minimum number of new settlers per annum was raised
+from fifty to a hundred.
+
+{26}
+
+Champlain's own statement regarding the motive of De Monts' expedition
+is that it lay in the desire 'to find a northerly route to China, in
+order to facilitate commerce with the Orientals.'  After reciting a
+list of explorations which began with John Cabot and had continued at
+intervals during the next century, he continues: 'So many voyages and
+discoveries without results, and attended with so much hardship and
+expense, have caused us French in late years to attempt a permanent
+settlement in those lands which we call New France, in the hope of thus
+realizing more easily this object; since the voyage in search of the
+desired passage commences on the other side of the ocean and is made
+along the coast of this region.'
+
+A comparison of the words just quoted with the text of De Monts'
+commission will serve to illustrate the strength of Champlain's
+geographical instinct.  The commission begins with a somewhat
+stereotyped reference to the conversion of the heathen, after which it
+descants upon commerce, colonies, and mines.  The supplementary
+commission to De Monts from Montmorency as Lord High Admiral adds a
+further consideration, namely, that if Acadia is not occupied by the
+French it will {27} be seized upon by some other nation.  Not a word of
+the route to the East occurs in either commission, and De Monts is
+limited in the powers granted to a region extending along the American
+seaboard from the fortieth parallel to the forty-sixth, with as much of
+the interior 'as he is able to explore and colonize.'
+
+This shows that, while the objects of the expedition were commercial
+and political, Champlain's imagination was kindled by the prospect of
+finding the long-sought passage to China.  To his mind a French colony
+in America is a stepping-stone, a base of operations for the great
+quest.  De Monts himself doubtless sought honour, adventure, and
+profit--the profit which might arise from possessing Acadia and
+controlling the fur trade in 'the river of Canada.'  Champlain remains
+the geographer, and his chief contribution to the Acadian enterprise
+will be found in that part of his _Voyages_ which describes his study
+of the coast-line southward from Cape Breton to Malabar.
+
+But whether considered from the standpoint of exploration or
+settlement, the first chapter of French annals in Acadia is a fine
+incident.  Champlain has left the greatest fame, but he was not alone
+during these years {28} of peril and hardship.  With him are grouped De
+Monts, Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, Pontgravé, and Louis Hébert, all men of
+capacity and enterprise, whose part in this valiant enterprise lent it
+a dignity which it has never since lost.  As yet no English colony had
+been established in America.  Under his commission De Monts could have
+selected for the site of his settlement either New York or Providence
+or Boston or Portland.  The efforts of the French in America from 1604
+to 1607 are signalized by the character of their loaders, the nature of
+their opportunity, and the special causes which prevented them from
+taking possession of Norumbega.[2]
+
+De Monts lacked neither courage nor persistence.  His battle against
+heartbreaking disappointments shows him to have been a pioneer of high
+order.  And with him sailed in 1604 Jean de Biencourt, Seigneur de
+Poutrincourt, whose ancestors had been illustrious in {29} Picardy for
+five hundred years.  Champlain made a third, joining the expedition as
+geographer rather than shipmaster.  Lescarbot and Hébert came two years
+later.
+
+The company left Havre in two ships--on March 7, 1604, according to
+Champlain, or just a month later, according to Lescarbot.  Although De
+Monts' commission gave him the usual privilege of impressing convicts,
+the personnel of his band was far above the average.  Champlain's
+statement is that it comprised about one hundred and twenty artisans,
+and there were also 'a large number of gentlemen, of whom not a few
+were of noble birth.'  Besides the excitement provided by icebergs, the
+arguments of priest and pastor diversified the voyage, even to the
+point of scandal.  After crossing the Grand Bank in safety they were
+nearly wrecked off Sable Island, but succeeded in reaching the Acadian
+coast on May 8.  From their landfall at Cap de la Hève they skirted the
+coast-line to Port Mouton, confiscating _en route_ a ship which was
+buying furs in defiance of De Monts' monopoly.
+
+Rabbits and other game were found in abundance at Port Mouton, but the
+spot proved quite unfit for settlement, and on May 19 De Monts charged
+Champlain with {30} the task of exploring the coast in search of
+harbours.  Taking a barque of eight tons and a crew of ten men
+(together with Ralleau, De Monts' secretary), Champlain set out upon
+this important reconnaissance.  Fish, game, good soil, good timber,
+minerals, and safe anchorage were all objects of search.  Skirting the
+south-western corner of Nova Scotia, the little ship passed Cape Sable
+and the Tusquet Islands, turned into the Bay of Fundy, and advanced to
+a point somewhat beyond the north end of Long Island.  Champlain gives
+at considerable length the details of his first excursion along the
+Acadian seaboard.  In his zeal for discovery he caused those left at
+Port Mouton both inconvenience and anxiety.  Lescarbot says, with a
+touch of sharpness: 'Champlain was such a time away on this expedition
+that when deliberating about their return [to France] they thought of
+leaving him behind.'  Champlain's own statement is that at Port Mouton
+'Sieur de Monts was awaiting us from day to day, thinking only of our
+long stay and whether some accident had not befallen us.'
+
+De Monts' position at Port Mouton was indeed difficult.  By changing
+his course in mid-ocean he had missed rendezvous with the {31} larger
+of his two ships, which under the command of Pontgravé looked for him
+in vain from Canseau to the Bay of Islands.  Meanwhile, at Port Mouton
+provisions were running low, save for rabbits, which could not be
+expected to last for ever.  The more timid raised doubts and spoke of
+France, but De Monts and Poutrincourt both said they would rather die
+than go back.  In this mood the party continued to hunt rabbits, to
+search the coast north-easterly for Pontgravé, and to await Champlain's
+return.  Their courage had its reward.  Pontgravé's ship was found, De
+Monts revictualled, Champlain reappeared, and by the middle of June the
+little band of colonists was ready to proceed.
+
+As De Monts heads south-west from Port Mouton it is difficult to avoid
+thoughts regarding the ultimate destiny of France in the New World.
+This was the predestined moment.  The Wars of Religion had ended in the
+reunion of the realm under a strong and popular king.  The French
+nation was conscious of its greatness, and seemed ready for any
+undertaking that promised honour or advantage.  The Huguenots were a
+sect whose members possessed Calvinistic firmness of will, together
+with a special motive for emigrating.  And, {32} besides, the whole
+eastern coast of America, within the temperate zone, was still to be
+had for the taking.  With such a magnificent opportunity, why was the
+result so meagre?
+
+A complete answer to this query would lead us far afield, but the whole
+history of New France bears witness to the fact that the cause of
+failure is not to be found in the individual French emigrant.  There
+have never been more valiant or tenacious colonists than the peasants
+of Normandy who cleared away the Laurentian wilderness and explored the
+recesses of North America.  France in the age of De Monts and Champlain
+possessed adequate resources, if only her effort had been concentrated
+on America, or if the Huguenots had not been prevented from founding
+colonies, or if the crown had been less meddlesome, or if the quest of
+beaver skins farther north had not diverted attention from Chesapeake
+Bay and Manhattan Island.  The best chance the French ever had to
+effect a foothold in the middle portion of the Atlantic coast came to
+them in 1604, when, before any rivals had established themselves, De
+Monts was at hand for the express purpose of founding a colony.  It is
+quite probable that even if he had landed on Manhattan Island, the
+European {33} preoccupations of France would have prevented Henry IV
+from supporting a colony at that point with sufficient vigour to
+protect it from the English.  Yet the most striking aspect of De Monts'
+attempt in Acadia is the failure to seize a chance which never came
+again to the French race.  In 1607 Champlain sailed away from Port
+Royal and the English founded Jamestown.  In 1608 Champlain founded
+Quebec, and thenceforth for over a century the efforts of France were
+concentrated on the St Lawrence.  When at length she founded Louisbourg
+it was too late; by that time the English grasp upon the coast could
+not be loosened.
+
+Meanwhile De Monts, to whom the future was veiled, left Port Mouton
+and, creeping from point to point, entered the Bay of Fundy--or, as
+Champlain calls it, 'the great Baye Françoise, so named by Sieur de
+Monts.'  The month was June, but no time could be lost, for at this
+juncture the aim of exploration was the discovery of a suitable site,
+and after the site had been fixed the colonists needed what time
+remained before winter to build their houses.  Hence De Monts' first
+exploration of the Baye Françoise was not exhaustive.  He entered
+Annapolis Basin and glanced at {34} the spot which afterwards was to be
+Port Royal.  He tried in vain to find a copper-mine of which he had
+heard from Prevert of St Malo.  He coasted the Bay of St John, and on
+June 25 reached St Croix Island.  'Not finding any more suitable place
+than this island,' says Champlain, the leaders of the colony decided
+that it should be fortified: and thus was the French flag unfurled in
+Acadia.
+
+The arrangement of the settlement at St Croix was left to Champlain,
+who gives us a drawing in explanation of his plan.  The selection of an
+island was mainly due to distrust of the Indians, with whom, however,
+intercourse was necessary.  The island lay close to the mouth of a
+river, now also called the St Croix.  As the choice of this spot proved
+most unfortunate, it is well to remember the motives which prevailed at
+the time.  'Vessels could pass up the river,' says Champlain, 'only at
+the mercy of the cannon on this island, and we deemed the location most
+advantageous, not only on account of its situation and good soil, but
+also on account of the intercourse which we proposed with the savages
+of these coasts and of the interior, as we should be in the midst of
+them.  We hoped to pacify them in course of time and put an end to the
+wars {35} which they carry on with one another, so as to derive service
+from them in future and convert them to the Christian faith.'
+
+De Monts' band was made up largely of artisans, who at once began with
+vigour to erect dwellings.  A mill and an oven were built; gardens were
+laid out and many seeds planted therein.  The mosquitoes proved
+troublesome, but in other respects the colonists had good cause to be
+pleased with their first Acadian summer.  So far had construction work
+advanced by the beginning of autumn that De Monts decided to send an
+exploration party farther along the coast to the south-west.  'And,'
+says Champlain, 'he entrusted me with this work, which I found very
+agreeable.'
+
+The date of departure from St Croix was September 2, so that no very
+ambitious programme of discovery could be undertaken before bad weather
+began.  In a boat of eighteen tons, with twelve sailors and two Indian
+guides, Champlain threaded the maze of islands which lies between
+Passamaquoddy Bay and the mouth of the Penobscot.  The most striking
+part of the coast was Mount Desert, 'very high and notched in places,
+so that there is the appearance to one at sea as of seven or eight
+mountains extending along {36} near each other.'  To this island and
+the Isle au Haut Champlain gave the names they have since borne.
+Thence advancing, with his hand ever on the lead, he reached the mouth
+of the Penobscot, despite those 'islands, rocks, shoals, banks, and
+breakers which are so numerous on all sides that it is marvellous to
+behold.'  Having satisfied himself that the Penobscot was none other
+than the great river Norumbega, referred to largely on hearsay by
+earlier geographers, he followed it up almost to Bangor.  On regaining
+the sea he endeavoured to reach the mouth of the Kennebec, but when
+within a few miles of it was driven back to St Croix by want of food.
+In closing the story of this voyage, which had occupied a month,
+Champlain says with his usual directness: 'The above is an exact
+statement of all I have observed respecting not only the coasts and
+people, but also the river of Norumbega; and there are none of the
+marvels there which some persons have described.  I am of opinion that
+this region is as disagreeable in winter as that of our settlement, in
+which we were greatly deceived.'
+
+[Illustration: COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7]
+
+Champlain was now to undergo his first winter in Acadia, and no part of
+his life could have been more wretched than the ensuing {37} eight
+months.  On October 6 the snow came.  On December 3 cakes of ice began
+to appear along the shore.  The storehouse had no cellar, and all
+liquids froze except sherry.  'Cider was served by the pound.  We were
+obliged to use very bad water and drink melted snow, as there were no
+springs or brooks.'  It was impossible to keep warm or to sleep
+soundly.  The food was salt meat and vegetables, which impaired the
+strength of every one and brought on scurvy.  It is unnecessary to cite
+here Champlain's detailed and graphic description of this dreadful
+disease.  The results are enough.  Before the spring came two-fifths of
+the colonists had died, and of those who remained half were on the
+point of death.  Not unnaturally, 'all this produced discontent in
+Sieur de Monts and others of the settlement.'
+
+The survivors of the horrible winter at St Croix were not freed from
+anxiety until June 15, 1605, when Pontgravé, six weeks late, arrived
+with fresh stores.  Had De Monts been faint-hearted, he doubtless would
+have seized this opportunity to return to France.  As it was, he set
+out in search of a place more suitable than St Croix for the
+establishment of his colony.  On June 18, with a party {38} which
+included twenty sailors and several gentlemen, he and Champlain began a
+fresh voyage to the south-west.  Their destination was the country of
+the Armouchiquois, an Algonquin tribe who then inhabited Massachusetts.
+
+Champlain's story of his first voyage from Acadia to Cape Cod is given
+with considerable fulness.  The topography of the seaboard and its
+natural history, the habits of the Indians and his adventures with
+them, were all new subjects at the time, and he treats them so that
+they keep their freshness.  He is at no pains to conceal his low
+opinion of the coast savages.  Concerning the Acadian Micmacs he says
+little, but what he does say is chiefly a comment upon the wretchedness
+of their life during the winter.  As he went farther south he found an
+improvement in the food supply.  At the mouth of the Saco he and De
+Monts saw well-kept patches of Indian corn three feet high, although it
+was not yet midsummer.  Growing with the corn were beans, pumpkins, and
+squashes, all in flower; and the cultivation of tobacco is also noted.
+Here the savages formed a permanent settlement and lived within a
+palisade.  Still farther south, in the neighbourhood of Cape Cod, {39}
+Champlain found maize five and a half feet high, a considerable variety
+of squashes, tobacco, and edible roots which tasted like artichokes.
+
+But whether the coast Indians were Micmacs or Armouchiquois, whether
+they were starving or well fed, Champlain tells us little in their
+praise.  Of the Armouchiquois he says:
+
+
+I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this
+respect they resemble their neighbours, who have none at all.  They
+know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they have
+some superstitions, which I shall describe in their place.  As for
+weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows.  It would seem
+from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better than
+those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth.  Even a
+slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of them.
+They are great thieves, and if they cannot lay hold of any thing with
+their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we have oftentimes
+learned by experience.  I am of opinion that if they had any thing to
+exchange with us they would not give themselves to thieving.  They
+bartered away to us their bows, arrows, and quivers for pins and
+buttons; and if they had had any thing else better they would have done
+the same with it.  It is necessary to be on one's guard against this
+people and live in a state of distrust of them, yet without letting
+them perceive it.
+
+
+{40} This passage at least shows that Champlain sought to be just to
+the savages of the Atlantic.  Though he found them thieves, he is
+willing to conjecture that they would not steal if they had anything to
+trade.
+
+The thieving habits of the Cape Cod Indians led to a fight between them
+and the French in which one Frenchman was killed, and Champlain
+narrowly escaped death through the explosion of his own musket.  At
+Cape Cod De Monts turned back.  Five of the six weeks allotted to the
+voyage were over, and lack of food made it impossible to enter Long
+Island Sound.  Hence 'Sieur de Monts determined to return to the Island
+of St Croix in order to find a place more favourable for our
+settlement, as we had not been able to do on any of the coasts which he
+had explored during this voyage.'
+
+We now approach the picturesque episode of Port Royal.  De Monts,
+having regained St Croix at the beginning of August, lost no time in
+transporting his people to the other side of the Bay of Fundy.  The
+consideration which weighed most with him in establishing his
+headquarters was that of trade.  Whatever his own preferences, he could
+not forget that his partners in France expected a return {41} on their
+investment.  Had he been in a position to found an agricultural colony,
+the maize fields he had seen to the south-west might have proved
+attractive.  But he depended largely upon trade, and, as Champlain
+points out, the savages of Massachusetts had nothing to sell.  Hence it
+was unwise to go too far from the peltries of the St Lawrence.  To find
+a climate less severe than that of Canada, without losing touch with
+the fur trade, was De Monts' problem.  No one could dream of wintering
+again at St Croix, and in the absence of trade possibilities to the
+south there seemed but one alternative--Port Royal.
+
+In his notice of De Monts' cruise along the Bay of Fundy in June 1604,
+Champlain says: 'Continuing two leagues farther on in the same
+direction, we entered one of the finest harbours I had seen all along
+these coasts, in which two thousand vessels might lie in security.  The
+entrance is 800 paces broad; then you enter a harbour two leagues long
+and one broad, which I have named Port Royal.'  Here Champlain is
+describing Annapolis Basin, which clearly made a deep impression upon
+the minds of the first Europeans who saw it.  Most of all did it appeal
+to the imagination of Poutrincourt, who had come to Acadia for the {42}
+purpose of discovering a spot where he could found his own colony.  At
+sight of Port Royal he had at once asked De Monts for the grant, and on
+receiving it had returned to France, at the end of August 1604, to
+recruit colonists.  Thus he had escaped the horrible winter at St
+Croix, but on account of lawsuits it had proved impossible for him to
+return to Acadia in the following year.  Hence the noble roadstead of
+Port Royal was still unoccupied when De Monts, Champlain, and Pontgravé
+took the people of St Croix thither in August 1605.  Not only did the
+people go.  Even the framework of the houses was shipped across the bay
+and set up in this haven of better hope.
+
+The spot chosen for the settlement lay on the north side of the bay.
+It had a good supply of water, and there was protection from the
+north-west wind which had tortured the settlers at St Croix.  'After
+everything had been arranged,' says Champlain, 'and the majority of the
+dwellings built, Sieur de Monts determined to return to France, in
+order to petition His Majesty to grant him all that might be necessary
+for his undertaking.'  Quite apart from securing fresh advantages, De
+Monts at this time was sore pressed to defend his title against the
+traders who were {43} clamouring for a repeal of the monopoly.  With
+him returned some of the colonists whose ambition had been satisfied at
+St Croix.  Champlain remained, in the hope of making further
+explorations 'towards Florida.'  Pontgravé was left in command.  The
+others numbered forty-three.
+
+During the autumn they began to make gardens.  'I also,' says
+Champlain, 'for the sake of occupying my time made one, which was
+surrounded with ditches full of water, in which I placed some fine
+trout, and into which flowed three brooks of very fine running water,
+from which the greater part of our settlement was supplied.  I made
+also a little sluice-way towards the shore, in order to draw off the
+water when I wished.  This spot was entirely surrounded by meadows,
+where I constructed a summer-house, with some fine trees, as a resort
+for enjoying the fresh air.  I made there, also, a little reservoir for
+holding salt-water fish, which we took out as we wanted them.  I took
+especial pleasure in it and planted there some seeds which turned out
+well.  But much work had to be laid out in preparation.  We resorted
+often to this place as a pastime; and it seemed as if the little birds
+round took pleasure in it, for they gathered there in large {44}
+numbers, warbling and chirping so pleasantly that I think I have never
+heard the like.'
+
+After a busy and cheerful autumn came a mild winter.  The snow did not
+fall till December 20, and there was much rain.  Scurvy still caused
+trouble; but though twelve died, the mortality was not so high as at St
+Croix.  Everything considered, Port Royal enjoyed good
+fortune--according to the colonial standards of the period, when a
+winter death-rate of twenty-six per cent was below the average.
+
+At the beginning of March 1606 Pontgravé fitted out a barque of
+eighteen tons in order to undertake 'a voyage of discovery along the
+coast of Florida'; and on the 16th of the month a start was made.
+Favoured by good weather, he and Champlain would have reached the
+Hudson three years before the Dutch.  But, short of drowning, every
+possible mischance happened.  They had hardly set out when a storm cast
+them ashore near Grand Manan.  Having repaired the damage they made for
+St Croix, where fog and contrary winds held them back eight days.  Then
+Pontgravé decided to return to Port Royal 'to see in what condition our
+companions were whom we had left there sick.'  On their {45} arrival
+Pontgravé himself was taken ill, but soon re-embarked, though still
+unwell.  Their second start was followed by immediate disaster.
+Leaving the mouth of the harbour, two leagues distant from Port Royal,
+they were carried out of the channel by the tide and went aground.  'At
+the first blow of our boat upon the rocks the rudder broke, a part of
+the keel and three or four planks were smashed and some ribs stove in,
+which frightened us, for our barque filled immediately; and all that we
+could do was to wait until the sea fell, so that we might get
+ashore....  Our barque, all shattered as she was, went to pieces at the
+return of the tide.  But we, most happy at having saved our lives,
+returned to our settlement with our poor savages; and we praised God
+for having rescued us from this shipwreck, from which we had not
+expected to escape so easily.'
+
+This accident destroyed all hope of exploration to the southward until
+word came from France.  At the time of De Monts' departure the outlook
+had been so doubtful that a provisional arrangement was made for the
+return of the colonists to France should no ship arrive at Port Royal
+by the middle of July.  In this event Pontgravé was to take his people
+{46} to Cape Breton or Gaspé, where they would find trading ships
+homeward bound.  As neither De Monts nor Poutrincourt had arrived by
+the middle of June, a new barque was built to replace the one which had
+been lost on April 10.  A month later Pontgravé carried out his part of
+the programme by putting aboard all the inhabitants of Port Royal save
+two, who were induced by promise of extra pay to remain in charge of
+the stores.
+
+Thus sorrowfully the remnant of the colonists bade farewell to the
+beautiful harbour and their new home.  Four days later they were nearly
+lost through the breaking of their rudder in the midst of a tempest.
+Having been saved from wreck by the skill of their shipmaster,
+Champdoré, they reached Cape Sable on July 24.  Here grief became
+rejoicing, for to their complete surprise they encountered Ralleau, De
+Monts' secretary, coasting along in a shallop.  The glad tidings he
+gave them was that Poutrincourt with a ship of one hundred and twenty
+tons had arrived.  From Canseau the _Jonas_ had taken an outer course
+to Port Royal, while Ralleau was keeping close to the shore in the hope
+of intercepting Pontgravé.  'All this intelligence,' says Champlain,
+'caused us to turn back; and we arrived at {47} Port Royal on the 25th
+of the month, where we found the above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de
+Poutrincourt, and were greatly delighted to see realized what we had
+given up in despair.'  Lescarbot, who arrived on board the _Jonas_,
+adds the following detail: 'M. de Poutrincourt ordered a tun of wine to
+be set upon end, one of those which had been given him for his proper
+use, and gave leave to all comers to drink freely as long as it lasted,
+so that there were some who made gay dogs of themselves.'
+
+Wine-bibbing, however, was not the chief activity of Port Royal.
+Poutrincourt at once set men to work on the land, and while they were
+sowing wheat, rye, and hemp he hastened preparations for an autumn
+cruise 'along the coast of Florida.'  On September 5 all was ready for
+this voyage, which was to be Champlain's last opportunity of reaching
+the lands beyond Cape Cod.  Once more disappointment awaited him.  'It
+was decided,' he says, 'to continue the voyage along the coast, which
+was not a very well considered conclusion, since we lost much time in
+passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as far as the
+harbour of Mallebarre.  It would have been much better, in my opinion,
+{48} to cross from where we were directly to Mallebarre, the route
+being already known, and then use our time in exploring as far as the
+fortieth degree, or still farther south, revisiting upon our homeward
+voyage the entire coast at pleasure.'
+
+In the interest of geographical research and French colonization
+Champlain was doubtless right.  Unfortunately, Poutrincourt wished to
+see for himself what De Monts and Champlain had already seen.  It was
+the more unfortunate that he held this view, as the boats were
+victualled for over two months, and much could have been done by taking
+a direct course to Cape Cod.  Little time, however, was spent at the
+Penobscot and Kennebec.  Leaving St Croix on September 12, Poutrincourt
+reached the Saco on the 21st.  Here and at points farther south he
+found ripe grapes, together with maize, pumpkins, squashes, and
+artichokes.  Gloucester Harbour pleased Champlain greatly.  'In this
+very pleasant place we saw two hundred savages, and there are here a
+large number of very fine walnut trees, cypresses, sassafras, oaks,
+ashes and beeches....  There are likewise fine meadows capable of
+supporting a large number of cattle.'  So much was he charmed with this
+harbour and {49} its surroundings that he called it Le Beauport.  After
+tarrying at Gloucester two or three days Poutrincourt reached Cape Cod
+on October 2, and on the 20th he stood off Martha's Vineyard, his
+farthest point.
+
+Champlain's chronicle of this voyage contains more detail regarding the
+Indians than will be found in any other part of his Acadian narratives.
+Chief among Poutrincourt's adventures was an encounter with the natives
+of Cape Cod.  Unlike the Micmacs, the Armouchiquois were 'not so much
+hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.'  Their numbers also
+were greater; in fact, Champlain speaks of seeing five or six hundred
+together.  At first they did not interfere with Poutrincourt's
+movements, even permitting him to roam their land with a body of
+arquebusiers.  After a fortnight, however, their suspicions began to
+become manifest, and on October 15 four hundred savages set upon five
+Frenchmen who, contrary to orders, had remained ashore.  Four were
+killed, and although a rescue party set out at once from the barque,
+the natives made their escape.
+
+
+To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously swift.  All
+that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a
+cross {50} which had been set up the day before, and then to go here
+and there to see if we could get sight of any of them.  But it was time
+wasted, therefore we came back.  Three hours afterwards they returned
+to us on the sea-shore.  We discharged at them several shots from our
+little brass cannon, and when they heard the noise they crouched down
+on the ground to escape the fire.  In mockery of us they pulled down
+the cross and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly and
+caused us to go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done
+before.  We set up again the cross and reinterred the dead, whom they
+had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to
+burn them.  We returned without any result, as we had done before, well
+aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and
+that we should have to renew the undertaking when it should please God.
+
+
+With a desire for revenge was linked the practical consideration that
+slaves would prove useful at Port Royal.  A week later the French
+returned to the same place, 'resolved to get possession of some savages
+and, taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the
+hand-mill, as punishment for the deadly assault which they had
+committed on five or six of our company.'  As relations were strained,
+it became necessary to offer beads {51} and gewgaws, with every show of
+good faith.  Champlain describes the plan in full.  The shallop was to
+leave the barque for shore, taking
+
+
+the most robust and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads
+and a fathom of match on his arm; and there, while pretending to smoke
+with them (each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to
+excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord
+in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to
+draw them into the shallop; and if they should be unwilling to enter,
+each one approaching should choose his man and, putting the beads round
+his neck, should at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by
+force.  But if they should be too boisterous and it should not be
+possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being firmly
+held; and if by chance any of them should get away, there should be men
+on land to charge upon them with swords.  Meanwhile, the little cannon
+on our barque was to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in
+case they should come to assist them, under cover of which firearms the
+shallop could withdraw in security.
+
+
+This plot, though carefully planned, fell far short of the success
+which was anticipated.  To catch a redskin with a noose required more
+skill than was available.  Accordingly, {52} none were taken alive.
+Champlain says: 'We retired to our barque after having done all we
+could.'  Lescarbot adds: 'Six or seven of the savages were hacked and
+hewed in pieces, who could not run so lightly in the water as on shore,
+and were caught as they came out by those of our men who had landed.'
+
+Having thus taken an eye for an eye, Poutrincourt began his homeward
+voyage, and, after three or four escapes from shipwreck, reached Port
+Royal on November 14.
+
+Champlain was now about to spend his last winter in Acadia.  Mindful of
+former experiences, he determined to fight scurvy by encouraging
+exercise among the colonists and procuring for them an improved diet.
+A third desideratum was cheerfulness.  All these purposes he served
+through founding the _Ordre de Bon Temps_, which proved to be in every
+sense the life of the settlement.  Champlain himself briefly describes
+the procedure followed, but a far more graphic account is given by
+Lescarbot, whose diffuse and lively style is illustrated to perfection
+in the following passage:
+
+
+To keep our table joyous and well provided, an order was established at
+the board of the said M. de Poutrincourt, {53} which was called the
+Order of Good Cheer, originally proposed by Champlain.  To this Order
+each man of the said table was appointed Chief Steward in his turn,
+which came round once a fortnight.  Now, this person had the duty of
+taking care that we were all well and honourably provided for.  This
+was so well carried out that though the epicures of Paris often tell us
+that we had no _Rue aux Ours_ over there, as a rule we made as good
+cheer as we could have in this same _Rue aux Ours_, and at less cost.
+For there was no one who, two days before his turn came, failed to go
+hunting or fishing, and to bring back some delicacy in addition to our
+ordinary fare.  So well was this carried out that never at breakfast
+did we lack some savoury meat of flesh or fish, and still less at our
+midday or evening meals; for that was our chief banquet, at which the
+ruler of the feast or chief butler, whom the savages called Atoctegic,
+having had everything prepared by the cook, marched in, napkin on
+shoulder, wand of office in hand, and around his neck the collar of the
+Order, which was worth more than four crowns; after him all the members
+of the Order carrying each a dish.  The same was repeated at dessert,
+though not always with so much pomp.  And at night, before giving
+thanks to God, he handed over to his successor in the charge the collar
+of the Order, with a cup of wine, and they drank to each other.  I have
+already said that we had abundance of game, such as ducks, bustards,
+grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and other birds; moreover
+moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits, wild-cats, racoons, and
+other animals such as the savages caught, whereof {54} we made dishes
+well worth those of the cook-shop in the _Rue aux Ours_, and far more;
+for of all our meats none is so tender as moose-meat (whereof we also
+made excellent pasties) and nothing so delicate as beaver's tail.  Yea,
+sometimes we had half a dozen sturgeon at once, which the savages
+brought us, part of which we bought, and allowed them to sell the
+remainder publicly and to barter it for bread, of which our men had
+abundance.  As for the ordinary rations brought from France, they were
+distributed equally to great and small alike; and, as we have said, the
+wine was served in like manner.
+
+
+The results of this régime were most gratifying.  The deaths from
+scurvy dropped to seven, which represented a great proportionate
+decrease.  At the same time, intercourse with the Indians was put on a
+good basis thereby.  'At these proceedings,' says Lescarbot, 'we always
+had twenty or thirty savages--men, women, girls, and children--who
+looked on at our manner of service.  Bread was given them gratis, as
+one would do to the poor.  But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other
+chiefs who came from time to time, they sat at table eating and
+drinking like ourselves.  And we were glad to see them, while, on the
+contrary, their absence saddened us.'
+
+These citations bring into view the writer who has most copiously
+recorded the early {55} annals of Acadia--Marc Lescarbot.  He was a
+lawyer, and at this date about forty years old.  Having come to Port
+Royal less as a colonist than as a guest of Poutrincourt, he had no
+investment at stake.  But contact with America kindled the enthusiasm
+of which he had a large supply, and converted him into the historian of
+New France.  His story of the winter he passed at Port Royal is quite
+unlike other narratives of colonial experience at this period.
+Champlain was a geographer and preoccupied with exploration.  The
+Jesuits were missionaries and preoccupied with the conversion of the
+savages.  Lescarbot had a literary education, which Champlain lacked,
+and, unlike the Jesuits, he approached life in America from the
+standpoint of a layman.  His prolixity often serves as a foil to the
+terseness of Champlain, and suggests that he must have been a merciless
+talker.  Yet, though inclined to be garrulous, he was a good observer
+and had many correct ideas--notably the belief that corn, wine, and
+cattle are a better foundation for a colony than gold or silver mines.
+In temperament he and Champlain were very dissimilar, and evidence of
+mutual coolness may be found in their writings.  These we shall
+consider at a {56} later stage.  For the present it is enough to note
+that both men sat at Poutrincourt's table and adorned the Order of Good
+Cheer.
+
+Meanwhile De Monts was in France, striving with all the foes of the
+monopoly.  Thanks to the fur trade, his company had paid its way during
+the first two years, despite the losses at St Croix.  The third season
+had been much less prosperous, and at the same moment when the Dutch
+and the Basques[3] were breaking the monopoly by defiance, the hatters
+of Paris were demanding that it should be withdrawn altogether.  To
+this alliance of a powerful guild with a majority of the traders, the
+company of De Monts succumbed, and the news which Poutrincourt received
+when the first ship came in 1607 was that the colony must be abandoned.
+As the company itself was about to be dissolved, this consequence {57}
+was inevitable.  Champlain in his matter-of-fact way states that De
+Monts sent letters to Poutrincourt, 'by which he directed him to bring
+back his company to France.'  Lescarbot is much more outspoken.
+Referring to the merits and struggles of De Monts, he exclaims:
+
+
+Yet I fear that in the end he may be forced to give it all up, to the
+great scandal and reproach of the French name, which by such conduct is
+made a laughing-stock and a byword among the nations.  For as though
+their wish was to oppose the conversion of these poor Western peoples,
+and the glory of God and of the King, we find a set of men full of
+avarice and envy, who would not draw a sword in the service of the
+King, nor suffer the slightest ill in the world for the honour of God,
+but who yet put obstacles in the way of our drawing any profit from the
+province, even in order to furnish what is indispensable to the
+foundation of such an enterprise; men who prefer to see the English and
+Dutch win possession of it rather than the French, and would fain have
+the name of God remain unknown in those quarters.  And it is such
+godless people who are listened to, who are believed, and who win their
+suits.  _O tempora, O mores_!
+
+
+On August 11, 1607, Port Royal was abandoned for the second time, and
+its people, sailing by Cape Breton, reached Roscou in Brittany at the
+end of September.  The {58} subsequent attempt of Poutrincourt and his
+family to re-establish the colony at Port Royal belongs to the history
+of Acadia rather than to the story of Champlain.  But remembering the
+spirit in which he and De Monts strove, one feels glad that Lescarbot
+spoke his mind regarding the opponents who baffled their sincere and
+persistent efforts.
+
+
+
+[1] This word has sometimes been traced to the Micmac _àkade_, which,
+appended to place-names, signifies an abundance of something.  More
+probably, however, it is a corruption of Arcadia.  The Acadia of De
+Monts' grant in 1604 extended from the parallel of 40° to that of 46°
+north latitude, but in the light of actual occupation the term can
+hardly be made to embrace more than the coast from Cape Breton to
+Penobscot Bay.
+
+[2] There appears in Verrazano's map of 1529 the word Aranbega, as
+attached to a small district on the Atlantic seaboard.  Ten years later
+Norumbega has become a region which takes in the whole coast from Cape
+Breton to Florida.  At intervals throughout the sixteenth century
+fables were told in Europe of its extraordinary wealth, and it was not
+till the time of Champlain that this myth was exposed.  Champlain
+himself identifies 'the great river of Norumbega' with the Penobscot.
+
+[3] Traders from the extreme south of France, whose chief port was St
+Jean de Luz.  Though living on the confines of France and Spain, the
+Basques were of different racial origin from both Spaniards and French.
+While subject politically to France, their remoteness from the main
+ports of Normandy and Brittany kept them out of touch with the mariners
+of St Malo and Havre, save as collision arose between them in the St
+Lawrence.  Among the Basques there were always interlopers, even when
+St Jean de Luz had been given a share in the monopoly.  They are
+sometimes called Spaniards, from their close neighbourhood to the
+Pyrenees.
+
+
+
+
+{59}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC
+
+From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a league.  I
+arrived there on the third of July, when I searched for a place
+suitable for our settlement, but I could find none more convenient or
+better than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, which was
+covered with nut-trees.  I at once employed a portion of our workmen in
+cutting them down, that we might construct our habitation there: one I
+set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches,
+another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get supplies.  The first
+thing we made was the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies,
+which was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all, and my
+attention to the work.
+
+
+Thus opens Champlain's account of the place with which his name is
+linked imperishably.  He was the founder of Quebec and its preserver.
+During his lifetime the results seemed pitifully small, but the task
+once undertaken was never abandoned.  By steadfastness he prevailed,
+and at his death had created a {60} colony which became the New France
+of Talon and Frontenac, of La Salle and D'Iberville, of Brébeuf and
+Laval.  If Venice from amid her lagoons could exclaim, _Esto perpetua_,
+Quebec, firm based upon her cliff, can say to the rest of Canada,
+_Attendite ad petram undo excisi estis_--'Look unto the rock whence ye
+are hewn.'
+
+Champlain's Quebec was very poor in everything but courage.  The fact
+that it was founded by the men who had just failed in Acadia gives
+proof of this virtue.  Immediately upon his return from Port Royal to
+France, Champlain showed De Monts a map and plan which embodied the
+result of his explorations during the last three years.  They then took
+counsel regarding the future, and with Champlain's encouragement De
+Monts 'resolved to continue his noble and meritorious undertaking,
+notwithstanding the hardships and labours of the past.'  It is
+significant that once more Champlain names exploration as the
+distinctive purpose of De Monts.
+
+To expect a subsidy from the crown was futile, but Henry felt
+compunction for his abrupt recall of the monopoly.  The result was that
+De Monts, in recognition of his losses, {61} was given a further
+monopoly--for the season of 1608 only.  At the same time, he was
+expressly relieved from the obligation to take out colonists.  On this
+basis De Monts found partners among the merchants of Rouen, and three
+ships were fitted out--one for Acadia, the others for the St Lawrence.
+Champlain, as lieutenant, was placed in charge of the Laurentian
+expedition.  With him went the experienced and invaluable Pontgravé.
+
+Nearly seventy-five years had now passed since Jacques Cartier first
+came to anchor at the foot of Cape Diamond.  During this period no one
+had challenged the title of France to the shores of the St Lawrence; in
+fact, a country so desolate made no appeal to the French themselves.
+Roberval's tragic experience at Cap Rouge had proved a warning.  To the
+average Frenchman of the sixteenth century Canada meant what it
+afterwards meant to Sully and Voltaire.  It was a tract of snow; a land
+of barbarians, bears, and beavers.
+
+The development of the fur trade into a staple industry changed this
+point of view to a limited extent.  The government, as we have seen,
+considered it desirable that colonists should be established in New
+France {62} at the expense of traders.  For the St Lawrence, however,
+the first and only fruits of this enlightened policy had been Chauvin's
+sixteen derelicts at Tadoussac.
+
+The founding of Quebec represents private enterprise, and not an
+expenditure of money by Henry IV for the sake of promoting
+colonization.  De Monts and Champlain were determined to give France a
+foothold in America.  The rights upon which the venture of 1608 was
+financed did not run beyond the year.  Thenceforth trade was to be
+free.  It follows that De Monts and his partners, in building a station
+at Quebec, did not rely for their expenses upon any special favours
+from the crown.  They placed their reliance upon themselves, feeling
+confident of their power to hold a fair share of the trade against all
+comers.  For Champlain Quebec was a fixed point on the way to the
+Orient.  For De Monts it was a key to the commerce of the great river.
+None of his rivals would begin the season of 1609 with a permanent post
+in Canada.  Thus part of the anticipated profits for 1608 was invested
+to secure an advantage in the approaching competition.  The whole
+success of the plan depended upon the mutual confidence of De Monts and
+Champlain, both {63} of whom unselfishly sought the advancement of
+French interests in America--De Monts, the courageous capitalist and
+promoter; Champlain, the explorer whose discoveries were sure to
+enlarge the area of trading operations.
+
+Pontgravé sailed from Honfleur on April 5, 1608.  Champlain followed
+eight days later, reaching Tadoussac at the beginning of June.  Here
+trouble awaited him.  The Basque traders, who always defied the
+monopoly, had set upon Pontgravé with cannon and muskets, killing one
+man and severely wounding two others, besides himself.  Going ashore,
+Champlain found Pontgravé very ill and the Basques in full possession.
+To fight was to run the risk of ruining De Monts' whole enterprise, and
+as the Basques were alarmed at what they had done, Darache, their
+captain, signed an agreement that he would not molest Pontgravé or do
+anything prejudicial to the rights of De Monts.  This basis of
+compromise makes it clear that Pontgravé was in charge of the season's
+trade, while Champlain's personal concern was to found the settlement.
+
+An unpleasant dispute was thus adjusted, but the incident had a still
+more unpleasant sequel.  Leaving Tadoussac on June 30, {64} Champlain
+reached Quebec in four days, and at once began to erect his storehouse.
+A few days later he stood in grave peril of his life through conspiracy
+among his own men.
+
+The ringleader was a locksmith named Jean Duval, who had been at Port
+Royal and narrowly escaped death from the arrows of the Cape Cod
+Indians.  Whether he framed his plot in collusion with the Basques is
+not quite clear, but it seems unlikely that he should have gone so far
+as he did without some encouragement.  His plan was simply to kill
+Champlain and deliver Quebec to the Basques in return for a rich
+reward, either promised or expected.  Some of the men he had no chance
+to corrupt, for they were aboard the barques, guarding stores till a
+shelter could be built.  Working among the rest, Duval 'suborned four
+of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand
+falsehoods and presenting to them prospects of acquiring riches.'  The
+evidence subsequently showed that Champlain was either to be strangled
+when unarmed, or shot at night as he answered to a false alarm.  The
+conspirators made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty
+that the first who opened his mouth should be poniarded.
+
+
+[Illustration: CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION OF QUEBEC
+
+  A Storehouse.
+  B Pigeon-house.
+  C Building for storing arms and housing workmen.
+  D Workmen's quarters.
+  E Sun-dial.
+  F Building containing forge and artisans' quarters.
+  G Outside galleries.
+  H Champlain's private quarters.
+  I Main door with drawbridge.
+  L Walk (10 feet wide) all round the building.
+  M Ditch surrounding the building.
+  N Platforms for artillery.
+  O Champlain's garden.
+  P Kitchen.
+  Q Terrace in front of the building on the river-bank.
+  R The St Lawrence river.
+
+From Laverdière's _Champlain_ in M'Gill University Library]
+
+{65}
+
+Out of this deadly danger Champlain escaped through the confession of a
+vacillating spirit named Natel, who regretted his share in the plot,
+but, once involved, had fears of the poniard.  Finally he confessed to
+Testu, the pilot, who immediately informed Champlain.  Questioned as to
+the motive, Natel replied that 'nothing had impelled them, except that
+they had imagined that by giving up the place into the hands of the
+Basques or Spaniards they might all become rich, and that they did not
+want to go back to France.'  Duval, with five others, was then seized
+and taken to Tadoussac.  Later in the summer Pontgravé brought the
+prisoners back to Quebec, where evidence was taken before a
+court-martial consisting of Champlain, Pontgravé, a captain, a surgeon,
+a first mate, a second mate, and some sailors.  The sentence condemned
+four to death, of whom three were afterwards sent to France and put at
+the discretion of De Monts.  Duval was 'strangled and hung at Quebec,
+and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set in the most
+conspicuous place on our fort, that he might serve as an example to
+those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in
+future, in the discharge of their {66} duty; and that the Spaniards and
+Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not
+glory in the event.'
+
+It will be seen from the recital of Duval's conspiracy that Champlain
+was fortunate to escape the fate of Hudson and La Salle.  While this
+_cause célèbre_ was running its course to a tragic end, the still more
+famous _habitation_ grew day by day under the hands of busy workmen.
+As fruits of a crowded and exciting summer Champlain could point to a
+group of three two-storeyed buildings.  'Each one,' he says, 'was three
+fathoms long and two and a half wide.  The storehouse was six fathoms
+long and three wide, with a fine cellar six feet deep.  I had a gallery
+made all round our buildings, on the outside, at the second storey,
+which proved very convenient.  There were also ditches, fifteen feet
+wide and six deep.  On the outer side of the ditches I constructed
+several spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points
+where we placed our cannon.  Before the habitation there is a place
+four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon the
+river-bank.  Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens.'
+
+Three dwellings of eighteen by fifteen feet each were a sufficiently
+modest starting-point {67} for continental ambitions, even when
+supplemented by a storehouse of thirty-six feet by eighteen.  In
+calling the gardens very good Champlain must have been speaking with
+relation to the circumstances, or else they were very small, for there
+is abundant witness to the sufferings which Quebec in its first twenty
+years might have escaped with the help of really abundant gardens.  At
+St Croix and Port Royal an attempt had been made to plant seeds, and at
+Quebec Champlain doubtless renewed the effort, though with small
+practical result.  The point is important in its bearing on the nature
+of the settlement.  Quebec, despite such gardens as surrounded the
+_habitation_, was by origin an outpost of the fur trade, with a small,
+floating, and precarious population.  Louis Hébert, the first real
+colonist, did not come till 1617.
+
+Lacking vegetables, Quebec fed itself in part from the river and the
+forest.  But almost all the food was brought from France.  At times
+there was game, though less than at Port Royal.  The river supplied
+eels in abundance, but when badly cooked they caused a fatal dysentery.
+The first winter was a repetition of the horrors experienced at St
+Croix, with even a higher death-rate.  Scurvy began {68} in February
+and lasted till the end of April.  Of the eighteen whom it attacked,
+ten died.  Dysentery claimed others.  On June 5, 1609, word came that
+Pontgravé had arrived at Tadoussac.  Champlain's comment is eloquent in
+its brevity.  'This intelligence gave me much satisfaction, as we
+entertained hopes of assistance from him.  Out of the twenty-eight at
+first forming our company only eight remained, and half of these were
+ailing.'
+
+The monopoly granted to De Monts had now reached its close, and trade
+was open to all comers.  From 1609 until 1613 this unrestricted
+competition ran its course, with the result that a larger market was
+created for beaver skins, while nothing was done to build up New France
+as a colony.  On the whole, the most notable feature of the period is
+the establishment of close personal relations between Champlain and the
+Indians.  It was then that he became the champion of the Algonquins and
+Hurons against the Iroquois League or Five Nations, inaugurating a
+policy which was destined to have profound consequences.
+
+The considerations which governed Champlain in his dealings with the
+Indians lay quite outside the rights and wrongs of their tribal {69}
+wars.  His business was to explore the continent on behalf of France,
+and accordingly he took conditions as he found them.  The Indians had
+souls to be saved, but that was the business of the missionaries.  In
+the state of nature all savages were much like wild animals, and
+alliance with one nation or another was a question which naturally
+settled itself upon the basis of drainage basins.  Lands within the
+Laurentian watershed were inhabited mainly by Algonquins and Hurons,
+whose chief desire in life was to protect themselves from the Iroquois
+and avenge past injuries.  The Five Nations dwelt far south from the
+Sault St Louis and did not send their furs there for the annual barter.
+Champlain, ever in quest of a route to the East, needed friends along
+the great rivers of the wilderness.  The way to secure them, and at the
+same time to widen the trading area, was to fight for the savages of
+the St Lawrence and the Ottawa against those of the Mohawk.
+
+And Champlain was a good ally, as he proved in the forest wars of 1609
+and 1615.  With all their shortcomings, the Indians knew how to take
+the measure of a man.  The difference between a warrior and a trader
+was {70} especially clear to their untutored minds, they themselves
+being much better fighters than men of commerce.  Champlain, like
+others, suffered from their caprice, but they respected his bravery and
+trusted his word.
+
+In the next chapter we shall attempt to follow Champlain through the
+wilderness, accompanied by its inhabitants, who were his guides and
+friends.  For the present we must pursue the fortunes of Quebec, whose
+existence year by year hung upon the risk that court intrigue would
+prevail against the determination of two brave men.
+
+From 1608 till 1611 De Monts had two partners, named Collier and
+Legendre, both citizens of Rouen.  It was with the money of these three
+that the post at Quebec had been built and equipped.  Champlain was
+their lieutenant and Pontgravé the commander of their trading ships.
+After four years of experience Collier and Legendre found the results
+unsatisfactory.  'They were unwilling,' says Champlain, 'to continue in
+the association, as there was no commission forbidding others from
+going to the new discoveries and trading with the inhabitants of the
+country.  Sieur de Monts, seeing this, bargained with them for what
+remained at the settlement at Quebec, {71} in consideration of a sum of
+money which he gave them for their share.'
+
+Thus the intrepid De Monts became sole proprietor of the _habitation_,
+and whatever clustered round it, at the foot of Cape Diamond.  But the
+property was worthless if the fur trade could not be put on a stable
+basis.  Quebec during its first three years had been a disappointment
+because, contrary to expectation, it gave its founders no advantage
+over their competitors which equalled the cost of maintenance.  De
+Monts was still ready to assist Champlain in his explorations, but his
+resources, never great, were steadily diminishing, and while trade
+continued unprofitable there were no funds for exploration.  Moreover,
+the assassination of Henry IV in 1610 weakened De Monts at court.
+Whatever Henry's shortcomings as a friend of Huguenots and colonial
+pioneers, their chances had been better with him than they now were
+with Marie de Médicis.[1]  Champlain states that De Monts' engagements
+did not permit him to prosecute his interests at court.  {72} Probably
+his engagements would have been less pressing had he felt more sure of
+favour.  In any event, he made over to Champlain the whole conduct of
+such negotiations as were called for by the unsatisfactory state of
+affairs on the St Lawrence.
+
+Champlain went to France.  What follows is an illuminating comment upon
+the conditions that prevailed under the Bourbon monarchy.  As Champlain
+saw things, the merchants who clamoured for freedom of trade were
+greedy pot-hunters.  'All they want,' he says, 'is that men should
+expose themselves to a thousand dangers to discover peoples and
+territories, that they themselves may have the profit and others the
+hardship.  It is not reasonable that one should capture the lamb and
+another go off with the fleece.  If they had been willing to
+participate in our discoveries, use their means and risk their persons,
+they would have given evidence of their honour and nobleness, but, on
+the contrary, they show clearly that they are impelled by pure malice
+that they may enjoy the fruit of our labours equally with ourselves.'
+Against folk of this sort Champlain felt he had to protect the national
+interests which were so dear to him and De Monts.  As things then {73}
+went, there was only one way to secure protection.  At Fontainebleau a
+great noble was not habituated to render help without receiving a
+consideration.  But protection could be bought by those who were able
+to pay for it.
+
+The patron selected by Champlain was the Comte de Soissons, a Bourbon
+by lineage and first cousin of Henry IV.  His kinship to the boy-king
+gave him, among other privileges, the power to exact from the regent
+gifts and offices as the price of his support.  Possessing this
+leverage, Soissons caused himself to be appointed viceroy of Canada,
+with a twelve-year monopoly of the fur trade above Quebec.  The
+monopoly thus re-established, its privileges could be sublet, Soissons
+receiving cash for the rights he conceded to the merchants, and they
+taking their chance to turn a profit out of the transaction.
+
+Such at least was the theory; but before Soissons could turn his post
+into a source of revenue he died.  Casting about for a suitable
+successor, Champlain selected another prince of the blood--Henri de
+Bourbon, Prince de Condé, who duly became viceroy of Canada and holder
+of the monopoly in succession to his uncle, the Comte de Soissons.
+
+The part of Champlain in these transactions {74} is very conspicuous,
+and justly so.  There was no advantage in being viceroy of Canada
+unless the post produced a revenue, and before the viceroy could
+receive a revenue some one was needed to organize the chief Laurentian
+traders into a company strong enough to pay Soissons or Condé a
+substantial sum.  Champlain was convinced that the stability of trade
+(upon which, in turn, exploration depended) could be secured only in
+this way.  It was he who memorialized President Jeannin[2]; enlisted
+the sympathy of the king's almoner, Beaulieu; appealed to the royal
+council; proposed the office of viceroy to Soissons; and began the
+endeavour to organize a new trading company.  Considering that early in
+1612 he suffered a serious fall from his horse, this record of activity
+is sufficiently creditable for one twelvemonth.  Meanwhile the Indians
+at Sault St Louis grieved at his absence, and his enemies told them he
+was dead.
+
+[Illustration: HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ, VICEROY OF NEW
+FRANCE.  From Laverdière's _Champlain_ in M'Gill University Library.]
+
+It was not until 1614 that the new programme in its entirety could be
+carried out.  {75} This time the delay came, not from the court, but
+from the merchants.  Negotiations were in progress when the ships
+sailed for the voyage of 1613, but Champlain could not remain to
+conclude them, as he felt that he must keep faith with the Indians.
+However, on his return to France that autumn, he resumed the effort,
+and by the spring of 1614 the merchants of Rouen, St Malo, and La
+Rochelle had been brought to terms among themselves as participants in
+a monopoly which was leased from the viceroy.  Condé received a
+thousand crowns a year, and the new company also agreed to take out six
+families of colonists each season.  In return it was granted the
+monopoly for eleven years.  De Monts was a member of the company and
+Quebec became its headquarters in Canada.  But the moving spirit was
+Champlain, who was appointed lieutenant to the viceroy with a salary
+and the right to levy for his own purposes four men from each ship
+trading in the river.
+
+Once more disappointment followed.  Save for De Monts, Champlain's
+company was not inspired by Champlain's patriotism.  During the first
+three years of its existence the obligation to colonize was wilfully
+disregarded, while in the fourth year the treatment accorded {76} Louis
+Hébert shows that good faith counted for as little with the fur traders
+when they acted in association as when they were engaged in cut-throat
+competition.
+
+Champlain excepted, Hébert was the most admirable of those who risked
+death in the attempt to found a settlement at Quebec.  He was not a
+Norman peasant, but a Parisian apothecary.  We have already seen that
+he took part in the Acadian venture of De Monts and Poutrincourt.
+After the capture of Port Royal by the English he returned to France
+(1613) and reopened his shop.  Three years later Champlain was
+authorized by the company to offer him and his family favourable terms
+if they would emigrate to Quebec, the consideration being two hundred
+crowns a year for three years, besides maintenance.  On this
+understanding Hébert sold his house and shop, bought an equipment for
+the new home, and set off with his family to embark at Honfleur.  Here
+he found that Champlain's shareholders were not prepared to stand by
+their agreement.  The company first beat him down from two hundred to
+one hundred crowns a year, and then stipulated that he, his wife, his
+children, and his domestic should serve it for the three years during
+which the grant {77} was payable.  Even at the end of three years, when
+he found himself at liberty to till the soil, he was bound to sell
+produce to the company at the prices prevalent in France.  The company
+was to have his perpetual service as a chemist for nothing, and he must
+promise in writing to take no part in the fur trade.  Hébert had cut
+off his retreat and was forced to accept these hard terms, but it is
+not strange that under such conditions colonists should have been few.
+Sagard, the Récollet missionary, says the company treated Hébert so
+badly because it wished to discourage colonization.  What it wanted was
+the benefit of the monopoly, without the obligation of finding settlers
+who had to be brought over for nothing.
+
+A man of honour like Champlain could not have tricked Hébert into the
+bad bargain he made, and their friendship survived the incident.  But a
+company which transacted its business in this fashion was not likely to
+enjoy long life.  Its chief asset was Champlain's friendship with the
+Indians, especially after his long sojourn with them in 1615 and 1616.
+Some years, particularly 1617, showed a large profit, but as time went
+on friction arose between the Huguenots of La Rochelle {78} and the
+Catholics of Rouen.  Then there were interlopers to be prosecuted, and
+the quarrels of Condé with the government brought with them trouble to
+the merchants whose monopoly depended on his grant.  For three years
+(1616-19) the viceroy of Canada languished in the Bastille.  Shortly
+after his release he sold his viceregal rights to the Duke of
+Montmorency, Admiral of France.  The price was 11,000 crowns.
+
+In 1619 Champlain's company ventured to disagree with its founder, and,
+as a consequence, another crisis arose in the affairs of New France.
+The cause of dispute was the company's unwillingness to keep its
+promises regarding colonization.  Champlain protested.  The company
+replied that Pontgravé should be put in charge at Quebec.  Champlain
+then said that Pontgravé was his old friend, and he hoped they would
+always be friends, but that he was at Quebec as the viceroy's
+representative, charged with the duty of defending his interests.  The
+leader of Champlain's opponents among the shareholders was Boyer, a
+trader who had formerly given much trouble to De Monts, but was now one
+of the associates.  When in the spring of 1619 Champlain attempted to
+sail for Quebec as usual, Boyer {79} prevented him from going aboard.
+There followed an appeal to the crown, in which Champlain was fully
+sustained, and Boyer did penance by offering a public apology before
+the Exchange at Rouen.
+
+It was shortly after this incident that Condé abdicated in favour of
+Montmorency.  The admiral, like his predecessor, accepted a thousand
+crowns a year and named Champlain as his lieutenant.  He also
+instituted an inquiry regarding the alleged neglect of the company to
+maintain the post at Quebec.  The investigation showed that abundant
+cause existed for depriving the company of its monopoly, and in
+consequence the grant was transferred, on similar terms, to William and
+Emery de Caën.  Here complications at once ensued.  The De Caëns, who
+were natives of Rouen, were also Huguenots, a fact that intensified the
+ill-feeling which had already arisen on the St Lawrence between
+Catholic and heretic.  The dispute between the new beneficiaries and
+the company founded by Champlain involved no change in the policy of
+the crown towards trade and colonization.  It was a quarrel of persons,
+which eventually reached a settlement in 1622.  The De Caëns then
+compromised by reorganizing the {80} company and giving their
+predecessors five-twelfths of the shares.
+
+The recital of these intricate events will at least illustrate the
+difficulties which beset Champlain in his endeavour to build up New
+France.  There were problems enough even had he received loyal support
+from the crown and the company.  With the English and Dutch in full
+rivalry, he saw that an aggressive policy of expansion and settlement
+became each year more imperative.  Instead, he was called on to
+withstand the cabals of self-seeking traders who shirked their
+obligations, and to endure the apathy of a government which was
+preoccupied with palace intrigues.
+
+At Quebec itself the two bright spots were the convent of the
+Récollets[3] and the little farm of Louis Hébert.  The Récollets first
+came to New France in 1615, and began at once by language study to
+prepare for their work among the Montagnais and Hurons.  It was a
+stipulation of the viceroy that six of them should be supported by the
+company, and in the absence of parish priests they ministered to the
+ungodly hangers-on of the fur trade as well as to the Indians.  Louis
+{81} Hébert and his admirable family were very dear to the Fathers.  In
+1617 all the buildings which had been erected at Quebec lay by the
+water's edge.  Hébert was the first to make a clearing on the heights.
+His first domain covered less than ten acres, but it was well tilled.
+He built a stone house, which was thirty-eight feet by nineteen.
+Besides making a garden, he planted apple-trees and vines.  He also
+managed to support some cattle.  When one considers what all this means
+in terms of food and comfort, it may be guessed that the fur traders,
+wintering down below on salt pork and smoked eels, must have felt much
+respect for the farmer in his stone mansion on the cliff.
+
+We have from Champlain's own lips a valuable statement as to the
+condition of things at Quebec in 1627, the year when Louis Hébert died.
+'We were in all,' he says, 'sixty-five souls, including men, women, and
+children.'  Of the sixty-five only eighteen were adult males fit for
+hard work, and this small number must be reduced to two or three if we
+include only the tillers of the soil.  Besides these, a few adventurous
+spirits were away in the woods with the Indians, learning their
+language and endeavouring to exploit the beaver trade; but twenty years
+after the founding of Quebec the {82} French in Canada, all told,
+numbered less than one hundred.
+
+Contrast with this the state of Virginia fifteen years after the
+settlement of Jamestown.  'By 1622,' says John Fiske, 'the population
+of Virginia was at least 4000, the tobacco fields were flourishing and
+lucrative, durable houses had been built and made comfortable with
+furniture brought from England, and the old squalor was everywhere
+giving way to thrift.  The area of colonization was pushed up the James
+River as far as Richmond.'
+
+This contrast is not to be interpreted to the personal disadvantage of
+Champlain.  The slow growth and poverty of Quebec were due to no fault
+of his.  It is rather the measure of his greatness that he was
+undaunted by disappointment and unembittered by the pettiness of spirit
+which met him at every turn.  A memorial which he presented in 1618 to
+the Chamber of Commerce at Paris discloses his dream of what might be:
+a city at Quebec named Ludovica, a city equal in size to St Denis and
+filled with noble buildings grouped round the Church of the Redeemer.
+Tributary to this capital was a vast region watered by the St Lawrence
+and abounding 'in rolling plains, {83} beautiful forests, and rivers
+full of fish.'  From Ludovica the heathen were to be converted and a
+passage discovered to the East.  So important a trade route would be
+developed, that from the tolls alone there would be revenue to
+construct great public works.  Rich mines and fat cornfields fill the
+background.
+
+Such was the Quebec of Champlain's vision--if only France would see it
+so!  But in the Quebec of reality a few survivors saw the hunger of
+winter yield to the starvation of spring.  They lived on eels and roots
+till June should bring the ships and food from home.
+
+
+
+[1] The second and surviving wife of Henry IV--an Italian by birth and
+in close sympathy with Spain.  As regent for her son, Louis XIII, she
+did much to reverse the policy of Henry IV, both foreign and domestic.
+
+[2] One of the chief advisers of Marie de Médicis.  In the early part
+of his career he was President of the Parlement of Dijon and an
+important member of the extreme Catholic party.  After the retirement
+of the Duc de Sully (1611) he was placed in charge of the finances of
+France.
+
+[3] The Récollets were a branch of the Franciscan order, noted for the
+austerity of their rule.
+
+
+
+
+{84}
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS
+
+Champlain's journeyings with the Indians were the holiday of his life,
+for at no other time was he so free to follow the bent of his genius.
+First among the incentives which drew him to the wilderness was his
+ambition to discover the pathway to China.  In 1608 the St Lawrence had
+not been explored beyond the Lachine Rapids, nor the Richelieu beyond
+Chambly--while the Ottawa was known only by report.  Beyond Lake St
+Louis stretched a mysterious world, through the midst of which flowed
+the Great River.  For an explorer and a patriot the opportunity was
+priceless.  The acquisition of vast territory for the French crown, the
+enlargement of the trade zone, the discovery of a route to Cathay, the
+prospect of Arcadian joys and exciting adventures--beside such
+promptings hardship and danger became negligible.  And when exploring
+the wilderness Champlain was in full command.  {85} Off the coast of
+Norumbega his wishes, as geographer, had been subject to the special
+projects of De Monts and Poutrincourt.  At Fontainebleau he waited for
+weeks and months in the antechambers of prelates or nobles.  But when
+conducting an expedition through the forest he was lord and master, a
+chieftain from whose arquebus flew winged death.
+
+The story of Champlain's expeditions along these great secluded
+waterways, and across the portages of the forest, makes the most
+agreeable page of his life both for writer and reader, since it is here
+that he himself is most clearly in the foreground.  At no point can his
+narrative be thought dull, compact as it is and always in touch with
+energetic action.  But the details of fur trading at Tadoussac and the
+Sault St Louis, or even of voyaging along the Acadian seaboard, are far
+less absorbing than the tale of the canoe and the war party.  Amid the
+depths of the interior Champlain reaped his richest experiences as an
+explorer.  With the Indians for his allies and enemies he reached his
+fullest stature as a leader.
+
+It is not important to dwell upon the minor excursions which Champlain
+made from his headquarters at Quebec into the country of the {86}
+Montagnais.[1]  He saw little of the rocky northland which, with its
+myriad lakes and splendid streams, sweeps from the St Lawrence to
+Hudson Bay.  Southward and westward lay his course to the cantons of
+the Iroquois south of Lake Ontario and the villages of the Hurons north
+of Lake Simcoe.  Above all, the expeditions of 1609, 1613, and 1615 are
+the central episodes of his work as an explorer, each marked by a
+distinct motive and abounding with adventures.  In 1609 he discovered
+Lake Champlain and fought his first battle with the Iroquois.  In 1613
+he was decoyed by a lying guide into a fruitless search for the
+North-West Passage by the route of the Ottawa.  In 1615 he discovered
+Lake Huron, traversed what is now Central Ontario, and attacked the
+Iroquois in the heart of their own country.  These three journeys make
+the sum of Champlain's achievements as a pioneer of the interior.  For
+all three, likewise, we have his own story, upon which all other
+versions are based and from which they draw their most striking details.
+
+[Illustration: THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609.  From a drawing
+by J. D. Kelly in the Château de Ramezay, Montreal.]
+
+The discovery of Lake Champlain had its root in Champlain's promise to
+the Algonquins {87} that he would aid them in their strife with the
+Iroquois.  In turn this promise was based upon the policy of
+conciliating those savage tribes from whom the French derived their
+supply of furs, and with whom throughout the St Lawrence basin they
+most constantly came in contact.
+
+It was the year which followed the founding of Quebec.  Of the
+twenty-eight who entered upon the first winter eight only had survived,
+and half of these were ailing.  On June 5 relief came in the person of
+Des Marais, who announced that his father-in-law, Pontgravé, was
+already at Tadoussac.  Champlain at once set out to meet him, and it
+was arranged that Pontgravé should take charge of the settlement for
+the coming year, while Champlain fulfilled his promise to aid the
+Algonquins in their war with the Iroquois.  The full plan required that
+Pontgravé should spend the winter in Canada, while Champlain, after his
+summer campaign, was to return to France with a report of his
+explorations.
+
+The Indians had stated that the route to the land of the Iroquois was
+easy, and Champlain's original design was to proceed in a shallop
+capable of carrying twenty Frenchmen.  Early in July he reached the
+mouth {88} of the Richelieu, but on arriving at Chambly he found it
+quite impossible to pass the falls with his shallop.  Either the
+expedition must be abandoned or the plan be radically changed, with the
+consequence of incurring much greater risks.  To advance meant sending
+back the shallop with its crew and stores, embarking in a canoe, and
+trusting wholly to the good faith of the savages.  The decision was not
+easy.  'I was much troubled,' says Champlain.  'And it gave me especial
+dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very large lake, filled
+with handsome islands and with large tracts of fine land bordering on
+the lake, where their enemies lived, according to their
+representations.  After duly thinking over the matter I determined to
+go and fulfil my promise and carry out my desire.  Accordingly I
+embarked with the savages in their canoes, taking with me two men, who
+went cheerfully.  After making known my plan to Des Marais and others
+in the shallop, I requested the former to return to our settlement with
+the rest of our company, giving them the assurance that in a short
+time, by God's grace, I would return to them.'
+
+Having convinced himself, Champlain was next forced to convince the
+Indians, whose {89} first impulse was to abandon the campaign when they
+found that they would be accompanied by only three of the Frenchmen.
+Champlain's firmness, however, communicated itself to them, and on July
+12 they set out from Chambly Basin to commence the portage.  At the top
+of the rapid a review of forces was held, and it proved that the
+Indians numbered sixty men, equipped with twenty-four canoes.
+Advancing through a beautifully wooded country, the little war-party
+encamped at a point not far below the outlet of Lake Champlain, taking
+the precaution to protect themselves by a rough fortification of tree
+trunks.
+
+At this point Champlain introduces a graphic statement regarding the
+methods which the Indians employ to guard against surprise.  On three
+sides they protect the camp by fallen trees, leaving the river-bank
+without a barricade in order that they may take quickly to their
+canoes.  Then, as soon as the camp has been fortified, they send out
+nine picked men in three canoes to reconnoitre for a distance of two or
+three leagues.  But before nightfall these scouts return, and then all
+lie down to sleep, without leaving any pickets or sentries on duty.
+When {90} Champlain remonstrated with them for such gross carelessness,
+they replied that they worked hard enough during the daytime.  The
+normal formation of an Indian war-party embraced three divisions--the
+scouts, the main body, and the hunters, the last always remaining in
+the rear and chasing their game in a direction from which they did not
+anticipate the appearance of the enemy.  Having arrived at a distance
+of two or three days' march from their enemies, they united in a single
+party (save for the scouts) and advanced stealthily by night.  At this
+juncture their food became baked Indian meal soaked in water.  They hid
+by day and made no fire, save that required to smoke their tobacco.
+
+Thus does Champlain describe the savage as he is about to fall upon his
+foe.  He gives special prominence to the soothsayer, who on the eve of
+battle enters into elaborate intercourse with the devil.  Inside a
+wooden hut the necromancer lies prostrate on the ground, motionless.
+Then he springs to his feet and begins to torment himself,
+counterfeiting strange tones to represent the speech of the devil, and
+carrying on violent antics which leave him in a stream of perspiration.
+Outside the hut the Indians sit round on their {91} haunches like apes
+and fancy that they can see fire proceeding from the roof, although the
+devil appears to the soothsayer in the form of a stone.  Finally, the
+chiefs, when they have by these means learned that they will meet their
+enemy and kill a sufficient number, arrange the order of battle.
+Sticks a foot long are taken, one for each warrior, and these are laid
+out on a level place five or six feet square.  The leader then explains
+the order of battle, after which the warriors substitute themselves for
+the sticks and go through the manoeuvres till they can do them without
+confusion.
+
+From this description of tactics we pass speedily to a story of real
+war.  Reaching Lake Champlain, the party skirted the western shore,
+with fine views of the Green Mountains, on the summit of which
+Champlain mistook white limestone for snow.  On July 29, at Crown
+Point, the Iroquois were encountered at about ten o'clock in the
+evening.  Thus the first real battle of French and Indians took place
+near that remarkable spot where Lake Champlain and Lake George draw
+close together--the Ticonderoga of Howe, the Carillon of Montcalm.
+
+The Algonquins were in good courage, for, {92} besides the muskets of
+the three Frenchmen, they were inspired by a dream of Champlain that he
+had seen the Iroquois drowning in a lake.  As soon as the enemies saw
+each other, both began to utter loud cries and make ready their
+weapons.  The Algonquins kept out on the water; the Iroquois went
+ashore and built a barricade.  When the Algonquins had made ready for
+battle
+
+
+they dispatched two canoes to the enemy to inquire if they wished to
+fight, to which the latter replied that they wished nothing else; but
+they said that at present there was not much light, and that it would
+be necessary to wait for day so as to be able to recognize each other;
+and that as soon as the sun rose they would offer us battle.  This was
+agreed to by our side.  Meanwhile the entire night was spent in dancing
+and singing, on both sides, with endless insults and other talk; as how
+little courage we had, how feeble a resistance we should make against
+their arms, and that when day came we should realize it to our ruin.
+Ours also were not slow in retorting, telling them that they would see
+such execution of arms as never before, together with an abundance of
+such talk as is not unusual in the siege of a town.
+
+
+Care had been taken by the Algonquins that the presence of Champlain
+and his two companions should come to the Iroquois as a complete
+surprise.  Each of the Frenchmen {93} was in a separate canoe, convoyed
+by the Montagnais.  At daylight each put on light armour and, armed
+with an arquebus, went ashore.  Champlain was near enough the barricade
+to see nearly two hundred Iroquois, 'stout and rugged in appearance.
+They came at a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which
+greatly impressed me, having three chiefs at their head.'  Champlain,
+when urged by his allies to make sure of killing the three chiefs,
+replied that he would do his best, and that in any case he would show
+them his courage and goodwill.
+
+Then began the fight, which must be described in Champlain's own words,
+for in all his writings there is no more famous passage.
+
+
+As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two hundred paces
+towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my
+companions, who went into the woods with some savages.  Our men began
+to call me with loud cries; and in order to give me a passage way they
+opened in two parts and put me at their head, where I marched some
+twenty paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about twenty
+paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me and, halting, gazed at me,
+as I did also at them.  When I saw them make a move to fire at us, I
+rested my musket against my cheek and aimed directly at one of the
+three chiefs.  With the same shot two fell to {94} the ground; and one
+of their men was so wounded that he died some time after.  I had loaded
+my musket with four balls.  When our side saw this shot so favourable
+for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could not have
+heard it thunder.  Meanwhile the arrows flew on both sides.  The
+Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been so quickly
+killed, although they were equipped with armour woven from cotton
+thread and with wood which was proof against their arrows.  This caused
+great alarm among them.  As I was loading again, one of my companions
+fired a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a
+degree that, seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage and took to
+flight, abandoning their camp and fort and fleeing into the woods,
+whither I pursued them, killing still more of them.  Our savages also
+killed several of them and took ten or twelve prisoners.  The remainder
+escaped with the wounded.  Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on our side
+with arrow shots, but they were soon healed.
+
+
+The spoils of victory included a large quantity of Indian corn,
+together with a certain amount of meal, and also some of the native
+armour which the Iroquois had thrown away in order to effect their
+escape.  Then followed a feast and the torture of one of the prisoners,
+whose sufferings were mercifully concluded by a ball from Champlain's
+musket, delivered in such wise that the unfortunate did not see {95}
+the shot.  Like Montcalm and other French commanders of a later date,
+Champlain found it impossible to curb wholly the passions of his savage
+allies.  In this case his remonstrances had the effect of gaining for
+the victim a _coup de grâce_--which may be taken as a measure of
+Champlain's prestige.  The atrocious savagery practised before and
+after death is described in full detail.  Champlain concludes the lurid
+picture as follows: 'This is the manner in which these people behave
+towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to
+die fighting or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many
+do rather than fall into the hands of their enemies.'
+
+Beyond the point at which this battle was fought Champlain did not go.
+At Ticonderoga he was within eighty miles of the site of Albany.  Had
+he continued, he would have reached the Hudson from the north in the
+same summer the _Half Moon_[2] entered it from the mouth.  But the
+Algonquins were content with their victory, though they candidly {96}
+stated that there was an easy route from the south end of Lake George
+to 'a river flowing into the sea on the Norumbega coast near that of
+Florida.'  The return to Quebec and Tadoussac was attended by no
+incident of moment.  The Montagnais, on parting with Champlain at
+Tadoussac, generously gave him the head of an Iroquois and a pair of
+arms, with the request that they be carried to the king of France.  The
+Algonquins had already taken their departure at Chambly, where, says
+Champlain, 'we separated with loud protestations of mutual friendship.
+They asked me whether I would not like to go into their country to
+assist them with continued fraternal relations; and I promised that I
+would do so.'  As a contribution to geographical knowledge the
+expedition of 1609 disclosed the existence of a noble lake, to which
+Champlain fitly gave his own name.  Its dimensions he considerably
+over-estimated, but in all essential respects its situation was
+correctly described, while his comments on the flora and fauna are very
+interesting.  The garpike as he saw it, with amplifications from the
+Indians as they had seen it, gave him the subject for a good fish
+story.  He was deeply impressed, too, by the richness of the
+vegetation.  His attack on the {97} Iroquois was not soon forgotten by
+that relentless foe, and prepared a store of trouble for the colony he
+founded.  But the future was closed to his view, and for the moment his
+was the glorious experience of being the first to gaze with European
+eyes upon a lake fairer and grander than his own France could show.
+
+Four years elapsed before Champlain was enabled to plunge once more
+into the depths of the forest--this time only to meet with the severest
+disappointment of his life.  Much has been said already regarding his
+ambition to discover a short route to Cathay.  This was the great prize
+for which he would have sacrificed everything save loyalty to the king
+and duty to the church.  For a moment he seemed on the point of gaining
+it.  Then the truth was brutally disclosed, and he found that he had
+been wilfully deceived by an impostor.
+
+It was a feature of Champlain's policy that from time to time French
+youths should spend the winter with the Indians--hunting with them,
+living in their settlements, exploring their country, and learning
+their language.  Of Frenchmen thus trained to woodcraft during
+Champlain's lifetime the most notable were Étienne Brulé, Nicolas
+Vignau, Nicolas {98} Marsolet, and Jean Nicolet.  Unfortunately the
+three first did not leave an unclouded record.  Brulé, after becoming a
+most accomplished guide, turned traitor and aided the English in 1629.
+Champlain accuses Marsolet of a like disloyalty.[3]  Vignau, with more
+imagination, stands on the roll of fame as a frank impostor.
+
+Champlain, as we have seen, spent the whole of 1612 in France, and it
+was at this time that Vignau appeared in Paris with a tale which could
+not but kindle excitement in the heart of an explorer.  The basis of
+fact was that Vignau had undoubtedly passed the preceding winter with
+the Algonquins on the Ottawa.  The fable which was built upon this fact
+can best be told in Champlain's own words.
+
+
+He reported to me, on his return to Paris in 1612, that he had seen the
+North Sea; that the river of the Algonquins [the Ottawa] came from a
+lake which emptied into it; and that in seventeen days one could go
+from the Falls of St Louis to this sea and back again; that he had seen
+the wreck and débris of an English ship that had been wrecked, on board
+of which were eighty men who had escaped to the shore, and whom the
+savages killed because the English endeavoured to take from them by
+force their Indian corn and other necessaries of life; and that he had
+seen {99} the scalps which these savages had flayed off, according to
+their custom, which they would show me, and that they would likewise
+give me an English boy whom they had kept for me.  This intelligence
+greatly pleased me, for I thought that I had almost found that for
+which I had for a long time been searching.
+
+
+Champlain makes it clear that he did not credit Vignau's tale with the
+simple credulity of a man who has never been to sea.  He caused Vignau
+to swear to its truth at La Rochelle before two notaries.  He
+stipulated that Vignau should go with him over the whole route.
+Finally, as they were on the point of sailing together for Canada in
+the spring of 1613, he once more adjured Vignau in the presence of
+distinguished witnesses, saying 'that if what he had previously said
+was not true, he must not give me the trouble to undertake the journey,
+which involved many dangers.  Again he affirmed all that he had said,
+on peril of his life.'
+
+After taking these multiplied precautions against deceit, Champlain
+left the Sault St Louis on May 29, 1613, attended by four Frenchmen and
+one Indian, with Vignau for guide.  Ascending the Ottawa, they
+encountered their first difficulties at the Long Sault, {100} where
+Dollard forty-seven years later was to lose his life so gloriously.
+Here the passage of the rapids was both fatiguing and dangerous.
+Prevented by the density of the wood from making a portage, they were
+forced to drag their canoes through the water.  In one of the eddies
+Champlain nearly lost his life, and his hand was severely hurt by a
+sudden jerk of the rope.  Having mounted the rapids, he met with no
+very trying obstacle until he had gone some distance past the Chaudière
+Falls.  His reference to the course of the Gatineau makes no sense, and
+Laverdière has had recourse to the not improbable conjecture that the
+printer dropped out a whole line at this point.  Champlain also
+over-estimates considerably the height of the Rideau Falls and is not
+very exact in his calculation of latitude.
+
+The hardships of this journey were greatly and unnecessarily increased
+by Vignau, whose only hope was to discourage his leader.  In the end it
+proved that 'our liar' (as Champlain repeatedly calls him) had hoped to
+secure a reward for his alleged discovery, believing that no one would
+follow him long, even if an attempt were made to confirm the accuracy
+of his report.  But Champlain, undeterred by portages and mosquitoes,
+kept on.  Some {101} savages who joined him said that Vignau was a
+liar, and on their advice Champlain left the Ottawa a short distance
+above the mouth of the Madawaska.  Holding westward at some distance
+from the south shore, he advanced past Muskrat Lake, and after a hard
+march came out again on the Ottawa at Lake Allumette.
+
+This was the end of Champlain's route in 1613.  From the Algonquins on
+Allumette Island he learned that Vignau had wintered with them at the
+time he swore he was discovering salt seas.  Finally, the impostor
+confessed his fraud and, falling on his knees, asked for mercy.  The
+Indians would gladly have killed him outright, but Champlain spared his
+life, though how deeply he was moved can be seen from these words:
+'Overcome with wrath I had him removed, being unable to endure him any
+longer in my presence.'  After his confession there was nothing for it
+but to return by the same route.  An astrolabe found some years ago
+near Muskrat Lake may have been dropped from Champlain's luggage on the
+journey westward, though he does not mention the loss.
+
+Apart from disclosing the course of the Ottawa, the _Voyage_ of 1613 is
+chiefly notable {102} for its account of Indian customs--for example,
+the mode of sepulture, the _tabagie_ or feast, and the superstition
+which leads the Algonquins to throw pieces of tobacco into the cauldron
+of the Chaudière Falls as a means of ensuring protection against their
+enemies.  Of the feast given him by Tessouät, an Algonquin chief,
+Champlain says:
+
+
+The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer and wooden
+spoon.  They seated themselves without order or ceremony on the ground
+in the cabin of Tessouät, who distributed to them a kind of broth made
+of maize crushed between two stones, together with meat and fish which
+was cut into little pieces, the whole being boiled together without
+salt.  They also had meat roasted on the coals and fish boiled apart,
+which he also distributed.  In respect to myself, as I did not wish any
+of their chowder, which they prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked
+them for some fish and meat, that I might prepare it my own way, which
+they gave me.  For drink we had fine, clear water.  Tessouät, who gave
+the _tabagie_, entertained us without eating himself, according to
+their custom.
+
+The _tabagie_ being over, the young men, who are not present at the
+harangues and councils, and who during the _tabagie_ remain at the door
+of the cabins, withdrew, when all who remained began to fill their
+pipes, one and another offering me one.  We then spent a full half-hour
+in this occupation, not a word being spoken, as is their custom.
+
+
+
+{103}
+
+But for the dexterous arrangement by which Champlain managed to cook
+his own food, the _tabagie_ would have been more dangerous to health
+than the portage.  In any case, it was an ordeal that could not be
+avoided, for feasting meant friendly intercourse, and only through
+friendly intercourse could Champlain gain knowledge of that vast
+wilderness which he must pierce before reaching his long-sought goal,
+the sea beyond which lay China.
+
+As for Vignau, his punishment was to make full confession before all
+the French who had assembled at the Sault St Louis to traffic with the
+Indians.  When Champlain reached this rendezvous on June 17, he
+informed the traders of all that had happened, including
+
+
+the malice of my liar, at which they were greatly amazed.  I then
+begged them to assemble in order that in their presence, and that of
+the savages and his companions, he might make declaration of his
+maliciousness; which they gladly did.  Being thus assembled, they
+summoned him and asked him why he had not shown me the sea of the
+north, as he had promised me at his departure.  He replied that he had
+promised something impossible for him, since he had never seen the sea,
+and that the desire of making the journey had led him to say what he
+did, also that he did not suppose that I would undertake it; and he
+begged them to be pleased to pardon him, as he also {104} begged me
+again, confessing that he had greatly offended, and if I would leave
+him in the country he would by his efforts repair the offence and see
+this sea, and bring back trustworthy intelligence concerning it the
+following year; and in view of certain considerations I pardoned him on
+this condition.
+
+
+Vignau's public confession was followed by the annual barter with the
+Indians, after which Champlain returned to France.
+
+We come now to the _Voyage_ of 1615, which describes Champlain's
+longest and most daring journey through the forest--an expedition that
+occupied the whole period from July 9, 1615, to the last days of June
+1616.  Thus for the first time he passed a winter with the Indians,
+enlarging greatly thereby his knowledge of their customs and character.
+The central incident of the expedition was an attack made by the Hurons
+and their allies upon the stronghold of the Onondagas in the heart of
+the Iroquois country.  But while this war-party furnishes the chief
+adventure, there is no page of Champlain's narrative which lacks its
+tale of the marvellous.  As a story of life in the woods, the _Voyage_
+of 1615 stands first among all Champlain's writings.
+
+As in 1609, there was a mutuality of interest between Champlain and the
+Indians who {105} traded at the Sault.  His desire was to explore and
+theirs was to fight.  By compromise they disclosed to him the recesses
+of their country and he aided them against the Iroquois.  In 1615 the
+Hurons not only reminded him of his repeated promises to aid them, but
+stated flatly that without such aid they could no longer attend the
+annual market, as their enemies were making the route too unsafe.  On
+their side they promised a war-party of more than two thousand men.  A
+further proof of friendship was afforded by their willingness to
+receive a missionary in their midst--the Récollet, Father Joseph Le
+Caron.
+
+Champlain's line of exploration in 1615-16 took the following course.
+He first ascended the Ottawa to the mouth of the Mattawa.  Thence
+journeying overland by ponds and portages he entered Lake Nipissing,
+which he skirted to the outlet.  French River next took him to Georgian
+Bay, or, as he calls it for geographical definition, the Lake of the
+Attigouautan [Hurons].  His own name for this vast inland sea is the
+_Mer Douce_.  That he did not explore it with any degree of
+thoroughness is evident from the terms of his narrative as well as from
+his statement that its length, east and {106} west, is four hundred
+leagues.  What he saw of Lake Huron was really the east shore of
+Georgian Bay, from the mouth of French River to the bottom of
+Matchedash Bay.  Here he entered the country of the Hurons, which
+pleased him greatly in comparison with the tract before traversed.  'It
+was very fine, the largest part being cleared, and many hills and
+several rivers rendering the region agreeable.  I went to see their
+Indian corn, which was at that time [early in August] far advanced for
+the season.'
+
+[Illustration: CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16]
+
+Champlain's route through the district between Carmaron and Cahaigué
+can best be followed in Father Jones's map of Huronia.[4]  The points
+which Champlain names are there indicated, in each case with as careful
+identification of the locality as we are ever likely to get.  For those
+who are not specialists in the topography of Huronia it may suffice
+that Champlain left Matchedash Bay not far from Penetanguishene, and
+thence went to Carmaron at the very north of the peninsula.  Returning,
+he passed through some of the largest of the Huron villages, and after
+sixteen days came out at Cahaigué, which was situated {107} close to
+Lake Simcoe and almost on the site of the modern Hawkestone.  It was
+here that most of the Huron warriors assembled for the great expedition
+against the Onondagas.  Setting out on their march, they first went a
+little to the northward, where they were joined on the shores of Lake
+Couchiching by another contingent.  The party thus finally made up,
+Champlain's line of advance first took him to Sturgeon Lake.
+Afterwards it pursued that important waterway which is represented by
+the Otonabee river, Rice Lake, and the river Trent.  Hence the warriors
+entered Lake Ontario by the Bay of Quinte.
+
+This country between Lake Simcoe and the Bay of Quinte seems to have
+pleased Champlain greatly.  He saw it in September, when the
+temperature was agreeable and when the vegetation of the forest could
+be enjoyed without the torment inflicted by mosquitoes.  'It is
+certain,' he says, 'that all this region is very fine and pleasant.
+Along the banks it seems as if the trees had been set out for ornament
+in most places, and that all these tracts were in former times
+inhabited by savages who were subsequently compelled to abandon them
+from fear of their enemies.  Vines and nut trees are here very
+numerous.  {108} Grapes mature, yet there is always a very pungent
+tartness, which is felt remaining in the throat when one eats them in
+large quantities, arising from defect of cultivation.  These localities
+are very pleasant when cleared up.'
+
+From the Bay of Quinte the war-party skirted the east shore of Lake
+Ontario, crossing the head of the St Lawrence, and thence following the
+southern shore about fourteen leagues.  At this point the Indians
+concealed all their canoes and struck into the woods towards Lake
+Oneida.  Though made up chiefly of Hurons, the little army embraced
+various allies, including a band of Algonquins.  Whether from
+over-confidence at having Champlain among them or from their natural
+lack of discipline, the allies managed their attack very badly.  On a
+pond a few miles south of Oneida Lake lay the objective point of the
+expedition--a palisaded stronghold of the Onondagas.  At a short
+distance from this fort eleven of the enemy were surprised and taken
+prisoners.  What followed was much less fortunate.  Champlain does not
+state the number of Frenchmen present, but as his drawing shows eleven
+musketeers, we may infer that his own followers were distinctly {109}
+more numerous than at the battle on Lake Champlain.
+
+The height of the palisade was thirty feet, and a system of gutters
+supplied abundant water for use in extinguishing fire.  Champlain's
+plan of attack was to employ a _cavalier_, or protected scaffolding,
+which should overtop the palisade and could be brought close against
+it.  From the top of this framework four or five musketeers were to
+deliver a fusillade against the Iroquois within the fort, while the
+Hurons kindled a fire at the foot of the palisade.  Champlain's drawing
+shows the rest of the musketeers engaged in creating a diversion at
+other points.
+
+But everything miscarried.  Though the _cavalier_ was constructed, the
+allies threw aside the wooden shields which Champlain had caused to be
+made as a defence against the arrows of the Iroquois while the fire was
+being kindled.  Only a small supply of wood had been collected, and
+even this was so placed that the flames blew away from the palisade
+instead of towards it.  On the failure of this attempt to fire the fort
+all semblance of discipline was thrown to the winds.  'There also rose
+such disorder among them,' says Champlain, 'that one could not
+understand {110} another, which greatly troubled me.  In vain did I
+shout in their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the
+danger to which they exposed themselves by their bad behaviour, but on
+account of the great noise they made they heard nothing.  Seeing that
+shouting would only burst my head and that my remonstrances were
+useless for putting a stop to the disorder, I did nothing more, but
+determined, together with my men, to do what we could and fire upon
+such as we could see.'  The fight itself lasted only three hours, and
+the casualties of the attacking party were inconsiderable, since but
+two of their chiefs and fifteen warriors were wounded.  In addition to
+their repulse, the Hurons suffered a severe disappointment through the
+failure to join them of five hundred allies who had given their solemn
+promise.  Although Champlain had received two severe wounds, one in the
+leg and another in the knee, he urged a second and more concerted
+attack.  But in vain.  The most the Hurons would promise was to wait
+four or five days for the expected reinforcements.  At the end of this
+time there was no sign of the five hundred, and the return began.  'The
+only good point,' says Champlain, 'that I have seen in their mode of
+{111} warfare is that they make their retreat very securely, placing
+all the wounded and aged in their centre, being well armed on the wings
+and in the rear, and continuing this order without interruption until
+they reach a place of security.'
+
+Champlain himself suffered tortures during the retreat, partly from his
+wounds, but even more from the mode of transportation.  The Indian
+method of removing the wounded was first to bind and pinion them 'in
+such a manner that it is as impossible for them to move as for an
+infant in its swaddling-clothes.'  They were then carried in a kind of
+basket, 'crowded up in a heap.'  Doubtless as a mark of distinction,
+Champlain was carried separately on the back of a savage.  His wound
+was so severe that when the retreat began he could not stand.  But the
+transportation proved worse than the wound.  'I never found myself in
+such a _gehenna_ as during this time, for the pain which I suffered in
+consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in comparison with that
+which I endured while I was carried bound and pinioned on the back of
+one of our savages.  So that I lost my patience, and as soon as I could
+sustain myself got out of this prison, or rather _gehenna_.'
+
+{112}
+
+The enemy made no pursuit, but forced marches were kept up for
+twenty-five or thirty leagues.  The weather now grew cold, as it was
+past the middle of autumn.  The fight at the fort of the Onondagas had
+taken place on October 10, and eight days later there was a snowstorm,
+with hail and a strong wind.  But, apart from extreme discomfort, the
+retreat was successfully accomplished, and on the shore of Lake Ontario
+they found the canoes intact.
+
+It had been Champlain's purpose to spend the winter at Quebec, and when
+the Hurons were about to leave the east end of Lake Ontario for their
+own country he asked them for a canoe and an escort.  Four Indians
+volunteered for this service, but no canoe could be had, and in
+consequence Champlain was forced reluctantly to accompany the Hurons.
+With his usual patience he accepted the inevitable, which in this case
+was only unpleasant because he was ill prepared for spending a winter
+among the Indians.  After a few days he perceived that their plan was
+to keep him and his companions, partly as security for themselves and
+partly that he might assist at their councils in planning better
+safeguards against their enemies.
+
+{113}
+
+This enforced residence of Champlain among the Hurons during the winter
+of 1615-16 has given us an excellent description of Indian customs.  It
+was also the means of composing a dangerous quarrel between the Hurons
+and the Algonquins.  Once committed to spending the winter among the
+Indians, Champlain planned to make Huronia a point of departure for
+still further explorations to the westward.  Early in 1616 there seemed
+to be a favourable opportunity to push forward in the direction of Lake
+Superior.  Then came this wretched brawl of Hurons and Algonquins,
+which threatened to beget bitter hatred and war among tribes which
+hitherto had both been friendly to the French.  Accepting his duty,
+Champlain gave up his journey to the far west and threw himself into
+the task of restoring peace.  But the measure of his disappointment is
+found in these words:
+
+
+If ever there was one greatly disheartened, it was myself, since I had
+been waiting to see this year what during many preceding ones I had
+been seeking for with great toil and effort, through so many fatigues
+and risks of my life.  But realizing that I could not help the matter,
+and that everything depended on the will of God, I comforted myself,
+resolving to see it in a short time.  I had such sure {114} information
+that I could not doubt the report of these people, who go to traffic
+with others dwelling in those northern regions, a great part of whom
+live in a place very abundant in the chase and where there are great
+numbers of large animals, the skins of several of which I saw, and
+which I concluded were buffaloes from their representation of their
+form.  Fishing is also very abundant there.  This journey requires
+forty days as well in returning as in going.
+
+
+Thus Champlain almost had a chance to see the bison and the great
+plains of the West.  As it was, he did his immediate duty and restored
+the peace of Huron and Algonquin.  In partial compensation for the
+alluring journey he relinquished, he had a better opportunity to study
+the Hurons in their settlements and to investigate their relations with
+their neighbours--the Tobacco Nation, the Neutral Nation, _les Cheveux
+Relevés_, and the Race of Fire.  Hence the _Voyage_ of 1615 not only
+describes the physical aspects of Huronia, but contains intimate
+details regarding the life of its people--their wigwams, their food,
+their manner of cooking, their dress, their decorations, their marriage
+customs, their medicine-men, their burials, their assemblies, their
+agriculture, their amusements, and their mode of fishing.  It is
+Champlain's most {115} ambitious piece of description, far less
+detailed than the subsequent narratives of the Jesuits, but in
+comparison with them gaining impact from being less diffuse.
+
+It was on May 20, 1616, that Champlain left the Huron country, never
+again to journey thither or to explore the recesses of the forest.
+Forty days later he reached the Sault St Louis, and saw once more his
+old friend Pontgravé.  Thenceforward his life belongs not to the
+wilderness, but to Quebec.
+
+
+
+[1] An Algonquin tribe dwelling to the north of the St Lawrence, for
+the most part between the Saguenay and the St Maurice.
+
+[2] Henry Hudson, an English mariner with a Dutch crew, entered the
+mouth of the Hudson in a boat called the _Half Moon_ on September 4,
+1609.  As named by him, the river was called the 'Great North River of
+New Netherland.'
+
+[3] Marsolet's defence was that he acted under constraint.
+
+[4] This map will be found in _The Jesuit Missions_ in this Series, and
+also in vol. xxxiv of _The Jesuit Relations_, ed. Thwaites.
+
+
+
+
+{116}
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S LAST YEARS
+
+When Champlain reached the Sault St Louis on July 1, 1616, his career
+as an explorer had ended.  The nineteen years of life that still
+remained he gave to Quebec and the duties of his lieutenancy.
+
+By this time he had won the central position in his own domain.
+Question might arise as to the terms upon which a monopoly of trade
+should be granted, or as to the persons who should be its recipients.
+But whatever company might control the trade, Champlain was the king's
+representative in New France.  When Boyer affronted him, the council
+had required that a public apology should be offered.  When Montmorency
+instituted the investigation of 1620, it was Champlain's report which
+determined the issue.  Five years later, when the Duc de Ventadour
+became viceroy in place of Montmorency, Champlain still remained
+lieutenant-general of New {117} France.  Such were his character,
+services, and knowledge that his tenure could not be questioned.
+
+Notwithstanding this source of satisfaction, the post was difficult in
+the extreme.  The government continued to leave colonizing in the hands
+of the traders, and the traders continued to shirk their obligations.
+The Company of the De Caëns did a large business, but suffered more
+severely than any of its predecessors from the strife of Catholic and
+Huguenot.  Those of the reformed religion even held their services in
+the presence of the Indians, thus anticipating the scandals of Kikuyu.
+Though the Duc de Ventadour gave orders that there should be no
+psalm-singing after the outbound ships passed Newfoundland, this
+provision seems not to have been effective.  It was a difficult problem
+for one like Champlain, who, while a loyal Catholic, had been working
+all his life with Huguenot associates.
+
+The period of the De Caëns was marked by the presence at Quebec of
+Madame Champlain.  The romance of Champlain's life does not, however,
+revolve about his marriage.  In 1610, at the age of forty-three, he
+espoused Hélène Boullé, whose father was secretary of the King's
+Chamber to Henry IV.  {118} As the bride was only twelve years old, the
+marriage contract provided that she should remain two years longer with
+her parents.  She brought a dowry of six thousand livres, and
+simultaneously Champlain made his will in her favour.  Probably De
+Monts had some part in arranging the marriage, for Nicholas Boullé was
+a Huguenot and De Monts appears as a witness to the notarial documents.
+Subsequently, Madame Champlain became an enthusiastic Catholic and
+ended her days as a nun.  She had no children, and was only once in
+Canada, residing continuously at Quebec from 1620 to 1624.  No mention
+whatever is made of her in Champlain's writings, but he named St
+Helen's Island after her, and appears to have been unwilling that she
+should enter a convent during his lifetime.
+
+One need feel little surprise that Madame Champlain should not care to
+visit Canada a second time, for the buildings at Quebec had fallen into
+disrepair, and more than once the supply of food ran very low.  During
+1625 Champlain remained in France with his wife, and therefore did not
+witness the coming of the Jesuits to the colony.  This event, which is
+a landmark in the history of Quebec and New France, followed upon the
+inability of {119} the Récollets to cover the mission field with any
+degree of completeness.  Conscious that their resources were unequal to
+the task, they invoked the aid of the Jesuits, and in this appeal were
+strongly supported by Champlain.  Once more the horizon seemed to
+brighten, for the Jesuits had greater resources and influence than any
+other order in the Roman Catholic Church, and their establishment at
+Quebec meant much besides a mere increase in the population.  The year
+1626 saw Champlain again at his post, working hard to complete a new
+factory which he had left unfinished, while the buildings of the Jesuit
+establishment made good progress under the hand of workmen specially
+brought from France.  What still remained imperfect was the
+fortification.  The English had destroyed the French settlements at
+Mount Desert and Port Royal.  What was to hinder them from bombarding
+Quebec?
+
+This danger soon clouded the mood of optimism that had been inspired by
+the coming of the Jesuits.  The De Caëns objected to any outlay on a
+fort, and would not give Champlain the men he needed.  In reply
+Champlain sent the viceroy a report which was unfavourable to the
+company and its methods.  But even without this {120} representation,
+the monopoly of the De Caëns was doomed by reason of events which were
+taking place in France.
+
+At the court of Louis XIII Richelieu had now gained an eminence and
+power such as never before had been possessed by a minister of the
+French crown.  Gifted with imagination and covetous of national
+greatness, he saw the most desirable portions of other continents in
+the hands of the Spaniards, the Portuguese, the English, and the Dutch.
+The prospect was not pleasing, and he cast about for a remedy.
+
+For Hanotaux,[1] Richelieu is 'the true founder of our colonial
+empire,' and La Roncière adds: 'Madagascar, Senegal, Guiana, the
+Antilles, Acadia, and Canada--this, to be exact, was the colonial
+empire for which we were indebted to Richelieu.'  Regarding his breadth
+of outlook there can be no doubt, and in his _Memoirs_ he left the
+oft-quoted phrase: 'No realm is so well situated as France to be
+mistress of the seas or so rich in all things needful.'  Desiring to
+strengthen maritime commerce and to hold distant {121} possessions, he
+became convinced that the English and the Dutch had adopted the right
+policy.  Strong trading companies--not weak ones--were what France
+needed.
+
+Henry IV could have given the French a fair start, or even a lead, in
+the race for colonies.  He missed this great opportunity; partly
+because he was preoccupied with the reorganization of France, and
+partly because Sully, his minister, had no enthusiasm for colonial
+ventures.  Twenty years later the situation had changed.  Richelieu,
+who was a man of wide outlook, was also compelled by the activity of
+England and Holland to give attention to the problem of a New France.
+The spirit of colonization was in the air, and Richelieu, with his
+genius for ideas, could not fail to see its importance or what would
+befall the laggards.  His misfortune was that he lacked certain
+definite qualifications which a greater founder of colonies needed to
+possess.  Marvellous in his grasp of diplomatic situations and in his
+handling of men, he had no talent whatever for the details of commerce.
+His fiscal régime, particularly after France engaged in her duel with
+the House of Hapsburg, was disorganized and intolerable.  Nor did he
+recognize that, {122} for the French, the desire to emigrate required
+even greater encouragement than the commercial instinct.  He compelled
+his company to transport settlers, but the number was not large, and he
+kindled no popular enthusiasm for the cause of colonization.  France
+had once led the crusade eastward.  Under proper guidance she might
+easily have contributed more than she did to the exodus westward.
+
+At any rate Richelieu, 'a man in the grand style, if ever man was,' had
+decided that New France should no longer languish, and the Company of
+One Hundred Associates was the result.  In 1627 he abolished the office
+of viceroy, deprived the De Caëns of their charter, and prepared to
+make Canada a real colony.  The basis of the plan was an association of
+one hundred members, each subscribing three thousand livres.
+Richelieu's own name heads the list of members, followed by those of
+the minister of finance and the minister of marine.  Most of the
+members resided in Paris, though the seaboard and the eastern provinces
+were also represented.  Nobles, wealthy merchants, small traders, all
+figure in the list, and twelve titles of nobility were distributed
+among the shareholders to help in the enlistment of capital.  The
+company received a {123} monopoly of trade for fifteen years, and
+promised to take out three hundred colonists annually during the whole
+period covered by the grant.  It also received the St Lawrence valley
+in full ownership.  One notable provision of the charter was that only
+Roman Catholics should be sent to New France, and the company was
+placed under special obligation to maintain three priests in each
+settlement until the colony could support its own clergy.
+
+Champlain was now sixty years of age, and he had suffered much.
+Suddenly there burst forth this spontaneous enthusiasm of Richelieu the
+all-powerful.  Was Champlain's dream of the great city of Ludovica to
+come true after all?
+
+Alas, like previous visions, it faded before the glare of harsh,
+uncompromising facts.  The year in which Richelieu founded his Company
+of New France was also the year of a fierce Huguenot revolt.  Calling
+on England for aid, La Rochelle defied Paris, the king, and the
+cardinal.  Richelieu laid siege to the place.  Guiton, the mayor, sat
+at his council-board with a bare dagger before him to warn the
+faint-hearted.  The old Duchesse de Rohan starved with the populace.
+{124} Salbert, the most eloquent of Huguenot pastors, preached that
+martyrdom was better than surrender.  Meanwhile, Richelieu built his
+mole across the harbour, and Buckingham wasted the English troops to
+which the citizens looked for their salvation.  Then the town yielded.
+
+The fall of La Rochelle was a great personal triumph for Richelieu, but
+the war with England brought disaster to the Company of New France.  At
+Dieppe there had lived for many years an Englishman named Jarvis, or
+Gervase, Kirke, who with his five sons--David, Lewis, Thomas, John, and
+James--knew much at first hand about the French merchant marine.  Early
+in the spring of 1628 Kirke (who had shortly before moved to London)
+secured letters of marque and sent forth his sons to do what damage
+they could to the French in the St Lawrence.  Champlain had spent the
+winter at Quebec and was, of course, expecting his usual supplies with
+the opening of navigation.  Instead came Lewis Kirke, sent from
+Tadoussac by his brother David, to demand surrender.
+
+Champlain made a reply which, though courteous, was sufficiently bold
+to convince the Kirkes that Quebec could be best captured {125} by
+starvation.  They therefore sailed down the St Lawrence to intercept
+the fleet from France, confident that their better craft would overcome
+these 'sardines of the sea.'  The plan proved successful even beyond
+expectation, for after a long cannonade they captured without material
+loss the whole fleet which had been sent out by the Company of New
+France.  Ships, colonists, annual supplies, building materials--all
+fell into the hands of the enterprising Kirkes, who then sailed for
+England with their booty.  Alike to Champlain and to the Hundred
+Associates it was a crippling blow.
+
+Thus, but for the war with England, Quebec would have seen its
+population trebled in 1628.  As it was, the situation became worse than
+ever.  Lewis Kirke had been careful to seize the cattle pastured at Cap
+Tourmente and to destroy the crops.  When winter came, there were
+eighty mouths to feed on a scant diet of peas and maize, imperfectly
+ground, with a reserve supply of twelve hundred eels.  Towards spring
+anything was welcome, and the roots of Solomon's seal were esteemed a
+feast.  Champlain even gave serious thought to a raid upon the Mohawks,
+three hundred miles away, in the hope that food could be brought back
+{126} from their granaries.  Finally, on the 19th of July 1629, Lewis
+Kirke returned with a second summons to surrender.  This time only one
+answer was possible, for to the survivors at Quebec the English came
+less in the guise of foes than as human beings who could save them from
+starvation.  Champlain and his people received honourable treatment,
+and were promised a passage to France.  The family Hébert, however,
+decided to remain.
+
+We need not dwell upon the emotions with which Champlain saw the French
+flag pulled down at Quebec.  Doubtless it seemed the disastrous end of
+his life-work, but he was a good soldier and enjoyed also the comforts
+of religion.  A further consolation was soon found in the discovery
+that Quebec might yet be reclaimed.  Ten weeks before Champlain
+surrendered, the two countries were again at peace, and the Treaty of
+Suza embodied a provision that captures made after the treaty was
+signed should be mutually restored.  This intelligence reached
+Champlain when he landed in England on the homeward voyage.  It is
+characteristic of the man, that before going on to France he posted
+from Dover to London, and urged the French ambassador that he should
+insistently claim Quebec.
+
+{127}
+
+As a result of the war Canada and Acadia were both in the possession of
+England.  On the other hand, the dowry of Henrietta Maria was still,
+for the most part, in the treasury of France.  When one remembers that
+1628 saw Charles I driven by his necessities to concede the Petition of
+Right, it will be readily seen that he desired the payment of his
+wife's dowry.  Hence Richelieu, whose talents in diplomacy were above
+praise, had substantial reason to expect that Canada and Acadia would
+be restored.  The negotiations dragged on for more than two years, and
+were complicated by disputes growing out of the captures made under
+letter of marque.  When all was settled by the Treaty of St
+Germain-en-Laye (March 1632) Quebec and Port Royal became once more
+French--to the profound discontent of the Kirkes and Sir William
+Alexander,[2] but with such joy on the part of Champlain as only
+patriots can know who have given a lifelong service to their country.
+
+Having regained Canada, Richelieu was forced to decide what he would do
+with it.  {128} In certain important respects the situation had changed
+since 1627, when he founded the Company of New France.  Then Gustavus
+Adolphus and the Swedes were not a factor in the dire strife which was
+convulsing Europe.[3]  In 1632 the political problems of Western and
+Central Europe had assumed an aspect quite different from that which
+they had worn five years earlier.  More and more France was drawn into
+the actual conflict of the Thirty Years' War, impelled by a sense of
+new and unparalleled opportunity to weaken the House of Hapsburg.
+This, in turn, meant the preoccupation of Richelieu with European
+affairs, and a heavy drain upon the resources of France in order to
+meet the cost of her more ambitious foreign policy.  Thus the duel with
+Austria, as it progressed during the last decade of the cardinal's
+life, meant a fresh check to {129} those colonial prospects which
+seemed so bright in 1627.
+
+Richelieu's first step in resuming possession of Canada was to compose
+matters between the De Caëns and the Company of New France.  Emery de
+Caën and his associates were given the trading rights for 1632 and
+79,000 livres as compensation for their losses through the revocation
+of the monopoly.  Dating from the spring of 1633, the Company of New
+France was to be placed in full possession of Canada, subject to
+specific obligations regarding missions and colonists.  Conformably
+with this programme, Emery de Caën appeared at Quebec on July 5, 1632,
+with credentials empowering him to receive possession from Lewis and
+Thomas Kirke, the representatives of England.  With De Caën came Paul
+Le Jeune and two other Jesuits, a vanguard of the missionary band which
+was to convert the savages.  'We cast anchor,' says Le Jeune, 'in front
+of the fort which the English held; we saw at the foot of this fort the
+poor settlement of Quebec all in ashes.  The English, who came to this
+country to plunder and not to build up, not only burned a greater part
+of the detached buildings which Father Charles Lalemant had {130}
+erected, but also all of that poor settlement of which nothing is now
+to be seen but the ruins of its stone walls.'
+
+The season of 1632 thus belonged to De Caën, whose function was merely
+to tie up loose ends and prepare for the establishment of the new
+régime.  The central incident of the recession was the return of
+Champlain himself--an old man who had said a last farewell to France
+and now came, as the king's lieutenant, to end his days in the land of
+his labours and his hopes.  If ever the oft-quoted last lines of
+Tennyson's _Ulysses_ could fitly be claimed by a writer on behalf of
+his hero, they apply to Champlain as he sailed from the harbour of
+Dieppe on March 23, 1633.
+
+            Come, my friends,
+  'Tis not too late to seek a newer world.
+  Push off, and sitting well in order smite
+  The sounding furrows; for my purpose holds
+  To sail beyond the sunset, and the baths
+  Of all the western stars until I die.
+
+  Tho' much is taken, much abides; and tho'
+  We are not now that strength which in old days
+  Moved earth and heaven; that which we are, we are;
+  One equal temper of heroic hearts,
+  Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will
+  To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.
+
+
+It was Champlain's reward that he saw {131} Quebec once more under the
+fleur-de-lis, and was welcomed by the Indians with genuine emotion.
+The rhetorical gifts of the red man were among his chief endowments,
+and all that eloquence could lavish was poured forth in honour of
+Champlain at the council of the Hurons, who had come to Quebec for
+barter at the moment of his return.  The description of this council is
+one of the most graphic passages in Le Jeune's _Relations_.  A captain
+of the Hurons first arose and explained the purpose of the gathering.
+'When this speech was finished all the Savages, as a sign of their
+approval, drew from the depths of their stomachs this aspiration, _ho,
+ho, ho_, raising the last syllable very high.'  Thereupon the captain
+began another speech of friendship, alliance, and welcome to Champlain,
+followed by gifts.  Then the same captain made a third speech, which
+was followed by Champlain's reply--a harangue well adapted to the
+occasion.  But the climax was reached in the concluding orations of two
+more Huron chiefs.  'They vied with each other in trying to honour
+Sieur de Champlain and the French, and in testifying their affection
+for us.  One of them said that when the French were absent the earth
+was no longer the earth, the river was {132} no longer the river, the
+sky was no longer the sky; but upon the return of Sieur de Champlain
+everything was as before: the earth was again the earth, the river was
+again the river, and the sky was again the sky.'
+
+Thus welcomed by the savages, Champlain resumed his arduous task.  He
+was establishing Quebec anew and under conditions quite unlike those
+which had existed in 1608.  The most notable difference was that the
+Jesuits were now at hand to aid in the upbuilding of Canada.  The
+Quebec of De Monts and De Caën had been a trading-post, despite the
+efforts of the Récollets and Jesuits to render it the headquarters of a
+mission.  Undoubtedly there existed from the outset a desire to convert
+the Indians, but as a source of strength to the colony this disposition
+effected little until the return of the Jesuits in 1632.
+
+With the re-establishment of the Jesuit mission the last days of
+Champlain are inseparably allied.  A severe experience had proved that
+the colonizing zeal of the crown was fitful and uncertain.  Private
+initiative was needed to supplement the official programme, and of such
+initiative the supply seemed scanty.  The fur traders notoriously
+shirked their obligations to enlarge the colony, {133} and after 1632
+the Huguenots, who had a distinct motive for emigrating, were forbidden
+by Richelieu to settle in Canada.  There remained the enthusiasm of the
+Jesuits and the piety of those in France who supplied the funds for
+their work among the Montagnais, the Hurons, and the Iroquois.  As the
+strongest order in the Roman Catholic Church, the Jesuits possessed
+resources which enabled them to maintain an active establishment in
+Canada.  Through them Quebec became religious, and their influence
+permeated the whole colony as its population increased and the zone of
+occupation grew wider.  Le Jeune, Lalemant, Brébeuf, and Jogues are
+among the outstanding names of the restored New France.
+
+During the last two years of his life Champlain lived patriarchally at
+Quebec, administering the public affairs of the colony and lending its
+religious impulses the strength of his support and example.  Always a
+man of serious mind, his piety was confirmed by the reflections of
+advancing age and his daily contact with the missionaries.  In his
+household there was a service of prayer three times daily, together
+with reading at supper from the lives of the saints.  In pursuance of a
+vow, he built a chapel named Notre Dame de la {134} Recouvrance, which
+records the gratitude he felt for the restoration of Quebec to France.
+He was, in short, the ideal layman--serving his king loyally in all
+business of state, and demeaning himself as a pilgrim who is about to
+set forth for the City of God.
+
+It is not to be inferred from the prominence of Champlain's religious
+interests that he neglected his public duties, which continued to be
+many and exacting.  One of his problems was to prevent the English from
+trading in the St Lawrence contrary to treaty; another was to
+discourage the Hurons from selling their furs to the Dutch on the
+Hudson.  The success of the mission, which he had deeply at heart,
+implied the maintenance of peace among the Indians who were friendly to
+the French.  He sought also to police the region of the Great Lakes by
+a band of French soldiers, and his last letter to Richelieu (dated
+August 15, 1635) contains an earnest appeal for a hundred and twenty
+men, to whom should be assigned the duty of marshalling the Indian
+allies against the English and Dutch, as well as of preserving order
+throughout the forest.  The erection of a fort at Three Rivers in 1634
+was due to his desire that the annual barter should take place at {135}
+a point above Quebec.  A commission which he issued in the same year to
+Jean Nicolet to explore the country of the Wisconsins, shows that his
+consuming zeal for exploration remained with him to the end.
+
+It was permitted Champlain to die in harness.  He remained to the last
+lieutenant of the king in Canada.  At the beginning of October 1635 he
+was stricken with paralysis, and passed away on Christmas Day of the
+same year.  We do not possess the oration which Father Paul Le Jeune
+delivered at his funeral, but there remains from Le Jeune's pen an
+appreciation of his character in terms which to Champlain himself would
+have seemed the highest praise.
+
+
+On the twenty-fifth of December, the day of the birth of our Saviour
+upon earth, Monsieur de Champlain, our Governor, was reborn in Heaven;
+at least we can say that his death was full of blessings.  I am sure
+that God has shown him this favour in consideration of the benefits he
+has procured for New France, where we hope some day God will be loved
+and served by our French, and known and adored by our Savages.  Truly
+he had led a life of great justice, equity, and perfect loyalty to his
+King and towards the Gentlemen of the Company.  But at his death he
+crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so lofty that he
+astonished us all.  What tears he shed! how {136} ardent became his
+zeal for the service of God! how great was his love for the families
+here!--saying that they must be vigorously assisted for the good of the
+Country, and made comfortable in every possible way in these early
+stages, and that he would do it if God gave him health.  He was not
+taken unawares in the account which he had to render unto God, for he
+had long ago prepared a general Confession of his whole life, which he
+made with great contrition to Father Lalemant, whom he honoured with
+his friendship.  The Father comforted him throughout his sickness,
+which lasted two months and a half, and did not leave him until his
+death.  He had a very honourable burial, the funeral procession being
+formed of the people, the soldiers, the captains, and the churchmen.
+Father Lalemant officiated at this burial, and I was charged with the
+funeral oration, for which I did not lack material.  Those whom he left
+behind have reason to be well satisfied with him; for, though he died
+out of France, his name will not therefor be any less glorious to
+posterity.
+
+
+
+[1] Gabriel Hanotaux, member of the French Academy, is the author of
+the most authoritative work on the life and times of Richelieu.
+
+[2] Alexander had received grants from the British crown in 1621 and
+1625 which covered the whole coast from St Croix Island to the St
+Lawrence.
+
+[3] At this period the largest interest in European politics was the
+rivalry between France and the House of Hapsburg, which held the
+thrones of Spain and Austria.  This rivalry led France to take an
+active part in the Thirty Years' War, even though her allies in that
+struggle were Protestants.  Between 1627, when the Company of New
+France was founded, and 1632, when Canada was restored to France, the
+Swedes under Gustavus Adolphus had won a series of brilliant victories
+over the Catholic and Hapsburg forces in Germany.  After the death of
+Gustavus Adolphus in 1632, Richelieu attacked the Emperor Ferdinand II
+in great force, thereby conquering Alsace.
+
+
+
+
+{137}
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S WRITINGS AND CHARACTER
+
+There are some things that speak for themselves.  In attempting to
+understand Champlain's character, we are first met by the fact that he
+pursued unflinchingly his appointed task.  For thirty-two years he
+persevered, amid every kind of hardship, danger, and discouragement, in
+the effort to build up New France.  He had personal ambitions as an
+explorer, which were kept in strict subordination to his duty to the
+king.  He possessed concentration of aim without fanaticism.  His
+signal unselfishness was adorned by a patience which equalled that of
+Marlborough.  Inspired by large ideals, he did not scorn imperfect
+means.
+
+Thus there are certain large aspects of Champlain's character that
+stand forth in the high light of deed, and do not depend for their
+effect either upon his own words or those of others.  But when once we
+have paid tribute {138} to the fine, positive qualities which are
+implied by his accomplishment, we must hasten to recognize the
+extraordinary value of his writings as an index to his mind and soul.
+His narrative is not an epic of disaster.  It is a plain and even
+statement of great dangers calmly met and treated as a matter of
+course.  Largely it is a record of achievement.  At points where it is
+a record of failure Champlain accepts the inevitable gracefully and
+conforms his emotions to the will of God.  The _Voyages_ reveal a
+strong man 'well four-squared to the blows of fortune.'  They also
+illustrate the virtue of muscular Christianity.
+
+At a time which, like ours, is becoming sated with cleverness, it is a
+delight to read the unvarnished story of Champlain.  In saying that the
+adjective is ever the enemy of the noun, Voltaire could not have
+levelled the shaft at him, for few writers have been more sparing in
+their use of adjectives or other glowing words.  His love of the sea
+and of the forest was profound, but he is never emotional in his
+expressions.  Yet with all his soberness and steadiness he possessed
+imagination.  In its strength and depth his enthusiasm for colonization
+proves this, even if we omit his picture of the fancied Ludovica.  But
+{139} as a man of action rather than of letters he instinctively omits
+verbiage.  In some respects we suffer from Champlain's directness of
+mind, for on much that he saw he could have lingered with profit.  But
+very special inducements are needed to draw him from his plain tale
+into a digression.  Such inducements occur at times when he is writing
+of the Indians, for he recognized that Europe was eager to hear in full
+detail of their traits and customs.  Thus set passages of description,
+inserted with a sparing hand, seemed to him a proper element of the
+text, but anything like conscious embellishment of the narrative he
+avoids--probably more through mere naturalness than conscious
+self-repression.
+
+From Marco Polo to Scott's _Journal_ the literature of geographical
+discovery abounds with classics, and standards of comparison suggest
+themselves in abundance to the critic of Champlain's _Voyages_.  Most
+naturally, of course, one turns to the records of American exploration
+in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries--to Ramusio, Oviedo, Peter
+Martyr, Hakluyt, and Purchas.  No age can show a more wonderful galaxy
+of pioneers than that which extends from Columbus to La Salle, and
+among the great explorers of this era {140} Champlain takes his place
+by virtue alike of his deeds and writings.  In fact, he belongs to the
+small and distinguished class of those who have recorded their own
+discoveries in a suitable and authentic narrative, for in few cases
+have geographical results of equal moment been described by the
+discoverer himself.
+
+Among the many writings which are available for comparison and contrast
+one turns, singularly yet inevitably, to Lescarbot.  The singularity of
+a comparison between Champlain and Lescarbot is that Lescarbot was not
+a geographer.  At the same time, he is the only writer of importance
+whose trail crosses that of Champlain, and some light is thrown on
+Champlain's personality by a juxtaposition of texts.  That is to say,
+both were in Acadia at the same time, sat together at Poutrincourt's
+table, gazed on the same forests and clearings, met the same Indians,
+and had a like opportunity of considering the colonial problems which
+were thrust upon the French in the reign of Henry IV.
+
+It would be hard to find narratives more dissimilar,--and the contrast
+is not wholly to the advantage of Champlain.  Or rather, there are
+times when his Doric simplicity of style {141} seems jejune beside the
+flowing periods and picturesque details of Lescarbot.  No better
+illustration of this difference in style, arising from fundamental
+difference in temperament, can be found than the description which each
+gives of the _Ordre de Bon Temps_.  To Champlain belongs the credit of
+inventing this pleasant means of promoting health and banishing ennui,
+but all he tells of it is this: 'By the rules of the Order a chain was
+put, with some little ceremony, on the neck of one of our company,
+commissioning him for the day to go a-hunting.  The next day it was
+conferred upon another, and thus in succession.  All exerted themselves
+to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home the finest
+game.  We found this a very good arrangement, as did also the savages
+who were with us.'
+
+Such is the limit of the information which we receive from Champlain
+regarding the _Ordre de Bon Temps_, his own invention and the life of
+the company.  It is reserved for Lescarbot to give us the picture which
+no one can forget--the Atoctegic, or ruler of the feast, leading the
+procession to dinner 'napkin on shoulder, wand of office in hand, and
+around his neck the collar of the Order, which was worth more than four
+crowns; after him all the {142} members of the Order, carrying each a
+dish.'  Around stand the savages, twenty or thirty of them, 'men,
+women, girls, and children,' all waiting for scraps of food.  At the
+table with the French themselves sits the Sagamos Membertou and the
+other Indian chiefs, gladdening the company by their presence.  And the
+food!--'ducks, bustards, grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and
+other birds; moreover moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits,
+wild-cats, racoons, and other animals,' the whole culminating in the
+tenderness of moose meat and the delicacy of beaver's tail.  Such are
+the items which Champlain omits and Lescarbot includes.  So it is
+throughout their respective narratives--Champlain ever gaining force
+through compactness, and Lescarbot constantly illuminating with his
+gaiety or shrewdness matters which but for him would never have reached
+us.
+
+This difference of temperament and outlook, which is so plainly
+reflected on the printed page, also had its effect upon the personal
+relations of the two men.  It was not that Lescarbot scandalized
+Champlain by his religious views, for though liberal-minded, Lescarbot
+was not a heretic, and Champlain knew how to live harmoniously even
+with Huguenots.  {143} The cause of the coolness which came to exist
+between them must be sought rather in fundamental contrasts of
+character.  To Champlain, Lescarbot doubtless seemed a mere hanger-on
+or protégé of Poutrincourt, with undue levity of disposition and a
+needless flow of conversation.  To Lescarbot, Champlain may well have
+seemed deficient in literary attainments, and so preoccupied with the
+concerns of geography as to be an uncongenial companion.  To whatever
+cause conjecture may trace it, they did not become friends, although
+such lack of sympathy as existed shows itself only in an occasional
+pin-prick, traceable particularly in the later editions of their
+writings.  For us it is the more needful to lay stress upon the merits
+of Lescarbot, because he tends to be eclipsed by the greater reputation
+of Champlain, and also because his style is sometimes so diffuse as to
+create prejudice.  But at his best he is admirable, and without him we
+should know much less than we do about that Acadian experience which
+holds such a striking place in the career of Champlain.
+
+The popular estimate of French character dwells overmuch upon the
+levity or gaiety which undoubtedly marks the Gallic race.  {144} France
+could not have accomplished her great work for the world without
+stability of purpose and seriousness of mood.  Nowhere in French
+biography are these qualities more plainly illustrated than by the acts
+of Champlain.  The doggedness with which he clung to his patriotic and
+unselfish task is the most conspicuous fact in his life.  Coupled
+therewith is his fortitude, both physical and moral.  In times of
+crisis the conscript sets his teeth and dies without a murmur.  But
+Champlain enlisted as a volunteer for a campaign which was to go on
+unceasingly till his last day.  How incessant were its dangers can be
+made out in full detail from the text of the _Voyages_.  We may omit
+the perils of the North Atlantic, though what they were can be seen
+from Champlain's description of his outward voyage in the spring of
+1611.  The remaining dangers will suffice.  Scurvy, which often claimed
+a death-roll of from forty to eighty per cent in a single winter;
+famine such as that which followed the failure of ships from home to
+arrive at the opening of navigation; the storms which drove the frail
+shallop on the rocks and shoals of Norumbega; the risk of mutiny; the
+chances of war, whether against the Indians or the English; the rapids
+{145} of the wilderness as they threatened the overloaded canoe on its
+swift descent; the possible treachery of Indian guides--such is a
+partial catalogue of the death-snares which surrounded the pathway of
+an explorer like Champlain.  Every one of these dangers is brought
+before us by his own narrative in a manner which does credit to his
+modesty no less than to his fortitude.  Without embellishment or
+self-glorification, he recites in a few lines hairbreadth escapes which
+a writer of less steadfast soul would have amplified into a thrilling
+tale of heroism.  None the less, to the discriminating reader
+Champlain's _Voyages_ are an Odyssey.
+
+Bound up with habitual fortitude is the motive from which it springs.
+In Champlain's case patriotism and piety were the groundwork of a
+conspicuous and long-tested courage.  The patriotism which exacted such
+sacrifices was not one which sought to define itself even in the form
+of a justifiable digression from the recital of events.  But we may be
+sure that Champlain at the time he left Port Royal had made up his mind
+that the Spaniards, the English, and the Dutch were not to parcel out
+the seaboard of North America to the exclusion of the French.  As for
+the religious {146} basis of his fortitude, we do not need Le Jeune's
+story of his death-bed or the record of his friendship with men of
+religion.  His narrative abounds throughout with simple and natural
+expressions of piety, not the less impressive because they are free
+from trace of the theological intolerance which envenomed French life
+in his age.  And not only did Champlain's trust in the Lord fortify his
+soul against fear, but religion imposed upon him a degree of
+self-restraint which was not common among explorers of the seventeenth
+century.  It is far from fanciful to see in this one of the chief
+causes of his hold upon the Indians.  To them he was more than a useful
+ally in war time.  They respected his sense of honour, and long after
+his death remembered the temperance which marked his conduct when he
+lived in their villages.
+
+As a writer, Champlain enjoyed the advantage of possessing a fresh,
+unhackneyed subject.  The only exception to this statement is furnished
+by his early book on the West Indies and Mexico, where he was going
+over ground already trodden by the Spaniards.  His other writings
+relate to a sphere of exploration and settlement which he made his own,
+and of which he well merited to be the chronicler.
+
+{147}
+
+Running through the _Voyages_ is the double interest of discovery and
+colonization, constantly blending and reacting upon each other, but
+still remaining matters of separate concern.  It is obvious that in the
+mind of the narrator discovery is always the more engaging theme.
+Champlain is indeed the historian of St Croix, Port Royal, and Quebec,
+but only incidentally or from chance.  By temper he was the explorer,
+that is, the man of action, willing to record the broad results, but
+without the instinct which led Lescarbot to set down the minutiae of
+life in a small, rough settlement.  There is one side of Champlain's
+activity as a colonizer which we must lament that he has not
+described--namely, his efforts to interest the nobles and prelates of
+the French court in the upbuilding of Canada.  A diary of his life at
+Paris and Fontainebleau would be among the choicest documents of the
+early colonial era.  But Champlain was too blunt and loyal to set down
+the story of his relations with the great, and for this portion of his
+life we must rely upon letters, reports, and memoranda, which are so
+formal as to lack the atmosphere of that painful but valiant experience.
+
+Excluding the brief notices of life at St Croix, {148} Port Royal, and
+Quebec, Champlain's _Voyages_ present a story of discovery by sea and
+discovery by land.  In other words, the four years of Acadian adventure
+relate to discoveries made along the seaboard, while the remaining
+narratives, including the _Des Sauvages_ of 1604, relate to the basin
+of the St Lawrence.  Mariner though he was by early training, Champlain
+achieved his chief success as an explorer by land, in the region of the
+Great Lakes.  Bad fortune prevented him from pursuing his course past
+Martha's Vineyard to the mouth of the Hudson and Chesapeake Bay.  It
+was no small achievement to accomplish what he did on the coast of
+Norumbega, but his most distinctive discoveries were those which he
+made in the wilderness, leading up to his fine experience of 1615-16
+among the Hurons.
+
+To single out Champlain's chief literary triumph, it was he who
+introduced the Algonquin, the Huron, and the Iroquois to the delighted
+attention of France.  Ever since the days of Cartier the French had
+known that savages inhabited the banks of the St Lawrence, but
+Champlain is the pioneer in that great body of literature on the North
+American Indian, which thenceforth continued without interruption in
+France to the _René_ and _Atala_ {149} of Chateaubriand.  Above all
+other subjects, the Indians are Champlain's chief theme.
+
+To some extent the account of Indian life which is given in the
+_Voyages_ suffers by comparison with the _Relations_ of the Jesuits.
+The Fathers, by reason of their long residence among the Indians,
+undoubtedly came to possess a more intimate knowledge of their
+character and customs than it was possible for Champlain to acquire
+during the time he spent among them.  On the other hand, the Jesuits
+were so preoccupied with the progress of the mission that they tended
+to view the life of the savages too exclusively from one angle.
+Furthermore, the volume of their description is so great as to
+overwhelm all readers who are not specially interested in the mission
+or the details of Indian custom.  Champlain wrote with sufficient
+knowledge to bring out salient traits in high relief, while his
+descriptive passages are sufficiently terse to come within the range of
+those who are not specialists.  When we remember the perpetual interest
+which, for more than three hundred years, Europe has felt in the North
+American Indian, the _Voyages_ of Champlain are seen in their true
+perspective.  For he, with fresh eyes, saw the red man in his wigwam,
+at his council, and on {150} the war-path; watched his stoic courage
+under torture and his inhuman cruelty in the hour of vengeance.  Tales
+of the wilderness, the canoe, the portage, and the ambush have never
+ceased to fascinate the imagination of Europe.  Champlain's narrative
+may be plain and unadorned, but, with such a groundwork, the
+imagination of every reader could supply details at will.
+
+In all essential respects Champlain seems to have been a good observer
+and an accurate chronicler.  It is true that his writings are not free
+from error involving facts of distance, altitude, and chronology.  But
+such slips as have crept into his text do not constitute a serious
+blemish or tend to impugn the good faith of his statements on matters
+where there is no other source of information.  Everything considered,
+his substantial accuracy is much more striking than his partial
+inaccuracy.  In fact, no one of his high character and disinterested
+zeal could write with any other purpose than to describe truly what he
+had seen and done.  The seal of probity is set upon Champlain's
+writings no less than upon the record of his dealings with his
+employers and the king.  Unselfish as to money or fame, he sought to
+create New France.
+
+{151}
+
+In national progress much depends on the auspices under which the
+nation was founded and the tradition which it represents.  Thus
+England, and all the English world, has an imperishable tradition in
+the deeds and character of Alfred the Great; thus Canada has had from
+the outset of the present stage in her development a great possession
+in the equal self-sacrifice of Montcalm and Wolfe.  On the other hand,
+the nation is doomed to suffer which bases its traditions of greatness
+upon such acts as the seizure of Silesia by Frederick or Bismarck's
+manipulation of the Ems telegram.
+
+For Canada Champlain is not alone a heroic explorer of the seventeenth
+century, but the founder of Quebec; and it is a rich part of our
+heritage that he founded New France in the spirit of unselfishness, of
+loyalty, and of faith.
+
+
+
+
+{152}
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+
+_Original Text_
+
+The best edition of Champlain's own works, in the original text, is
+that of Laverdière--_Oeuvres de Champlain, publiées sous le Patronage
+de l'Université Laval.  Par l'Abbé C.-H. Laverdière, M.A.  Seconde
+Edition.  6 tomes, 4to.  Quebec: Imprimé au Séminaire par Geo. B.
+Desbarats_, 1870.
+
+The list of Champlain's writings includes:
+
+1. The _Bref Discours_, describing his trip to the West Indies.
+
+2. The _Des Sauvages_, describing his first voyage to the St Lawrence.
+
+3. The _Voyages_ of 1613, covering the years 1604-13 inclusive.
+
+4. The _Voyages_ of 1619, covering the years 1615-18 inclusive.
+
+5. The _Voyages_ of 1632, which represent a re-editing of the early
+voyages from 1603 forward, and continue the narrative from 1618 to 1629.
+
+6. A general treatise on the duties of the mariner.
+
+{153}
+
+_English Translations_
+
+1. The _Bref Discours_, in a translation by Alice Wilmere, was
+published by the Hakluyt Society in 1859.
+
+2. The _Des Sauvages_ (1604) was translated in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_
+(1625).
+
+3. The _Voyages_ of 1604-18 inclusive were translated by C. P. Otis for
+the Prince Society of Boston, in three volumes, 1878-82, with the Rev.
+E. F. Slafter as editor.  This is a fine work, but not easily
+accessible in its original form.  Fortunately, Professor Otis's
+translation has been reprinted, with an introduction and notes by
+Professor W. L. Grant, in the _Original Narratives of Early American
+History_ (Scribners, 1907).  The passages quoted in the present volume
+are taken from Otis's translation, with occasional changes.
+
+4. The _Voyages_ of 1604-16 inclusive have also been well translated by
+Annie Nettleton Bourne, with an introduction and notes by Professor E.
+G. Bourne (A. S. Barnes and Co., 1906).  This translation follows the
+edition of 1632, and also gives the translation of _Des Sauvages_ which
+appears in Purchas.
+
+
+_General Literature_
+
+The career of Champlain is treated in many historical works, of which
+the following are a {154} few: Parkman, _Pioneers of France in the New
+World_; Dionne, _Samuel de Champlain_ (in the 'Makers of Canada'
+series); Biggar, _Early Trading Companies of New France_, Slafter,
+_Champlain_ (in Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History of America_,
+vol. iv, part i, chap. iii); Salone, _La Colonisation de la
+Nouvelle-France_; Suite, _Histoire des Canadiens-Français_; Ferland,
+_Cours d'Histoire du Canada_; Garneau, _Histoire du Canada_, fifth
+edition, edited by the author's grandson, Hector Garneau.
+
+
+_Portrait_
+
+Unfortunately, there is no authentic portrait of Champlain.  That
+ascribed to Moncornet is undoubtedly spurious, as has been proved by V.
+H. Paltsits in _Acadiensis_, vol. iv, pp. 306-11.
+
+
+
+
+{155}
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Acadia, 22-3; the first French colony in, 24, 34-7, 40-8, 52-5;
+abandoned, 56-8.
+
+Alexander, Sir William, his interest in Acadia, 127 and note.
+
+Algonquins, the, 68-9, 86-7, 101-2, 113-14; their expedition against
+the Iroquois, 87-96.
+
+America, early opinions regarding, 13.
+
+Armouchiquois, the, 38, 39-40, 49-52.
+
+
+Basques, the, 56 n.; defy French trading monopoly at Tadoussac, 63, 64.
+
+Boyer, his public apology to Champlain, 78-9.
+
+Brulé, Étienne, explorer and interpreter, 97-8.
+
+
+Caën, Emery de, represents France in the restoration of Quebec, 129.
+
+Caën, William and Emery de, granted a monopoly in New France, 79-80,
+117, 119-20; deprived of their charter, 122; monopoly restored, 129-30.
+
+Cartier, Jacques, 61.
+
+Champdoré, with Champlain at Port Royal, 46.
+
+Champlain, Samuel de, his birth and parentage, 2-3; serves in the Wars
+of the League, 6-8; his voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, 8-10; his
+first voyage to the St Lawrence, 11-12, 16, 19-21; with De Monts'
+expedition to Acadia, 23, 26-43; his work at Port Royal, 43-6; with
+Poutrincourt's exploring expedition, 47-52; founds the Order of Good
+Cheer at Port Royal, 52-4; his second voyage to the St Lawrence and the
+founding of Quebec, 59-68, 81, 82-3, 123; a conspiracy to kill him,
+64-5; his habitation, 66-7; his Indian policy, 68-70, 87, 97, 104-5;
+organizes a trading company in France and secures a monopoly, becoming
+lieutenant-general of New France, 71-5; his difficulties with his
+company, 77-80; his expedition with the Algonquins against the
+Iroquois, 87-96, 101-2; his marriage, 117-18; is grossly deceived by
+Nicolas Vignau, 98-104; wounded in expedition with the Hurons against
+the Onondagas, 104-12; winters with the Hurons, 112-15, 146, 148-50;
+his work as king's lieutenant in Quebec, 116-17, 119, 134; captured and
+taken to London, 124-6, 127; his reception on his return to Quebec,
+130-1; his last years and death, 133-6; his writings and character,
+84-5, 137-51, 152-3; a comparison with Lescarbot, 55-7, 140-3; his
+patriotism, 12, 62, 78, 84; his strong geographical instinct, 9-10, 20,
+26-7, 29, 55, 139-40, 148; his ambition to discover a westerly route to
+the East, 26, 62, 69, 84, 97, 103; his explorations, 21, 30, 35-6,
+38-40, 41, 44, 47-9, 84-6, 96, 99-101, 105-8.
+
+Champlain, Madame, 117-18.
+
+Champlain's Company, its charter, 74-5; its treatment of Louis Hébert
+and failure to encourage colonization, 76-8; deprived of its monopoly,
+79.
+
+Chastes, Aymar de, 24; sends Champlain on his first voyage to the St
+Lawrence, 11-12, 16, 19, 20-1.
+
+Chauvin, Pierre, secures monopoly of the fur trade in the St Lawrence,
+16, 18-19, 62.
+
+Coligny, Admiral de, his interest in New France, 14.
+
+Colombo, Don Francisco, and Champlain, 8.
+
+Company of One Hundred Associates, founding of the, 122-3, 129;
+disaster befalls it, 124, 125.
+
+Condé, Prince de, viceroy of Canada, 73-4, 75, 78.
+
+
+Duval, Jean, his plot to kill Champlain, 64; suffers death, 65.
+
+
+France, and the Wars of the League, 6-8; her colonization policy,
+10-11, 15, 17, 18, 25, 28, 61-2, 117, 121, 132; and trading monopolies
+in New France, 19 and note, 26-7, 56-57, 79, 80; her magnificent
+opportunity of colonial expansion, 31-3; the Huguenot revolt at La
+Rochelle, 123-4; war with Britain, 124-6; her rivalry with the House of
+Hapsburg, 121, 128 and note; her colonial policy retarded by her
+ambitious foreign policy, 127-9.
+
+
+Georgian Bay, Champlain at, 105-6.
+
+Gosnold,  Bartholomew, an English navigator, 13, 16.
+
+Great Britain, her colonization policy, 14-15; founds a colony in
+America, 16-17, 33, 82; her capture of New France, 124-7.
+
+
+Hébert, Louis, in Acadia, 28, 29; scurvily treated by Champlain's
+Company, 76-7; his farm in Quebec, 67, 80-1.
+
+Henry IV, 7, 8; his interest in colonial expansion, 10-11, 17, 18, 24,
+25, 60, 121; assassinated, 71.
+
+Holland, her interest in America, 14-16, 17.
+
+Hudson, Henry, explorer, 17, 66, 95 n.
+
+Huguenots, the, forbidden to settle in New France, 133.
+
+Hurons, the, 68-9, 113-14; their expedition against the Onondagas,
+104-12; their welcome to Champlain on his return to Quebec, 130-1.
+
+
+Indians, their tactics when on a war expedition, 89-92; when
+retreating,  110-11; some customs of, 95, 102; missions to, 132-3, 134.
+
+Iroquois, and Champlain, 68-9; their battle with the Algonquins, 91-5,
+97; with the Hurons, 108-10.
+
+
+James I, and colonization, 16, 17.
+
+Jeannin, President, and Champlain, 74.
+
+Jesuits, established at Quebec, 118-19, 129, 132, 133, 149.
+
+
+Kirke, Jarvis or Gervase, and his sons, their expedition against New
+France, 124-6, 127.
+
+Kirke, Lewis, his capture of Quebec, 124-6; restores it to France, 129.
+
+Kirke, Thomas, 124; with his brother represents England in the
+restoration of Quebec, 129.
+
+
+Lake Champlain, discovery of, 86, 91, 96-7.
+
+Lalemant, Father Charles, at Quebec, 129, 133, 136.
+
+La Roche, his colony on Sable Island, 18.
+
+La Rochelle, revolt of, 123-4.
+
+Le Caron,  Father Joseph, among the Hurons, 105.
+
+Le Jeune, Father Paul, his arrival at Quebec, 129, 131, 133;  his
+appreciation  of Champlain, 135-6.
+
+Lescarbot, Marc, 28, 29, 55-6; quoted on De Monts' colony in Acadia,
+30, 47, 52, 52-4, 57-8; a comparison with Champlain, 55, 140-3.
+
+
+Marais, Des, with Champlain in New France, 87, 88.
+
+Marsolet, Nicolas, a guide and interpreter, 97-8.
+
+Micmacs, the, 38.
+
+Montagnais, the, 86 n., 93, 96.
+
+Montmorency, Duke of, 26-7; viceroy of Canada, 78, 79, 80.
+
+Monts, Sieur de, 16, 24; his trading company and monopoly, 22 n., 25-7,
+28, 29, 56-7, 60-1, 68; his colonizing expedition to Acadia, 23, 28-43;
+equips Champlain's expedition to the St Lawrence, 60-1, 62-3, 70-2;
+member of Champlain's Company, 75.
+
+
+New France, 23; and the trading companies, 19 and note; explorations
+in, 21, 23, 84; religious strife in, 117; the Huguenots forbidden to
+settle in, 117, 123, 133; surrendered to Britain, 126; restored to
+France, 127; progress in retarded by the Thirty Years' War, 128-9.
+
+Nicolet, Jean, an explorer and interpreter, 98, 135.
+
+Norumbega, what it comprised, 28 n., 36.
+
+
+Onondagas, the, 104, 108-10.
+
+
+Pontgravé, Sieur du, his voyages to New France, 20 and note; with De
+Monts' expedition to Acadia, 28, 31, 37, 42; left in command at Port
+Royal, 43-6; with Champlain in the St Lawrence, 61, 63, 65, 68, 87.
+
+Port Mouton, De Monts' expedition at, 29-31.
+
+Port Royal, the French colony at, 34, 40-6, 47; Order of Good Cheer
+founded, 52-4; colony abandoned, but re-established, 56-8; captured by
+the British, 76.
+
+Poutrincourt, Seigneur de, with De Monts in Acadia, 28-9, 31, 41-2; his
+colonizing expedition to Port Royal, 46-56, 58.
+
+Prevert, a mariner of St Malo, 20, 34.
+
+
+Quebec, 59-60, 62, 81; Champlain reaches, 64, 66-7; hard times in,
+67-8, 83, 87; two bright spots, 80-1; captured by the Kirkes, 124-6;
+restored to France, 127.
+
+
+Raleigh, Sir Walter, his colony in America, 14, 16.
+
+Ralleau, with Champlain in Acadia, 30, 46.
+
+Récollets, the, in New France, 80, 119.
+
+Richelieu, Cardinal, his energetic colonial policy, 120-3, 129, 133;
+succumbs to European interests, 124, 127-8 n.
+
+
+Sagard, Gabriel, a Récollet missionary, 77.
+
+St Croix, the French colony at, 34-5, 37.
+
+St Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 127.
+
+St Lawrence, the, 22, 61-2; Champlain's explorations of, 21, 84.
+
+Soissons, Comte de, and Champlain, 73.
+
+Spain, her early conquests in America, 8, 12-13.
+
+Sully, Duc de, opposes French colonization, 17, 25, 61, 121.
+
+Suza, treaty of, 126.
+
+
+Tessouät, an Algonquin chief, 102.
+
+Thirty Years' War, its effect on New France, 128 and note.
+
+Three Rivers, erection of fort at, 134.
+
+
+Ventadour, Duc de, viceroy of New France, 116, 117.
+
+Vignau, Nicolas, 97; deceives Champlain with a story of the North Sea,
+98-101; his punishment, 103-4.
+
+
+Wars of the League, the, 6-8.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+  Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty
+  at the Edinburgh University Press
+
+
+
+
+THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA
+
+THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES ILLUSTRATED
+
+Edited by GEORGE M. WRONG and H. H. LANGTON
+
+
+
+THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA
+
+PART I
+
+THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS
+
+1.  THE DAWN OF CANADIAN HISTORY
+    By Stephen Leacock.
+
+2.  THE MARINER OF ST MALO
+    By Stephen Leacock.
+
+
+PART II
+
+THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE
+
+3.  THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE
+    By Charles W. Colby.
+
+4.  THE JESUIT MISSIONS
+    By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.
+
+5.  THE SEIGNEURS OF OLD CANADA
+    By William Bennett Munro.
+
+6.  THE GREAT INTENDANT
+    By Thomas Chapais.
+
+7.  THE FIGHTING GOVERNOR
+    By Charles W. Colby.
+
+
+PART III
+
+THE ENGLISH INVASION
+
+8.  THE GREAT FORTRESS
+    By William Wood.
+
+9.  THE ACADIAN EXILES
+    By Arthur G. Doughty.
+
+10.  THE PASSING OF NEW FRANCE
+     By William Wood.
+
+11.  THE WINNING OF CANADA
+     By William Wood.
+
+
+PART IV
+
+THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA
+
+12.  THE FATHER OF BRITISH CANADA
+     By William Wood.
+
+13.  THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS
+     By W. Stewart Wallace.
+
+14.  THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
+     By William Wood.
+
+
+PART V
+
+THE RED MAN IN CANADA
+
+15.  THE WAR CHIEF OF THE OTTAWAS
+     By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.
+
+16.  THE WAR CHIEF OF THE SIX NATIONS
+     By Louis Aubrey Wood.
+
+17.  TECUMSEH: THE LAST GREAT LEADER OF HIS PEOPLE
+     By Ethel T. Raymond.
+
+
+PART VI
+
+PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST
+
+18.  THE 'ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND' ON HUDSON BAY
+     By Agnes C. Laut.
+
+19.  PATHFINDERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS
+     By Lawrence J. Burpee.
+
+20.  ADVENTURERS OF THE FAR NORTH
+     By Stephen Leacock.
+
+21.  THE RED RIVER COLONY
+     By Louis Aubrey Wood.
+
+22.  PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC COAST
+     By Agnes C. Laut.
+
+23.  THE CARIBOO TRAIL
+     By Agnes C. Laut.
+
+
+PART VII
+
+THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM
+
+24.  THE FAMILY COMPACT
+     By W. Stewart Wallace.
+
+25.  THE 'PATRIOTES' OF '37
+     By Alfred D. DeCelles.
+
+26.  THE TRIBUNE OF NOVA SCOTIA
+     By William Lawson Grant.
+
+27.  THE WINNING OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT
+     By Archibald MacMechan.
+
+
+PART VIII
+
+THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY
+
+28.  THE FATHERS OF CONFEDERATION
+     By A. H. U. Colquhoun.
+
+29.  THE DAY OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD
+     By Sir Joseph Pope.
+
+30.  THE DAY OF SIR WILFRID LAURIER
+     By Oscar D. Skelton.
+
+
+PART IX
+
+NATIONAL HIGHWAYS
+
+31.  ALL AFLOAT
+     By William Wood.
+
+32.  THE RAILWAY BUILDERS
+     By Oscar D. Skelton.
+
+
+
+TORONTO: GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Founder of New France, by Charles W. Colby
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+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Founder of New France, by Charles W. Colby
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Founder of New France
+       A Chronicle of Champlain
+
+Author: Charles W. Colby
+
+Release Date: October 15, 2009 [EBook #30257]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="img-frontt"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<A HREF="images/img-front.jpg">
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-frontt.jpg" ALT="THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER--PORT ROYAL, 1606-7.  From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys" BORDER="2" WIDTH="477" HEIGHT="694">
+</A>
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 477px">
+THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER&mdash;PORT ROYAL, 1606-7.  <BR>
+From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<H1 ALIGN="center">
+THE FOUNDER OF
+<BR>
+NEW FRANCE
+</H1>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H2 ALIGN="center">
+A Chronicle of Champlain
+</H2>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+BY
+</H3>
+
+<H2 ALIGN="center">
+CHARLES W. COLBY
+</H2>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+TORONTO
+<BR>
+GLASGOW, BROOK &amp; COMPANY
+<BR>
+1915
+</H3>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<H5 ALIGN="center">
+Copyright in all Countries subscribing to<BR>
+the Berne Contention<BR>
+</H5>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="Pv"></A>v}</SPAN>
+
+<H2 ALIGN="center">
+CONTENTS
+</H2>
+
+<TABLE ALIGN="center" WIDTH="80%">
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top" WIDTH="10%">&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top" WIDTH="80%">&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top" WIDTH="10%">Page</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">I.&nbsp;&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#chap01">CHAMPLAIN'S EARLY YEARS</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">   1</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">II.&nbsp;&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#chap02">CHAMPLAIN IN ACADIA</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">  22</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">III.&nbsp;&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#chap03">CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">   59</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">IV.&nbsp;&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#chap04">CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">  84</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">V.&nbsp;&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#chap05">CHAMPLAIN'S LAST YEARS</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top"> 116</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">VI.&nbsp;&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#chap06">CHAMPLAIN'S WRITINGS AND CHARACTER</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">  137</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#biblio">BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">  152</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">&nbsp;</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#index">INDEX</A></TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">  155</TD>
+</TR>
+
+</TABLE>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="Pvii"></A>vii}</SPAN>
+
+<H2 ALIGN="center">
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+</H2>
+
+<TABLE ALIGN="center" WIDTH="80%">
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top" WIDTH="80%">
+<A HREF="#img-frontt">THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER&mdash;PORT ROYAL, 1606-7</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top" WIDTH="20%">
+<I>Frontispiece</I>
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#img-004">PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET.</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;(See Bibliographical Note, p. 154) <BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;From Laverdière's 'Champlain' in M'Gill University Library.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">
+ <I>Facing page</I> 4
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#img-036t">COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Map by Bartholomew.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">
+"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 36
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#img-064">CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION AT QUEBEC</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;From Laverdière's 'Champlain' in M'Gill University Library.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">
+"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 64
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#img-074">HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ,<BR>
+VICEROY OF NEW FRANCE</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;From Laverdière's 'Champlain' in M'Gill University Library.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">
+"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 74
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#img-086">THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;From a drawing by J. D. Kelly in the Château de Ramezay, Montreal.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">
+"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 86
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+<TR>
+<TD ALIGN="left" VALIGN="top">
+<A HREF="#img-106t">CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16</A><BR>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Map by Bartholomew.
+</TD>
+<TD ALIGN="right" VALIGN="top">
+"&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 106
+</TD>
+</TR>
+
+</TABLE>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap01"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P1"></A>1}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+CHAPTER I
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+CHAMPLAIN'S EARLY YEARS
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+Were there a Who's Who in History its chronicle of Champlain's life and
+deeds would run as follows:
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+Champlain, Samuel de.  Explorer, geographer, and colonizer.  Born in
+1567 at Brouage, a village on the Bay of Biscay.  Belonged by parentage
+to the lesser gentry of Saintonge.  In boyhood became imbued with a
+love of the sea, but also served as a soldier in the Wars of the
+League.  Though an enthusiastic Catholic, was loyal to Henry of
+Navarre.  On the Peace of Vervins (1598) returned to the sea, visiting
+the Spanish West Indies and Mexico.  Between 1601 and 1603 wrote his
+first book&mdash;the <I>Bref Discours</I>.  In 1603 made his first voyage to the
+St Lawrence, which he ascended as far as the Lachine Rapids.  From 1604
+to 1607 was actively engaged in the attempt of De Monts to establish a
+French colony in Acadia, at the same time exploring the seaboard from
+Cape Breton to Martha's Vineyard.  Returned to the St Lawrence in 1608
+and founded Quebec.  In 1609 discovered Lake Champlain, and fought his
+first battle with the Iroquois.  In 1613 ascended the Ottawa to a point
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P2"></A>2}</SPAN>
+above Lac Coulange.  In 1615 reached Georgian Bay and was induced
+to accompany the Hurons, with their allies, on an unsuccessful
+expedition into the country of the Iroquois.  From 1617 to 1629
+occupied chiefly in efforts to strengthen the colony at Quebec and
+promote trade on the lower St Lawrence.  Taken a captive to London by
+Kirke in 1629 upon the surrender of Quebec, but after its recession to
+France returned (1633) and remained in Canada until his death, on
+Christmas Day 1635.  Published several important narratives describing
+his explorations and adventures.  An intrepid pioneer and the revered
+founder of New France.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Into some such terms as these would the writer of a biographical
+dictionary crowd his notice of Champlain's career, so replete with
+danger and daring, with the excitement of sailing among the uncharted
+islands of Penobscot Bay, of watching the sun descend below the waves
+of Lake Huron, of attacking the Iroquois in their palisaded stronghold,
+of seeing English cannon levelled upon the houses of Quebec.  It is not
+from a biographical dictionary that one can gain true knowledge of
+Champlain, into whose experience were crowded so many novel sights and
+whose soul was tested, year after year, by the ever-varying perils of
+the wilderness.  No life, it is true, can be fitly sketched in a
+chronological
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P3"></A>3}</SPAN>
+abridgment, but history abounds with lives which,
+while important, do not exact from a biographer the kind of detail that
+for the actions of Champlain becomes priceless.  Kant and Hegel were
+both great forces in human thought, yet throughout eighty years Kant
+was tethered to the little town of Königsberg, and Hegel did not know
+what the French were doing in Jena the day after there had been fought
+just outside a battle which smote Prussia to her knees.  The deeds of
+such men are their thoughts, their books, and these do not make a
+story.  The life of Champlain is all story.  The part of it which
+belongs to the Wars of the League is lost to us from want of records.
+But fortunately we possess in his <I>Voyages</I> the plain, direct narrative
+of his exploits in America&mdash;a source from which all must draw who would
+know him well.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The method to be pursued in this book is not that of the critical
+essay.  Nor will these pages give an account of Champlain's times with
+reference to ordinances regulating the fur trade, or to the policy of
+French kings and their ministers towards emigration.  Such subjects
+must be touched on, but here it will be only incidentally.  What may be
+taken to concern us is the spirited action of
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P4"></A>4}</SPAN>
+Champlain's middle
+life&mdash;the period which lies between his first voyage to the St Lawrence
+and his return from the land of the Onondagas.  Not that he had ended
+his work in 1616.  The unflagging efforts which he continued to put
+forth on behalf of the starving colony at Quebec demand all praise.
+But the years during which he was incessantly engaged in exploration
+show him at the height of his powers, with health still unimpaired by
+exposure and with a soul that courted the unknown.  Moreover, this is
+the period for which we have his own narrative in fullest detail.
+</P>
+
+<A NAME="img-004"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-004.jpg" ALT="PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET   (See Bibliographical Note, P. 154) From Laverdière's <I>Champlain</I> in M'Gill University Library" BORDER="2" WIDTH="478" HEIGHT="656">
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 478px">
+PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET   <BR>
+(See Bibliographical Note, P. 154) <BR>
+From Laverdière's <I>Champlain</I> in M'Gill University Library
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<P>
+Even were we seeking to set down every known fact regarding Champlain's
+early life, the task would not be long.  Parkman, in referring to his
+origin, styles him 'a Catholic gentleman,' with not even a footnote
+regarding his parentage.[<A NAME="chap01fn1text"></A><A HREF="#chap01fn1">1</A>]  Dionne, in a biography
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P5"></A>5}</SPAN>
+of nearly three
+hundred pages, does indeed mention the names of his father and mother,
+but dismisses his first twenty years in twenty lines, which say little
+more than that he learned letters and religion from the parish priest
+and a love of the sea from his father.  Nor is it easy to enlarge these
+statements unless one chooses to make guesses as to whether or not
+Champlain's parents were Huguenots because he was called Samuel, a
+favourite name with French Protestants.  And this question is not worth
+discussion, since no one has, or can, cast a doubt upon the sincerity
+of his own devotion to the Catholic faith.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+In short, Champlain by birth was neither a peasant nor a noble, but
+issued from a middle-class family; and his eyes turned towards the sea
+because his father was a mariner dwelling in the small seaport of
+Brouage.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus when a boy Champlain doubtless had lessons in navigation, but he
+did not become a sailor in the larger sense until he had first
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P6"></A>6}</SPAN>
+been
+a soldier.  His youth fell in the midst of the Catholic Revival, when
+the Church of Rome, having for fifty years been sore beset by Lutherans
+and Calvinists, began to display a reserve strength which enabled her
+to reclaim from them a large part of the ground she had lost.  But this
+result was not gained without the bitterest and most envenomed
+struggle.  If doctrinal divergence had quickened human hatreds before
+the Council of Trent, it drove them to fury during the thirty years
+that followed.  At the time of the Massacre of St Bartholomew Champlain
+was five years old.  He was seventeen when William the Silent was
+assassinated; twenty when Mary Stuart was executed at Fotheringay;
+twenty-one when the Spanish Armada sailed against England and when the
+Guises were murdered at Blois by order of Henry III; twenty-two when
+Henry III himself fell under the dagger of Jacques Clement.  The bare
+enumeration of these events shows that Champlain was nurtured in an age
+of blood and iron rather than amid those humanitarian sentiments which
+prevail in an age of religious toleration.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Finding his country a camp, or rather two camps, he became a soldier,
+and fought for ten
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P7"></A>7}</SPAN>
+years in the wretched strife to which both
+Leaguers and Huguenots so often sacrificed their love of country.  With
+Henry of Valois, Henry of Navarre, and Henry of Guise as personal foes
+and political rivals, it was hard to know where the right line of faith
+and loyalty lay; but Champlain was both a Catholic and a king's man,
+for whom all things issued well when Henry of Navarre ceased to be a
+heretic, giving France peace and a throne.  It is unfortunate that the
+details of these adventurous years in Champlain's early manhood should
+be lost.  Unassisted by wealth or rank, he served so well as to win
+recognition from the king himself, but beyond the names of his
+commanders (D'Aumont, St Luc, and Brissac) there is little to show the
+nature of his exploits.[<A NAME="chap01fn2text"></A><A HREF="#chap01fn2">2</A>]  In any case, these ten years of campaigning
+were a good school for one who afterwards was to look death in the face
+a thousand times amidst the icebergs of the North Atlantic, and off the
+rocky coast of Acadia, and in the forests of the Iroquois.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+With such parentage and early experiences as have been indicated
+Champlain entered upon his career in the New World.  It is
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P8"></A>8}</SPAN>
+characteristic that he did not leave the army until his services were
+no longer needed.  At the age of thirty-one he was fortunate enough to
+be freed from fighting against his own countrymen.  In 1598 was signed
+the Peace of Vervins by which the enemies of Henry IV, both Leaguers
+and Spaniards, acknowledged their defeat.  To France the close of
+fratricidal strife came as a happy release.  To Champlain it meant also
+the dawn of a career.  Hastening to the coast, he began the long series
+of voyages which was to occupy the remainder of his life.  Indeed, the
+sea and what lay beyond it were henceforth to be his life.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The sea, however, did not at once lead Champlain to New France.
+Provençal, his uncle, held high employment in the Spanish fleet, and
+through his assistance Champlain embarked at Blavet in Brittany for
+Cadiz, convoying Spanish soldiers who had served with the League in
+France.  After three months at Seville he secured a Spanish commission
+as captain of a ship sailing for the West Indies.  Under this
+appointment it was his duty to attend Don Francisco Colombo, who with
+an armada of twenty galleons sailed in January 1599 to protect Porto
+Rico from the English.  In the maritime strife of Spain
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P9"></A>9}</SPAN>
+and England
+this expedition has no part that remains memorable.  For Champlain it
+meant a first command at sea and a first glimpse of America.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The record of this voyage was an incident of no less importance in
+Champlain's fortunes than the voyage itself.  His cruisings in the
+Spanish Main gave him material for a little book, the <I>Bref Discours</I>;
+and the <I>Bref Discours</I> in turn advanced his career.  Apart from any
+effect which it may have had in securing for him the title of
+Geographer to the King, it shows his own aspiration to be a geographer.
+Navigation can be regarded either as a science or a trade.  For
+Champlain it was plainly a science, demanding care in observation and
+faithfulness of narrative.  The <I>Bref Discours</I> was written immediately
+upon his return from the West Indies, while the events it describes
+were still fresh in mind.  Appearing at a time when colonial secrets
+were carefully guarded, it gave France a glimpse of Spanish America
+from French eyes.  For us it preserves Champlain's impressions of
+Mexico, Panama, and the Antilles.  For Champlain himself it was a
+profession of faith, a statement that he had entered upon the
+honourable occupation of navigator; in other words, that
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P10"></A>10}</SPAN>
+he was to
+be classed neither with ship-captains nor with traders, but with
+explorers and authors.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It was in March 1601 that Champlain reached France on his return from
+the West Indies.  The next two years he spent at home, occupied partly
+with the composition of his <I>Bref Discours</I> and partly with the quest
+of suitable employment.  His avowed preference for the sea and the
+reputation which he had already gained as a navigator left no doubt as
+to the sphere of his future activities, but though eager to explore
+some portion of America on behalf of the French crown, the question of
+ways and means presented many difficulties.  Chief among these was the
+fickleness of the king.  Henry IV had great political intelligence, and
+moreover desired, in general, to befriend those who had proved loyal
+during his doubtful days.  His political sagacity should have led him
+to see the value of colonial expansion, and his willingness to advance
+faithful followers should have brought Champlain something better than
+his pension and the title of Geographer.  But the problems of France
+were intricate, and what most appealed to the judgment of Henry was the
+need of domestic reorganization after a
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P11"></A>11}</SPAN>
+generation of slaughter
+which had left the land desolate.  Hence, despite momentary impulses to
+vie with Spain and England in oversea expansion, he kept to the path of
+caution, avoiding any expenditure for colonies which could be made a
+drain upon the treasury, and leaving individual pioneers to bear the
+cost of planting his flag in new lands.  In friendship likewise his
+good impulses were subject to the vagaries of a mercurial temperament
+and a marked willingness to follow the line of least resistance.  In
+the circumstances it is not strange that Champlain remained two years
+ashore.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The man to whom he owed most at this juncture was Aymar de Chastes.
+Though Champlain had served the king faithfully, his youth and birth
+prevented him from doing more than belongs to the duty of a subaltern.
+But De Chastes, as governor of Dieppe, at a time when the League seemed
+everywhere triumphant, gave Henry aid which proved to be the means of
+raising him from the dust.  It was a critical event for Champlain that
+early in 1603 De Chastes had determined to fit out an expedition to
+Canada.  Piety and patriotism seem to have been his dominant motives,
+but an opening for profit was also
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P12"></A>12}</SPAN>
+offered by a monopoly of the
+Laurentian fur trade.  During the civil wars Champlain's strength of
+character had become known at first hand to De Chastes, who both liked
+and admired him.  Then, just at the right moment, he reached
+Fontainebleau, with his good record as a soldier and the added prestige
+which had come to him from his successful voyage to the West Indies.
+He and De Chastes concluded an agreement, the king's assent was
+specially given, and in the early spring of 1603 the founder of New
+France began his first voyage to the St Lawrence.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Champlain was now definitely committed to the task of gaining for
+France a foothold in North America.  This was to be his steady purpose,
+whether fortune frowned or smiled.  At times circumstances seemed
+favourable; at other times they were most disheartening.  Hence, if we
+are to understand his life and character, we must consider, however
+briefly, the conditions under which he worked.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It cannot be said that Champlain was born out of his right time.  His
+active years coincide with the most important, most exciting period in
+the colonial movement.  At the outset Spain had gone beyond all rivals
+in the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P13"></A>13}</SPAN>
+race for the spoils of America.  The first stage was marked
+by unexampled and spectacular profits.  The bullion which flowed from
+Mexico and Peru was won by brutal cruelty to native races, but Europe
+accepted it as wealth poured forth in profusion from the mines.  Thus
+the first conception of a colony was that of a marvellous
+treasure-house where gold and silver lay piled up awaiting the arrival
+of a Cortez or a Pizarro.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Unhappily disillusion followed.  Within two generations from the time
+of Columbus it became clear that America did not yield bonanza to every
+adventurer.  Yet throughout the sixteenth century there survived the
+dream of riches to be quickly gained.  Wherever the European landed in
+America he looked first of all for mines, as Frobisher did on the
+unpromising shores of Labrador.  The precious metals proving illusive,
+his next recourse was to trade.  Hawkins sought his profit from slaves.
+The French bought furs from the Indians at Tadoussac.  Gosnold brought
+back from Cape Cod a mixed cargo of sassafras and cedar.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+But wealth from the mines and profits from a coasting trade were only a
+lure to the cupidity of Europe.  Real colonies,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P14"></A>14}</SPAN>
+containing the
+germ of a nation, could not be based on such foundations.  Coligny saw
+this, and conceived of America as a new home for the French race.
+Raleigh, the most versatile of the Elizabethans, lavished his wealth on
+the patriotic endeavour to make Virginia a strong and self-supporting
+community.  'I shall yet live to see it an English nation,' he
+wrote&mdash;at the very moment when Champlain was first dreaming of the St
+Lawrence.  Coligny and Raleigh were both constructive statesmen.  The
+one was murdered before he could found such a colony as his thought
+presaged: the other perished on the scaffold, though not before he had
+sowed the seed of an American empire.  For Raleigh was the first to
+teach that agriculture, not mines, is the true basis of a colony.  In
+itself his colony on Roanoke Island was a failure, but the idea of
+Roanoke was Raleigh's greatest legacy to the English race.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+With the dawn of the seventeenth century events came thick and fast.
+It was a time when the maritime states of Western Europe were all
+keenly interested in America, without having any clear idea of the
+problem.  Raleigh, the one man who had a grasp of the situation,
+entered upon his tragic imprisonment in the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P15"></A>15}</SPAN>
+same year that
+Champlain made his first voyage to the St Lawrence.  But while thought
+was confused and policy unsettled, action could no longer be postponed.
+The one fact which England, France, and Holland could not neglect was
+that to the north of Florida no European colony existed on the American
+coast.  Urging each of these states to establish settlements in a tract
+so vast and untenanted was the double desire to possess and to prevent
+one's neighbour from possessing.  On the other hand, caution raised
+doubts as to the balance of cost and gain.  The governments were ready
+to accept the glory and advantage, if private persons were prepared to
+take the risk.  Individual speculators, very conscious of the risk,
+demanded a monopoly of trade before agreeing to plant a colony.  But
+this caused new difficulty.  The moment a monopoly was granted,
+unlicensed traders raised an outcry and upbraided the government for
+injustice.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Such were the problems upon the successful or unsuccessful solution of
+which depended enormous national interests, and each country faced them
+according to its institutions, rulers, and racial genius.  It only
+needs a table of events to show how fully the English, the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P16"></A>16}</SPAN>
+French,
+and the Dutch realized that something must be done.  In 1600 Pierre
+Chauvin landed sixteen French colonists at Tadoussac.  On his return in
+1601 he found that they had taken refuge with the Indians.  In 1602
+Gosnold, sailing from Falmouth, skirted the coast of Norumbega from
+Casco Bay to Cuttyhunk.  In 1603 the ships of De Chastes, with
+Champlain aboard, spent the summer in the St Lawrence; while during the
+same season Martin Pring took a cargo of sassafras in Massachusetts
+Bay.  From 1604 to 1607 the French under De Monts, Poutrincourt, and
+Champlain were actively engaged in the attempt to colonize Acadia.  But
+they were not alone in setting up claims to this region.  In 1605
+Waymouth, sailing from Dartmouth, explored the mouth of the Kennebec
+and carried away five natives.  In 1606 James I granted patents to the
+London Company and the Plymouth Company which, by their terms, ran
+athwart the grant of Henry IV to De Monts.  In the same year Sir
+Ferdinando Gorges sent Pring once more to Norumbega.  In 1607 Raleigh,
+Gilbert, and George Popham made a small settlement at the mouth of the
+Sagadhoc, where Popham died during the winter.  As a result of his
+death this colony
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P17"></A>17}</SPAN>
+on the coast of Maine was abandoned, but 1607
+also saw the memorable founding of Jamestown in Virginia.  Equally
+celebrated is Champlain's founding of Quebec in 1608.  In 1609 the
+Dutch under an English captain, Henry Hudson, had their first glimpse
+of Manhattan.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This catalogue of voyages shows that an impulse existed which
+governments could not ignore.  The colonial movement was far from being
+a dominant interest with Henry IV or James I, but when their subjects
+saw fit to embark upon it privately, the crown was compelled to take
+cognizance of their acts and frame regulations.  'Go, and let whatever
+good may, come of it!' exclaimed Robert de Baudricourt as Joan of Arc
+rode forth from Vaucouleurs to liberate France.  In much the same
+spirit Henry IV saw De Monts set sail for Acadia.  The king would
+contribute nothing from the public purse or from his own.  Sully, his
+prime minister, vigorously opposed colonizing because he wished to
+concentrate effort upon domestic improvements.  He believed, in the
+second place, that there was no hope of creating a successful colony
+north of the fortieth parallel.  Thirdly, he was in the pay of the
+Dutch.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P18"></A>18}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+The most that Henry IV would do for French pioneers in America was to
+give them a monopoly of trade in return for an undertaking to transport
+and establish colonists.  In each case where a monopoly was granted the
+number of colonists was specified.  As for their quality, convicts
+could be taken if more eligible candidates were not forthcoming.  The
+sixty unfortunates landed by La Roche on Sable Island in 1598 were all
+convicts or sturdy vagrants.  Five years later only eleven were left
+alive.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+For the story of Champlain it is not necessary to touch upon the
+relations of the French government with traders at a date earlier than
+1599.  Immediately following the failure of La Roche's second
+expedition, Pierre Chauvin of Honfleur secured a monopoly which covered
+the Laurentian fur trade for ten years.  The condition was that he
+should convey to Canada fifty colonists a year throughout the full
+period of his grant.  So far from carrying out this agreement either in
+spirit or letter, he shirked it without compunction.  After three years
+the monopoly was withdrawn, less on the ground that he had failed to
+fulfil his contract than from an outcry on the part of merchants who
+desired their share of the trade.  To
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P19"></A>19}</SPAN>
+adjudicate between Chauvin
+and his rivals in St Malo and Rouen a commission was appointed at the
+close of 1602.  Its members were De Chastes, governor of Dieppe, and
+the Sieur de la Cour, first president of the Parlement of Normandy.  On
+their recommendation the terms of the monopoly were so modified as to
+admit to a share in the privilege certain leading merchants of Rouen
+and St Malo, who, however, must pay their due share in the expenses of
+colonizing.  Before the ships sailed in 1603 Chauvin had died, and De
+Chastes at once took his place as the central figure in the group of
+those to whom a new monopoly had just been conceded.[<A NAME="chap01fn3text"></A><A HREF="#chap01fn3">3</A>]
+</P>
+
+<P>
+We are now on the threshold of Champlain's career, but only on the
+threshold.  The
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P20"></A>20}</SPAN>
+voyage of 1603, while full of prophecy and
+presenting features of much interest, lacks the arduous and
+constructive quality which was to mark his greater explorations.  In
+1603 the two boats equipped by De Chastes were under the command of
+Pontgravé[<A NAME="chap01fn4text"></A><A HREF="#chap01fn4">4</A>] and Prevert, both mariners from St Malo.  Champlain sailed
+in Pontgravé's ship and was, in fact, a superior type of supercargo.
+De Chastes desired that his expedition should be self-supporting, and
+the purchase of furs was never left out of sight.  At the same time,
+his purpose was undoubtedly wider than profit, and Champlain
+represented the extra-commercial motive.  While Pontgravé was trading
+with the Indians, Champlain, as the geographer, was collecting
+information about their character, their customs, and their country.
+Their religious ideas interested him much, and also their statements
+regarding the interior of the continent.  Such data as he could collect
+between the end of May and the middle of August he embodied in a book
+called <I>Des Sauvages</I>, which, true to its title, deals
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P21"></A>21}</SPAN>
+chiefly
+with Indian life and is a valuable record, although in many regards
+superseded by the more detailed writings of the Jesuits.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The voyage of 1603 added nothing material to what had been made known
+by Jacques Cartier and the fur traders about Canada.  Champlain
+ascended the St Lawrence to the Sault St Louis[<A NAME="chap01fn5text"></A><A HREF="#chap01fn5">5</A>] and made two side
+excursions&mdash;one taking him rather less than forty miles up the Saguenay
+and the other up the Richelieu to the rapid at St Ours.  He also
+visited Gaspé, passed the Isle Percée, had his first glimpse of the
+Baie des Chaleurs, and returned to Havre with a good cargo of furs.  On
+the whole, it was a profitable and satisfactory voyage.  Though it
+added little to geographical knowledge, it confirmed the belief that
+money could be made in the fur trade, and the word brought back
+concerning the Great Lakes of the interior was more distinct than had
+before been reported.  The one misfortune of the expedition was that
+its author, De Chastes, did not live to see its success.  He had died
+less than a month before his ships reached Havre.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap01fn1"></A>
+<A NAME="chap01fn2"></A>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap01fn1text">1</A>] It is hard to define Champlain's social status in a single word.
+Parkman, besides styling him 'a Catholic gentleman,' speaks of him
+elsewhere as being 'within the pale of the noblesse.'  On the other
+hand, the <I>Biographie Saintongeoise</I> says that he came from a family of
+fishermen.  The most important facts would seem to be these.  In
+Champlain's own marriage contract his father is styled 'Antoine de
+Champlain, Capitaine de la Marine.'  The same document styles Champlain
+himself 'Samuel de Champlain.'  A petition in which he asks for a
+continuation of his pension (<I>circ.</I> 1630) styles him in its opening
+words 'Le Sieur de Champlain' and afterwards 'le dit sieur Champlain'
+in two places, while in six places it styles him 'le dit sieur de
+Champlain.'  Le Jeune calls him 'Monsieur de Champlain.'  It is clear
+that he was not a noble.  It is also clear that he possessed sufficient
+social standing to warrant the use of <I>de</I>.  On the title-page of all
+his books after 1604 he is styled the 'Sieur de Champlain.'
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap01fn2text">2</A>] He served chiefly in Brittany against the Spanish allies of the
+League, and reached the rank of quartermaster.
+</P>
+
+<A NAME="chap01fn3"></A>
+<A NAME="chap01fn4"></A>
+<A NAME="chap01fn5"></A>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap01fn3text">3</A>] The history of all the companies formed during these years for
+trade in New France is the same.  First a monopoly is granted under
+circumstances ostensibly most favourable to the Government and to the
+privileged merchants; then follow the howls of the excluded traders,
+the lack of good voluntary colonists, the transportation to the colony
+of a few beggars, criminals, or unpromising labourers; a drain on the
+company's funds in maintaining these during the long winter; a steady
+decrease in the number taken out; at length no attempt to fulfil this
+condition of the monopoly; the anger of the Government when made aware
+of the facts; and finally the sudden repeal of the monopoly several
+years before its legal termination.&mdash;H. P. Biggar, <I>Early Trading
+Companies of New France</I>, p. 49.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap01fn4text">4</A>] François Gravé, Sieur du Pont, whose name, strictly speaking, is
+Dupont-Gravé, one of the most active French navigators of the
+seventeenth century.  From 1600 to 1629 his voyages to the St Lawrence
+and Acadia were incessant.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap01fn5text">5</A>] Now called the Lachine Rapids.  An extremely important point in the
+history of New France, since it marked the head of ship navigation on
+the St Lawrence.  Constantly mentioned in the writings of Champlain's
+period.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap02"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P22"></A>22}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+CHAPTER II
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+CHAMPLAIN IN ACADIA[<A NAME="chap02fn1text"></A><A HREF="#chap02fn1">1</A>]
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+The early settlements of the French in America were divided into two
+zones by the Gulf of St Lawrence.  Considered from the standpoint of
+colonization, this great body of water has a double aspect.  In the
+main it was a vestibule to the vast region which extended westward from
+Gaspé to Lake Michigan and thence to the Mississippi.  But while a
+highway it was also a barrier, cutting off Acadia from the main route
+that led to the heart of the interior.  Port Royal, on the Bay of
+Fundy, was one centre and Quebec another.  Between them stretched
+either an impenetrable wilderness or an inland sea.  Hence Acadia
+remained separate from the Laurentian
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P23"></A>23}</SPAN>
+valley, which was the heart
+of Canada&mdash;although Acadia and Canada combined to form New France.  Of
+these two sister districts Canada was the more secure.  The fate of
+Acadia shows how much less vulnerable to English attack were Quebec,
+Three Rivers, and Montreal than the seaboard settlements of Port Royal,
+Grand Pré, and Louisbourg.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It is a striking fact that Champlain had helped to found Port Royal
+before he founded Quebec.  He was not the pioneer of Acadian
+colonization: De Monts deserves the praise of turning the first sod.
+But Champlain was a leading figure in the hard fight at St Croix and
+Port Royal; he it was who first charted in any detail the Atlantic
+seaboard from Cape Breton to Cape Cod; and his narrative joins with
+that of Lescarbot to preserve the story of the episode.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Although unprosperous, the first attempt of the French to colonize
+Acadia is among the bright deeds of their colonial history.  While the
+death of De Chastes was most inopportune, the future of the French race
+in America did not hinge upon any one man.  In 1603 fishing on the
+Grand Bank off Newfoundland was a well-established occupation of
+Normans and Bretons, the fur trade held out hope of great
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P24"></A>24}</SPAN>
+profit,
+and the spirit of national emulation supplied a motive which was
+stronger still.  Hence it is not surprising that to De Chastes there at
+once succeeds De Monts.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+As regards position they belonged to much the same class.  Both were
+men of standing, with enough capital and influence to organize an
+expedition.  In respect, however, of personality and circumstance there
+were differences.  By reason of advanced age De Chastes had been unable
+to accompany his ships, whereas De Monts was in his prime and had
+already made a voyage to the St Lawrence.  Moreover, De Monts was a
+Huguenot.  A generation later no Huguenot could have expected to
+receive a monopoly of the fur trade and a royal commission authorizing
+him to establish settlements, but Henry IV, who had once been a
+Protestant, could hardly treat his old co-religionists as Richelieu
+afterwards treated them.  The heresy of its founder was a source of
+weakness to the first French colony in Acadia, yet through a Calvinist
+it came into being.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Like De Chastes, De Monts had associates who joined with him to supply
+the necessary funds, though in 1604 the investment was greater than on
+any previous occasion, and a
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P25"></A>25}</SPAN>
+larger number were admitted to the
+benefits of the monopoly.  Not only did St Malo and Rouen secure
+recognition, but La Rochelle and St Jean de Luz were given a chance to
+participate.  De Monts' company had a capital of 90,000 livres, divided
+in shares&mdash;of which two-fifths were allotted to St Malo, two-fifths to
+La Rochelle and St Jean de Luz conjointly, and the remainder to Rouen.
+The personal investment of De Monts was somewhat more than a tenth of
+the total, as he took a majority of the stock which fell to Rouen.
+Apart from Sully's unfriendliness, the chief initial difficulty arose
+over religion.  The Parlement of Normandy refused to register De Monts'
+commission on the ground that the conversion of the heathen could not
+fitly be left to a heretic.  This remonstrance was only withdrawn after
+the king had undertaken to place the religious instruction of the
+Indians in the charge of priests&mdash;a promise which did not prevent the
+Protestant colonists from having their own pastor.  The monopoly
+contained wider privileges than before, including both Acadia and the
+St Lawrence.  At the same time, the obligation to colonize became more
+exacting, since the minimum number of new settlers per annum was raised
+from fifty to a hundred.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P26"></A>26}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's own statement regarding the motive of De Monts' expedition
+is that it lay in the desire 'to find a northerly route to China, in
+order to facilitate commerce with the Orientals.'  After reciting a
+list of explorations which began with John Cabot and had continued at
+intervals during the next century, he continues: 'So many voyages and
+discoveries without results, and attended with so much hardship and
+expense, have caused us French in late years to attempt a permanent
+settlement in those lands which we call New France, in the hope of thus
+realizing more easily this object; since the voyage in search of the
+desired passage commences on the other side of the ocean and is made
+along the coast of this region.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+A comparison of the words just quoted with the text of De Monts'
+commission will serve to illustrate the strength of Champlain's
+geographical instinct.  The commission begins with a somewhat
+stereotyped reference to the conversion of the heathen, after which it
+descants upon commerce, colonies, and mines.  The supplementary
+commission to De Monts from Montmorency as Lord High Admiral adds a
+further consideration, namely, that if Acadia is not occupied by the
+French it will
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P27"></A>27}</SPAN>
+be seized upon by some other nation.  Not a word of
+the route to the East occurs in either commission, and De Monts is
+limited in the powers granted to a region extending along the American
+seaboard from the fortieth parallel to the forty-sixth, with as much of
+the interior 'as he is able to explore and colonize.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This shows that, while the objects of the expedition were commercial
+and political, Champlain's imagination was kindled by the prospect of
+finding the long-sought passage to China.  To his mind a French colony
+in America is a stepping-stone, a base of operations for the great
+quest.  De Monts himself doubtless sought honour, adventure, and
+profit&mdash;the profit which might arise from possessing Acadia and
+controlling the fur trade in 'the river of Canada.'  Champlain remains
+the geographer, and his chief contribution to the Acadian enterprise
+will be found in that part of his <I>Voyages</I> which describes his study
+of the coast-line southward from Cape Breton to Malabar.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+But whether considered from the standpoint of exploration or
+settlement, the first chapter of French annals in Acadia is a fine
+incident.  Champlain has left the greatest fame, but he was not alone
+during these years
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P28"></A>28}</SPAN>
+of peril and hardship.  With him are grouped De
+Monts, Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, Pontgravé, and Louis Hébert, all men of
+capacity and enterprise, whose part in this valiant enterprise lent it
+a dignity which it has never since lost.  As yet no English colony had
+been established in America.  Under his commission De Monts could have
+selected for the site of his settlement either New York or Providence
+or Boston or Portland.  The efforts of the French in America from 1604
+to 1607 are signalized by the character of their loaders, the nature of
+their opportunity, and the special causes which prevented them from
+taking possession of Norumbega.[<A NAME="chap02fn2text"></A><A HREF="#chap02fn2">2</A>]
+</P>
+
+<P>
+De Monts lacked neither courage nor persistence.  His battle against
+heartbreaking disappointments shows him to have been a pioneer of high
+order.  And with him sailed in 1604 Jean de Biencourt, Seigneur de
+Poutrincourt, whose ancestors had been illustrious in
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P29"></A>29}</SPAN>
+Picardy for
+five hundred years.  Champlain made a third, joining the expedition as
+geographer rather than shipmaster.  Lescarbot and Hébert came two years
+later.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The company left Havre in two ships&mdash;on March 7, 1604, according to
+Champlain, or just a month later, according to Lescarbot.  Although De
+Monts' commission gave him the usual privilege of impressing convicts,
+the personnel of his band was far above the average.  Champlain's
+statement is that it comprised about one hundred and twenty artisans,
+and there were also 'a large number of gentlemen, of whom not a few
+were of noble birth.'  Besides the excitement provided by icebergs, the
+arguments of priest and pastor diversified the voyage, even to the
+point of scandal.  After crossing the Grand Bank in safety they were
+nearly wrecked off Sable Island, but succeeded in reaching the Acadian
+coast on May 8.  From their landfall at Cap de la Hève they skirted the
+coast-line to Port Mouton, confiscating <I>en route</I> a ship which was
+buying furs in defiance of De Monts' monopoly.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Rabbits and other game were found in abundance at Port Mouton, but the
+spot proved quite unfit for settlement, and on May 19 De Monts charged
+Champlain with
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P30"></A>30}</SPAN>
+the task of exploring the coast in search of
+harbours.  Taking a barque of eight tons and a crew of ten men
+(together with Ralleau, De Monts' secretary), Champlain set out upon
+this important reconnaissance.  Fish, game, good soil, good timber,
+minerals, and safe anchorage were all objects of search.  Skirting the
+south-western corner of Nova Scotia, the little ship passed Cape Sable
+and the Tusquet Islands, turned into the Bay of Fundy, and advanced to
+a point somewhat beyond the north end of Long Island.  Champlain gives
+at considerable length the details of his first excursion along the
+Acadian seaboard.  In his zeal for discovery he caused those left at
+Port Mouton both inconvenience and anxiety.  Lescarbot says, with a
+touch of sharpness: 'Champlain was such a time away on this expedition
+that when deliberating about their return [to France] they thought of
+leaving him behind.'  Champlain's own statement is that at Port Mouton
+'Sieur de Monts was awaiting us from day to day, thinking only of our
+long stay and whether some accident had not befallen us.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+De Monts' position at Port Mouton was indeed difficult.  By changing
+his course in mid-ocean he had missed rendezvous with the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P31"></A>31}</SPAN>
+larger
+of his two ships, which under the command of Pontgravé looked for him
+in vain from Canseau to the Bay of Islands.  Meanwhile, at Port Mouton
+provisions were running low, save for rabbits, which could not be
+expected to last for ever.  The more timid raised doubts and spoke of
+France, but De Monts and Poutrincourt both said they would rather die
+than go back.  In this mood the party continued to hunt rabbits, to
+search the coast north-easterly for Pontgravé, and to await Champlain's
+return.  Their courage had its reward.  Pontgravé's ship was found, De
+Monts revictualled, Champlain reappeared, and by the middle of June the
+little band of colonists was ready to proceed.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+As De Monts heads south-west from Port Mouton it is difficult to avoid
+thoughts regarding the ultimate destiny of France in the New World.
+This was the predestined moment.  The Wars of Religion had ended in the
+reunion of the realm under a strong and popular king.  The French
+nation was conscious of its greatness, and seemed ready for any
+undertaking that promised honour or advantage.  The Huguenots were a
+sect whose members possessed Calvinistic firmness of will, together
+with a special motive for emigrating.  And,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P32"></A>32}</SPAN>
+besides, the whole
+eastern coast of America, within the temperate zone, was still to be
+had for the taking.  With such a magnificent opportunity, why was the
+result so meagre?
+</P>
+
+<P>
+A complete answer to this query would lead us far afield, but the whole
+history of New France bears witness to the fact that the cause of
+failure is not to be found in the individual French emigrant.  There
+have never been more valiant or tenacious colonists than the peasants
+of Normandy who cleared away the Laurentian wilderness and explored the
+recesses of North America.  France in the age of De Monts and Champlain
+possessed adequate resources, if only her effort had been concentrated
+on America, or if the Huguenots had not been prevented from founding
+colonies, or if the crown had been less meddlesome, or if the quest of
+beaver skins farther north had not diverted attention from Chesapeake
+Bay and Manhattan Island.  The best chance the French ever had to
+effect a foothold in the middle portion of the Atlantic coast came to
+them in 1604, when, before any rivals had established themselves, De
+Monts was at hand for the express purpose of founding a colony.  It is
+quite probable that even if he had landed on Manhattan Island, the
+European
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P33"></A>33}</SPAN>
+preoccupations of France would have prevented Henry IV
+from supporting a colony at that point with sufficient vigour to
+protect it from the English.  Yet the most striking aspect of De Monts'
+attempt in Acadia is the failure to seize a chance which never came
+again to the French race.  In 1607 Champlain sailed away from Port
+Royal and the English founded Jamestown.  In 1608 Champlain founded
+Quebec, and thenceforth for over a century the efforts of France were
+concentrated on the St Lawrence.  When at length she founded Louisbourg
+it was too late; by that time the English grasp upon the coast could
+not be loosened.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Meanwhile De Monts, to whom the future was veiled, left Port Mouton
+and, creeping from point to point, entered the Bay of Fundy&mdash;or, as
+Champlain calls it, 'the great Baye Françoise, so named by Sieur de
+Monts.'  The month was June, but no time could be lost, for at this
+juncture the aim of exploration was the discovery of a suitable site,
+and after the site had been fixed the colonists needed what time
+remained before winter to build their houses.  Hence De Monts' first
+exploration of the Baye Françoise was not exhaustive.  He entered
+Annapolis Basin and glanced at
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P34"></A>34}</SPAN>
+the spot which afterwards was to be
+Port Royal.  He tried in vain to find a copper-mine of which he had
+heard from Prevert of St Malo.  He coasted the Bay of St John, and on
+June 25 reached St Croix Island.  'Not finding any more suitable place
+than this island,' says Champlain, the leaders of the colony decided
+that it should be fortified: and thus was the French flag unfurled in
+Acadia.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The arrangement of the settlement at St Croix was left to Champlain,
+who gives us a drawing in explanation of his plan.  The selection of an
+island was mainly due to distrust of the Indians, with whom, however,
+intercourse was necessary.  The island lay close to the mouth of a
+river, now also called the St Croix.  As the choice of this spot proved
+most unfortunate, it is well to remember the motives which prevailed at
+the time.  'Vessels could pass up the river,' says Champlain, 'only at
+the mercy of the cannon on this island, and we deemed the location most
+advantageous, not only on account of its situation and good soil, but
+also on account of the intercourse which we proposed with the savages
+of these coasts and of the interior, as we should be in the midst of
+them.  We hoped to pacify them in course of time and put an end to the
+wars
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P35"></A>35}</SPAN>
+which they carry on with one another, so as to derive service
+from them in future and convert them to the Christian faith.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+De Monts' band was made up largely of artisans, who at once began with
+vigour to erect dwellings.  A mill and an oven were built; gardens were
+laid out and many seeds planted therein.  The mosquitoes proved
+troublesome, but in other respects the colonists had good cause to be
+pleased with their first Acadian summer.  So far had construction work
+advanced by the beginning of autumn that De Monts decided to send an
+exploration party farther along the coast to the south-west.  'And,'
+says Champlain, 'he entrusted me with this work, which I found very
+agreeable.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The date of departure from St Croix was September 2, so that no very
+ambitious programme of discovery could be undertaken before bad weather
+began.  In a boat of eighteen tons, with twelve sailors and two Indian
+guides, Champlain threaded the maze of islands which lies between
+Passamaquoddy Bay and the mouth of the Penobscot.  The most striking
+part of the coast was Mount Desert, 'very high and notched in places,
+so that there is the appearance to one at sea as of seven or eight
+mountains extending along
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P36"></A>36}</SPAN>
+near each other.'  To this island and
+the Isle au Haut Champlain gave the names they have since borne.
+Thence advancing, with his hand ever on the lead, he reached the mouth
+of the Penobscot, despite those 'islands, rocks, shoals, banks, and
+breakers which are so numerous on all sides that it is marvellous to
+behold.'  Having satisfied himself that the Penobscot was none other
+than the great river Norumbega, referred to largely on hearsay by
+earlier geographers, he followed it up almost to Bangor.  On regaining
+the sea he endeavoured to reach the mouth of the Kennebec, but when
+within a few miles of it was driven back to St Croix by want of food.
+In closing the story of this voyage, which had occupied a month,
+Champlain says with his usual directness: 'The above is an exact
+statement of all I have observed respecting not only the coasts and
+people, but also the river of Norumbega; and there are none of the
+marvels there which some persons have described.  I am of opinion that
+this region is as disagreeable in winter as that of our settlement, in
+which we were greatly deceived.'
+</P>
+
+<A NAME="img-036t"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<A HREF="images/img-036.jpg">
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-036t.jpg" ALT="COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7" BORDER="2" WIDTH="737" HEIGHT="497">
+</A>
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 737px">
+COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<P>
+Champlain was now to undergo his first winter in Acadia, and no part of
+his life could have been more wretched than the ensuing
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P37"></A>37}</SPAN>
+eight
+months.  On October 6 the snow came.  On December 3 cakes of ice began
+to appear along the shore.  The storehouse had no cellar, and all
+liquids froze except sherry.  'Cider was served by the pound.  We were
+obliged to use very bad water and drink melted snow, as there were no
+springs or brooks.'  It was impossible to keep warm or to sleep
+soundly.  The food was salt meat and vegetables, which impaired the
+strength of every one and brought on scurvy.  It is unnecessary to cite
+here Champlain's detailed and graphic description of this dreadful
+disease.  The results are enough.  Before the spring came two-fifths of
+the colonists had died, and of those who remained half were on the
+point of death.  Not unnaturally, 'all this produced discontent in
+Sieur de Monts and others of the settlement.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The survivors of the horrible winter at St Croix were not freed from
+anxiety until June 15, 1605, when Pontgravé, six weeks late, arrived
+with fresh stores.  Had De Monts been faint-hearted, he doubtless would
+have seized this opportunity to return to France.  As it was, he set
+out in search of a place more suitable than St Croix for the
+establishment of his colony.  On June 18, with a party
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P38"></A>38}</SPAN>
+which
+included twenty sailors and several gentlemen, he and Champlain began a
+fresh voyage to the south-west.  Their destination was the country of
+the Armouchiquois, an Algonquin tribe who then inhabited Massachusetts.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's story of his first voyage from Acadia to Cape Cod is given
+with considerable fulness.  The topography of the seaboard and its
+natural history, the habits of the Indians and his adventures with
+them, were all new subjects at the time, and he treats them so that
+they keep their freshness.  He is at no pains to conceal his low
+opinion of the coast savages.  Concerning the Acadian Micmacs he says
+little, but what he does say is chiefly a comment upon the wretchedness
+of their life during the winter.  As he went farther south he found an
+improvement in the food supply.  At the mouth of the Saco he and De
+Monts saw well-kept patches of Indian corn three feet high, although it
+was not yet midsummer.  Growing with the corn were beans, pumpkins, and
+squashes, all in flower; and the cultivation of tobacco is also noted.
+Here the savages formed a permanent settlement and lived within a
+palisade.  Still farther south, in the neighbourhood of Cape Cod,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P39"></A>39}</SPAN>
+Champlain found maize five and a half feet high, a considerable variety
+of squashes, tobacco, and edible roots which tasted like artichokes.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+But whether the coast Indians were Micmacs or Armouchiquois, whether
+they were starving or well fed, Champlain tells us little in their
+praise.  Of the Armouchiquois he says:
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this
+respect they resemble their neighbours, who have none at all.  They
+know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they have
+some superstitions, which I shall describe in their place.  As for
+weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows.  It would seem
+from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better than
+those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth.  Even a
+slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of them.
+They are great thieves, and if they cannot lay hold of any thing with
+their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we have oftentimes
+learned by experience.  I am of opinion that if they had any thing to
+exchange with us they would not give themselves to thieving.  They
+bartered away to us their bows, arrows, and quivers for pins and
+buttons; and if they had had any thing else better they would have done
+the same with it.  It is necessary to be on one's guard against this
+people and live in a state of distrust of them, yet without letting
+them perceive it.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P40"></A>40}</SPAN>
+This passage at least shows that Champlain sought to be just to
+the savages of the Atlantic.  Though he found them thieves, he is
+willing to conjecture that they would not steal if they had anything to
+trade.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The thieving habits of the Cape Cod Indians led to a fight between them
+and the French in which one Frenchman was killed, and Champlain
+narrowly escaped death through the explosion of his own musket.  At
+Cape Cod De Monts turned back.  Five of the six weeks allotted to the
+voyage were over, and lack of food made it impossible to enter Long
+Island Sound.  Hence 'Sieur de Monts determined to return to the Island
+of St Croix in order to find a place more favourable for our
+settlement, as we had not been able to do on any of the coasts which he
+had explored during this voyage.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+We now approach the picturesque episode of Port Royal.  De Monts,
+having regained St Croix at the beginning of August, lost no time in
+transporting his people to the other side of the Bay of Fundy.  The
+consideration which weighed most with him in establishing his
+headquarters was that of trade.  Whatever his own preferences, he could
+not forget that his partners in France expected a return
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P41"></A>41}</SPAN>
+on their
+investment.  Had he been in a position to found an agricultural colony,
+the maize fields he had seen to the south-west might have proved
+attractive.  But he depended largely upon trade, and, as Champlain
+points out, the savages of Massachusetts had nothing to sell.  Hence it
+was unwise to go too far from the peltries of the St Lawrence.  To find
+a climate less severe than that of Canada, without losing touch with
+the fur trade, was De Monts' problem.  No one could dream of wintering
+again at St Croix, and in the absence of trade possibilities to the
+south there seemed but one alternative&mdash;Port Royal.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+In his notice of De Monts' cruise along the Bay of Fundy in June 1604,
+Champlain says: 'Continuing two leagues farther on in the same
+direction, we entered one of the finest harbours I had seen all along
+these coasts, in which two thousand vessels might lie in security.  The
+entrance is 800 paces broad; then you enter a harbour two leagues long
+and one broad, which I have named Port Royal.'  Here Champlain is
+describing Annapolis Basin, which clearly made a deep impression upon
+the minds of the first Europeans who saw it.  Most of all did it appeal
+to the imagination of Poutrincourt, who had come to Acadia for the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P42"></A>42}</SPAN>
+purpose of discovering a spot where he could found his own colony.  At
+sight of Port Royal he had at once asked De Monts for the grant, and on
+receiving it had returned to France, at the end of August 1604, to
+recruit colonists.  Thus he had escaped the horrible winter at St
+Croix, but on account of lawsuits it had proved impossible for him to
+return to Acadia in the following year.  Hence the noble roadstead of
+Port Royal was still unoccupied when De Monts, Champlain, and Pontgravé
+took the people of St Croix thither in August 1605.  Not only did the
+people go.  Even the framework of the houses was shipped across the bay
+and set up in this haven of better hope.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The spot chosen for the settlement lay on the north side of the bay.
+It had a good supply of water, and there was protection from the
+north-west wind which had tortured the settlers at St Croix.  'After
+everything had been arranged,' says Champlain, 'and the majority of the
+dwellings built, Sieur de Monts determined to return to France, in
+order to petition His Majesty to grant him all that might be necessary
+for his undertaking.'  Quite apart from securing fresh advantages, De
+Monts at this time was sore pressed to defend his title against the
+traders who were
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P43"></A>43}</SPAN>
+clamouring for a repeal of the monopoly.  With
+him returned some of the colonists whose ambition had been satisfied at
+St Croix.  Champlain remained, in the hope of making further
+explorations 'towards Florida.'  Pontgravé was left in command.  The
+others numbered forty-three.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+During the autumn they began to make gardens.  'I also,' says
+Champlain, 'for the sake of occupying my time made one, which was
+surrounded with ditches full of water, in which I placed some fine
+trout, and into which flowed three brooks of very fine running water,
+from which the greater part of our settlement was supplied.  I made
+also a little sluice-way towards the shore, in order to draw off the
+water when I wished.  This spot was entirely surrounded by meadows,
+where I constructed a summer-house, with some fine trees, as a resort
+for enjoying the fresh air.  I made there, also, a little reservoir for
+holding salt-water fish, which we took out as we wanted them.  I took
+especial pleasure in it and planted there some seeds which turned out
+well.  But much work had to be laid out in preparation.  We resorted
+often to this place as a pastime; and it seemed as if the little birds
+round took pleasure in it, for they gathered there in large
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P44"></A>44}</SPAN>
+numbers, warbling and chirping so pleasantly that I think I have never
+heard the like.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+After a busy and cheerful autumn came a mild winter.  The snow did not
+fall till December 20, and there was much rain.  Scurvy still caused
+trouble; but though twelve died, the mortality was not so high as at St
+Croix.  Everything considered, Port Royal enjoyed good
+fortune&mdash;according to the colonial standards of the period, when a
+winter death-rate of twenty-six per cent was below the average.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+At the beginning of March 1606 Pontgravé fitted out a barque of
+eighteen tons in order to undertake 'a voyage of discovery along the
+coast of Florida'; and on the 16th of the month a start was made.
+Favoured by good weather, he and Champlain would have reached the
+Hudson three years before the Dutch.  But, short of drowning, every
+possible mischance happened.  They had hardly set out when a storm cast
+them ashore near Grand Manan.  Having repaired the damage they made for
+St Croix, where fog and contrary winds held them back eight days.  Then
+Pontgravé decided to return to Port Royal 'to see in what condition our
+companions were whom we had left there sick.'  On their
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P45"></A>45}</SPAN>
+arrival
+Pontgravé himself was taken ill, but soon re-embarked, though still
+unwell.  Their second start was followed by immediate disaster.
+Leaving the mouth of the harbour, two leagues distant from Port Royal,
+they were carried out of the channel by the tide and went aground.  'At
+the first blow of our boat upon the rocks the rudder broke, a part of
+the keel and three or four planks were smashed and some ribs stove in,
+which frightened us, for our barque filled immediately; and all that we
+could do was to wait until the sea fell, so that we might get
+ashore....  Our barque, all shattered as she was, went to pieces at the
+return of the tide.  But we, most happy at having saved our lives,
+returned to our settlement with our poor savages; and we praised God
+for having rescued us from this shipwreck, from which we had not
+expected to escape so easily.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This accident destroyed all hope of exploration to the southward until
+word came from France.  At the time of De Monts' departure the outlook
+had been so doubtful that a provisional arrangement was made for the
+return of the colonists to France should no ship arrive at Port Royal
+by the middle of July.  In this event Pontgravé was to take his people
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P46"></A>46}</SPAN>
+to Cape Breton or Gaspé, where they would find trading ships
+homeward bound.  As neither De Monts nor Poutrincourt had arrived by
+the middle of June, a new barque was built to replace the one which had
+been lost on April 10.  A month later Pontgravé carried out his part of
+the programme by putting aboard all the inhabitants of Port Royal save
+two, who were induced by promise of extra pay to remain in charge of
+the stores.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus sorrowfully the remnant of the colonists bade farewell to the
+beautiful harbour and their new home.  Four days later they were nearly
+lost through the breaking of their rudder in the midst of a tempest.
+Having been saved from wreck by the skill of their shipmaster,
+Champdoré, they reached Cape Sable on July 24.  Here grief became
+rejoicing, for to their complete surprise they encountered Ralleau, De
+Monts' secretary, coasting along in a shallop.  The glad tidings he
+gave them was that Poutrincourt with a ship of one hundred and twenty
+tons had arrived.  From Canseau the <I>Jonas</I> had taken an outer course
+to Port Royal, while Ralleau was keeping close to the shore in the hope
+of intercepting Pontgravé.  'All this intelligence,' says Champlain,
+'caused us to turn back; and we arrived at
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P47"></A>47}</SPAN>
+Port Royal on the 25th
+of the month, where we found the above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de
+Poutrincourt, and were greatly delighted to see realized what we had
+given up in despair.'  Lescarbot, who arrived on board the <I>Jonas</I>,
+adds the following detail: 'M. de Poutrincourt ordered a tun of wine to
+be set upon end, one of those which had been given him for his proper
+use, and gave leave to all comers to drink freely as long as it lasted,
+so that there were some who made gay dogs of themselves.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Wine-bibbing, however, was not the chief activity of Port Royal.
+Poutrincourt at once set men to work on the land, and while they were
+sowing wheat, rye, and hemp he hastened preparations for an autumn
+cruise 'along the coast of Florida.'  On September 5 all was ready for
+this voyage, which was to be Champlain's last opportunity of reaching
+the lands beyond Cape Cod.  Once more disappointment awaited him.  'It
+was decided,' he says, 'to continue the voyage along the coast, which
+was not a very well considered conclusion, since we lost much time in
+passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as far as the
+harbour of Mallebarre.  It would have been much better, in my opinion,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P48"></A>48}</SPAN>
+to cross from where we were directly to Mallebarre, the route
+being already known, and then use our time in exploring as far as the
+fortieth degree, or still farther south, revisiting upon our homeward
+voyage the entire coast at pleasure.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+In the interest of geographical research and French colonization
+Champlain was doubtless right.  Unfortunately, Poutrincourt wished to
+see for himself what De Monts and Champlain had already seen.  It was
+the more unfortunate that he held this view, as the boats were
+victualled for over two months, and much could have been done by taking
+a direct course to Cape Cod.  Little time, however, was spent at the
+Penobscot and Kennebec.  Leaving St Croix on September 12, Poutrincourt
+reached the Saco on the 21st.  Here and at points farther south he
+found ripe grapes, together with maize, pumpkins, squashes, and
+artichokes.  Gloucester Harbour pleased Champlain greatly.  'In this
+very pleasant place we saw two hundred savages, and there are here a
+large number of very fine walnut trees, cypresses, sassafras, oaks,
+ashes and beeches....  There are likewise fine meadows capable of
+supporting a large number of cattle.'  So much was he charmed with this
+harbour and
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P49"></A>49}</SPAN>
+its surroundings that he called it Le Beauport.  After
+tarrying at Gloucester two or three days Poutrincourt reached Cape Cod
+on October 2, and on the 20th he stood off Martha's Vineyard, his
+farthest point.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's chronicle of this voyage contains more detail regarding the
+Indians than will be found in any other part of his Acadian narratives.
+Chief among Poutrincourt's adventures was an encounter with the natives
+of Cape Cod.  Unlike the Micmacs, the Armouchiquois were 'not so much
+hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.'  Their numbers also
+were greater; in fact, Champlain speaks of seeing five or six hundred
+together.  At first they did not interfere with Poutrincourt's
+movements, even permitting him to roam their land with a body of
+arquebusiers.  After a fortnight, however, their suspicions began to
+become manifest, and on October 15 four hundred savages set upon five
+Frenchmen who, contrary to orders, had remained ashore.  Four were
+killed, and although a rescue party set out at once from the barque,
+the natives made their escape.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously swift.  All
+that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a
+cross
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P50"></A>50}</SPAN>
+which had been set up the day before, and then to go here
+and there to see if we could get sight of any of them.  But it was time
+wasted, therefore we came back.  Three hours afterwards they returned
+to us on the sea-shore.  We discharged at them several shots from our
+little brass cannon, and when they heard the noise they crouched down
+on the ground to escape the fire.  In mockery of us they pulled down
+the cross and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly and
+caused us to go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done
+before.  We set up again the cross and reinterred the dead, whom they
+had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to
+burn them.  We returned without any result, as we had done before, well
+aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and
+that we should have to renew the undertaking when it should please God.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+With a desire for revenge was linked the practical consideration that
+slaves would prove useful at Port Royal.  A week later the French
+returned to the same place, 'resolved to get possession of some savages
+and, taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the
+hand-mill, as punishment for the deadly assault which they had
+committed on five or six of our company.'  As relations were strained,
+it became necessary to offer beads
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P51"></A>51}</SPAN>
+and gewgaws, with every show of
+good faith.  Champlain describes the plan in full.  The shallop was to
+leave the barque for shore, taking
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block" STYLE="text-indent: 0%">
+the most robust and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads
+and a fathom of match on his arm; and there, while pretending to smoke
+with them (each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to
+excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord
+in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to
+draw them into the shallop; and if they should be unwilling to enter,
+each one approaching should choose his man and, putting the beads round
+his neck, should at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by
+force.  But if they should be too boisterous and it should not be
+possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being firmly
+held; and if by chance any of them should get away, there should be men
+on land to charge upon them with swords.  Meanwhile, the little cannon
+on our barque was to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in
+case they should come to assist them, under cover of which firearms the
+shallop could withdraw in security.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+This plot, though carefully planned, fell far short of the success
+which was anticipated.  To catch a redskin with a noose required more
+skill than was available.  Accordingly,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P52"></A>52}</SPAN>
+none were taken alive.
+Champlain says: 'We retired to our barque after having done all we
+could.'  Lescarbot adds: 'Six or seven of the savages were hacked and
+hewed in pieces, who could not run so lightly in the water as on shore,
+and were caught as they came out by those of our men who had landed.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Having thus taken an eye for an eye, Poutrincourt began his homeward
+voyage, and, after three or four escapes from shipwreck, reached Port
+Royal on November 14.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain was now about to spend his last winter in Acadia.  Mindful of
+former experiences, he determined to fight scurvy by encouraging
+exercise among the colonists and procuring for them an improved diet.
+A third desideratum was cheerfulness.  All these purposes he served
+through founding the <I>Ordre de Bon Temps</I>, which proved to be in every
+sense the life of the settlement.  Champlain himself briefly describes
+the procedure followed, but a far more graphic account is given by
+Lescarbot, whose diffuse and lively style is illustrated to perfection
+in the following passage:
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+To keep our table joyous and well provided, an order was established at
+the board of the said M. de Poutrincourt,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P53"></A>53}</SPAN>
+which was called the
+Order of Good Cheer, originally proposed by Champlain.  To this Order
+each man of the said table was appointed Chief Steward in his turn,
+which came round once a fortnight.  Now, this person had the duty of
+taking care that we were all well and honourably provided for.  This
+was so well carried out that though the epicures of Paris often tell us
+that we had no <I>Rue aux Ours</I> over there, as a rule we made as good
+cheer as we could have in this same <I>Rue aux Ours</I>, and at less cost.
+For there was no one who, two days before his turn came, failed to go
+hunting or fishing, and to bring back some delicacy in addition to our
+ordinary fare.  So well was this carried out that never at breakfast
+did we lack some savoury meat of flesh or fish, and still less at our
+midday or evening meals; for that was our chief banquet, at which the
+ruler of the feast or chief butler, whom the savages called Atoctegic,
+having had everything prepared by the cook, marched in, napkin on
+shoulder, wand of office in hand, and around his neck the collar of the
+Order, which was worth more than four crowns; after him all the members
+of the Order carrying each a dish.  The same was repeated at dessert,
+though not always with so much pomp.  And at night, before giving
+thanks to God, he handed over to his successor in the charge the collar
+of the Order, with a cup of wine, and they drank to each other.  I have
+already said that we had abundance of game, such as ducks, bustards,
+grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and other birds; moreover
+moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits, wild-cats, racoons, and
+other animals such as the savages caught, whereof
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P54"></A>54}</SPAN>
+we made dishes
+well worth those of the cook-shop in the <I>Rue aux Ours</I>, and far more;
+for of all our meats none is so tender as moose-meat (whereof we also
+made excellent pasties) and nothing so delicate as beaver's tail.  Yea,
+sometimes we had half a dozen sturgeon at once, which the savages
+brought us, part of which we bought, and allowed them to sell the
+remainder publicly and to barter it for bread, of which our men had
+abundance.  As for the ordinary rations brought from France, they were
+distributed equally to great and small alike; and, as we have said, the
+wine was served in like manner.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+The results of this régime were most gratifying.  The deaths from
+scurvy dropped to seven, which represented a great proportionate
+decrease.  At the same time, intercourse with the Indians was put on a
+good basis thereby.  'At these proceedings,' says Lescarbot, 'we always
+had twenty or thirty savages&mdash;men, women, girls, and children&mdash;who
+looked on at our manner of service.  Bread was given them gratis, as
+one would do to the poor.  But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other
+chiefs who came from time to time, they sat at table eating and
+drinking like ourselves.  And we were glad to see them, while, on the
+contrary, their absence saddened us.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+These citations bring into view the writer who has most copiously
+recorded the early
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P55"></A>55}</SPAN>
+annals of Acadia&mdash;Marc Lescarbot.  He was a
+lawyer, and at this date about forty years old.  Having come to Port
+Royal less as a colonist than as a guest of Poutrincourt, he had no
+investment at stake.  But contact with America kindled the enthusiasm
+of which he had a large supply, and converted him into the historian of
+New France.  His story of the winter he passed at Port Royal is quite
+unlike other narratives of colonial experience at this period.
+Champlain was a geographer and preoccupied with exploration.  The
+Jesuits were missionaries and preoccupied with the conversion of the
+savages.  Lescarbot had a literary education, which Champlain lacked,
+and, unlike the Jesuits, he approached life in America from the
+standpoint of a layman.  His prolixity often serves as a foil to the
+terseness of Champlain, and suggests that he must have been a merciless
+talker.  Yet, though inclined to be garrulous, he was a good observer
+and had many correct ideas&mdash;notably the belief that corn, wine, and
+cattle are a better foundation for a colony than gold or silver mines.
+In temperament he and Champlain were very dissimilar, and evidence of
+mutual coolness may be found in their writings.  These we shall
+consider at a
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P56"></A>56}</SPAN>
+later stage.  For the present it is enough to note
+that both men sat at Poutrincourt's table and adorned the Order of Good
+Cheer.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Meanwhile De Monts was in France, striving with all the foes of the
+monopoly.  Thanks to the fur trade, his company had paid its way during
+the first two years, despite the losses at St Croix.  The third season
+had been much less prosperous, and at the same moment when the Dutch
+and the Basques[<A NAME="chap02fn3text"></A><A HREF="#chap02fn3">3</A>] were breaking the monopoly by defiance, the hatters
+of Paris were demanding that it should be withdrawn altogether.  To
+this alliance of a powerful guild with a majority of the traders, the
+company of De Monts succumbed, and the news which Poutrincourt received
+when the first ship came in 1607 was that the colony must be abandoned.
+As the company itself was about to be dissolved, this consequence
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P57"></A>57}</SPAN>
+was inevitable.  Champlain in his matter-of-fact way states that De
+Monts sent letters to Poutrincourt, 'by which he directed him to bring
+back his company to France.'  Lescarbot is much more outspoken.
+Referring to the merits and struggles of De Monts, he exclaims:
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+Yet I fear that in the end he may be forced to give it all up, to the
+great scandal and reproach of the French name, which by such conduct is
+made a laughing-stock and a byword among the nations.  For as though
+their wish was to oppose the conversion of these poor Western peoples,
+and the glory of God and of the King, we find a set of men full of
+avarice and envy, who would not draw a sword in the service of the
+King, nor suffer the slightest ill in the world for the honour of God,
+but who yet put obstacles in the way of our drawing any profit from the
+province, even in order to furnish what is indispensable to the
+foundation of such an enterprise; men who prefer to see the English and
+Dutch win possession of it rather than the French, and would fain have
+the name of God remain unknown in those quarters.  And it is such
+godless people who are listened to, who are believed, and who win their
+suits.  <I>O tempora, O mores</I>!
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+On August 11, 1607, Port Royal was abandoned for the second time, and
+its people, sailing by Cape Breton, reached Roscou in Brittany at the
+end of September.  The
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P58"></A>58}</SPAN>
+subsequent attempt of Poutrincourt and his
+family to re-establish the colony at Port Royal belongs to the history
+of Acadia rather than to the story of Champlain.  But remembering the
+spirit in which he and De Monts strove, one feels glad that Lescarbot
+spoke his mind regarding the opponents who baffled their sincere and
+persistent efforts.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap02fn1"></A>
+<A NAME="chap02fn2"></A>
+<A NAME="chap02fn3"></A>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap02fn1text">1</A>] This word has sometimes been traced to the Micmac <I>àkade</I>, which,
+appended to place-names, signifies an abundance of something.  More
+probably, however, it is a corruption of Arcadia.  The Acadia of De
+Monts' grant in 1604 extended from the parallel of 40° to that of 46°
+north latitude, but in the light of actual occupation the term can
+hardly be made to embrace more than the coast from Cape Breton to
+Penobscot Bay.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap02fn2text">2</A>] There appears in Verrazano's map of 1529 the word Aranbega, as
+attached to a small district on the Atlantic seaboard.  Ten years later
+Norumbega has become a region which takes in the whole coast from Cape
+Breton to Florida.  At intervals throughout the sixteenth century
+fables were told in Europe of its extraordinary wealth, and it was not
+till the time of Champlain that this myth was exposed.  Champlain
+himself identifies 'the great river of Norumbega' with the Penobscot.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap02fn3text">3</A>] Traders from the extreme south of France, whose chief port was St
+Jean de Luz.  Though living on the confines of France and Spain, the
+Basques were of different racial origin from both Spaniards and French.
+While subject politically to France, their remoteness from the main
+ports of Normandy and Brittany kept them out of touch with the mariners
+of St Malo and Havre, save as collision arose between them in the St
+Lawrence.  Among the Basques there were always interlopers, even when
+St Jean de Luz had been given a share in the monopoly.  They are
+sometimes called Spaniards, from their close neighbourhood to the
+Pyrenees.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap03"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P59"></A>59}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+CHAPTER III
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC
+</H4>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a league.  I
+arrived there on the third of July, when I searched for a place
+suitable for our settlement, but I could find none more convenient or
+better than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, which was
+covered with nut-trees.  I at once employed a portion of our workmen in
+cutting them down, that we might construct our habitation there: one I
+set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches,
+another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get supplies.  The first
+thing we made was the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies,
+which was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all, and my
+attention to the work.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Thus opens Champlain's account of the place with which his name is
+linked imperishably.  He was the founder of Quebec and its preserver.
+During his lifetime the results seemed pitifully small, but the task
+once undertaken was never abandoned.  By steadfastness he prevailed,
+and at his death had created a
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P60"></A>60}</SPAN>
+colony which became the New France
+of Talon and Frontenac, of La Salle and D'Iberville, of Brébeuf and
+Laval.  If Venice from amid her lagoons could exclaim, <I>Esto perpetua</I>,
+Quebec, firm based upon her cliff, can say to the rest of Canada,
+<I>Attendite ad petram undo excisi estis</I>&mdash;'Look unto the rock whence ye
+are hewn.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's Quebec was very poor in everything but courage.  The fact
+that it was founded by the men who had just failed in Acadia gives
+proof of this virtue.  Immediately upon his return from Port Royal to
+France, Champlain showed De Monts a map and plan which embodied the
+result of his explorations during the last three years.  They then took
+counsel regarding the future, and with Champlain's encouragement De
+Monts 'resolved to continue his noble and meritorious undertaking,
+notwithstanding the hardships and labours of the past.'  It is
+significant that once more Champlain names exploration as the
+distinctive purpose of De Monts.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+To expect a subsidy from the crown was futile, but Henry felt
+compunction for his abrupt recall of the monopoly.  The result was that
+De Monts, in recognition of his losses,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P61"></A>61}</SPAN>
+was given a further
+monopoly&mdash;for the season of 1608 only.  At the same time, he was
+expressly relieved from the obligation to take out colonists.  On this
+basis De Monts found partners among the merchants of Rouen, and three
+ships were fitted out&mdash;one for Acadia, the others for the St Lawrence.
+Champlain, as lieutenant, was placed in charge of the Laurentian
+expedition.  With him went the experienced and invaluable Pontgravé.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Nearly seventy-five years had now passed since Jacques Cartier first
+came to anchor at the foot of Cape Diamond.  During this period no one
+had challenged the title of France to the shores of the St Lawrence; in
+fact, a country so desolate made no appeal to the French themselves.
+Roberval's tragic experience at Cap Rouge had proved a warning.  To the
+average Frenchman of the sixteenth century Canada meant what it
+afterwards meant to Sully and Voltaire.  It was a tract of snow; a land
+of barbarians, bears, and beavers.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The development of the fur trade into a staple industry changed this
+point of view to a limited extent.  The government, as we have seen,
+considered it desirable that colonists should be established in New
+France
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P62"></A>62}</SPAN>
+at the expense of traders.  For the St Lawrence, however,
+the first and only fruits of this enlightened policy had been Chauvin's
+sixteen derelicts at Tadoussac.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The founding of Quebec represents private enterprise, and not an
+expenditure of money by Henry IV for the sake of promoting
+colonization.  De Monts and Champlain were determined to give France a
+foothold in America.  The rights upon which the venture of 1608 was
+financed did not run beyond the year.  Thenceforth trade was to be
+free.  It follows that De Monts and his partners, in building a station
+at Quebec, did not rely for their expenses upon any special favours
+from the crown.  They placed their reliance upon themselves, feeling
+confident of their power to hold a fair share of the trade against all
+comers.  For Champlain Quebec was a fixed point on the way to the
+Orient.  For De Monts it was a key to the commerce of the great river.
+None of his rivals would begin the season of 1609 with a permanent post
+in Canada.  Thus part of the anticipated profits for 1608 was invested
+to secure an advantage in the approaching competition.  The whole
+success of the plan depended upon the mutual confidence of De Monts and
+Champlain, both
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P63"></A>63}</SPAN>
+of whom unselfishly sought the advancement of
+French interests in America&mdash;De Monts, the courageous capitalist and
+promoter; Champlain, the explorer whose discoveries were sure to
+enlarge the area of trading operations.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Pontgravé sailed from Honfleur on April 5, 1608.  Champlain followed
+eight days later, reaching Tadoussac at the beginning of June.  Here
+trouble awaited him.  The Basque traders, who always defied the
+monopoly, had set upon Pontgravé with cannon and muskets, killing one
+man and severely wounding two others, besides himself.  Going ashore,
+Champlain found Pontgravé very ill and the Basques in full possession.
+To fight was to run the risk of ruining De Monts' whole enterprise, and
+as the Basques were alarmed at what they had done, Darache, their
+captain, signed an agreement that he would not molest Pontgravé or do
+anything prejudicial to the rights of De Monts.  This basis of
+compromise makes it clear that Pontgravé was in charge of the season's
+trade, while Champlain's personal concern was to found the settlement.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+An unpleasant dispute was thus adjusted, but the incident had a still
+more unpleasant sequel.  Leaving Tadoussac on June 30,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P64"></A>64}</SPAN>
+Champlain
+reached Quebec in four days, and at once began to erect his storehouse.
+A few days later he stood in grave peril of his life through conspiracy
+among his own men.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The ringleader was a locksmith named Jean Duval, who had been at Port
+Royal and narrowly escaped death from the arrows of the Cape Cod
+Indians.  Whether he framed his plot in collusion with the Basques is
+not quite clear, but it seems unlikely that he should have gone so far
+as he did without some encouragement.  His plan was simply to kill
+Champlain and deliver Quebec to the Basques in return for a rich
+reward, either promised or expected.  Some of the men he had no chance
+to corrupt, for they were aboard the barques, guarding stores till a
+shelter could be built.  Working among the rest, Duval 'suborned four
+of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand
+falsehoods and presenting to them prospects of acquiring riches.'  The
+evidence subsequently showed that Champlain was either to be strangled
+when unarmed, or shot at night as he answered to a false alarm.  The
+conspirators made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty
+that the first who opened his mouth should be poniarded.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<A NAME="img-064"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-064.jpg" ALT="CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION OF QUEBE" BORDER="2" WIDTH="531" HEIGHT="655">
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 531px">
+CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION OF QUEBEC
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P65"></A>65}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+Out of this deadly danger Champlain escaped through the confession of a
+vacillating spirit named Natel, who regretted his share in the plot,
+but, once involved, had fears of the poniard.  Finally he confessed to
+Testu, the pilot, who immediately informed Champlain.  Questioned as to
+the motive, Natel replied that 'nothing had impelled them, except that
+they had imagined that by giving up the place into the hands of the
+Basques or Spaniards they might all become rich, and that they did not
+want to go back to France.'  Duval, with five others, was then seized
+and taken to Tadoussac.  Later in the summer Pontgravé brought the
+prisoners back to Quebec, where evidence was taken before a
+court-martial consisting of Champlain, Pontgravé, a captain, a surgeon,
+a first mate, a second mate, and some sailors.  The sentence condemned
+four to death, of whom three were afterwards sent to France and put at
+the discretion of De Monts.  Duval was 'strangled and hung at Quebec,
+and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set in the most
+conspicuous place on our fort, that he might serve as an example to
+those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in
+future, in the discharge of their
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P66"></A>66}</SPAN>
+duty; and that the Spaniards and
+Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not
+glory in the event.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It will be seen from the recital of Duval's conspiracy that Champlain
+was fortunate to escape the fate of Hudson and La Salle.  While this
+<I>cause célèbre</I> was running its course to a tragic end, the still more
+famous <I>habitation</I> grew day by day under the hands of busy workmen.
+As fruits of a crowded and exciting summer Champlain could point to a
+group of three two-storeyed buildings.  'Each one,' he says, 'was three
+fathoms long and two and a half wide.  The storehouse was six fathoms
+long and three wide, with a fine cellar six feet deep.  I had a gallery
+made all round our buildings, on the outside, at the second storey,
+which proved very convenient.  There were also ditches, fifteen feet
+wide and six deep.  On the outer side of the ditches I constructed
+several spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points
+where we placed our cannon.  Before the habitation there is a place
+four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon the
+river-bank.  Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Three dwellings of eighteen by fifteen feet each were a sufficiently
+modest starting-point
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P67"></A>67}</SPAN>
+for continental ambitions, even when
+supplemented by a storehouse of thirty-six feet by eighteen.  In
+calling the gardens very good Champlain must have been speaking with
+relation to the circumstances, or else they were very small, for there
+is abundant witness to the sufferings which Quebec in its first twenty
+years might have escaped with the help of really abundant gardens.  At
+St Croix and Port Royal an attempt had been made to plant seeds, and at
+Quebec Champlain doubtless renewed the effort, though with small
+practical result.  The point is important in its bearing on the nature
+of the settlement.  Quebec, despite such gardens as surrounded the
+<I>habitation</I>, was by origin an outpost of the fur trade, with a small,
+floating, and precarious population.  Louis Hébert, the first real
+colonist, did not come till 1617.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Lacking vegetables, Quebec fed itself in part from the river and the
+forest.  But almost all the food was brought from France.  At times
+there was game, though less than at Port Royal.  The river supplied
+eels in abundance, but when badly cooked they caused a fatal dysentery.
+The first winter was a repetition of the horrors experienced at St
+Croix, with even a higher death-rate.  Scurvy began
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P68"></A>68}</SPAN>
+in February
+and lasted till the end of April.  Of the eighteen whom it attacked,
+ten died.  Dysentery claimed others.  On June 5, 1609, word came that
+Pontgravé had arrived at Tadoussac.  Champlain's comment is eloquent in
+its brevity.  'This intelligence gave me much satisfaction, as we
+entertained hopes of assistance from him.  Out of the twenty-eight at
+first forming our company only eight remained, and half of these were
+ailing.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The monopoly granted to De Monts had now reached its close, and trade
+was open to all comers.  From 1609 until 1613 this unrestricted
+competition ran its course, with the result that a larger market was
+created for beaver skins, while nothing was done to build up New France
+as a colony.  On the whole, the most notable feature of the period is
+the establishment of close personal relations between Champlain and the
+Indians.  It was then that he became the champion of the Algonquins and
+Hurons against the Iroquois League or Five Nations, inaugurating a
+policy which was destined to have profound consequences.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The considerations which governed Champlain in his dealings with the
+Indians lay quite outside the rights and wrongs of their tribal
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P69"></A>69}</SPAN>
+wars.  His business was to explore the continent on behalf of France,
+and accordingly he took conditions as he found them.  The Indians had
+souls to be saved, but that was the business of the missionaries.  In
+the state of nature all savages were much like wild animals, and
+alliance with one nation or another was a question which naturally
+settled itself upon the basis of drainage basins.  Lands within the
+Laurentian watershed were inhabited mainly by Algonquins and Hurons,
+whose chief desire in life was to protect themselves from the Iroquois
+and avenge past injuries.  The Five Nations dwelt far south from the
+Sault St Louis and did not send their furs there for the annual barter.
+Champlain, ever in quest of a route to the East, needed friends along
+the great rivers of the wilderness.  The way to secure them, and at the
+same time to widen the trading area, was to fight for the savages of
+the St Lawrence and the Ottawa against those of the Mohawk.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+And Champlain was a good ally, as he proved in the forest wars of 1609
+and 1615.  With all their shortcomings, the Indians knew how to take
+the measure of a man.  The difference between a warrior and a trader
+was
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P70"></A>70}</SPAN>
+especially clear to their untutored minds, they themselves
+being much better fighters than men of commerce.  Champlain, like
+others, suffered from their caprice, but they respected his bravery and
+trusted his word.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+In the next chapter we shall attempt to follow Champlain through the
+wilderness, accompanied by its inhabitants, who were his guides and
+friends.  For the present we must pursue the fortunes of Quebec, whose
+existence year by year hung upon the risk that court intrigue would
+prevail against the determination of two brave men.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+From 1608 till 1611 De Monts had two partners, named Collier and
+Legendre, both citizens of Rouen.  It was with the money of these three
+that the post at Quebec had been built and equipped.  Champlain was
+their lieutenant and Pontgravé the commander of their trading ships.
+After four years of experience Collier and Legendre found the results
+unsatisfactory.  'They were unwilling,' says Champlain, 'to continue in
+the association, as there was no commission forbidding others from
+going to the new discoveries and trading with the inhabitants of the
+country.  Sieur de Monts, seeing this, bargained with them for what
+remained at the settlement at Quebec,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P71"></A>71}</SPAN>
+in consideration of a sum of
+money which he gave them for their share.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus the intrepid De Monts became sole proprietor of the <I>habitation</I>,
+and whatever clustered round it, at the foot of Cape Diamond.  But the
+property was worthless if the fur trade could not be put on a stable
+basis.  Quebec during its first three years had been a disappointment
+because, contrary to expectation, it gave its founders no advantage
+over their competitors which equalled the cost of maintenance.  De
+Monts was still ready to assist Champlain in his explorations, but his
+resources, never great, were steadily diminishing, and while trade
+continued unprofitable there were no funds for exploration.  Moreover,
+the assassination of Henry IV in 1610 weakened De Monts at court.
+Whatever Henry's shortcomings as a friend of Huguenots and colonial
+pioneers, their chances had been better with him than they now were
+with Marie de Médicis.[<A NAME="chap03fn1text"></A><A HREF="#chap03fn1">1</A>]  Champlain states that De Monts' engagements
+did not permit him to prosecute his interests at court.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P72"></A>72}</SPAN>
+Probably
+his engagements would have been less pressing had he felt more sure of
+favour.  In any event, he made over to Champlain the whole conduct of
+such negotiations as were called for by the unsatisfactory state of
+affairs on the St Lawrence.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain went to France.  What follows is an illuminating comment upon
+the conditions that prevailed under the Bourbon monarchy.  As Champlain
+saw things, the merchants who clamoured for freedom of trade were
+greedy pot-hunters.  'All they want,' he says, 'is that men should
+expose themselves to a thousand dangers to discover peoples and
+territories, that they themselves may have the profit and others the
+hardship.  It is not reasonable that one should capture the lamb and
+another go off with the fleece.  If they had been willing to
+participate in our discoveries, use their means and risk their persons,
+they would have given evidence of their honour and nobleness, but, on
+the contrary, they show clearly that they are impelled by pure malice
+that they may enjoy the fruit of our labours equally with ourselves.'
+Against folk of this sort Champlain felt he had to protect the national
+interests which were so dear to him and De Monts.  As things then
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P73"></A>73}</SPAN>
+went, there was only one way to secure protection.  At Fontainebleau a
+great noble was not habituated to render help without receiving a
+consideration.  But protection could be bought by those who were able
+to pay for it.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The patron selected by Champlain was the Comte de Soissons, a Bourbon
+by lineage and first cousin of Henry IV.  His kinship to the boy-king
+gave him, among other privileges, the power to exact from the regent
+gifts and offices as the price of his support.  Possessing this
+leverage, Soissons caused himself to be appointed viceroy of Canada,
+with a twelve-year monopoly of the fur trade above Quebec.  The
+monopoly thus re-established, its privileges could be sublet, Soissons
+receiving cash for the rights he conceded to the merchants, and they
+taking their chance to turn a profit out of the transaction.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Such at least was the theory; but before Soissons could turn his post
+into a source of revenue he died.  Casting about for a suitable
+successor, Champlain selected another prince of the blood&mdash;Henri de
+Bourbon, Prince de Condé, who duly became viceroy of Canada and holder
+of the monopoly in succession to his uncle, the Comte de Soissons.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The part of Champlain in these transactions
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P74"></A>74}</SPAN>
+is very conspicuous,
+and justly so.  There was no advantage in being viceroy of Canada
+unless the post produced a revenue, and before the viceroy could
+receive a revenue some one was needed to organize the chief Laurentian
+traders into a company strong enough to pay Soissons or Condé a
+substantial sum.  Champlain was convinced that the stability of trade
+(upon which, in turn, exploration depended) could be secured only in
+this way.  It was he who memorialized President Jeannin[<A NAME="chap03fn2text"></A><A HREF="#chap03fn2">2</A>]; enlisted
+the sympathy of the king's almoner, Beaulieu; appealed to the royal
+council; proposed the office of viceroy to Soissons; and began the
+endeavour to organize a new trading company.  Considering that early in
+1612 he suffered a serious fall from his horse, this record of activity
+is sufficiently creditable for one twelvemonth.  Meanwhile the Indians
+at Sault St Louis grieved at his absence, and his enemies told them he
+was dead.
+</P>
+
+<A NAME="img-074"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-074.jpg" ALT="HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ, VICEROY OF NEW FRANCE.  From Laverdière's <I>Champlain</I> in M'Gill University Library." BORDER="2" WIDTH="663" HEIGHT="514">
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 663px">
+HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDÉ, VICEROY OF NEW FRANCE.  <BR>
+From Laverdière's <I>Champlain</I> in M'Gill University Library.
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<P>
+It was not until 1614 that the new programme in its entirety could be
+carried out.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P75"></A>75}</SPAN>
+This time the delay came, not from the court, but
+from the merchants.  Negotiations were in progress when the ships
+sailed for the voyage of 1613, but Champlain could not remain to
+conclude them, as he felt that he must keep faith with the Indians.
+However, on his return to France that autumn, he resumed the effort,
+and by the spring of 1614 the merchants of Rouen, St Malo, and La
+Rochelle had been brought to terms among themselves as participants in
+a monopoly which was leased from the viceroy.  Condé received a
+thousand crowns a year, and the new company also agreed to take out six
+families of colonists each season.  In return it was granted the
+monopoly for eleven years.  De Monts was a member of the company and
+Quebec became its headquarters in Canada.  But the moving spirit was
+Champlain, who was appointed lieutenant to the viceroy with a salary
+and the right to levy for his own purposes four men from each ship
+trading in the river.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Once more disappointment followed.  Save for De Monts, Champlain's
+company was not inspired by Champlain's patriotism.  During the first
+three years of its existence the obligation to colonize was wilfully
+disregarded, while in the fourth year the treatment accorded
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P76"></A>76}</SPAN>
+Louis
+Hébert shows that good faith counted for as little with the fur traders
+when they acted in association as when they were engaged in cut-throat
+competition.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain excepted, Hébert was the most admirable of those who risked
+death in the attempt to found a settlement at Quebec.  He was not a
+Norman peasant, but a Parisian apothecary.  We have already seen that
+he took part in the Acadian venture of De Monts and Poutrincourt.
+After the capture of Port Royal by the English he returned to France
+(1613) and reopened his shop.  Three years later Champlain was
+authorized by the company to offer him and his family favourable terms
+if they would emigrate to Quebec, the consideration being two hundred
+crowns a year for three years, besides maintenance.  On this
+understanding Hébert sold his house and shop, bought an equipment for
+the new home, and set off with his family to embark at Honfleur.  Here
+he found that Champlain's shareholders were not prepared to stand by
+their agreement.  The company first beat him down from two hundred to
+one hundred crowns a year, and then stipulated that he, his wife, his
+children, and his domestic should serve it for the three years during
+which the grant
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P77"></A>77}</SPAN>
+was payable.  Even at the end of three years, when
+he found himself at liberty to till the soil, he was bound to sell
+produce to the company at the prices prevalent in France.  The company
+was to have his perpetual service as a chemist for nothing, and he must
+promise in writing to take no part in the fur trade.  Hébert had cut
+off his retreat and was forced to accept these hard terms, but it is
+not strange that under such conditions colonists should have been few.
+Sagard, the Récollet missionary, says the company treated Hébert so
+badly because it wished to discourage colonization.  What it wanted was
+the benefit of the monopoly, without the obligation of finding settlers
+who had to be brought over for nothing.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+A man of honour like Champlain could not have tricked Hébert into the
+bad bargain he made, and their friendship survived the incident.  But a
+company which transacted its business in this fashion was not likely to
+enjoy long life.  Its chief asset was Champlain's friendship with the
+Indians, especially after his long sojourn with them in 1615 and 1616.
+Some years, particularly 1617, showed a large profit, but as time went
+on friction arose between the Huguenots of La Rochelle
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P78"></A>78}</SPAN>
+and the
+Catholics of Rouen.  Then there were interlopers to be prosecuted, and
+the quarrels of Condé with the government brought with them trouble to
+the merchants whose monopoly depended on his grant.  For three years
+(1616-19) the viceroy of Canada languished in the Bastille.  Shortly
+after his release he sold his viceregal rights to the Duke of
+Montmorency, Admiral of France.  The price was 11,000 crowns.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+In 1619 Champlain's company ventured to disagree with its founder, and,
+as a consequence, another crisis arose in the affairs of New France.
+The cause of dispute was the company's unwillingness to keep its
+promises regarding colonization.  Champlain protested.  The company
+replied that Pontgravé should be put in charge at Quebec.  Champlain
+then said that Pontgravé was his old friend, and he hoped they would
+always be friends, but that he was at Quebec as the viceroy's
+representative, charged with the duty of defending his interests.  The
+leader of Champlain's opponents among the shareholders was Boyer, a
+trader who had formerly given much trouble to De Monts, but was now one
+of the associates.  When in the spring of 1619 Champlain attempted to
+sail for Quebec as usual, Boyer
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P79"></A>79}</SPAN>
+prevented him from going aboard.
+There followed an appeal to the crown, in which Champlain was fully
+sustained, and Boyer did penance by offering a public apology before
+the Exchange at Rouen.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It was shortly after this incident that Condé abdicated in favour of
+Montmorency.  The admiral, like his predecessor, accepted a thousand
+crowns a year and named Champlain as his lieutenant.  He also
+instituted an inquiry regarding the alleged neglect of the company to
+maintain the post at Quebec.  The investigation showed that abundant
+cause existed for depriving the company of its monopoly, and in
+consequence the grant was transferred, on similar terms, to William and
+Emery de Caën.  Here complications at once ensued.  The De Caëns, who
+were natives of Rouen, were also Huguenots, a fact that intensified the
+ill-feeling which had already arisen on the St Lawrence between
+Catholic and heretic.  The dispute between the new beneficiaries and
+the company founded by Champlain involved no change in the policy of
+the crown towards trade and colonization.  It was a quarrel of persons,
+which eventually reached a settlement in 1622.  The De Caëns then
+compromised by reorganizing the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P80"></A>80}</SPAN>
+company and giving their
+predecessors five-twelfths of the shares.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The recital of these intricate events will at least illustrate the
+difficulties which beset Champlain in his endeavour to build up New
+France.  There were problems enough even had he received loyal support
+from the crown and the company.  With the English and Dutch in full
+rivalry, he saw that an aggressive policy of expansion and settlement
+became each year more imperative.  Instead, he was called on to
+withstand the cabals of self-seeking traders who shirked their
+obligations, and to endure the apathy of a government which was
+preoccupied with palace intrigues.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+At Quebec itself the two bright spots were the convent of the
+Récollets[<A NAME="chap03fn3text"></A><A HREF="#chap03fn3">3</A>] and the little farm of Louis Hébert.  The Récollets first
+came to New France in 1615, and began at once by language study to
+prepare for their work among the Montagnais and Hurons.  It was a
+stipulation of the viceroy that six of them should be supported by the
+company, and in the absence of parish priests they ministered to the
+ungodly hangers-on of the fur trade as well as to the Indians.  Louis
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P81"></A>81}</SPAN>
+Hébert and his admirable family were very dear to the Fathers.  In
+1617 all the buildings which had been erected at Quebec lay by the
+water's edge.  Hébert was the first to make a clearing on the heights.
+His first domain covered less than ten acres, but it was well tilled.
+He built a stone house, which was thirty-eight feet by nineteen.
+Besides making a garden, he planted apple-trees and vines.  He also
+managed to support some cattle.  When one considers what all this means
+in terms of food and comfort, it may be guessed that the fur traders,
+wintering down below on salt pork and smoked eels, must have felt much
+respect for the farmer in his stone mansion on the cliff.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+We have from Champlain's own lips a valuable statement as to the
+condition of things at Quebec in 1627, the year when Louis Hébert died.
+'We were in all,' he says, 'sixty-five souls, including men, women, and
+children.'  Of the sixty-five only eighteen were adult males fit for
+hard work, and this small number must be reduced to two or three if we
+include only the tillers of the soil.  Besides these, a few adventurous
+spirits were away in the woods with the Indians, learning their
+language and endeavouring to exploit the beaver trade; but twenty years
+after the founding of Quebec the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P82"></A>82}</SPAN>
+French in Canada, all told,
+numbered less than one hundred.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Contrast with this the state of Virginia fifteen years after the
+settlement of Jamestown.  'By 1622,' says John Fiske, 'the population
+of Virginia was at least 4000, the tobacco fields were flourishing and
+lucrative, durable houses had been built and made comfortable with
+furniture brought from England, and the old squalor was everywhere
+giving way to thrift.  The area of colonization was pushed up the James
+River as far as Richmond.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This contrast is not to be interpreted to the personal disadvantage of
+Champlain.  The slow growth and poverty of Quebec were due to no fault
+of his.  It is rather the measure of his greatness that he was
+undaunted by disappointment and unembittered by the pettiness of spirit
+which met him at every turn.  A memorial which he presented in 1618 to
+the Chamber of Commerce at Paris discloses his dream of what might be:
+a city at Quebec named Ludovica, a city equal in size to St Denis and
+filled with noble buildings grouped round the Church of the Redeemer.
+Tributary to this capital was a vast region watered by the St Lawrence
+and abounding 'in rolling plains,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P83"></A>83}</SPAN>
+beautiful forests, and rivers
+full of fish.'  From Ludovica the heathen were to be converted and a
+passage discovered to the East.  So important a trade route would be
+developed, that from the tolls alone there would be revenue to
+construct great public works.  Rich mines and fat cornfields fill the
+background.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Such was the Quebec of Champlain's vision&mdash;if only France would see it
+so!  But in the Quebec of reality a few survivors saw the hunger of
+winter yield to the starvation of spring.  They lived on eels and roots
+till June should bring the ships and food from home.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap03fn1"></A>
+<A NAME="chap03fn2"></A>
+<A NAME="chap03fn3"></A>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap03fn1text">1</A>] The second and surviving wife of Henry IV&mdash;an Italian by birth and
+in close sympathy with Spain.  As regent for her son, Louis XIII, she
+did much to reverse the policy of Henry IV, both foreign and domestic.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap03fn2text">2</A>] One of the chief advisers of Marie de Médicis.  In the early part
+of his career he was President of the Parlement of Dijon and an
+important member of the extreme Catholic party.  After the retirement
+of the Duc de Sully (1611) he was placed in charge of the finances of
+France.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap03fn3text">3</A>] The Récollets were a branch of the Franciscan order, noted for the
+austerity of their rule.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap04"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P84"></A>84}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+CHAPTER IV
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's journeyings with the Indians were the holiday of his life,
+for at no other time was he so free to follow the bent of his genius.
+First among the incentives which drew him to the wilderness was his
+ambition to discover the pathway to China.  In 1608 the St Lawrence had
+not been explored beyond the Lachine Rapids, nor the Richelieu beyond
+Chambly&mdash;while the Ottawa was known only by report.  Beyond Lake St
+Louis stretched a mysterious world, through the midst of which flowed
+the Great River.  For an explorer and a patriot the opportunity was
+priceless.  The acquisition of vast territory for the French crown, the
+enlargement of the trade zone, the discovery of a route to Cathay, the
+prospect of Arcadian joys and exciting adventures&mdash;beside such
+promptings hardship and danger became negligible.  And when exploring
+the wilderness Champlain was in full command.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P85"></A>85}</SPAN>
+Off the coast of
+Norumbega his wishes, as geographer, had been subject to the special
+projects of De Monts and Poutrincourt.  At Fontainebleau he waited for
+weeks and months in the antechambers of prelates or nobles.  But when
+conducting an expedition through the forest he was lord and master, a
+chieftain from whose arquebus flew winged death.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The story of Champlain's expeditions along these great secluded
+waterways, and across the portages of the forest, makes the most
+agreeable page of his life both for writer and reader, since it is here
+that he himself is most clearly in the foreground.  At no point can his
+narrative be thought dull, compact as it is and always in touch with
+energetic action.  But the details of fur trading at Tadoussac and the
+Sault St Louis, or even of voyaging along the Acadian seaboard, are far
+less absorbing than the tale of the canoe and the war party.  Amid the
+depths of the interior Champlain reaped his richest experiences as an
+explorer.  With the Indians for his allies and enemies he reached his
+fullest stature as a leader.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It is not important to dwell upon the minor excursions which Champlain
+made from his headquarters at Quebec into the country of the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P86"></A>86}</SPAN>
+Montagnais.[<A NAME="chap04fn1text"></A><A HREF="#chap04fn1">1</A>]  He saw little of the rocky northland which, with its
+myriad lakes and splendid streams, sweeps from the St Lawrence to
+Hudson Bay.  Southward and westward lay his course to the cantons of
+the Iroquois south of Lake Ontario and the villages of the Hurons north
+of Lake Simcoe.  Above all, the expeditions of 1609, 1613, and 1615 are
+the central episodes of his work as an explorer, each marked by a
+distinct motive and abounding with adventures.  In 1609 he discovered
+Lake Champlain and fought his first battle with the Iroquois.  In 1613
+he was decoyed by a lying guide into a fruitless search for the
+North-West Passage by the route of the Ottawa.  In 1615 he discovered
+Lake Huron, traversed what is now Central Ontario, and attacked the
+Iroquois in the heart of their own country.  These three journeys make
+the sum of Champlain's achievements as a pioneer of the interior.  For
+all three, likewise, we have his own story, upon which all other
+versions are based and from which they draw their most striking details.
+</P>
+
+<A NAME="img-086"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-086.jpg" ALT="THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609.  From a drawing by J. D. Kelly in the Château de Ramezay, Montreal." BORDER="2" WIDTH="700" HEIGHT="519">
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 700px">
+THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609.  <BR>
+From a drawing by J. D. Kelly in the Château de Ramezay, Montreal.
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<P>
+The discovery of Lake Champlain had its root in Champlain's promise to
+the Algonquins
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P87"></A>87}</SPAN>
+that he would aid them in their strife with the
+Iroquois.  In turn this promise was based upon the policy of
+conciliating those savage tribes from whom the French derived their
+supply of furs, and with whom throughout the St Lawrence basin they
+most constantly came in contact.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It was the year which followed the founding of Quebec.  Of the
+twenty-eight who entered upon the first winter eight only had survived,
+and half of these were ailing.  On June 5 relief came in the person of
+Des Marais, who announced that his father-in-law, Pontgravé, was
+already at Tadoussac.  Champlain at once set out to meet him, and it
+was arranged that Pontgravé should take charge of the settlement for
+the coming year, while Champlain fulfilled his promise to aid the
+Algonquins in their war with the Iroquois.  The full plan required that
+Pontgravé should spend the winter in Canada, while Champlain, after his
+summer campaign, was to return to France with a report of his
+explorations.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The Indians had stated that the route to the land of the Iroquois was
+easy, and Champlain's original design was to proceed in a shallop
+capable of carrying twenty Frenchmen.  Early in July he reached the
+mouth
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P88"></A>88}</SPAN>
+of the Richelieu, but on arriving at Chambly he found it
+quite impossible to pass the falls with his shallop.  Either the
+expedition must be abandoned or the plan be radically changed, with the
+consequence of incurring much greater risks.  To advance meant sending
+back the shallop with its crew and stores, embarking in a canoe, and
+trusting wholly to the good faith of the savages.  The decision was not
+easy.  'I was much troubled,' says Champlain.  'And it gave me especial
+dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very large lake, filled
+with handsome islands and with large tracts of fine land bordering on
+the lake, where their enemies lived, according to their
+representations.  After duly thinking over the matter I determined to
+go and fulfil my promise and carry out my desire.  Accordingly I
+embarked with the savages in their canoes, taking with me two men, who
+went cheerfully.  After making known my plan to Des Marais and others
+in the shallop, I requested the former to return to our settlement with
+the rest of our company, giving them the assurance that in a short
+time, by God's grace, I would return to them.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Having convinced himself, Champlain was next forced to convince the
+Indians, whose
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P89"></A>89}</SPAN>
+first impulse was to abandon the campaign when they
+found that they would be accompanied by only three of the Frenchmen.
+Champlain's firmness, however, communicated itself to them, and on July
+12 they set out from Chambly Basin to commence the portage.  At the top
+of the rapid a review of forces was held, and it proved that the
+Indians numbered sixty men, equipped with twenty-four canoes.
+Advancing through a beautifully wooded country, the little war-party
+encamped at a point not far below the outlet of Lake Champlain, taking
+the precaution to protect themselves by a rough fortification of tree
+trunks.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+At this point Champlain introduces a graphic statement regarding the
+methods which the Indians employ to guard against surprise.  On three
+sides they protect the camp by fallen trees, leaving the river-bank
+without a barricade in order that they may take quickly to their
+canoes.  Then, as soon as the camp has been fortified, they send out
+nine picked men in three canoes to reconnoitre for a distance of two or
+three leagues.  But before nightfall these scouts return, and then all
+lie down to sleep, without leaving any pickets or sentries on duty.
+When
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P90"></A>90}</SPAN>
+Champlain remonstrated with them for such gross carelessness,
+they replied that they worked hard enough during the daytime.  The
+normal formation of an Indian war-party embraced three divisions&mdash;the
+scouts, the main body, and the hunters, the last always remaining in
+the rear and chasing their game in a direction from which they did not
+anticipate the appearance of the enemy.  Having arrived at a distance
+of two or three days' march from their enemies, they united in a single
+party (save for the scouts) and advanced stealthily by night.  At this
+juncture their food became baked Indian meal soaked in water.  They hid
+by day and made no fire, save that required to smoke their tobacco.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus does Champlain describe the savage as he is about to fall upon his
+foe.  He gives special prominence to the soothsayer, who on the eve of
+battle enters into elaborate intercourse with the devil.  Inside a
+wooden hut the necromancer lies prostrate on the ground, motionless.
+Then he springs to his feet and begins to torment himself,
+counterfeiting strange tones to represent the speech of the devil, and
+carrying on violent antics which leave him in a stream of perspiration.
+Outside the hut the Indians sit round on their
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P91"></A>91}</SPAN>
+haunches like apes
+and fancy that they can see fire proceeding from the roof, although the
+devil appears to the soothsayer in the form of a stone.  Finally, the
+chiefs, when they have by these means learned that they will meet their
+enemy and kill a sufficient number, arrange the order of battle.
+Sticks a foot long are taken, one for each warrior, and these are laid
+out on a level place five or six feet square.  The leader then explains
+the order of battle, after which the warriors substitute themselves for
+the sticks and go through the manoeuvres till they can do them without
+confusion.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+From this description of tactics we pass speedily to a story of real
+war.  Reaching Lake Champlain, the party skirted the western shore,
+with fine views of the Green Mountains, on the summit of which
+Champlain mistook white limestone for snow.  On July 29, at Crown
+Point, the Iroquois were encountered at about ten o'clock in the
+evening.  Thus the first real battle of French and Indians took place
+near that remarkable spot where Lake Champlain and Lake George draw
+close together&mdash;the Ticonderoga of Howe, the Carillon of Montcalm.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The Algonquins were in good courage, for,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P92"></A>92}</SPAN>
+besides the muskets of
+the three Frenchmen, they were inspired by a dream of Champlain that he
+had seen the Iroquois drowning in a lake.  As soon as the enemies saw
+each other, both began to utter loud cries and make ready their
+weapons.  The Algonquins kept out on the water; the Iroquois went
+ashore and built a barricade.  When the Algonquins had made ready for
+battle
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block" STYLE="text-indent: 0%">
+they dispatched two canoes to the enemy to inquire if they wished to
+fight, to which the latter replied that they wished nothing else; but
+they said that at present there was not much light, and that it would
+be necessary to wait for day so as to be able to recognize each other;
+and that as soon as the sun rose they would offer us battle.  This was
+agreed to by our side.  Meanwhile the entire night was spent in dancing
+and singing, on both sides, with endless insults and other talk; as how
+little courage we had, how feeble a resistance we should make against
+their arms, and that when day came we should realize it to our ruin.
+Ours also were not slow in retorting, telling them that they would see
+such execution of arms as never before, together with an abundance of
+such talk as is not unusual in the siege of a town.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Care had been taken by the Algonquins that the presence of Champlain
+and his two companions should come to the Iroquois as a complete
+surprise.  Each of the Frenchmen
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P93"></A>93}</SPAN>
+was in a separate canoe, convoyed
+by the Montagnais.  At daylight each put on light armour and, armed
+with an arquebus, went ashore.  Champlain was near enough the barricade
+to see nearly two hundred Iroquois, 'stout and rugged in appearance.
+They came at a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which
+greatly impressed me, having three chiefs at their head.'  Champlain,
+when urged by his allies to make sure of killing the three chiefs,
+replied that he would do his best, and that in any case he would show
+them his courage and goodwill.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Then began the fight, which must be described in Champlain's own words,
+for in all his writings there is no more famous passage.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two hundred paces
+towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my
+companions, who went into the woods with some savages.  Our men began
+to call me with loud cries; and in order to give me a passage way they
+opened in two parts and put me at their head, where I marched some
+twenty paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about twenty
+paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me and, halting, gazed at me,
+as I did also at them.  When I saw them make a move to fire at us, I
+rested my musket against my cheek and aimed directly at one of the
+three chiefs.  With the same shot two fell to
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P94"></A>94}</SPAN>
+the ground; and one
+of their men was so wounded that he died some time after.  I had loaded
+my musket with four balls.  When our side saw this shot so favourable
+for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could not have
+heard it thunder.  Meanwhile the arrows flew on both sides.  The
+Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been so quickly
+killed, although they were equipped with armour woven from cotton
+thread and with wood which was proof against their arrows.  This caused
+great alarm among them.  As I was loading again, one of my companions
+fired a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a
+degree that, seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage and took to
+flight, abandoning their camp and fort and fleeing into the woods,
+whither I pursued them, killing still more of them.  Our savages also
+killed several of them and took ten or twelve prisoners.  The remainder
+escaped with the wounded.  Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on our side
+with arrow shots, but they were soon healed.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+The spoils of victory included a large quantity of Indian corn,
+together with a certain amount of meal, and also some of the native
+armour which the Iroquois had thrown away in order to effect their
+escape.  Then followed a feast and the torture of one of the prisoners,
+whose sufferings were mercifully concluded by a ball from Champlain's
+musket, delivered in such wise that the unfortunate did not see
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P95"></A>95}</SPAN>
+the shot.  Like Montcalm and other French commanders of a later date,
+Champlain found it impossible to curb wholly the passions of his savage
+allies.  In this case his remonstrances had the effect of gaining for
+the victim a <I>coup de grâce</I>&mdash;which may be taken as a measure of
+Champlain's prestige.  The atrocious savagery practised before and
+after death is described in full detail.  Champlain concludes the lurid
+picture as follows: 'This is the manner in which these people behave
+towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to
+die fighting or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many
+do rather than fall into the hands of their enemies.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Beyond the point at which this battle was fought Champlain did not go.
+At Ticonderoga he was within eighty miles of the site of Albany.  Had
+he continued, he would have reached the Hudson from the north in the
+same summer the <I>Half Moon</I>[<A NAME="chap04fn2text"></A><A HREF="#chap04fn2">2</A>] entered it from the mouth.  But the
+Algonquins were content with their victory, though they candidly
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P96"></A>96}</SPAN>
+stated that there was an easy route from the south end of Lake George
+to 'a river flowing into the sea on the Norumbega coast near that of
+Florida.'  The return to Quebec and Tadoussac was attended by no
+incident of moment.  The Montagnais, on parting with Champlain at
+Tadoussac, generously gave him the head of an Iroquois and a pair of
+arms, with the request that they be carried to the king of France.  The
+Algonquins had already taken their departure at Chambly, where, says
+Champlain, 'we separated with loud protestations of mutual friendship.
+They asked me whether I would not like to go into their country to
+assist them with continued fraternal relations; and I promised that I
+would do so.'  As a contribution to geographical knowledge the
+expedition of 1609 disclosed the existence of a noble lake, to which
+Champlain fitly gave his own name.  Its dimensions he considerably
+over-estimated, but in all essential respects its situation was
+correctly described, while his comments on the flora and fauna are very
+interesting.  The garpike as he saw it, with amplifications from the
+Indians as they had seen it, gave him the subject for a good fish
+story.  He was deeply impressed, too, by the richness of the
+vegetation.  His attack on the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P97"></A>97}</SPAN>
+Iroquois was not soon forgotten by
+that relentless foe, and prepared a store of trouble for the colony he
+founded.  But the future was closed to his view, and for the moment his
+was the glorious experience of being the first to gaze with European
+eyes upon a lake fairer and grander than his own France could show.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Four years elapsed before Champlain was enabled to plunge once more
+into the depths of the forest&mdash;this time only to meet with the severest
+disappointment of his life.  Much has been said already regarding his
+ambition to discover a short route to Cathay.  This was the great prize
+for which he would have sacrificed everything save loyalty to the king
+and duty to the church.  For a moment he seemed on the point of gaining
+it.  Then the truth was brutally disclosed, and he found that he had
+been wilfully deceived by an impostor.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It was a feature of Champlain's policy that from time to time French
+youths should spend the winter with the Indians&mdash;hunting with them,
+living in their settlements, exploring their country, and learning
+their language.  Of Frenchmen thus trained to woodcraft during
+Champlain's lifetime the most notable were Étienne Brulé, Nicolas
+Vignau, Nicolas
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P98"></A>98}</SPAN>
+Marsolet, and Jean Nicolet.  Unfortunately the
+three first did not leave an unclouded record.  Brulé, after becoming a
+most accomplished guide, turned traitor and aided the English in 1629.
+Champlain accuses Marsolet of a like disloyalty.[<A NAME="chap04fn3text"></A><A HREF="#chap04fn3">3</A>]  Vignau, with more
+imagination, stands on the roll of fame as a frank impostor.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain, as we have seen, spent the whole of 1612 in France, and it
+was at this time that Vignau appeared in Paris with a tale which could
+not but kindle excitement in the heart of an explorer.  The basis of
+fact was that Vignau had undoubtedly passed the preceding winter with
+the Algonquins on the Ottawa.  The fable which was built upon this fact
+can best be told in Champlain's own words.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+He reported to me, on his return to Paris in 1612, that he had seen the
+North Sea; that the river of the Algonquins [the Ottawa] came from a
+lake which emptied into it; and that in seventeen days one could go
+from the Falls of St Louis to this sea and back again; that he had seen
+the wreck and débris of an English ship that had been wrecked, on board
+of which were eighty men who had escaped to the shore, and whom the
+savages killed because the English endeavoured to take from them by
+force their Indian corn and other necessaries of life; and that he had
+seen
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P99"></A>99}</SPAN>
+the scalps which these savages had flayed off, according to
+their custom, which they would show me, and that they would likewise
+give me an English boy whom they had kept for me.  This intelligence
+greatly pleased me, for I thought that I had almost found that for
+which I had for a long time been searching.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Champlain makes it clear that he did not credit Vignau's tale with the
+simple credulity of a man who has never been to sea.  He caused Vignau
+to swear to its truth at La Rochelle before two notaries.  He
+stipulated that Vignau should go with him over the whole route.
+Finally, as they were on the point of sailing together for Canada in
+the spring of 1613, he once more adjured Vignau in the presence of
+distinguished witnesses, saying 'that if what he had previously said
+was not true, he must not give me the trouble to undertake the journey,
+which involved many dangers.  Again he affirmed all that he had said,
+on peril of his life.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+After taking these multiplied precautions against deceit, Champlain
+left the Sault St Louis on May 29, 1613, attended by four Frenchmen and
+one Indian, with Vignau for guide.  Ascending the Ottawa, they
+encountered their first difficulties at the Long Sault,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P100"></A>100}</SPAN>
+where
+Dollard forty-seven years later was to lose his life so gloriously.
+Here the passage of the rapids was both fatiguing and dangerous.
+Prevented by the density of the wood from making a portage, they were
+forced to drag their canoes through the water.  In one of the eddies
+Champlain nearly lost his life, and his hand was severely hurt by a
+sudden jerk of the rope.  Having mounted the rapids, he met with no
+very trying obstacle until he had gone some distance past the Chaudière
+Falls.  His reference to the course of the Gatineau makes no sense, and
+Laverdière has had recourse to the not improbable conjecture that the
+printer dropped out a whole line at this point.  Champlain also
+over-estimates considerably the height of the Rideau Falls and is not
+very exact in his calculation of latitude.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The hardships of this journey were greatly and unnecessarily increased
+by Vignau, whose only hope was to discourage his leader.  In the end it
+proved that 'our liar' (as Champlain repeatedly calls him) had hoped to
+secure a reward for his alleged discovery, believing that no one would
+follow him long, even if an attempt were made to confirm the accuracy
+of his report.  But Champlain, undeterred by portages and mosquitoes,
+kept on.  Some
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P101"></A>101}</SPAN>
+savages who joined him said that Vignau was a
+liar, and on their advice Champlain left the Ottawa a short distance
+above the mouth of the Madawaska.  Holding westward at some distance
+from the south shore, he advanced past Muskrat Lake, and after a hard
+march came out again on the Ottawa at Lake Allumette.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This was the end of Champlain's route in 1613.  From the Algonquins on
+Allumette Island he learned that Vignau had wintered with them at the
+time he swore he was discovering salt seas.  Finally, the impostor
+confessed his fraud and, falling on his knees, asked for mercy.  The
+Indians would gladly have killed him outright, but Champlain spared his
+life, though how deeply he was moved can be seen from these words:
+'Overcome with wrath I had him removed, being unable to endure him any
+longer in my presence.'  After his confession there was nothing for it
+but to return by the same route.  An astrolabe found some years ago
+near Muskrat Lake may have been dropped from Champlain's luggage on the
+journey westward, though he does not mention the loss.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Apart from disclosing the course of the Ottawa, the <I>Voyage</I> of 1613 is
+chiefly notable
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P102"></A>102}</SPAN>
+for its account of Indian customs&mdash;for example,
+the mode of sepulture, the <I>tabagie</I> or feast, and the superstition
+which leads the Algonquins to throw pieces of tobacco into the cauldron
+of the Chaudière Falls as a means of ensuring protection against their
+enemies.  Of the feast given him by Tessouät, an Algonquin chief,
+Champlain says:
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer and wooden
+spoon.  They seated themselves without order or ceremony on the ground
+in the cabin of Tessouät, who distributed to them a kind of broth made
+of maize crushed between two stones, together with meat and fish which
+was cut into little pieces, the whole being boiled together without
+salt.  They also had meat roasted on the coals and fish boiled apart,
+which he also distributed.  In respect to myself, as I did not wish any
+of their chowder, which they prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked
+them for some fish and meat, that I might prepare it my own way, which
+they gave me.  For drink we had fine, clear water.  Tessouät, who gave
+the <I>tabagie</I>, entertained us without eating himself, according to
+their custom.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+The <I>tabagie</I> being over, the young men, who are not present at the
+harangues and councils, and who during the <I>tabagie</I> remain at the door
+of the cabins, withdrew, when all who remained began to fill their
+pipes, one and another offering me one.  We then spent a full half-hour
+in this occupation, not a word being spoken, as is their custom.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P103"></A>103}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+But for the dexterous arrangement by which Champlain managed to cook
+his own food, the <I>tabagie</I> would have been more dangerous to health
+than the portage.  In any case, it was an ordeal that could not be
+avoided, for feasting meant friendly intercourse, and only through
+friendly intercourse could Champlain gain knowledge of that vast
+wilderness which he must pierce before reaching his long-sought goal,
+the sea beyond which lay China.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+As for Vignau, his punishment was to make full confession before all
+the French who had assembled at the Sault St Louis to traffic with the
+Indians.  When Champlain reached this rendezvous on June 17, he
+informed the traders of all that had happened, including
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block" STYLE="text-indent: 0%">
+the malice of my liar, at which they were greatly amazed.  I then
+begged them to assemble in order that in their presence, and that of
+the savages and his companions, he might make declaration of his
+maliciousness; which they gladly did.  Being thus assembled, they
+summoned him and asked him why he had not shown me the sea of the
+north, as he had promised me at his departure.  He replied that he had
+promised something impossible for him, since he had never seen the sea,
+and that the desire of making the journey had led him to say what he
+did, also that he did not suppose that I would undertake it; and he
+begged them to be pleased to pardon him, as he also
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P104"></A>104}</SPAN>
+begged me
+again, confessing that he had greatly offended, and if I would leave
+him in the country he would by his efforts repair the offence and see
+this sea, and bring back trustworthy intelligence concerning it the
+following year; and in view of certain considerations I pardoned him on
+this condition.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Vignau's public confession was followed by the annual barter with the
+Indians, after which Champlain returned to France.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+We come now to the <I>Voyage</I> of 1615, which describes Champlain's
+longest and most daring journey through the forest&mdash;an expedition that
+occupied the whole period from July 9, 1615, to the last days of June
+1616.  Thus for the first time he passed a winter with the Indians,
+enlarging greatly thereby his knowledge of their customs and character.
+The central incident of the expedition was an attack made by the Hurons
+and their allies upon the stronghold of the Onondagas in the heart of
+the Iroquois country.  But while this war-party furnishes the chief
+adventure, there is no page of Champlain's narrative which lacks its
+tale of the marvellous.  As a story of life in the woods, the <I>Voyage</I>
+of 1615 stands first among all Champlain's writings.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+As in 1609, there was a mutuality of interest between Champlain and the
+Indians who
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P105"></A>105}</SPAN>
+traded at the Sault.  His desire was to explore and
+theirs was to fight.  By compromise they disclosed to him the recesses
+of their country and he aided them against the Iroquois.  In 1615 the
+Hurons not only reminded him of his repeated promises to aid them, but
+stated flatly that without such aid they could no longer attend the
+annual market, as their enemies were making the route too unsafe.  On
+their side they promised a war-party of more than two thousand men.  A
+further proof of friendship was afforded by their willingness to
+receive a missionary in their midst&mdash;the Récollet, Father Joseph Le
+Caron.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's line of exploration in 1615-16 took the following course.
+He first ascended the Ottawa to the mouth of the Mattawa.  Thence
+journeying overland by ponds and portages he entered Lake Nipissing,
+which he skirted to the outlet.  French River next took him to Georgian
+Bay, or, as he calls it for geographical definition, the Lake of the
+Attigouautan [Hurons].  His own name for this vast inland sea is the
+<I>Mer Douce</I>.  That he did not explore it with any degree of
+thoroughness is evident from the terms of his narrative as well as from
+his statement that its length, east and
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P106"></A>106}</SPAN>
+west, is four hundred
+leagues.  What he saw of Lake Huron was really the east shore of
+Georgian Bay, from the mouth of French River to the bottom of
+Matchedash Bay.  Here he entered the country of the Hurons, which
+pleased him greatly in comparison with the tract before traversed.  'It
+was very fine, the largest part being cleared, and many hills and
+several rivers rendering the region agreeable.  I went to see their
+Indian corn, which was at that time [early in August] far advanced for
+the season.'
+</P>
+
+<A NAME="img-106t"></A>
+<CENTER>
+<A HREF="images/img-106.jpg">
+<IMG CLASS="imgcenter" SRC="images/img-106t.jpg" ALT="CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16" BORDER="2" WIDTH="738" HEIGHT="504">
+</A>
+<H4 CLASS="h4center" STYLE="width: 738px">
+CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16
+</H4>
+</CENTER>
+
+<P>
+Champlain's route through the district between Carmaron and Cahaigué
+can best be followed in Father Jones's map of Huronia.[<A NAME="chap04fn4text"></A><A HREF="#chap04fn4">4</A>]  The points
+which Champlain names are there indicated, in each case with as careful
+identification of the locality as we are ever likely to get.  For those
+who are not specialists in the topography of Huronia it may suffice
+that Champlain left Matchedash Bay not far from Penetanguishene, and
+thence went to Carmaron at the very north of the peninsula.  Returning,
+he passed through some of the largest of the Huron villages, and after
+sixteen days came out at Cahaigué, which was situated
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P107"></A>107}</SPAN>
+close to
+Lake Simcoe and almost on the site of the modern Hawkestone.  It was
+here that most of the Huron warriors assembled for the great expedition
+against the Onondagas.  Setting out on their march, they first went a
+little to the northward, where they were joined on the shores of Lake
+Couchiching by another contingent.  The party thus finally made up,
+Champlain's line of advance first took him to Sturgeon Lake.
+Afterwards it pursued that important waterway which is represented by
+the Otonabee river, Rice Lake, and the river Trent.  Hence the warriors
+entered Lake Ontario by the Bay of Quinte.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This country between Lake Simcoe and the Bay of Quinte seems to have
+pleased Champlain greatly.  He saw it in September, when the
+temperature was agreeable and when the vegetation of the forest could
+be enjoyed without the torment inflicted by mosquitoes.  'It is
+certain,' he says, 'that all this region is very fine and pleasant.
+Along the banks it seems as if the trees had been set out for ornament
+in most places, and that all these tracts were in former times
+inhabited by savages who were subsequently compelled to abandon them
+from fear of their enemies.  Vines and nut trees are here very
+numerous.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P108"></A>108}</SPAN>
+Grapes mature, yet there is always a very pungent
+tartness, which is felt remaining in the throat when one eats them in
+large quantities, arising from defect of cultivation.  These localities
+are very pleasant when cleared up.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+From the Bay of Quinte the war-party skirted the east shore of Lake
+Ontario, crossing the head of the St Lawrence, and thence following the
+southern shore about fourteen leagues.  At this point the Indians
+concealed all their canoes and struck into the woods towards Lake
+Oneida.  Though made up chiefly of Hurons, the little army embraced
+various allies, including a band of Algonquins.  Whether from
+over-confidence at having Champlain among them or from their natural
+lack of discipline, the allies managed their attack very badly.  On a
+pond a few miles south of Oneida Lake lay the objective point of the
+expedition&mdash;a palisaded stronghold of the Onondagas.  At a short
+distance from this fort eleven of the enemy were surprised and taken
+prisoners.  What followed was much less fortunate.  Champlain does not
+state the number of Frenchmen present, but as his drawing shows eleven
+musketeers, we may infer that his own followers were distinctly
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P109"></A>109}</SPAN>
+more numerous than at the battle on Lake Champlain.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The height of the palisade was thirty feet, and a system of gutters
+supplied abundant water for use in extinguishing fire.  Champlain's
+plan of attack was to employ a <I>cavalier</I>, or protected scaffolding,
+which should overtop the palisade and could be brought close against
+it.  From the top of this framework four or five musketeers were to
+deliver a fusillade against the Iroquois within the fort, while the
+Hurons kindled a fire at the foot of the palisade.  Champlain's drawing
+shows the rest of the musketeers engaged in creating a diversion at
+other points.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+But everything miscarried.  Though the <I>cavalier</I> was constructed, the
+allies threw aside the wooden shields which Champlain had caused to be
+made as a defence against the arrows of the Iroquois while the fire was
+being kindled.  Only a small supply of wood had been collected, and
+even this was so placed that the flames blew away from the palisade
+instead of towards it.  On the failure of this attempt to fire the fort
+all semblance of discipline was thrown to the winds.  'There also rose
+such disorder among them,' says Champlain, 'that one could not
+understand
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P110"></A>110}</SPAN>
+another, which greatly troubled me.  In vain did I
+shout in their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the
+danger to which they exposed themselves by their bad behaviour, but on
+account of the great noise they made they heard nothing.  Seeing that
+shouting would only burst my head and that my remonstrances were
+useless for putting a stop to the disorder, I did nothing more, but
+determined, together with my men, to do what we could and fire upon
+such as we could see.'  The fight itself lasted only three hours, and
+the casualties of the attacking party were inconsiderable, since but
+two of their chiefs and fifteen warriors were wounded.  In addition to
+their repulse, the Hurons suffered a severe disappointment through the
+failure to join them of five hundred allies who had given their solemn
+promise.  Although Champlain had received two severe wounds, one in the
+leg and another in the knee, he urged a second and more concerted
+attack.  But in vain.  The most the Hurons would promise was to wait
+four or five days for the expected reinforcements.  At the end of this
+time there was no sign of the five hundred, and the return began.  'The
+only good point,' says Champlain, 'that I have seen in their mode of
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P111"></A>111}</SPAN>
+warfare is that they make their retreat very securely, placing
+all the wounded and aged in their centre, being well armed on the wings
+and in the rear, and continuing this order without interruption until
+they reach a place of security.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain himself suffered tortures during the retreat, partly from his
+wounds, but even more from the mode of transportation.  The Indian
+method of removing the wounded was first to bind and pinion them 'in
+such a manner that it is as impossible for them to move as for an
+infant in its swaddling-clothes.'  They were then carried in a kind of
+basket, 'crowded up in a heap.'  Doubtless as a mark of distinction,
+Champlain was carried separately on the back of a savage.  His wound
+was so severe that when the retreat began he could not stand.  But the
+transportation proved worse than the wound.  'I never found myself in
+such a <I>gehenna</I> as during this time, for the pain which I suffered in
+consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in comparison with that
+which I endured while I was carried bound and pinioned on the back of
+one of our savages.  So that I lost my patience, and as soon as I could
+sustain myself got out of this prison, or rather <I>gehenna</I>.'
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P112"></A>112}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+The enemy made no pursuit, but forced marches were kept up for
+twenty-five or thirty leagues.  The weather now grew cold, as it was
+past the middle of autumn.  The fight at the fort of the Onondagas had
+taken place on October 10, and eight days later there was a snowstorm,
+with hail and a strong wind.  But, apart from extreme discomfort, the
+retreat was successfully accomplished, and on the shore of Lake Ontario
+they found the canoes intact.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It had been Champlain's purpose to spend the winter at Quebec, and when
+the Hurons were about to leave the east end of Lake Ontario for their
+own country he asked them for a canoe and an escort.  Four Indians
+volunteered for this service, but no canoe could be had, and in
+consequence Champlain was forced reluctantly to accompany the Hurons.
+With his usual patience he accepted the inevitable, which in this case
+was only unpleasant because he was ill prepared for spending a winter
+among the Indians.  After a few days he perceived that their plan was
+to keep him and his companions, partly as security for themselves and
+partly that he might assist at their councils in planning better
+safeguards against their enemies.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P113"></A>113}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+This enforced residence of Champlain among the Hurons during the winter
+of 1615-16 has given us an excellent description of Indian customs.  It
+was also the means of composing a dangerous quarrel between the Hurons
+and the Algonquins.  Once committed to spending the winter among the
+Indians, Champlain planned to make Huronia a point of departure for
+still further explorations to the westward.  Early in 1616 there seemed
+to be a favourable opportunity to push forward in the direction of Lake
+Superior.  Then came this wretched brawl of Hurons and Algonquins,
+which threatened to beget bitter hatred and war among tribes which
+hitherto had both been friendly to the French.  Accepting his duty,
+Champlain gave up his journey to the far west and threw himself into
+the task of restoring peace.  But the measure of his disappointment is
+found in these words:
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+If ever there was one greatly disheartened, it was myself, since I had
+been waiting to see this year what during many preceding ones I had
+been seeking for with great toil and effort, through so many fatigues
+and risks of my life.  But realizing that I could not help the matter,
+and that everything depended on the will of God, I comforted myself,
+resolving to see it in a short time.  I had such sure
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P114"></A>114}</SPAN>
+information
+that I could not doubt the report of these people, who go to traffic
+with others dwelling in those northern regions, a great part of whom
+live in a place very abundant in the chase and where there are great
+numbers of large animals, the skins of several of which I saw, and
+which I concluded were buffaloes from their representation of their
+form.  Fishing is also very abundant there.  This journey requires
+forty days as well in returning as in going.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+Thus Champlain almost had a chance to see the bison and the great
+plains of the West.  As it was, he did his immediate duty and restored
+the peace of Huron and Algonquin.  In partial compensation for the
+alluring journey he relinquished, he had a better opportunity to study
+the Hurons in their settlements and to investigate their relations with
+their neighbours&mdash;the Tobacco Nation, the Neutral Nation, <I>les Cheveux
+Relevés</I>, and the Race of Fire.  Hence the <I>Voyage</I> of 1615 not only
+describes the physical aspects of Huronia, but contains intimate
+details regarding the life of its people&mdash;their wigwams, their food,
+their manner of cooking, their dress, their decorations, their marriage
+customs, their medicine-men, their burials, their assemblies, their
+agriculture, their amusements, and their mode of fishing.  It is
+Champlain's most
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P115"></A>115}</SPAN>
+ambitious piece of description, far less
+detailed than the subsequent narratives of the Jesuits, but in
+comparison with them gaining impact from being less diffuse.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It was on May 20, 1616, that Champlain left the Huron country, never
+again to journey thither or to explore the recesses of the forest.
+Forty days later he reached the Sault St Louis, and saw once more his
+old friend Pontgravé.  Thenceforward his life belongs not to the
+wilderness, but to Quebec.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap04fn1"></A>
+<A NAME="chap04fn2"></A>
+<A NAME="chap04fn3"></A>
+<A NAME="chap04fn4"></A>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap04fn1text">1</A>] An Algonquin tribe dwelling to the north of the St Lawrence, for
+the most part between the Saguenay and the St Maurice.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap04fn2text">2</A>] Henry Hudson, an English mariner with a Dutch crew, entered the
+mouth of the Hudson in a boat called the <I>Half Moon</I> on September 4,
+1609.  As named by him, the river was called the 'Great North River of
+New Netherland.'
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap04fn3text">3</A>] Marsolet's defence was that he acted under constraint.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap04fn4text">4</A>] This map will be found in <I>The Jesuit Missions</I> in this Series, and
+also in vol. xxxiv of <I>The Jesuit Relations</I>, ed. Thwaites.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap05"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P116"></A>116}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+CHAPTER V
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+CHAMPLAIN'S LAST YEARS
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+When Champlain reached the Sault St Louis on July 1, 1616, his career
+as an explorer had ended.  The nineteen years of life that still
+remained he gave to Quebec and the duties of his lieutenancy.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+By this time he had won the central position in his own domain.
+Question might arise as to the terms upon which a monopoly of trade
+should be granted, or as to the persons who should be its recipients.
+But whatever company might control the trade, Champlain was the king's
+representative in New France.  When Boyer affronted him, the council
+had required that a public apology should be offered.  When Montmorency
+instituted the investigation of 1620, it was Champlain's report which
+determined the issue.  Five years later, when the Duc de Ventadour
+became viceroy in place of Montmorency, Champlain still remained
+lieutenant-general of New
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P117"></A>117}</SPAN>
+France.  Such were his character,
+services, and knowledge that his tenure could not be questioned.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Notwithstanding this source of satisfaction, the post was difficult in
+the extreme.  The government continued to leave colonizing in the hands
+of the traders, and the traders continued to shirk their obligations.
+The Company of the De Caëns did a large business, but suffered more
+severely than any of its predecessors from the strife of Catholic and
+Huguenot.  Those of the reformed religion even held their services in
+the presence of the Indians, thus anticipating the scandals of Kikuyu.
+Though the Duc de Ventadour gave orders that there should be no
+psalm-singing after the outbound ships passed Newfoundland, this
+provision seems not to have been effective.  It was a difficult problem
+for one like Champlain, who, while a loyal Catholic, had been working
+all his life with Huguenot associates.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The period of the De Caëns was marked by the presence at Quebec of
+Madame Champlain.  The romance of Champlain's life does not, however,
+revolve about his marriage.  In 1610, at the age of forty-three, he
+espoused Hélène Boullé, whose father was secretary of the King's
+Chamber to Henry IV.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P118"></A>118}</SPAN>
+As the bride was only twelve years old, the
+marriage contract provided that she should remain two years longer with
+her parents.  She brought a dowry of six thousand livres, and
+simultaneously Champlain made his will in her favour.  Probably De
+Monts had some part in arranging the marriage, for Nicholas Boullé was
+a Huguenot and De Monts appears as a witness to the notarial documents.
+Subsequently, Madame Champlain became an enthusiastic Catholic and
+ended her days as a nun.  She had no children, and was only once in
+Canada, residing continuously at Quebec from 1620 to 1624.  No mention
+whatever is made of her in Champlain's writings, but he named St
+Helen's Island after her, and appears to have been unwilling that she
+should enter a convent during his lifetime.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+One need feel little surprise that Madame Champlain should not care to
+visit Canada a second time, for the buildings at Quebec had fallen into
+disrepair, and more than once the supply of food ran very low.  During
+1625 Champlain remained in France with his wife, and therefore did not
+witness the coming of the Jesuits to the colony.  This event, which is
+a landmark in the history of Quebec and New France, followed upon the
+inability of
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P119"></A>119}</SPAN>
+the Récollets to cover the mission field with any
+degree of completeness.  Conscious that their resources were unequal to
+the task, they invoked the aid of the Jesuits, and in this appeal were
+strongly supported by Champlain.  Once more the horizon seemed to
+brighten, for the Jesuits had greater resources and influence than any
+other order in the Roman Catholic Church, and their establishment at
+Quebec meant much besides a mere increase in the population.  The year
+1626 saw Champlain again at his post, working hard to complete a new
+factory which he had left unfinished, while the buildings of the Jesuit
+establishment made good progress under the hand of workmen specially
+brought from France.  What still remained imperfect was the
+fortification.  The English had destroyed the French settlements at
+Mount Desert and Port Royal.  What was to hinder them from bombarding
+Quebec?
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This danger soon clouded the mood of optimism that had been inspired by
+the coming of the Jesuits.  The De Caëns objected to any outlay on a
+fort, and would not give Champlain the men he needed.  In reply
+Champlain sent the viceroy a report which was unfavourable to the
+company and its methods.  But even without this
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P120"></A>120}</SPAN>
+representation,
+the monopoly of the De Caëns was doomed by reason of events which were
+taking place in France.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+At the court of Louis XIII Richelieu had now gained an eminence and
+power such as never before had been possessed by a minister of the
+French crown.  Gifted with imagination and covetous of national
+greatness, he saw the most desirable portions of other continents in
+the hands of the Spaniards, the Portuguese, the English, and the Dutch.
+The prospect was not pleasing, and he cast about for a remedy.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+For Hanotaux,[<A NAME="chap05fn1text"></A><A HREF="#chap05fn1">1</A>] Richelieu is 'the true founder of our colonial
+empire,' and La Roncière adds: 'Madagascar, Senegal, Guiana, the
+Antilles, Acadia, and Canada&mdash;this, to be exact, was the colonial
+empire for which we were indebted to Richelieu.'  Regarding his breadth
+of outlook there can be no doubt, and in his <I>Memoirs</I> he left the
+oft-quoted phrase: 'No realm is so well situated as France to be
+mistress of the seas or so rich in all things needful.'  Desiring to
+strengthen maritime commerce and to hold distant
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P121"></A>121}</SPAN>
+possessions, he
+became convinced that the English and the Dutch had adopted the right
+policy.  Strong trading companies&mdash;not weak ones&mdash;were what France
+needed.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Henry IV could have given the French a fair start, or even a lead, in
+the race for colonies.  He missed this great opportunity; partly
+because he was preoccupied with the reorganization of France, and
+partly because Sully, his minister, had no enthusiasm for colonial
+ventures.  Twenty years later the situation had changed.  Richelieu,
+who was a man of wide outlook, was also compelled by the activity of
+England and Holland to give attention to the problem of a New France.
+The spirit of colonization was in the air, and Richelieu, with his
+genius for ideas, could not fail to see its importance or what would
+befall the laggards.  His misfortune was that he lacked certain
+definite qualifications which a greater founder of colonies needed to
+possess.  Marvellous in his grasp of diplomatic situations and in his
+handling of men, he had no talent whatever for the details of commerce.
+His fiscal régime, particularly after France engaged in her duel with
+the House of Hapsburg, was disorganized and intolerable.  Nor did he
+recognize that,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P122"></A>122}</SPAN>
+for the French, the desire to emigrate required
+even greater encouragement than the commercial instinct.  He compelled
+his company to transport settlers, but the number was not large, and he
+kindled no popular enthusiasm for the cause of colonization.  France
+had once led the crusade eastward.  Under proper guidance she might
+easily have contributed more than she did to the exodus westward.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+At any rate Richelieu, 'a man in the grand style, if ever man was,' had
+decided that New France should no longer languish, and the Company of
+One Hundred Associates was the result.  In 1627 he abolished the office
+of viceroy, deprived the De Caëns of their charter, and prepared to
+make Canada a real colony.  The basis of the plan was an association of
+one hundred members, each subscribing three thousand livres.
+Richelieu's own name heads the list of members, followed by those of
+the minister of finance and the minister of marine.  Most of the
+members resided in Paris, though the seaboard and the eastern provinces
+were also represented.  Nobles, wealthy merchants, small traders, all
+figure in the list, and twelve titles of nobility were distributed
+among the shareholders to help in the enlistment of capital.  The
+company received a
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P123"></A>123}</SPAN>
+monopoly of trade for fifteen years, and
+promised to take out three hundred colonists annually during the whole
+period covered by the grant.  It also received the St Lawrence valley
+in full ownership.  One notable provision of the charter was that only
+Roman Catholics should be sent to New France, and the company was
+placed under special obligation to maintain three priests in each
+settlement until the colony could support its own clergy.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain was now sixty years of age, and he had suffered much.
+Suddenly there burst forth this spontaneous enthusiasm of Richelieu the
+all-powerful.  Was Champlain's dream of the great city of Ludovica to
+come true after all?
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Alas, like previous visions, it faded before the glare of harsh,
+uncompromising facts.  The year in which Richelieu founded his Company
+of New France was also the year of a fierce Huguenot revolt.  Calling
+on England for aid, La Rochelle defied Paris, the king, and the
+cardinal.  Richelieu laid siege to the place.  Guiton, the mayor, sat
+at his council-board with a bare dagger before him to warn the
+faint-hearted.  The old Duchesse de Rohan starved with the populace.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P124"></A>124}</SPAN>
+Salbert, the most eloquent of Huguenot pastors, preached that
+martyrdom was better than surrender.  Meanwhile, Richelieu built his
+mole across the harbour, and Buckingham wasted the English troops to
+which the citizens looked for their salvation.  Then the town yielded.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The fall of La Rochelle was a great personal triumph for Richelieu, but
+the war with England brought disaster to the Company of New France.  At
+Dieppe there had lived for many years an Englishman named Jarvis, or
+Gervase, Kirke, who with his five sons&mdash;David, Lewis, Thomas, John, and
+James&mdash;knew much at first hand about the French merchant marine.  Early
+in the spring of 1628 Kirke (who had shortly before moved to London)
+secured letters of marque and sent forth his sons to do what damage
+they could to the French in the St Lawrence.  Champlain had spent the
+winter at Quebec and was, of course, expecting his usual supplies with
+the opening of navigation.  Instead came Lewis Kirke, sent from
+Tadoussac by his brother David, to demand surrender.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Champlain made a reply which, though courteous, was sufficiently bold
+to convince the Kirkes that Quebec could be best captured
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P125"></A>125}</SPAN>
+by
+starvation.  They therefore sailed down the St Lawrence to intercept
+the fleet from France, confident that their better craft would overcome
+these 'sardines of the sea.'  The plan proved successful even beyond
+expectation, for after a long cannonade they captured without material
+loss the whole fleet which had been sent out by the Company of New
+France.  Ships, colonists, annual supplies, building materials&mdash;all
+fell into the hands of the enterprising Kirkes, who then sailed for
+England with their booty.  Alike to Champlain and to the Hundred
+Associates it was a crippling blow.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus, but for the war with England, Quebec would have seen its
+population trebled in 1628.  As it was, the situation became worse than
+ever.  Lewis Kirke had been careful to seize the cattle pastured at Cap
+Tourmente and to destroy the crops.  When winter came, there were
+eighty mouths to feed on a scant diet of peas and maize, imperfectly
+ground, with a reserve supply of twelve hundred eels.  Towards spring
+anything was welcome, and the roots of Solomon's seal were esteemed a
+feast.  Champlain even gave serious thought to a raid upon the Mohawks,
+three hundred miles away, in the hope that food could be brought back
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P126"></A>126}</SPAN>
+from their granaries.  Finally, on the 19th of July 1629, Lewis
+Kirke returned with a second summons to surrender.  This time only one
+answer was possible, for to the survivors at Quebec the English came
+less in the guise of foes than as human beings who could save them from
+starvation.  Champlain and his people received honourable treatment,
+and were promised a passage to France.  The family Hébert, however,
+decided to remain.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+We need not dwell upon the emotions with which Champlain saw the French
+flag pulled down at Quebec.  Doubtless it seemed the disastrous end of
+his life-work, but he was a good soldier and enjoyed also the comforts
+of religion.  A further consolation was soon found in the discovery
+that Quebec might yet be reclaimed.  Ten weeks before Champlain
+surrendered, the two countries were again at peace, and the Treaty of
+Suza embodied a provision that captures made after the treaty was
+signed should be mutually restored.  This intelligence reached
+Champlain when he landed in England on the homeward voyage.  It is
+characteristic of the man, that before going on to France he posted
+from Dover to London, and urged the French ambassador that he should
+insistently claim Quebec.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P127"></A>127}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+As a result of the war Canada and Acadia were both in the possession of
+England.  On the other hand, the dowry of Henrietta Maria was still,
+for the most part, in the treasury of France.  When one remembers that
+1628 saw Charles I driven by his necessities to concede the Petition of
+Right, it will be readily seen that he desired the payment of his
+wife's dowry.  Hence Richelieu, whose talents in diplomacy were above
+praise, had substantial reason to expect that Canada and Acadia would
+be restored.  The negotiations dragged on for more than two years, and
+were complicated by disputes growing out of the captures made under
+letter of marque.  When all was settled by the Treaty of St
+Germain-en-Laye (March 1632) Quebec and Port Royal became once more
+French&mdash;to the profound discontent of the Kirkes and Sir William
+Alexander,[<A NAME="chap05fn2text"></A><A HREF="#chap05fn2">2</A>] but with such joy on the part of Champlain as only
+patriots can know who have given a lifelong service to their country.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Having regained Canada, Richelieu was forced to decide what he would do
+with it.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P128"></A>128}</SPAN>
+In certain important respects the situation had changed
+since 1627, when he founded the Company of New France.  Then Gustavus
+Adolphus and the Swedes were not a factor in the dire strife which was
+convulsing Europe.[<A NAME="chap05fn3text"></A><A HREF="#chap05fn3">3</A>]  In 1632 the political problems of Western and
+Central Europe had assumed an aspect quite different from that which
+they had worn five years earlier.  More and more France was drawn into
+the actual conflict of the Thirty Years' War, impelled by a sense of
+new and unparalleled opportunity to weaken the House of Hapsburg.
+This, in turn, meant the preoccupation of Richelieu with European
+affairs, and a heavy drain upon the resources of France in order to
+meet the cost of her more ambitious foreign policy.  Thus the duel with
+Austria, as it progressed during the last decade of the cardinal's
+life, meant a fresh check to
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P129"></A>129}</SPAN>
+those colonial prospects which
+seemed so bright in 1627.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Richelieu's first step in resuming possession of Canada was to compose
+matters between the De Caëns and the Company of New France.  Emery de
+Caën and his associates were given the trading rights for 1632 and
+79,000 livres as compensation for their losses through the revocation
+of the monopoly.  Dating from the spring of 1633, the Company of New
+France was to be placed in full possession of Canada, subject to
+specific obligations regarding missions and colonists.  Conformably
+with this programme, Emery de Caën appeared at Quebec on July 5, 1632,
+with credentials empowering him to receive possession from Lewis and
+Thomas Kirke, the representatives of England.  With De Caën came Paul
+Le Jeune and two other Jesuits, a vanguard of the missionary band which
+was to convert the savages.  'We cast anchor,' says Le Jeune, 'in front
+of the fort which the English held; we saw at the foot of this fort the
+poor settlement of Quebec all in ashes.  The English, who came to this
+country to plunder and not to build up, not only burned a greater part
+of the detached buildings which Father Charles Lalemant had
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P130"></A>130}</SPAN>
+erected, but also all of that poor settlement of which nothing is now
+to be seen but the ruins of its stone walls.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The season of 1632 thus belonged to De Caën, whose function was merely
+to tie up loose ends and prepare for the establishment of the new
+régime.  The central incident of the recession was the return of
+Champlain himself&mdash;an old man who had said a last farewell to France
+and now came, as the king's lieutenant, to end his days in the land of
+his labours and his hopes.  If ever the oft-quoted last lines of
+Tennyson's <I>Ulysses</I> could fitly be claimed by a writer on behalf of
+his hero, they apply to Champlain as he sailed from the harbour of
+Dieppe on March 23, 1633.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="poem">
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 5em">Come, my friends,</SPAN><BR>
+'Tis not too late to seek a newer world.<BR>
+Push off, and sitting well in order smite<BR>
+The sounding furrows; for my purpose holds<BR>
+To sail beyond the sunset, and the baths<BR>
+Of all the western stars until I die.<BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="poem">
+Tho' much is taken, much abides; and tho'<BR>
+We are not now that strength which in old days<BR>
+Moved earth and heaven; that which we are, we are;<BR>
+One equal temper of heroic hearts,<BR>
+Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will<BR>
+To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.<BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P>
+It was Champlain's reward that he saw
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P131"></A>131}</SPAN>
+Quebec once more under the
+fleur-de-lis, and was welcomed by the Indians with genuine emotion.
+The rhetorical gifts of the red man were among his chief endowments,
+and all that eloquence could lavish was poured forth in honour of
+Champlain at the council of the Hurons, who had come to Quebec for
+barter at the moment of his return.  The description of this council is
+one of the most graphic passages in Le Jeune's <I>Relations</I>.  A captain
+of the Hurons first arose and explained the purpose of the gathering.
+'When this speech was finished all the Savages, as a sign of their
+approval, drew from the depths of their stomachs this aspiration, <I>ho,
+ho, ho</I>, raising the last syllable very high.'  Thereupon the captain
+began another speech of friendship, alliance, and welcome to Champlain,
+followed by gifts.  Then the same captain made a third speech, which
+was followed by Champlain's reply&mdash;a harangue well adapted to the
+occasion.  But the climax was reached in the concluding orations of two
+more Huron chiefs.  'They vied with each other in trying to honour
+Sieur de Champlain and the French, and in testifying their affection
+for us.  One of them said that when the French were absent the earth
+was no longer the earth, the river was
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P132"></A>132}</SPAN>
+no longer the river, the
+sky was no longer the sky; but upon the return of Sieur de Champlain
+everything was as before: the earth was again the earth, the river was
+again the river, and the sky was again the sky.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus welcomed by the savages, Champlain resumed his arduous task.  He
+was establishing Quebec anew and under conditions quite unlike those
+which had existed in 1608.  The most notable difference was that the
+Jesuits were now at hand to aid in the upbuilding of Canada.  The
+Quebec of De Monts and De Caën had been a trading-post, despite the
+efforts of the Récollets and Jesuits to render it the headquarters of a
+mission.  Undoubtedly there existed from the outset a desire to convert
+the Indians, but as a source of strength to the colony this disposition
+effected little until the return of the Jesuits in 1632.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+With the re-establishment of the Jesuit mission the last days of
+Champlain are inseparably allied.  A severe experience had proved that
+the colonizing zeal of the crown was fitful and uncertain.  Private
+initiative was needed to supplement the official programme, and of such
+initiative the supply seemed scanty.  The fur traders notoriously
+shirked their obligations to enlarge the colony,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P133"></A>133}</SPAN>
+and after 1632
+the Huguenots, who had a distinct motive for emigrating, were forbidden
+by Richelieu to settle in Canada.  There remained the enthusiasm of the
+Jesuits and the piety of those in France who supplied the funds for
+their work among the Montagnais, the Hurons, and the Iroquois.  As the
+strongest order in the Roman Catholic Church, the Jesuits possessed
+resources which enabled them to maintain an active establishment in
+Canada.  Through them Quebec became religious, and their influence
+permeated the whole colony as its population increased and the zone of
+occupation grew wider.  Le Jeune, Lalemant, Brébeuf, and Jogues are
+among the outstanding names of the restored New France.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+During the last two years of his life Champlain lived patriarchally at
+Quebec, administering the public affairs of the colony and lending its
+religious impulses the strength of his support and example.  Always a
+man of serious mind, his piety was confirmed by the reflections of
+advancing age and his daily contact with the missionaries.  In his
+household there was a service of prayer three times daily, together
+with reading at supper from the lives of the saints.  In pursuance of a
+vow, he built a chapel named Notre Dame de la
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P134"></A>134}</SPAN>
+Recouvrance, which
+records the gratitude he felt for the restoration of Quebec to France.
+He was, in short, the ideal layman&mdash;serving his king loyally in all
+business of state, and demeaning himself as a pilgrim who is about to
+set forth for the City of God.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It is not to be inferred from the prominence of Champlain's religious
+interests that he neglected his public duties, which continued to be
+many and exacting.  One of his problems was to prevent the English from
+trading in the St Lawrence contrary to treaty; another was to
+discourage the Hurons from selling their furs to the Dutch on the
+Hudson.  The success of the mission, which he had deeply at heart,
+implied the maintenance of peace among the Indians who were friendly to
+the French.  He sought also to police the region of the Great Lakes by
+a band of French soldiers, and his last letter to Richelieu (dated
+August 15, 1635) contains an earnest appeal for a hundred and twenty
+men, to whom should be assigned the duty of marshalling the Indian
+allies against the English and Dutch, as well as of preserving order
+throughout the forest.  The erection of a fort at Three Rivers in 1634
+was due to his desire that the annual barter should take place at
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P135"></A>135}</SPAN>
+a point above Quebec.  A commission which he issued in the same year to
+Jean Nicolet to explore the country of the Wisconsins, shows that his
+consuming zeal for exploration remained with him to the end.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It was permitted Champlain to die in harness.  He remained to the last
+lieutenant of the king in Canada.  At the beginning of October 1635 he
+was stricken with paralysis, and passed away on Christmas Day of the
+same year.  We do not possess the oration which Father Paul Le Jeune
+delivered at his funeral, but there remains from Le Jeune's pen an
+appreciation of his character in terms which to Champlain himself would
+have seemed the highest praise.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="block">
+On the twenty-fifth of December, the day of the birth of our Saviour
+upon earth, Monsieur de Champlain, our Governor, was reborn in Heaven;
+at least we can say that his death was full of blessings.  I am sure
+that God has shown him this favour in consideration of the benefits he
+has procured for New France, where we hope some day God will be loved
+and served by our French, and known and adored by our Savages.  Truly
+he had led a life of great justice, equity, and perfect loyalty to his
+King and towards the Gentlemen of the Company.  But at his death he
+crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so lofty that he
+astonished us all.  What tears he shed! how
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P136"></A>136}</SPAN>
+ardent became his
+zeal for the service of God! how great was his love for the families
+here!&mdash;saying that they must be vigorously assisted for the good of the
+Country, and made comfortable in every possible way in these early
+stages, and that he would do it if God gave him health.  He was not
+taken unawares in the account which he had to render unto God, for he
+had long ago prepared a general Confession of his whole life, which he
+made with great contrition to Father Lalemant, whom he honoured with
+his friendship.  The Father comforted him throughout his sickness,
+which lasted two months and a half, and did not leave him until his
+death.  He had a very honourable burial, the funeral procession being
+formed of the people, the soldiers, the captains, and the churchmen.
+Father Lalemant officiated at this burial, and I was charged with the
+funeral oration, for which I did not lack material.  Those whom he left
+behind have reason to be well satisfied with him; for, though he died
+out of France, his name will not therefor be any less glorious to
+posterity.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap05fn1"></A>
+<A NAME="chap05fn2"></A>
+<A NAME="chap05fn3"></A>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap05fn1text">1</A>] Gabriel Hanotaux, member of the French Academy, is the author of
+the most authoritative work on the life and times of Richelieu.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap05fn2text">2</A>] Alexander had received grants from the British crown in 1621 and
+1625 which covered the whole coast from St Croix Island to the St
+Lawrence.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="footnote">
+[<A HREF="#chap05fn3text">3</A>] At this period the largest interest in European politics was the
+rivalry between France and the House of Hapsburg, which held the
+thrones of Spain and Austria.  This rivalry led France to take an
+active part in the Thirty Years' War, even though her allies in that
+struggle were Protestants.  Between 1627, when the Company of New
+France was founded, and 1632, when Canada was restored to France, the
+Swedes under Gustavus Adolphus had won a series of brilliant victories
+over the Catholic and Hapsburg forces in Germany.  After the death of
+Gustavus Adolphus in 1632, Richelieu attacked the Emperor Ferdinand II
+in great force, thereby conquering Alsace.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap06"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P137"></A>137}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+CHAPTER VI
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+CHAMPLAIN'S WRITINGS AND CHARACTER
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+There are some things that speak for themselves.  In attempting to
+understand Champlain's character, we are first met by the fact that he
+pursued unflinchingly his appointed task.  For thirty-two years he
+persevered, amid every kind of hardship, danger, and discouragement, in
+the effort to build up New France.  He had personal ambitions as an
+explorer, which were kept in strict subordination to his duty to the
+king.  He possessed concentration of aim without fanaticism.  His
+signal unselfishness was adorned by a patience which equalled that of
+Marlborough.  Inspired by large ideals, he did not scorn imperfect
+means.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Thus there are certain large aspects of Champlain's character that
+stand forth in the high light of deed, and do not depend for their
+effect either upon his own words or those of others.  But when once we
+have paid tribute
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P138"></A>138}</SPAN>
+to the fine, positive qualities which are
+implied by his accomplishment, we must hasten to recognize the
+extraordinary value of his writings as an index to his mind and soul.
+His narrative is not an epic of disaster.  It is a plain and even
+statement of great dangers calmly met and treated as a matter of
+course.  Largely it is a record of achievement.  At points where it is
+a record of failure Champlain accepts the inevitable gracefully and
+conforms his emotions to the will of God.  The <I>Voyages</I> reveal a
+strong man 'well four-squared to the blows of fortune.'  They also
+illustrate the virtue of muscular Christianity.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+At a time which, like ours, is becoming sated with cleverness, it is a
+delight to read the unvarnished story of Champlain.  In saying that the
+adjective is ever the enemy of the noun, Voltaire could not have
+levelled the shaft at him, for few writers have been more sparing in
+their use of adjectives or other glowing words.  His love of the sea
+and of the forest was profound, but he is never emotional in his
+expressions.  Yet with all his soberness and steadiness he possessed
+imagination.  In its strength and depth his enthusiasm for colonization
+proves this, even if we omit his picture of the fancied Ludovica.  But
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P139"></A>139}</SPAN>
+as a man of action rather than of letters he instinctively omits
+verbiage.  In some respects we suffer from Champlain's directness of
+mind, for on much that he saw he could have lingered with profit.  But
+very special inducements are needed to draw him from his plain tale
+into a digression.  Such inducements occur at times when he is writing
+of the Indians, for he recognized that Europe was eager to hear in full
+detail of their traits and customs.  Thus set passages of description,
+inserted with a sparing hand, seemed to him a proper element of the
+text, but anything like conscious embellishment of the narrative he
+avoids&mdash;probably more through mere naturalness than conscious
+self-repression.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+From Marco Polo to Scott's <I>Journal</I> the literature of geographical
+discovery abounds with classics, and standards of comparison suggest
+themselves in abundance to the critic of Champlain's <I>Voyages</I>.  Most
+naturally, of course, one turns to the records of American exploration
+in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries&mdash;to Ramusio, Oviedo, Peter
+Martyr, Hakluyt, and Purchas.  No age can show a more wonderful galaxy
+of pioneers than that which extends from Columbus to La Salle, and
+among the great explorers of this era
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P140"></A>140}</SPAN>
+Champlain takes his place
+by virtue alike of his deeds and writings.  In fact, he belongs to the
+small and distinguished class of those who have recorded their own
+discoveries in a suitable and authentic narrative, for in few cases
+have geographical results of equal moment been described by the
+discoverer himself.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Among the many writings which are available for comparison and contrast
+one turns, singularly yet inevitably, to Lescarbot.  The singularity of
+a comparison between Champlain and Lescarbot is that Lescarbot was not
+a geographer.  At the same time, he is the only writer of importance
+whose trail crosses that of Champlain, and some light is thrown on
+Champlain's personality by a juxtaposition of texts.  That is to say,
+both were in Acadia at the same time, sat together at Poutrincourt's
+table, gazed on the same forests and clearings, met the same Indians,
+and had a like opportunity of considering the colonial problems which
+were thrust upon the French in the reign of Henry IV.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+It would be hard to find narratives more dissimilar,&mdash;and the contrast
+is not wholly to the advantage of Champlain.  Or rather, there are
+times when his Doric simplicity of style
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P141"></A>141}</SPAN>
+seems jejune beside the
+flowing periods and picturesque details of Lescarbot.  No better
+illustration of this difference in style, arising from fundamental
+difference in temperament, can be found than the description which each
+gives of the <I>Ordre de Bon Temps</I>.  To Champlain belongs the credit of
+inventing this pleasant means of promoting health and banishing ennui,
+but all he tells of it is this: 'By the rules of the Order a chain was
+put, with some little ceremony, on the neck of one of our company,
+commissioning him for the day to go a-hunting.  The next day it was
+conferred upon another, and thus in succession.  All exerted themselves
+to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home the finest
+game.  We found this a very good arrangement, as did also the savages
+who were with us.'
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Such is the limit of the information which we receive from Champlain
+regarding the <I>Ordre de Bon Temps</I>, his own invention and the life of
+the company.  It is reserved for Lescarbot to give us the picture which
+no one can forget&mdash;the Atoctegic, or ruler of the feast, leading the
+procession to dinner 'napkin on shoulder, wand of office in hand, and
+around his neck the collar of the Order, which was worth more than four
+crowns; after him all the
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P142"></A>142}</SPAN>
+members of the Order, carrying each a
+dish.'  Around stand the savages, twenty or thirty of them, 'men,
+women, girls, and children,' all waiting for scraps of food.  At the
+table with the French themselves sits the Sagamos Membertou and the
+other Indian chiefs, gladdening the company by their presence.  And the
+food!&mdash;'ducks, bustards, grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and
+other birds; moreover moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits,
+wild-cats, racoons, and other animals,' the whole culminating in the
+tenderness of moose meat and the delicacy of beaver's tail.  Such are
+the items which Champlain omits and Lescarbot includes.  So it is
+throughout their respective narratives&mdash;Champlain ever gaining force
+through compactness, and Lescarbot constantly illuminating with his
+gaiety or shrewdness matters which but for him would never have reached
+us.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+This difference of temperament and outlook, which is so plainly
+reflected on the printed page, also had its effect upon the personal
+relations of the two men.  It was not that Lescarbot scandalized
+Champlain by his religious views, for though liberal-minded, Lescarbot
+was not a heretic, and Champlain knew how to live harmoniously even
+with Huguenots.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P143"></A>143}</SPAN>
+The cause of the coolness which came to exist
+between them must be sought rather in fundamental contrasts of
+character.  To Champlain, Lescarbot doubtless seemed a mere hanger-on
+or protégé of Poutrincourt, with undue levity of disposition and a
+needless flow of conversation.  To Lescarbot, Champlain may well have
+seemed deficient in literary attainments, and so preoccupied with the
+concerns of geography as to be an uncongenial companion.  To whatever
+cause conjecture may trace it, they did not become friends, although
+such lack of sympathy as existed shows itself only in an occasional
+pin-prick, traceable particularly in the later editions of their
+writings.  For us it is the more needful to lay stress upon the merits
+of Lescarbot, because he tends to be eclipsed by the greater reputation
+of Champlain, and also because his style is sometimes so diffuse as to
+create prejudice.  But at his best he is admirable, and without him we
+should know much less than we do about that Acadian experience which
+holds such a striking place in the career of Champlain.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+The popular estimate of French character dwells overmuch upon the
+levity or gaiety which undoubtedly marks the Gallic race.
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P144"></A>144}</SPAN>
+France
+could not have accomplished her great work for the world without
+stability of purpose and seriousness of mood.  Nowhere in French
+biography are these qualities more plainly illustrated than by the acts
+of Champlain.  The doggedness with which he clung to his patriotic and
+unselfish task is the most conspicuous fact in his life.  Coupled
+therewith is his fortitude, both physical and moral.  In times of
+crisis the conscript sets his teeth and dies without a murmur.  But
+Champlain enlisted as a volunteer for a campaign which was to go on
+unceasingly till his last day.  How incessant were its dangers can be
+made out in full detail from the text of the <I>Voyages</I>.  We may omit
+the perils of the North Atlantic, though what they were can be seen
+from Champlain's description of his outward voyage in the spring of
+1611.  The remaining dangers will suffice.  Scurvy, which often claimed
+a death-roll of from forty to eighty per cent in a single winter;
+famine such as that which followed the failure of ships from home to
+arrive at the opening of navigation; the storms which drove the frail
+shallop on the rocks and shoals of Norumbega; the risk of mutiny; the
+chances of war, whether against the Indians or the English; the rapids
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P145"></A>145}</SPAN>
+of the wilderness as they threatened the overloaded canoe on its
+swift descent; the possible treachery of Indian guides&mdash;such is a
+partial catalogue of the death-snares which surrounded the pathway of
+an explorer like Champlain.  Every one of these dangers is brought
+before us by his own narrative in a manner which does credit to his
+modesty no less than to his fortitude.  Without embellishment or
+self-glorification, he recites in a few lines hairbreadth escapes which
+a writer of less steadfast soul would have amplified into a thrilling
+tale of heroism.  None the less, to the discriminating reader
+Champlain's <I>Voyages</I> are an Odyssey.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Bound up with habitual fortitude is the motive from which it springs.
+In Champlain's case patriotism and piety were the groundwork of a
+conspicuous and long-tested courage.  The patriotism which exacted such
+sacrifices was not one which sought to define itself even in the form
+of a justifiable digression from the recital of events.  But we may be
+sure that Champlain at the time he left Port Royal had made up his mind
+that the Spaniards, the English, and the Dutch were not to parcel out
+the seaboard of North America to the exclusion of the French.  As for
+the religious
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P146"></A>146}</SPAN>
+basis of his fortitude, we do not need Le Jeune's
+story of his death-bed or the record of his friendship with men of
+religion.  His narrative abounds throughout with simple and natural
+expressions of piety, not the less impressive because they are free
+from trace of the theological intolerance which envenomed French life
+in his age.  And not only did Champlain's trust in the Lord fortify his
+soul against fear, but religion imposed upon him a degree of
+self-restraint which was not common among explorers of the seventeenth
+century.  It is far from fanciful to see in this one of the chief
+causes of his hold upon the Indians.  To them he was more than a useful
+ally in war time.  They respected his sense of honour, and long after
+his death remembered the temperance which marked his conduct when he
+lived in their villages.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+As a writer, Champlain enjoyed the advantage of possessing a fresh,
+unhackneyed subject.  The only exception to this statement is furnished
+by his early book on the West Indies and Mexico, where he was going
+over ground already trodden by the Spaniards.  His other writings
+relate to a sphere of exploration and settlement which he made his own,
+and of which he well merited to be the chronicler.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P147"></A>147}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+Running through the <I>Voyages</I> is the double interest of discovery and
+colonization, constantly blending and reacting upon each other, but
+still remaining matters of separate concern.  It is obvious that in the
+mind of the narrator discovery is always the more engaging theme.
+Champlain is indeed the historian of St Croix, Port Royal, and Quebec,
+but only incidentally or from chance.  By temper he was the explorer,
+that is, the man of action, willing to record the broad results, but
+without the instinct which led Lescarbot to set down the minutiae of
+life in a small, rough settlement.  There is one side of Champlain's
+activity as a colonizer which we must lament that he has not
+described&mdash;namely, his efforts to interest the nobles and prelates of
+the French court in the upbuilding of Canada.  A diary of his life at
+Paris and Fontainebleau would be among the choicest documents of the
+early colonial era.  But Champlain was too blunt and loyal to set down
+the story of his relations with the great, and for this portion of his
+life we must rely upon letters, reports, and memoranda, which are so
+formal as to lack the atmosphere of that painful but valiant experience.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+Excluding the brief notices of life at St Croix,
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P148"></A>148}</SPAN>
+Port Royal, and
+Quebec, Champlain's <I>Voyages</I> present a story of discovery by sea and
+discovery by land.  In other words, the four years of Acadian adventure
+relate to discoveries made along the seaboard, while the remaining
+narratives, including the <I>Des Sauvages</I> of 1604, relate to the basin
+of the St Lawrence.  Mariner though he was by early training, Champlain
+achieved his chief success as an explorer by land, in the region of the
+Great Lakes.  Bad fortune prevented him from pursuing his course past
+Martha's Vineyard to the mouth of the Hudson and Chesapeake Bay.  It
+was no small achievement to accomplish what he did on the coast of
+Norumbega, but his most distinctive discoveries were those which he
+made in the wilderness, leading up to his fine experience of 1615-16
+among the Hurons.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+To single out Champlain's chief literary triumph, it was he who
+introduced the Algonquin, the Huron, and the Iroquois to the delighted
+attention of France.  Ever since the days of Cartier the French had
+known that savages inhabited the banks of the St Lawrence, but
+Champlain is the pioneer in that great body of literature on the North
+American Indian, which thenceforth continued without interruption in
+France to the <I>René</I> and <I>Atala</I>
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P149"></A>149}</SPAN>
+of Chateaubriand.  Above all
+other subjects, the Indians are Champlain's chief theme.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+To some extent the account of Indian life which is given in the
+<I>Voyages</I> suffers by comparison with the <I>Relations</I> of the Jesuits.
+The Fathers, by reason of their long residence among the Indians,
+undoubtedly came to possess a more intimate knowledge of their
+character and customs than it was possible for Champlain to acquire
+during the time he spent among them.  On the other hand, the Jesuits
+were so preoccupied with the progress of the mission that they tended
+to view the life of the savages too exclusively from one angle.
+Furthermore, the volume of their description is so great as to
+overwhelm all readers who are not specially interested in the mission
+or the details of Indian custom.  Champlain wrote with sufficient
+knowledge to bring out salient traits in high relief, while his
+descriptive passages are sufficiently terse to come within the range of
+those who are not specialists.  When we remember the perpetual interest
+which, for more than three hundred years, Europe has felt in the North
+American Indian, the <I>Voyages</I> of Champlain are seen in their true
+perspective.  For he, with fresh eyes, saw the red man in his wigwam,
+at his council, and on
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P150"></A>150}</SPAN>
+the war-path; watched his stoic courage
+under torture and his inhuman cruelty in the hour of vengeance.  Tales
+of the wilderness, the canoe, the portage, and the ambush have never
+ceased to fascinate the imagination of Europe.  Champlain's narrative
+may be plain and unadorned, but, with such a groundwork, the
+imagination of every reader could supply details at will.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+In all essential respects Champlain seems to have been a good observer
+and an accurate chronicler.  It is true that his writings are not free
+from error involving facts of distance, altitude, and chronology.  But
+such slips as have crept into his text do not constitute a serious
+blemish or tend to impugn the good faith of his statements on matters
+where there is no other source of information.  Everything considered,
+his substantial accuracy is much more striking than his partial
+inaccuracy.  In fact, no one of his high character and disinterested
+zeal could write with any other purpose than to describe truly what he
+had seen and done.  The seal of probity is set upon Champlain's
+writings no less than upon the record of his dealings with his
+employers and the king.  Unselfish as to money or fame, he sought to
+create New France.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P151"></A>151}</SPAN>
+
+<P>
+In national progress much depends on the auspices under which the
+nation was founded and the tradition which it represents.  Thus
+England, and all the English world, has an imperishable tradition in
+the deeds and character of Alfred the Great; thus Canada has had from
+the outset of the present stage in her development a great possession
+in the equal self-sacrifice of Montcalm and Wolfe.  On the other hand,
+the nation is doomed to suffer which bases its traditions of greatness
+upon such acts as the seizure of Silesia by Frederick or Bismarck's
+manipulation of the Ems telegram.
+</P>
+
+<P>
+For Canada Champlain is not alone a heroic explorer of the seventeenth
+century, but the founder of Quebec; and it is a rich part of our
+heritage that he founded New France in the spirit of unselfishness, of
+loyalty, and of faith.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="biblio"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P152"></A>152}</SPAN>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+</H3>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+<I>Original Text</I>
+</H4>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+The best edition of Champlain's own works, in the original text, is
+that of Laverdière&mdash;<I>Oeuvres de Champlain, publiées sous le Patronage
+de l'Université Laval.  Par l'Abbé C.-H. Laverdière, M.A.  Seconde
+Edition.  6 tomes, 4to.  Quebec: Imprimé au Séminaire par Geo. B.
+Desbarats</I>, 1870.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+The list of Champlain's writings includes:
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+1. The <I>Bref Discours</I>, describing his trip to the West Indies.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+2. The <I>Des Sauvages</I>, describing his first voyage to the St Lawrence.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+3. The <I>Voyages</I> of 1613, covering the years 1604-13 inclusive.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+4. The <I>Voyages</I> of 1619, covering the years 1615-18 inclusive.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+5. The <I>Voyages</I> of 1632, which represent a re-editing of the early
+voyages from 1603 forward, and continue the narrative from 1618 to 1629.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+6. A general treatise on the duties of the mariner.
+</P>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P153"></A>153}</SPAN>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+<I>English Translations</I>
+</H4>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+1. The <I>Bref Discours</I>, in a translation by Alice Wilmere, was
+published by the Hakluyt Society in 1859.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+2. The <I>Des Sauvages</I> (1604) was translated in <I>Purchas His Pilgrimes</I>
+(1625).
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+3. The <I>Voyages</I> of 1604-18 inclusive were translated by C. P. Otis for
+the Prince Society of Boston, in three volumes, 1878-82, with the Rev.
+E. F. Slafter as editor.  This is a fine work, but not easily
+accessible in its original form.  Fortunately, Professor Otis's
+translation has been reprinted, with an introduction and notes by
+Professor W. L. Grant, in the <I>Original Narratives of Early American
+History</I> (Scribners, 1907).  The passages quoted in the present volume
+are taken from Otis's translation, with occasional changes.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+4. The <I>Voyages</I> of 1604-16 inclusive have also been well translated by
+Annie Nettleton Bourne, with an introduction and notes by Professor E.
+G. Bourne (A. S. Barnes and Co., 1906).  This translation follows the
+edition of 1632, and also gives the translation of <I>Des Sauvages</I> which
+appears in Purchas.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+<I>General Literature</I>
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+The career of Champlain is treated in many historical works, of which
+the following are a
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P154"></A>154}</SPAN>
+few: Parkman, <I>Pioneers of France in the New
+World</I>; Dionne, <I>Samuel de Champlain</I> (in the 'Makers of Canada'
+series); Biggar, <I>Early Trading Companies of New France</I>, Slafter,
+<I>Champlain</I> (in Winsor's <I>Narrative and Critical History of America</I>,
+vol. iv, part i, chap. iii); Salone, <I>La Colonisation de la
+Nouvelle-France</I>; Suite, <I>Histoire des Canadiens-Français</I>; Ferland,
+<I>Cours d'Histoire du Canada</I>; Garneau, <I>Histoire du Canada</I>, fifth
+edition, edited by the author's grandson, Hector Garneau.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+<I>Portrait</I>
+</H4>
+
+<P>
+Unfortunately, there is no authentic portrait of Champlain.  That
+ascribed to Moncornet is undoubtedly spurious, as has been proved by V.
+H. Paltsits in <I>Acadiensis</I>, vol. iv, pp. 306-11.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="index"></A>
+
+<SPAN CLASS="pagenum">{<A NAME="P155"></A>155}</SPAN>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+INDEX
+</H4>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Acadia, <A HREF="#P22">22-3</A>; the first French colony in, <A HREF="#P24">24</A>, <A HREF="#P34">34-7</A>, <A HREF="#P40">40-8</A>, <A HREF="#P52">52-5</A>;
+abandoned, <A HREF="#P56">56-8</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Alexander, Sir William, his interest in Acadia, <A HREF="#P127">127</A> and note.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Algonquins, the, <A HREF="#P68">68-9</A>, <A HREF="#P86">86-7</A>, <A HREF="#P101">101-2</A>, <A HREF="#P113">113-14</A>; their expedition against
+the Iroquois, <A HREF="#P87">87-96</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+America, early opinions regarding, <A HREF="#P13">13</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Armouchiquois, the, <A HREF="#P38">38</A>, <A HREF="#P39">39-40</A>, <A HREF="#P49">49-52</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Basques, the, <A HREF="#P56">56</A> n.; defy French trading monopoly at Tadoussac, <A HREF="#P63">63</A>, <A HREF="#P64">64</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Boyer, his public apology to Champlain, <A HREF="#P78">78-9</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Brulé, Étienne, explorer and interpreter, <A HREF="#P97">97-8</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Caën, Emery de, represents France in the restoration of Quebec, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Caën, William and Emery de, granted a monopoly in New France, <A HREF="#P79">79-80</A>,
+<A HREF="#P117">117</A>, <A HREF="#P119">119-20</A>; deprived of their charter, <A HREF="#P122">122</A>; monopoly restored, <A HREF="#P129">129-30</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Cartier, Jacques, <A HREF="#P61">61</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Champdoré, with Champlain at Port Royal, <A HREF="#P46">46</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Champlain, Samuel de, his birth and parentage, <A HREF="#P2">2-3</A>; serves in the Wars
+of the League, <A HREF="#P6">6-8</A>; his voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, <A HREF="#P8">8-10</A>; his
+first voyage to the St Lawrence, <A HREF="#P11">11-12</A>, <A HREF="#P16">16</A>, <A HREF="#P19">19-21</A>; with De Monts'
+expedition to Acadia, <A HREF="#P23">23</A>, <A HREF="#P26">26-43</A>; his work at Port Royal, <A HREF="#P43">43-6</A>; with
+Poutrincourt's exploring expedition, <A HREF="#P47">47-52</A>; founds the Order of Good
+Cheer at Port Royal, <A HREF="#P52">52-4</A>; his second voyage to the St Lawrence and the
+founding of Quebec, <A HREF="#P59">59-68</A>, <A HREF="#P81">81</A>, <A HREF="#P82">82-3</A>, <A HREF="#P123">123</A>; a conspiracy to kill him,
+<A HREF="#P64">64-5</A>; his habitation, <A HREF="#P66">66-7</A>; his Indian policy, <A HREF="#P68">68-70</A>, <A HREF="#P87">87</A>, <A HREF="#P97">97</A>, <A HREF="#P104">104-5</A>;
+organizes a trading company in France and secures a monopoly, becoming
+lieutenant-general of New France, <A HREF="#P71">71-5</A>; his difficulties with his
+company, <A HREF="#P77">77-80</A>; his expedition with the Algonquins against the
+Iroquois, <A HREF="#P87">87-96</A>, <A HREF="#P101">101-2</A>; his marriage, <A HREF="#P117">117-18</A>; is grossly deceived by
+Nicolas Vignau, <A HREF="#P98">98-104</A>; wounded in expedition with the Hurons against
+the Onondagas, <A HREF="#P104">104-12</A>; winters with the Hurons, <A HREF="#P112">112-15</A>, <A HREF="#P146">146</A>, <A HREF="#P148">148-50</A>;
+his work as king's lieutenant in Quebec, <A HREF="#P116">116-17</A>, <A HREF="#P119">119</A>, <A HREF="#P134">134</A>; captured and
+taken to London, <A HREF="#P124">124-6</A>, <A HREF="#P127">127</A>; his reception on his return to Quebec,
+<A HREF="#P130">130-1</A>; his last years and death, <A HREF="#P133">133-6</A>; his writings and character,
+<A HREF="#P84">84-5</A>, <A HREF="#P137">137-51</A>, <A HREF="#P152">152-3</A>; a comparison with Lescarbot, <A HREF="#P55">55-7</A>, <A HREF="#P140">140-3</A>; his
+patriotism, <A HREF="#P12">12</A>, <A HREF="#P62">62</A>, <A HREF="#P78">78</A>, <A HREF="#P84">84</A>; his strong geographical instinct, <A HREF="#P9">9-10</A>, <A HREF="#P20">20</A>,
+<A HREF="#P26">26-7</A>, <A HREF="#P29">29</A>, <A HREF="#P55">55</A>, <A HREF="#P139">139-40</A>, <A HREF="#P148">148</A>; his ambition to discover a westerly route to
+the East, <A HREF="#P26">26</A>, <A HREF="#P62">62</A>, <A HREF="#P69">69</A>, <A HREF="#P84">84</A>, <A HREF="#P97">97</A>, <A HREF="#P103">103</A>; his explorations, <A HREF="#P21">21</A>, <A HREF="#P30">30</A>, <A HREF="#P35">35-6</A>,
+<A HREF="#P38">38-40</A>, <A HREF="#P41">41</A>, <A HREF="#P44">44</A>, <A HREF="#P47">47-9</A>, <A HREF="#P84">84-6</A>, <A HREF="#P96">96</A>, <A HREF="#P99">99-101</A>, <A HREF="#P105">105-8</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Champlain, Madame, <A HREF="#P117">117-18</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Champlain's Company, its charter, <A HREF="#P74">74-5</A>; its treatment of Louis Hébert
+and failure to encourage colonization, <A HREF="#P76">76-8</A>; deprived of its monopoly,
+<A HREF="#P79">79</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Chastes, Aymar de, <A HREF="#P24">24</A>; sends Champlain on his first voyage to the St
+Lawrence, <A HREF="#P11">11-12</A>, <A HREF="#P16">16</A>, <A HREF="#P19">19</A>, <A HREF="#P20">20-1</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Chauvin, Pierre, secures monopoly of the fur trade in the St Lawrence,
+<A HREF="#P16">16</A>, <A HREF="#P18">18-19</A>, <A HREF="#P62">62</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Coligny, Admiral de, his interest in New France, <A HREF="#P14">14</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Colombo, Don Francisco, and Champlain, <A HREF="#P8">8</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Company of One Hundred Associates, founding of the, <A HREF="#P122">122-3</A>, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>;
+disaster befalls it, <A HREF="#P124">124</A>, <A HREF="#P125">125</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Condé, Prince de, viceroy of Canada, <A HREF="#P73">73-4</A>, <A HREF="#P75">75</A>, <A HREF="#P78">78</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Duval, Jean, his plot to kill Champlain, <A HREF="#P64">64</A>; suffers death, <A HREF="#P65">65</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+France, and the Wars of the League, <A HREF="#P6">6-8</A>; her colonization policy,
+<A HREF="#P10">10-11</A>, <A HREF="#P15">15</A>, <A HREF="#P17">17</A>, <A HREF="#P18">18</A>, <A HREF="#P25">25</A>, <A HREF="#P28">28</A>, <A HREF="#P61">61-2</A>, <A HREF="#P117">117</A>, <A HREF="#P121">121</A>, <A HREF="#P132">132</A>; and trading monopolies
+in New France, <A HREF="#P19">19</A> and note, <A HREF="#P26">26-7</A>, <A HREF="#P56">56-57</A>, <A HREF="#P79">79</A>, <A HREF="#P80">80</A>; her magnificent
+opportunity of colonial expansion, <A HREF="#P31">31-3</A>; the Huguenot revolt at La
+Rochelle, <A HREF="#P123">123-4</A>; war with Britain, <A HREF="#P124">124-6</A>; her rivalry with the House of
+Hapsburg, <A HREF="#P121">121</A>, <A HREF="#P128">128</A> and note; her colonial policy retarded by her
+ambitious foreign policy, <A HREF="#P127">127-9</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Georgian Bay, Champlain at, <A HREF="#P105">105-6</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Gosnold, Bartholomew, an English navigator, <A HREF="#P13">13</A>, <A HREF="#P16">16</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Great Britain, her colonization policy, <A HREF="#P14">14-15</A>; founds a colony in
+America, <A HREF="#P16">16-17</A>, <A HREF="#P33">33</A>, <A HREF="#P82">82</A>; her capture of New France, <A HREF="#P124">124-7</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Hébert, Louis, in Acadia, <A HREF="#P28">28</A>, <A HREF="#P29">29</A>; scurvily treated by Champlain's
+Company, <A HREF="#P76">76-7</A>; his farm in Quebec, <A HREF="#P67">67</A>, <A HREF="#P80">80-1</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Henry IV, <A HREF="#P7">7</A>, <A HREF="#P8">8</A>; his interest in colonial expansion, <A HREF="#P10">10-11</A>, <A HREF="#P17">17</A>, <A HREF="#P18">18</A>, <A HREF="#P24">24</A>,
+<A HREF="#P25">25</A>, <A HREF="#P60">60</A>, <A HREF="#P121">121</A>; assassinated, <A HREF="#P71">71</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Holland, her interest in America, <A HREF="#P14">14-16</A>, <A HREF="#P17">17</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Hudson, Henry, explorer, <A HREF="#P17">17</A>, <A HREF="#P66">66</A>, <A HREF="#P95">95</A> n.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Huguenots, the, forbidden to settle in New France, <A HREF="#P133">133</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Hurons, the, <A HREF="#P68">68-9</A>, <A HREF="#P113">113-14</A>; their expedition against the Onondagas,
+<A HREF="#P104">104-12</A>; their welcome to Champlain on his return to Quebec, <A HREF="#P130">130-1</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Indians, their tactics when on a war expedition, <A HREF="#P89">89-92</A>; when
+retreating, <A HREF="#P110">110-11</A>; some customs of, <A HREF="#P95">95</A>, <A HREF="#P102">102</A>; missions to, <A HREF="#P132">132-3</A>, <A HREF="#P134">134</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Iroquois, and Champlain, <A HREF="#P68">68-9</A>; their battle with the Algonquins, <A HREF="#P91">91-5</A>,
+<A HREF="#P97">97</A>; with the Hurons, <A HREF="#P108">108-10</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+James I, and colonization, <A HREF="#P16">16</A>, <A HREF="#P17">17</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Jeannin, President, and Champlain, <A HREF="#P74">74</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Jesuits, established at Quebec, <A HREF="#P118">118-19</A>, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>, <A HREF="#P132">132</A>, <A HREF="#P133">133</A>, <A HREF="#P149">149</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Kirke, Jarvis or Gervase, and his sons, their expedition against New
+France, <A HREF="#P124">124-6</A>, <A HREF="#P127">127</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Kirke, Lewis, his capture of Quebec, <A HREF="#P124">124-6</A>; restores it to France, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Kirke, Thomas, <A HREF="#P124">124</A>; with his brother represents England in the
+restoration of Quebec, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Lake Champlain, discovery of, <A HREF="#P86">86</A>, <A HREF="#P91">91</A>, <A HREF="#P96">96-7</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Lalemant, Father Charles, at Quebec, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>, <A HREF="#P133">133</A>, <A HREF="#P136">136</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+La Roche, his colony on Sable Island, <A HREF="#P18">18</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+La Rochelle, revolt of, <A HREF="#P123">123-4</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Le Caron, Father Joseph, among the Hurons, <A HREF="#P105">105</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Le Jeune, Father Paul, his arrival at Quebec, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>, <A HREF="#P131">131</A>, <A HREF="#P133">133</A>; his
+appreciation of Champlain, <A HREF="#P135">135-6</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Lescarbot, Marc, <A HREF="#P28">28</A>, <A HREF="#P29">29</A>, <A HREF="#P55">55-6</A>; quoted on De Monts' colony in Acadia,
+<A HREF="#P30">30</A>, <A HREF="#P47">47</A>, <A HREF="#P52">52</A>, <A HREF="#P52">52-4</A>, <A HREF="#P57">57-8</A>; a comparison with Champlain, <A HREF="#P55">55</A>, <A HREF="#P140">140-3</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Marais, Des, with Champlain in New France, <A HREF="#P87">87</A>, <A HREF="#P88">88</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Marsolet, Nicolas, a guide and interpreter, <A HREF="#P97">97-8</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Micmacs, the, <A HREF="#P38">38</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Montagnais, the, <A HREF="#P86">86</A> n., <A HREF="#P93">93</A>, <A HREF="#P96">96</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Montmorency, Duke of, <A HREF="#P26">26-7</A>; viceroy of Canada, <A HREF="#P78">78</A>, <A HREF="#P79">79</A>, <A HREF="#P80">80</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Monts, Sieur de, <A HREF="#P16">16</A>, <A HREF="#P24">24</A>; his trading company and monopoly, <A HREF="#P22">22</A> n., <A HREF="#P25">25-7</A>,
+<A HREF="#P28">28</A>, <A HREF="#P29">29</A>, <A HREF="#P56">56-7</A>, <A HREF="#P60">60-1</A>, <A HREF="#P68">68</A>; his colonizing expedition to Acadia, <A HREF="#P23">23</A>, <A HREF="#P28">28-43</A>;
+equips Champlain's expedition to the St Lawrence, <A HREF="#P60">60-1</A>, <A HREF="#P62">62-3</A>, <A HREF="#P70">70-2</A>;
+member of Champlain's Company, <A HREF="#P75">75</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+New France, <A HREF="#P23">23</A>; and the trading companies, <A HREF="#P19">19</A> and note; explorations
+in, <A HREF="#P21">21</A>, <A HREF="#P23">23</A>, <A HREF="#P84">84</A>; religious strife in, <A HREF="#P117">117</A>; the Huguenots forbidden to
+settle in, <A HREF="#P117">117</A>, <A HREF="#P123">123</A>, <A HREF="#P133">133</A>; surrendered to Britain, <A HREF="#P126">126</A>; restored to
+France, <A HREF="#P127">127</A>; progress in retarded by the Thirty Years' War, <A HREF="#P128">128-9</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Nicolet, Jean, an explorer and interpreter, <A HREF="#P98">98</A>, <A HREF="#P135">135</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Norumbega, what it comprised, <A HREF="#P28">28</A> n., <A HREF="#P36">36</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Onondagas, the, <A HREF="#P104">104</A>, <A HREF="#P108">108-10</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Pontgravé, Sieur du, his voyages to New France, <A HREF="#P20">20</A> and note; with De
+Monts' expedition to Acadia, <A HREF="#P28">28</A>, <A HREF="#P31">31</A>, <A HREF="#P37">37</A>, <A HREF="#P42">42</A>; left in command at Port
+Royal, <A HREF="#P43">43-6</A>; with Champlain in the St Lawrence, <A HREF="#P61">61</A>, <A HREF="#P63">63</A>, <A HREF="#P65">65</A>, <A HREF="#P68">68</A>, <A HREF="#P87">87</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Port Mouton, De Monts' expedition at, <A HREF="#P29">29-31</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Port Royal, the French colony at, <A HREF="#P34">34</A>, <A HREF="#P40">40-6</A>, <A HREF="#P47">47</A>; Order of Good Cheer
+founded, <A HREF="#P52">52-4</A>; colony abandoned, but re-established, <A HREF="#P56">56-8</A>; captured by
+the British, <A HREF="#P76">76</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Poutrincourt, Seigneur de, with De Monts in Acadia, <A HREF="#P28">28-9</A>, <A HREF="#P31">31</A>, <A HREF="#P41">41-2</A>; his
+colonizing expedition to Port Royal, <A HREF="#P46">46-56</A>, <A HREF="#P58">58</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Prevert, a mariner of St Malo, <A HREF="#P20">20</A>, <A HREF="#P34">34</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Quebec, <A HREF="#P59">59-60</A>, <A HREF="#P62">62</A>, <A HREF="#P81">81</A>; Champlain reaches, <A HREF="#P64">64</A>, <A HREF="#P66">66-7</A>; hard times in,
+<A HREF="#P67">67-8</A>, <A HREF="#P83">83</A>, <A HREF="#P87">87</A>; two bright spots, <A HREF="#P80">80-1</A>; captured by the Kirkes, <A HREF="#P124">124-6</A>;
+restored to France, <A HREF="#P127">127</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Raleigh, Sir Walter, his colony in America, <A HREF="#P14">14</A>, <A HREF="#P16">16</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Ralleau, with Champlain in Acadia, <A HREF="#P30">30</A>, <A HREF="#P46">46</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Récollets, the, in New France, <A HREF="#P80">80</A>, <A HREF="#P119">119</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Richelieu, Cardinal, his energetic colonial policy, <A HREF="#P120">120-3</A>, <A HREF="#P129">129</A>, <A HREF="#P133">133</A>;
+succumbs to European interests, <A HREF="#P124">124</A>, <A HREF="#P127">127-8</A> n.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Sagard, Gabriel, a Récollet missionary, <A HREF="#P77">77</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+St Croix, the French colony at, <A HREF="#P34">34-5</A>, <A HREF="#P37">37</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+St Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, <A HREF="#P127">127</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+St Lawrence, the, <A HREF="#P22">22</A>, <A HREF="#P61">61-2</A>; Champlain's explorations of, <A HREF="#P21">21</A>, <A HREF="#P84">84</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Soissons, Comte de, and Champlain, <A HREF="#P73">73</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Spain, her early conquests in America, <A HREF="#P8">8</A>, <A HREF="#P12">12-13</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Sully, Duc de, opposes French colonization, <A HREF="#P17">17</A>, <A HREF="#P25">25</A>, <A HREF="#P61">61</A>, <A HREF="#P121">121</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Suza, treaty of, <A HREF="#P126">126</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Tessouät, an Algonquin chief, <A HREF="#P102">102</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Thirty Years' War, its effect on New France, <A HREF="#P128">128</A> and note.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Three Rivers, erection of fort at, <A HREF="#P134">134</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Ventadour, Duc de, viceroy of New France, <A HREF="#P116">116</A>, <A HREF="#P117">117</A>.
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Vignau, Nicolas, <A HREF="#P97">97</A>; deceives Champlain with a story of the North Sea,
+<A HREF="#P98">98-101</A>; his punishment, <A HREF="#P103">103-4</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<P CLASS="index">
+Wars of the League, the, <A HREF="#P6">6-8</A>.
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR><BR><BR>
+
+<H5 ALIGN="center">
+Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty<BR>
+at the Edinburgh University Press<BR>
+</H5>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<HR>
+
+<BR><BR><BR>
+
+<A NAME="chap11"></A>
+
+<H2 ALIGN="center">
+THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA
+</H2>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES ILLUSTRATED
+</H3>
+
+<H4 ALIGN="center">
+Edited by GEORGE M. WRONG and H. H. LANGTON
+</H4>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<H2 ALIGN="center">
+THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA
+</H2>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART I
+<BR>
+THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+1.  THE DAWN OF CANADIAN HISTORY
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Stephen Leacock.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+2.  THE MARINER OF ST MALO
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Stephen Leacock.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART II
+<BR>
+THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+3.  THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Charles W. Colby.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+4.  THE JESUIT MISSIONS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+5.  THE SEIGNEURS OF OLD CANADA
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By William Bennett Munro.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+6.  THE GREAT INTENDANT
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Thomas Chapais.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+7.  THE FIGHTING GOVERNOR
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Charles W. Colby.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART III
+<BR>
+THE ENGLISH INVASION
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+8.  THE GREAT FORTRESS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By William Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+9.  THE ACADIAN EXILES
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1em">By Arthur G. Doughty.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+10.  THE PASSING OF NEW FRANCE
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By William Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+11.  THE WINNING OF CANADA
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By William Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART IV
+<BR>
+THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+12.  THE FATHER OF BRITISH CANADA
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By William Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+13.  THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By W. Stewart Wallace.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+14.  THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By William Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART V
+<BR>
+THE RED MAN IN CANADA
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+15.  THE WAR CHIEF OF THE OTTAWAS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+16.  THE WAR CHIEF OF THE SIX NATIONS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Louis Aubrey Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+17.  TECUMSEH: THE LAST GREAT LEADER OF HIS PEOPLE
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Ethel T. Raymond.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART VI
+<BR>
+PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+18.  THE 'ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND' ON HUDSON BAY
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Agnes C. Laut.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+19.  PATHFINDERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Lawrence J. Burpee.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+20.  ADVENTURERS OF THE FAR NORTH
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Stephen Leacock.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+21.  THE RED RIVER COLONY
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Louis Aubrey Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+22.  PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC COAST
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Agnes C. Laut.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+23.  THE CARIBOO TRAIL
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Agnes C. Laut.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART VII
+<BR>
+THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+24.  THE FAMILY COMPACT
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By W. Stewart Wallace.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+25.  THE 'PATRIOTES' OF '37
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Alfred D. DeCelles.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+26.  THE TRIBUNE OF NOVA SCOTIA
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By William Lawson Grant.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+27.  THE WINNING OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Archibald MacMechan.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART VIII
+<BR>
+THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+28.  THE FATHERS OF CONFEDERATION
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By A. H. U. Colquhoun.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+29.  THE DAY OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Sir Joseph Pope.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+30.  THE DAY OF SIR WILFRID LAURIER
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Oscar D. Skelton.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR>
+
+<H3 ALIGN="center">
+PART IX
+<BR>
+NATIONAL HIGHWAYS
+</H3>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+31.  ALL AFLOAT
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By William Wood.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<P CLASS="noindent">
+32.  THE RAILWAY BUILDERS
+<SPAN STYLE="margin-left: 1.5em">By Oscar D. Skelton.</SPAN><BR>
+</P>
+
+<BR><BR>
+
+<H5 ALIGN="center">
+TORONTO: GLASGOW, BROOK &amp; COMPANY
+</H5>
+
+<BR><BR><BR><BR>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Founder of New France, by Charles W. Colby
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Founder of New France, by Charles W. Colby
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Founder of New France
+       A Chronicle of Champlain
+
+Author: Charles W. Colby
+
+Release Date: October 15, 2009 [EBook #30257]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Frontispiece: THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER--PORT ROYAL, 1606-7.  From a
+colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE FOUNDER OF
+
+NEW FRANCE
+
+
+A Chronicle of Champlain
+
+
+
+BY
+
+CHARLES W. COLBY
+
+
+
+
+TORONTO
+
+GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY
+
+1915
+
+
+
+
+  Copyright in all Countries subscribing to
+  the Berne Contention
+
+
+
+
+{v}
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                 Page
+
+   I. CHAMPLAIN'S EARLY YEARS  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    1
+  II. CHAMPLAIN IN ACADIA  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   22
+ III. CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   59
+  IV. CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   84
+   V. CHAMPLAIN'S LAST YEARS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  116
+  VI. CHAMPLAIN'S WRITINGS AND CHARACTER . . . . . . . . . . . .  137
+      BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  152
+      INDEX  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  155
+
+
+
+
+{vii}
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+THE ORDER OF GOOD CHEER--PORT ROYAL, 1606-7  . . . .   _Frontispiece_
+  From a colour drawing by C. W. Jefferys.
+
+PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET.
+    (See Bibliographical Note, p. 154) . . . . . . .  _Facing page_ 4
+  From Laverdiere's 'Champlain' in M'Gill
+    University Library.
+
+COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7 . . . . . . . .         "     36
+  Map by Bartholomew.
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION AT QUEBEC  . .         "     64
+  From Laverdiere's 'Champlain' in M'Gill
+    University Library.
+
+HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDE,
+    VICEROY OF NEW FRANCE  . . . . . . . . . . . . .         "     74
+  From Laverdiere's 'Champlain' in M'Gill
+    University Library.
+
+THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609  . . . . . . .         "     86
+  From a drawing by J. D. Kelly in the Chateau
+    de Ramezay, Montreal.
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16 . . . . . . . . . . . . .         "    106
+  Map by Bartholomew.
+
+
+
+
+{1}
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S EARLY YEARS
+
+Were there a Who's Who in History its chronicle of Champlain's life and
+deeds would run as follows:
+
+
+Champlain, Samuel de.  Explorer, geographer, and colonizer.  Born in
+1567 at Brouage, a village on the Bay of Biscay.  Belonged by parentage
+to the lesser gentry of Saintonge.  In boyhood became imbued with a
+love of the sea, but also served as a soldier in the Wars of the
+League.  Though an enthusiastic Catholic, was loyal to Henry of
+Navarre.  On the Peace of Vervins (1598) returned to the sea, visiting
+the Spanish West Indies and Mexico.  Between 1601 and 1603 wrote his
+first book--the _Bref Discours_.  In 1603 made his first voyage to the
+St Lawrence, which he ascended as far as the Lachine Rapids.  From 1604
+to 1607 was actively engaged in the attempt of De Monts to establish a
+French colony in Acadia, at the same time exploring the seaboard from
+Cape Breton to Martha's Vineyard.  Returned to the St Lawrence in 1608
+and founded Quebec.  In 1609 discovered Lake Champlain, and fought his
+first battle with the Iroquois.  In 1613 ascended the Ottawa to a point
+{2} above Lac Coulange.  In 1615 reached Georgian Bay and was induced
+to accompany the Hurons, with their allies, on an unsuccessful
+expedition into the country of the Iroquois.  From 1617 to 1629
+occupied chiefly in efforts to strengthen the colony at Quebec and
+promote trade on the lower St Lawrence.  Taken a captive to London by
+Kirke in 1629 upon the surrender of Quebec, but after its recession to
+France returned (1633) and remained in Canada until his death, on
+Christmas Day 1635.  Published several important narratives describing
+his explorations and adventures.  An intrepid pioneer and the revered
+founder of New France.
+
+
+Into some such terms as these would the writer of a biographical
+dictionary crowd his notice of Champlain's career, so replete with
+danger and daring, with the excitement of sailing among the uncharted
+islands of Penobscot Bay, of watching the sun descend below the waves
+of Lake Huron, of attacking the Iroquois in their palisaded stronghold,
+of seeing English cannon levelled upon the houses of Quebec.  It is not
+from a biographical dictionary that one can gain true knowledge of
+Champlain, into whose experience were crowded so many novel sights and
+whose soul was tested, year after year, by the ever-varying perils of
+the wilderness.  No life, it is true, can be fitly sketched in a
+chronological {3} abridgment, but history abounds with lives which,
+while important, do not exact from a biographer the kind of detail that
+for the actions of Champlain becomes priceless.  Kant and Hegel were
+both great forces in human thought, yet throughout eighty years Kant
+was tethered to the little town of Koenigsberg, and Hegel did not know
+what the French were doing in Jena the day after there had been fought
+just outside a battle which smote Prussia to her knees.  The deeds of
+such men are their thoughts, their books, and these do not make a
+story.  The life of Champlain is all story.  The part of it which
+belongs to the Wars of the League is lost to us from want of records.
+But fortunately we possess in his _Voyages_ the plain, direct narrative
+of his exploits in America--a source from which all must draw who would
+know him well.
+
+The method to be pursued in this book is not that of the critical
+essay.  Nor will these pages give an account of Champlain's times with
+reference to ordinances regulating the fur trade, or to the policy of
+French kings and their ministers towards emigration.  Such subjects
+must be touched on, but here it will be only incidentally.  What may be
+taken to concern us is the spirited action of {4} Champlain's middle
+life--the period which lies between his first voyage to the St Lawrence
+and his return from the land of the Onondagas.  Not that he had ended
+his work in 1616.  The unflagging efforts which he continued to put
+forth on behalf of the starving colony at Quebec demand all praise.
+But the years during which he was incessantly engaged in exploration
+show him at the height of his powers, with health still unimpaired by
+exposure and with a soul that courted the unknown.  Moreover, this is
+the period for which we have his own narrative in fullest detail.
+
+[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF CHAMPLAIN ASCRIBED TO MONCORNET
+  (See Bibliographical Note, P. 154)
+From Laverdiere's _Champlain_ in M'Gill University Library]
+
+Even were we seeking to set down every known fact regarding Champlain's
+early life, the task would not be long.  Parkman, in referring to his
+origin, styles him 'a Catholic gentleman,' with not even a footnote
+regarding his parentage.[1]  Dionne, in a biography {5} of nearly three
+hundred pages, does indeed mention the names of his father and mother,
+but dismisses his first twenty years in twenty lines, which say little
+more than that he learned letters and religion from the parish priest
+and a love of the sea from his father.  Nor is it easy to enlarge these
+statements unless one chooses to make guesses as to whether or not
+Champlain's parents were Huguenots because he was called Samuel, a
+favourite name with French Protestants.  And this question is not worth
+discussion, since no one has, or can, cast a doubt upon the sincerity
+of his own devotion to the Catholic faith.
+
+In short, Champlain by birth was neither a peasant nor a noble, but
+issued from a middle-class family; and his eyes turned towards the sea
+because his father was a mariner dwelling in the small seaport of
+Brouage.
+
+Thus when a boy Champlain doubtless had lessons in navigation, but he
+did not become a sailor in the larger sense until he had first {6} been
+a soldier.  His youth fell in the midst of the Catholic Revival, when
+the Church of Rome, having for fifty years been sore beset by Lutherans
+and Calvinists, began to display a reserve strength which enabled her
+to reclaim from them a large part of the ground she had lost.  But this
+result was not gained without the bitterest and most envenomed
+struggle.  If doctrinal divergence had quickened human hatreds before
+the Council of Trent, it drove them to fury during the thirty years
+that followed.  At the time of the Massacre of St Bartholomew Champlain
+was five years old.  He was seventeen when William the Silent was
+assassinated; twenty when Mary Stuart was executed at Fotheringay;
+twenty-one when the Spanish Armada sailed against England and when the
+Guises were murdered at Blois by order of Henry III; twenty-two when
+Henry III himself fell under the dagger of Jacques Clement.  The bare
+enumeration of these events shows that Champlain was nurtured in an age
+of blood and iron rather than amid those humanitarian sentiments which
+prevail in an age of religious toleration.
+
+Finding his country a camp, or rather two camps, he became a soldier,
+and fought for ten {7} years in the wretched strife to which both
+Leaguers and Huguenots so often sacrificed their love of country.  With
+Henry of Valois, Henry of Navarre, and Henry of Guise as personal foes
+and political rivals, it was hard to know where the right line of faith
+and loyalty lay; but Champlain was both a Catholic and a king's man,
+for whom all things issued well when Henry of Navarre ceased to be a
+heretic, giving France peace and a throne.  It is unfortunate that the
+details of these adventurous years in Champlain's early manhood should
+be lost.  Unassisted by wealth or rank, he served so well as to win
+recognition from the king himself, but beyond the names of his
+commanders (D'Aumont, St Luc, and Brissac) there is little to show the
+nature of his exploits.[2]  In any case, these ten years of campaigning
+were a good school for one who afterwards was to look death in the face
+a thousand times amidst the icebergs of the North Atlantic, and off the
+rocky coast of Acadia, and in the forests of the Iroquois.
+
+With such parentage and early experiences as have been indicated
+Champlain entered upon his career in the New World.  It is {8}
+characteristic that he did not leave the army until his services were
+no longer needed.  At the age of thirty-one he was fortunate enough to
+be freed from fighting against his own countrymen.  In 1598 was signed
+the Peace of Vervins by which the enemies of Henry IV, both Leaguers
+and Spaniards, acknowledged their defeat.  To France the close of
+fratricidal strife came as a happy release.  To Champlain it meant also
+the dawn of a career.  Hastening to the coast, he began the long series
+of voyages which was to occupy the remainder of his life.  Indeed, the
+sea and what lay beyond it were henceforth to be his life.
+
+The sea, however, did not at once lead Champlain to New France.
+Provencal, his uncle, held high employment in the Spanish fleet, and
+through his assistance Champlain embarked at Blavet in Brittany for
+Cadiz, convoying Spanish soldiers who had served with the League in
+France.  After three months at Seville he secured a Spanish commission
+as captain of a ship sailing for the West Indies.  Under this
+appointment it was his duty to attend Don Francisco Colombo, who with
+an armada of twenty galleons sailed in January 1599 to protect Porto
+Rico from the English.  In the maritime strife of Spain {9} and England
+this expedition has no part that remains memorable.  For Champlain it
+meant a first command at sea and a first glimpse of America.
+
+The record of this voyage was an incident of no less importance in
+Champlain's fortunes than the voyage itself.  His cruisings in the
+Spanish Main gave him material for a little book, the _Bref Discours_;
+and the _Bref Discours_ in turn advanced his career.  Apart from any
+effect which it may have had in securing for him the title of
+Geographer to the King, it shows his own aspiration to be a geographer.
+Navigation can be regarded either as a science or a trade.  For
+Champlain it was plainly a science, demanding care in observation and
+faithfulness of narrative.  The _Bref Discours_ was written immediately
+upon his return from the West Indies, while the events it describes
+were still fresh in mind.  Appearing at a time when colonial secrets
+were carefully guarded, it gave France a glimpse of Spanish America
+from French eyes.  For us it preserves Champlain's impressions of
+Mexico, Panama, and the Antilles.  For Champlain himself it was a
+profession of faith, a statement that he had entered upon the
+honourable occupation of navigator; in other words, that {10} he was to
+be classed neither with ship-captains nor with traders, but with
+explorers and authors.
+
+It was in March 1601 that Champlain reached France on his return from
+the West Indies.  The next two years he spent at home, occupied partly
+with the composition of his _Bref Discours_ and partly with the quest
+of suitable employment.  His avowed preference for the sea and the
+reputation which he had already gained as a navigator left no doubt as
+to the sphere of his future activities, but though eager to explore
+some portion of America on behalf of the French crown, the question of
+ways and means presented many difficulties.  Chief among these was the
+fickleness of the king.  Henry IV had great political intelligence, and
+moreover desired, in general, to befriend those who had proved loyal
+during his doubtful days.  His political sagacity should have led him
+to see the value of colonial expansion, and his willingness to advance
+faithful followers should have brought Champlain something better than
+his pension and the title of Geographer.  But the problems of France
+were intricate, and what most appealed to the judgment of Henry was the
+need of domestic reorganization after a {11} generation of slaughter
+which had left the land desolate.  Hence, despite momentary impulses to
+vie with Spain and England in oversea expansion, he kept to the path of
+caution, avoiding any expenditure for colonies which could be made a
+drain upon the treasury, and leaving individual pioneers to bear the
+cost of planting his flag in new lands.  In friendship likewise his
+good impulses were subject to the vagaries of a mercurial temperament
+and a marked willingness to follow the line of least resistance.  In
+the circumstances it is not strange that Champlain remained two years
+ashore.
+
+The man to whom he owed most at this juncture was Aymar de Chastes.
+Though Champlain had served the king faithfully, his youth and birth
+prevented him from doing more than belongs to the duty of a subaltern.
+But De Chastes, as governor of Dieppe, at a time when the League seemed
+everywhere triumphant, gave Henry aid which proved to be the means of
+raising him from the dust.  It was a critical event for Champlain that
+early in 1603 De Chastes had determined to fit out an expedition to
+Canada.  Piety and patriotism seem to have been his dominant motives,
+but an opening for profit was also {12} offered by a monopoly of the
+Laurentian fur trade.  During the civil wars Champlain's strength of
+character had become known at first hand to De Chastes, who both liked
+and admired him.  Then, just at the right moment, he reached
+Fontainebleau, with his good record as a soldier and the added prestige
+which had come to him from his successful voyage to the West Indies.
+He and De Chastes concluded an agreement, the king's assent was
+specially given, and in the early spring of 1603 the founder of New
+France began his first voyage to the St Lawrence.
+
+
+Champlain was now definitely committed to the task of gaining for
+France a foothold in North America.  This was to be his steady purpose,
+whether fortune frowned or smiled.  At times circumstances seemed
+favourable; at other times they were most disheartening.  Hence, if we
+are to understand his life and character, we must consider, however
+briefly, the conditions under which he worked.
+
+It cannot be said that Champlain was born out of his right time.  His
+active years coincide with the most important, most exciting period in
+the colonial movement.  At the outset Spain had gone beyond all rivals
+in the {13} race for the spoils of America.  The first stage was marked
+by unexampled and spectacular profits.  The bullion which flowed from
+Mexico and Peru was won by brutal cruelty to native races, but Europe
+accepted it as wealth poured forth in profusion from the mines.  Thus
+the first conception of a colony was that of a marvellous
+treasure-house where gold and silver lay piled up awaiting the arrival
+of a Cortez or a Pizarro.
+
+Unhappily disillusion followed.  Within two generations from the time
+of Columbus it became clear that America did not yield bonanza to every
+adventurer.  Yet throughout the sixteenth century there survived the
+dream of riches to be quickly gained.  Wherever the European landed in
+America he looked first of all for mines, as Frobisher did on the
+unpromising shores of Labrador.  The precious metals proving illusive,
+his next recourse was to trade.  Hawkins sought his profit from slaves.
+The French bought furs from the Indians at Tadoussac.  Gosnold brought
+back from Cape Cod a mixed cargo of sassafras and cedar.
+
+But wealth from the mines and profits from a coasting trade were only a
+lure to the cupidity of Europe.  Real colonies, {14} containing the
+germ of a nation, could not be based on such foundations.  Coligny saw
+this, and conceived of America as a new home for the French race.
+Raleigh, the most versatile of the Elizabethans, lavished his wealth on
+the patriotic endeavour to make Virginia a strong and self-supporting
+community.  'I shall yet live to see it an English nation,' he
+wrote--at the very moment when Champlain was first dreaming of the St
+Lawrence.  Coligny and Raleigh were both constructive statesmen.  The
+one was murdered before he could found such a colony as his thought
+presaged: the other perished on the scaffold, though not before he had
+sowed the seed of an American empire.  For Raleigh was the first to
+teach that agriculture, not mines, is the true basis of a colony.  In
+itself his colony on Roanoke Island was a failure, but the idea of
+Roanoke was Raleigh's greatest legacy to the English race.
+
+With the dawn of the seventeenth century events came thick and fast.
+It was a time when the maritime states of Western Europe were all
+keenly interested in America, without having any clear idea of the
+problem.  Raleigh, the one man who had a grasp of the situation,
+entered upon his tragic imprisonment in the {15} same year that
+Champlain made his first voyage to the St Lawrence.  But while thought
+was confused and policy unsettled, action could no longer be postponed.
+The one fact which England, France, and Holland could not neglect was
+that to the north of Florida no European colony existed on the American
+coast.  Urging each of these states to establish settlements in a tract
+so vast and untenanted was the double desire to possess and to prevent
+one's neighbour from possessing.  On the other hand, caution raised
+doubts as to the balance of cost and gain.  The governments were ready
+to accept the glory and advantage, if private persons were prepared to
+take the risk.  Individual speculators, very conscious of the risk,
+demanded a monopoly of trade before agreeing to plant a colony.  But
+this caused new difficulty.  The moment a monopoly was granted,
+unlicensed traders raised an outcry and upbraided the government for
+injustice.
+
+Such were the problems upon the successful or unsuccessful solution of
+which depended enormous national interests, and each country faced them
+according to its institutions, rulers, and racial genius.  It only
+needs a table of events to show how fully the English, the {16} French,
+and the Dutch realized that something must be done.  In 1600 Pierre
+Chauvin landed sixteen French colonists at Tadoussac.  On his return in
+1601 he found that they had taken refuge with the Indians.  In 1602
+Gosnold, sailing from Falmouth, skirted the coast of Norumbega from
+Casco Bay to Cuttyhunk.  In 1603 the ships of De Chastes, with
+Champlain aboard, spent the summer in the St Lawrence; while during the
+same season Martin Pring took a cargo of sassafras in Massachusetts
+Bay.  From 1604 to 1607 the French under De Monts, Poutrincourt, and
+Champlain were actively engaged in the attempt to colonize Acadia.  But
+they were not alone in setting up claims to this region.  In 1605
+Waymouth, sailing from Dartmouth, explored the mouth of the Kennebec
+and carried away five natives.  In 1606 James I granted patents to the
+London Company and the Plymouth Company which, by their terms, ran
+athwart the grant of Henry IV to De Monts.  In the same year Sir
+Ferdinando Gorges sent Pring once more to Norumbega.  In 1607 Raleigh,
+Gilbert, and George Popham made a small settlement at the mouth of the
+Sagadhoc, where Popham died during the winter.  As a result of his
+death this colony {17} on the coast of Maine was abandoned, but 1607
+also saw the memorable founding of Jamestown in Virginia.  Equally
+celebrated is Champlain's founding of Quebec in 1608.  In 1609 the
+Dutch under an English captain, Henry Hudson, had their first glimpse
+of Manhattan.
+
+This catalogue of voyages shows that an impulse existed which
+governments could not ignore.  The colonial movement was far from being
+a dominant interest with Henry IV or James I, but when their subjects
+saw fit to embark upon it privately, the crown was compelled to take
+cognizance of their acts and frame regulations.  'Go, and let whatever
+good may, come of it!' exclaimed Robert de Baudricourt as Joan of Arc
+rode forth from Vaucouleurs to liberate France.  In much the same
+spirit Henry IV saw De Monts set sail for Acadia.  The king would
+contribute nothing from the public purse or from his own.  Sully, his
+prime minister, vigorously opposed colonizing because he wished to
+concentrate effort upon domestic improvements.  He believed, in the
+second place, that there was no hope of creating a successful colony
+north of the fortieth parallel.  Thirdly, he was in the pay of the
+Dutch.
+
+{18}
+
+The most that Henry IV would do for French pioneers in America was to
+give them a monopoly of trade in return for an undertaking to transport
+and establish colonists.  In each case where a monopoly was granted the
+number of colonists was specified.  As for their quality, convicts
+could be taken if more eligible candidates were not forthcoming.  The
+sixty unfortunates landed by La Roche on Sable Island in 1598 were all
+convicts or sturdy vagrants.  Five years later only eleven were left
+alive.
+
+For the story of Champlain it is not necessary to touch upon the
+relations of the French government with traders at a date earlier than
+1599.  Immediately following the failure of La Roche's second
+expedition, Pierre Chauvin of Honfleur secured a monopoly which covered
+the Laurentian fur trade for ten years.  The condition was that he
+should convey to Canada fifty colonists a year throughout the full
+period of his grant.  So far from carrying out this agreement either in
+spirit or letter, he shirked it without compunction.  After three years
+the monopoly was withdrawn, less on the ground that he had failed to
+fulfil his contract than from an outcry on the part of merchants who
+desired their share of the trade.  To {19} adjudicate between Chauvin
+and his rivals in St Malo and Rouen a commission was appointed at the
+close of 1602.  Its members were De Chastes, governor of Dieppe, and
+the Sieur de la Cour, first president of the Parlement of Normandy.  On
+their recommendation the terms of the monopoly were so modified as to
+admit to a share in the privilege certain leading merchants of Rouen
+and St Malo, who, however, must pay their due share in the expenses of
+colonizing.  Before the ships sailed in 1603 Chauvin had died, and De
+Chastes at once took his place as the central figure in the group of
+those to whom a new monopoly had just been conceded.[3]
+
+We are now on the threshold of Champlain's career, but only on the
+threshold.  The {20} voyage of 1603, while full of prophecy and
+presenting features of much interest, lacks the arduous and
+constructive quality which was to mark his greater explorations.  In
+1603 the two boats equipped by De Chastes were under the command of
+Pontgrave[4] and Prevert, both mariners from St Malo.  Champlain sailed
+in Pontgrave's ship and was, in fact, a superior type of supercargo.
+De Chastes desired that his expedition should be self-supporting, and
+the purchase of furs was never left out of sight.  At the same time,
+his purpose was undoubtedly wider than profit, and Champlain
+represented the extra-commercial motive.  While Pontgrave was trading
+with the Indians, Champlain, as the geographer, was collecting
+information about their character, their customs, and their country.
+Their religious ideas interested him much, and also their statements
+regarding the interior of the continent.  Such data as he could collect
+between the end of May and the middle of August he embodied in a book
+called _Des Sauvages_, which, true to its title, deals {21} chiefly
+with Indian life and is a valuable record, although in many regards
+superseded by the more detailed writings of the Jesuits.
+
+The voyage of 1603 added nothing material to what had been made known
+by Jacques Cartier and the fur traders about Canada.  Champlain
+ascended the St Lawrence to the Sault St Louis[5] and made two side
+excursions--one taking him rather less than forty miles up the Saguenay
+and the other up the Richelieu to the rapid at St Ours.  He also
+visited Gaspe, passed the Isle Percee, had his first glimpse of the
+Baie des Chaleurs, and returned to Havre with a good cargo of furs.  On
+the whole, it was a profitable and satisfactory voyage.  Though it
+added little to geographical knowledge, it confirmed the belief that
+money could be made in the fur trade, and the word brought back
+concerning the Great Lakes of the interior was more distinct than had
+before been reported.  The one misfortune of the expedition was that
+its author, De Chastes, did not live to see its success.  He had died
+less than a month before his ships reached Havre.
+
+
+
+[1] It is hard to define Champlain's social status in a single word.
+Parkman, besides styling him 'a Catholic gentleman,' speaks of him
+elsewhere as being 'within the pale of the noblesse.'  On the other
+hand, the _Biographie Saintongeoise_ says that he came from a family of
+fishermen.  The most important facts would seem to be these.  In
+Champlain's own marriage contract his father is styled 'Antoine de
+Champlain, Capitaine de la Marine.'  The same document styles Champlain
+himself 'Samuel de Champlain.'  A petition in which he asks for a
+continuation of his pension (_circ._ 1630) styles him in its opening
+words 'Le Sieur de Champlain' and afterwards 'le dit sieur Champlain'
+in two places, while in six places it styles him 'le dit sieur de
+Champlain.'  Le Jeune calls him 'Monsieur de Champlain.'  It is clear
+that he was not a noble.  It is also clear that he possessed sufficient
+social standing to warrant the use of _de_.  On the title-page of all
+his books after 1604 he is styled the 'Sieur de Champlain.'
+
+[2] He served chiefly in Brittany against the Spanish allies of the
+League, and reached the rank of quartermaster.
+
+[3] The history of all the companies formed during these years for
+trade in New France is the same.  First a monopoly is granted under
+circumstances ostensibly most favourable to the Government and to the
+privileged merchants; then follow the howls of the excluded traders,
+the lack of good voluntary colonists, the transportation to the colony
+of a few beggars, criminals, or unpromising labourers; a drain on the
+company's funds in maintaining these during the long winter; a steady
+decrease in the number taken out; at length no attempt to fulfil this
+condition of the monopoly; the anger of the Government when made aware
+of the facts; and finally the sudden repeal of the monopoly several
+years before its legal termination.--H. P. Biggar, _Early Trading
+Companies of New France_, p. 49.
+
+[4] Francois Grave, Sieur du Pont, whose name, strictly speaking, is
+Dupont-Grave, one of the most active French navigators of the
+seventeenth century.  From 1600 to 1629 his voyages to the St Lawrence
+and Acadia were incessant.
+
+[5] Now called the Lachine Rapids.  An extremely important point in the
+history of New France, since it marked the head of ship navigation on
+the St Lawrence.  Constantly mentioned in the writings of Champlain's
+period.
+
+
+
+
+{22}
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+CHAMPLAIN IN ACADIA[1]
+
+The early settlements of the French in America were divided into two
+zones by the Gulf of St Lawrence.  Considered from the standpoint of
+colonization, this great body of water has a double aspect.  In the
+main it was a vestibule to the vast region which extended westward from
+Gaspe to Lake Michigan and thence to the Mississippi.  But while a
+highway it was also a barrier, cutting off Acadia from the main route
+that led to the heart of the interior.  Port Royal, on the Bay of
+Fundy, was one centre and Quebec another.  Between them stretched
+either an impenetrable wilderness or an inland sea.  Hence Acadia
+remained separate from the Laurentian {23} valley, which was the heart
+of Canada--although Acadia and Canada combined to form New France.  Of
+these two sister districts Canada was the more secure.  The fate of
+Acadia shows how much less vulnerable to English attack were Quebec,
+Three Rivers, and Montreal than the seaboard settlements of Port Royal,
+Grand Pre, and Louisbourg.
+
+It is a striking fact that Champlain had helped to found Port Royal
+before he founded Quebec.  He was not the pioneer of Acadian
+colonization: De Monts deserves the praise of turning the first sod.
+But Champlain was a leading figure in the hard fight at St Croix and
+Port Royal; he it was who first charted in any detail the Atlantic
+seaboard from Cape Breton to Cape Cod; and his narrative joins with
+that of Lescarbot to preserve the story of the episode.
+
+Although unprosperous, the first attempt of the French to colonize
+Acadia is among the bright deeds of their colonial history.  While the
+death of De Chastes was most inopportune, the future of the French race
+in America did not hinge upon any one man.  In 1603 fishing on the
+Grand Bank off Newfoundland was a well-established occupation of
+Normans and Bretons, the fur trade held out hope of great {24} profit,
+and the spirit of national emulation supplied a motive which was
+stronger still.  Hence it is not surprising that to De Chastes there at
+once succeeds De Monts.
+
+As regards position they belonged to much the same class.  Both were
+men of standing, with enough capital and influence to organize an
+expedition.  In respect, however, of personality and circumstance there
+were differences.  By reason of advanced age De Chastes had been unable
+to accompany his ships, whereas De Monts was in his prime and had
+already made a voyage to the St Lawrence.  Moreover, De Monts was a
+Huguenot.  A generation later no Huguenot could have expected to
+receive a monopoly of the fur trade and a royal commission authorizing
+him to establish settlements, but Henry IV, who had once been a
+Protestant, could hardly treat his old co-religionists as Richelieu
+afterwards treated them.  The heresy of its founder was a source of
+weakness to the first French colony in Acadia, yet through a Calvinist
+it came into being.
+
+Like De Chastes, De Monts had associates who joined with him to supply
+the necessary funds, though in 1604 the investment was greater than on
+any previous occasion, and a {25} larger number were admitted to the
+benefits of the monopoly.  Not only did St Malo and Rouen secure
+recognition, but La Rochelle and St Jean de Luz were given a chance to
+participate.  De Monts' company had a capital of 90,000 livres, divided
+in shares--of which two-fifths were allotted to St Malo, two-fifths to
+La Rochelle and St Jean de Luz conjointly, and the remainder to Rouen.
+The personal investment of De Monts was somewhat more than a tenth of
+the total, as he took a majority of the stock which fell to Rouen.
+Apart from Sully's unfriendliness, the chief initial difficulty arose
+over religion.  The Parlement of Normandy refused to register De Monts'
+commission on the ground that the conversion of the heathen could not
+fitly be left to a heretic.  This remonstrance was only withdrawn after
+the king had undertaken to place the religious instruction of the
+Indians in the charge of priests--a promise which did not prevent the
+Protestant colonists from having their own pastor.  The monopoly
+contained wider privileges than before, including both Acadia and the
+St Lawrence.  At the same time, the obligation to colonize became more
+exacting, since the minimum number of new settlers per annum was raised
+from fifty to a hundred.
+
+{26}
+
+Champlain's own statement regarding the motive of De Monts' expedition
+is that it lay in the desire 'to find a northerly route to China, in
+order to facilitate commerce with the Orientals.'  After reciting a
+list of explorations which began with John Cabot and had continued at
+intervals during the next century, he continues: 'So many voyages and
+discoveries without results, and attended with so much hardship and
+expense, have caused us French in late years to attempt a permanent
+settlement in those lands which we call New France, in the hope of thus
+realizing more easily this object; since the voyage in search of the
+desired passage commences on the other side of the ocean and is made
+along the coast of this region.'
+
+A comparison of the words just quoted with the text of De Monts'
+commission will serve to illustrate the strength of Champlain's
+geographical instinct.  The commission begins with a somewhat
+stereotyped reference to the conversion of the heathen, after which it
+descants upon commerce, colonies, and mines.  The supplementary
+commission to De Monts from Montmorency as Lord High Admiral adds a
+further consideration, namely, that if Acadia is not occupied by the
+French it will {27} be seized upon by some other nation.  Not a word of
+the route to the East occurs in either commission, and De Monts is
+limited in the powers granted to a region extending along the American
+seaboard from the fortieth parallel to the forty-sixth, with as much of
+the interior 'as he is able to explore and colonize.'
+
+This shows that, while the objects of the expedition were commercial
+and political, Champlain's imagination was kindled by the prospect of
+finding the long-sought passage to China.  To his mind a French colony
+in America is a stepping-stone, a base of operations for the great
+quest.  De Monts himself doubtless sought honour, adventure, and
+profit--the profit which might arise from possessing Acadia and
+controlling the fur trade in 'the river of Canada.'  Champlain remains
+the geographer, and his chief contribution to the Acadian enterprise
+will be found in that part of his _Voyages_ which describes his study
+of the coast-line southward from Cape Breton to Malabar.
+
+But whether considered from the standpoint of exploration or
+settlement, the first chapter of French annals in Acadia is a fine
+incident.  Champlain has left the greatest fame, but he was not alone
+during these years {28} of peril and hardship.  With him are grouped De
+Monts, Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, Pontgrave, and Louis Hebert, all men of
+capacity and enterprise, whose part in this valiant enterprise lent it
+a dignity which it has never since lost.  As yet no English colony had
+been established in America.  Under his commission De Monts could have
+selected for the site of his settlement either New York or Providence
+or Boston or Portland.  The efforts of the French in America from 1604
+to 1607 are signalized by the character of their loaders, the nature of
+their opportunity, and the special causes which prevented them from
+taking possession of Norumbega.[2]
+
+De Monts lacked neither courage nor persistence.  His battle against
+heartbreaking disappointments shows him to have been a pioneer of high
+order.  And with him sailed in 1604 Jean de Biencourt, Seigneur de
+Poutrincourt, whose ancestors had been illustrious in {29} Picardy for
+five hundred years.  Champlain made a third, joining the expedition as
+geographer rather than shipmaster.  Lescarbot and Hebert came two years
+later.
+
+The company left Havre in two ships--on March 7, 1604, according to
+Champlain, or just a month later, according to Lescarbot.  Although De
+Monts' commission gave him the usual privilege of impressing convicts,
+the personnel of his band was far above the average.  Champlain's
+statement is that it comprised about one hundred and twenty artisans,
+and there were also 'a large number of gentlemen, of whom not a few
+were of noble birth.'  Besides the excitement provided by icebergs, the
+arguments of priest and pastor diversified the voyage, even to the
+point of scandal.  After crossing the Grand Bank in safety they were
+nearly wrecked off Sable Island, but succeeded in reaching the Acadian
+coast on May 8.  From their landfall at Cap de la Heve they skirted the
+coast-line to Port Mouton, confiscating _en route_ a ship which was
+buying furs in defiance of De Monts' monopoly.
+
+Rabbits and other game were found in abundance at Port Mouton, but the
+spot proved quite unfit for settlement, and on May 19 De Monts charged
+Champlain with {30} the task of exploring the coast in search of
+harbours.  Taking a barque of eight tons and a crew of ten men
+(together with Ralleau, De Monts' secretary), Champlain set out upon
+this important reconnaissance.  Fish, game, good soil, good timber,
+minerals, and safe anchorage were all objects of search.  Skirting the
+south-western corner of Nova Scotia, the little ship passed Cape Sable
+and the Tusquet Islands, turned into the Bay of Fundy, and advanced to
+a point somewhat beyond the north end of Long Island.  Champlain gives
+at considerable length the details of his first excursion along the
+Acadian seaboard.  In his zeal for discovery he caused those left at
+Port Mouton both inconvenience and anxiety.  Lescarbot says, with a
+touch of sharpness: 'Champlain was such a time away on this expedition
+that when deliberating about their return [to France] they thought of
+leaving him behind.'  Champlain's own statement is that at Port Mouton
+'Sieur de Monts was awaiting us from day to day, thinking only of our
+long stay and whether some accident had not befallen us.'
+
+De Monts' position at Port Mouton was indeed difficult.  By changing
+his course in mid-ocean he had missed rendezvous with the {31} larger
+of his two ships, which under the command of Pontgrave looked for him
+in vain from Canseau to the Bay of Islands.  Meanwhile, at Port Mouton
+provisions were running low, save for rabbits, which could not be
+expected to last for ever.  The more timid raised doubts and spoke of
+France, but De Monts and Poutrincourt both said they would rather die
+than go back.  In this mood the party continued to hunt rabbits, to
+search the coast north-easterly for Pontgrave, and to await Champlain's
+return.  Their courage had its reward.  Pontgrave's ship was found, De
+Monts revictualled, Champlain reappeared, and by the middle of June the
+little band of colonists was ready to proceed.
+
+As De Monts heads south-west from Port Mouton it is difficult to avoid
+thoughts regarding the ultimate destiny of France in the New World.
+This was the predestined moment.  The Wars of Religion had ended in the
+reunion of the realm under a strong and popular king.  The French
+nation was conscious of its greatness, and seemed ready for any
+undertaking that promised honour or advantage.  The Huguenots were a
+sect whose members possessed Calvinistic firmness of will, together
+with a special motive for emigrating.  And, {32} besides, the whole
+eastern coast of America, within the temperate zone, was still to be
+had for the taking.  With such a magnificent opportunity, why was the
+result so meagre?
+
+A complete answer to this query would lead us far afield, but the whole
+history of New France bears witness to the fact that the cause of
+failure is not to be found in the individual French emigrant.  There
+have never been more valiant or tenacious colonists than the peasants
+of Normandy who cleared away the Laurentian wilderness and explored the
+recesses of North America.  France in the age of De Monts and Champlain
+possessed adequate resources, if only her effort had been concentrated
+on America, or if the Huguenots had not been prevented from founding
+colonies, or if the crown had been less meddlesome, or if the quest of
+beaver skins farther north had not diverted attention from Chesapeake
+Bay and Manhattan Island.  The best chance the French ever had to
+effect a foothold in the middle portion of the Atlantic coast came to
+them in 1604, when, before any rivals had established themselves, De
+Monts was at hand for the express purpose of founding a colony.  It is
+quite probable that even if he had landed on Manhattan Island, the
+European {33} preoccupations of France would have prevented Henry IV
+from supporting a colony at that point with sufficient vigour to
+protect it from the English.  Yet the most striking aspect of De Monts'
+attempt in Acadia is the failure to seize a chance which never came
+again to the French race.  In 1607 Champlain sailed away from Port
+Royal and the English founded Jamestown.  In 1608 Champlain founded
+Quebec, and thenceforth for over a century the efforts of France were
+concentrated on the St Lawrence.  When at length she founded Louisbourg
+it was too late; by that time the English grasp upon the coast could
+not be loosened.
+
+Meanwhile De Monts, to whom the future was veiled, left Port Mouton
+and, creeping from point to point, entered the Bay of Fundy--or, as
+Champlain calls it, 'the great Baye Francoise, so named by Sieur de
+Monts.'  The month was June, but no time could be lost, for at this
+juncture the aim of exploration was the discovery of a suitable site,
+and after the site had been fixed the colonists needed what time
+remained before winter to build their houses.  Hence De Monts' first
+exploration of the Baye Francoise was not exhaustive.  He entered
+Annapolis Basin and glanced at {34} the spot which afterwards was to be
+Port Royal.  He tried in vain to find a copper-mine of which he had
+heard from Prevert of St Malo.  He coasted the Bay of St John, and on
+June 25 reached St Croix Island.  'Not finding any more suitable place
+than this island,' says Champlain, the leaders of the colony decided
+that it should be fortified: and thus was the French flag unfurled in
+Acadia.
+
+The arrangement of the settlement at St Croix was left to Champlain,
+who gives us a drawing in explanation of his plan.  The selection of an
+island was mainly due to distrust of the Indians, with whom, however,
+intercourse was necessary.  The island lay close to the mouth of a
+river, now also called the St Croix.  As the choice of this spot proved
+most unfortunate, it is well to remember the motives which prevailed at
+the time.  'Vessels could pass up the river,' says Champlain, 'only at
+the mercy of the cannon on this island, and we deemed the location most
+advantageous, not only on account of its situation and good soil, but
+also on account of the intercourse which we proposed with the savages
+of these coasts and of the interior, as we should be in the midst of
+them.  We hoped to pacify them in course of time and put an end to the
+wars {35} which they carry on with one another, so as to derive service
+from them in future and convert them to the Christian faith.'
+
+De Monts' band was made up largely of artisans, who at once began with
+vigour to erect dwellings.  A mill and an oven were built; gardens were
+laid out and many seeds planted therein.  The mosquitoes proved
+troublesome, but in other respects the colonists had good cause to be
+pleased with their first Acadian summer.  So far had construction work
+advanced by the beginning of autumn that De Monts decided to send an
+exploration party farther along the coast to the south-west.  'And,'
+says Champlain, 'he entrusted me with this work, which I found very
+agreeable.'
+
+The date of departure from St Croix was September 2, so that no very
+ambitious programme of discovery could be undertaken before bad weather
+began.  In a boat of eighteen tons, with twelve sailors and two Indian
+guides, Champlain threaded the maze of islands which lies between
+Passamaquoddy Bay and the mouth of the Penobscot.  The most striking
+part of the coast was Mount Desert, 'very high and notched in places,
+so that there is the appearance to one at sea as of seven or eight
+mountains extending along {36} near each other.'  To this island and
+the Isle au Haut Champlain gave the names they have since borne.
+Thence advancing, with his hand ever on the lead, he reached the mouth
+of the Penobscot, despite those 'islands, rocks, shoals, banks, and
+breakers which are so numerous on all sides that it is marvellous to
+behold.'  Having satisfied himself that the Penobscot was none other
+than the great river Norumbega, referred to largely on hearsay by
+earlier geographers, he followed it up almost to Bangor.  On regaining
+the sea he endeavoured to reach the mouth of the Kennebec, but when
+within a few miles of it was driven back to St Croix by want of food.
+In closing the story of this voyage, which had occupied a month,
+Champlain says with his usual directness: 'The above is an exact
+statement of all I have observed respecting not only the coasts and
+people, but also the river of Norumbega; and there are none of the
+marvels there which some persons have described.  I am of opinion that
+this region is as disagreeable in winter as that of our settlement, in
+which we were greatly deceived.'
+
+[Illustration: COASTS EXPLORED BY CHAMPLAIN, 1604-7]
+
+Champlain was now to undergo his first winter in Acadia, and no part of
+his life could have been more wretched than the ensuing {37} eight
+months.  On October 6 the snow came.  On December 3 cakes of ice began
+to appear along the shore.  The storehouse had no cellar, and all
+liquids froze except sherry.  'Cider was served by the pound.  We were
+obliged to use very bad water and drink melted snow, as there were no
+springs or brooks.'  It was impossible to keep warm or to sleep
+soundly.  The food was salt meat and vegetables, which impaired the
+strength of every one and brought on scurvy.  It is unnecessary to cite
+here Champlain's detailed and graphic description of this dreadful
+disease.  The results are enough.  Before the spring came two-fifths of
+the colonists had died, and of those who remained half were on the
+point of death.  Not unnaturally, 'all this produced discontent in
+Sieur de Monts and others of the settlement.'
+
+The survivors of the horrible winter at St Croix were not freed from
+anxiety until June 15, 1605, when Pontgrave, six weeks late, arrived
+with fresh stores.  Had De Monts been faint-hearted, he doubtless would
+have seized this opportunity to return to France.  As it was, he set
+out in search of a place more suitable than St Croix for the
+establishment of his colony.  On June 18, with a party {38} which
+included twenty sailors and several gentlemen, he and Champlain began a
+fresh voyage to the south-west.  Their destination was the country of
+the Armouchiquois, an Algonquin tribe who then inhabited Massachusetts.
+
+Champlain's story of his first voyage from Acadia to Cape Cod is given
+with considerable fulness.  The topography of the seaboard and its
+natural history, the habits of the Indians and his adventures with
+them, were all new subjects at the time, and he treats them so that
+they keep their freshness.  He is at no pains to conceal his low
+opinion of the coast savages.  Concerning the Acadian Micmacs he says
+little, but what he does say is chiefly a comment upon the wretchedness
+of their life during the winter.  As he went farther south he found an
+improvement in the food supply.  At the mouth of the Saco he and De
+Monts saw well-kept patches of Indian corn three feet high, although it
+was not yet midsummer.  Growing with the corn were beans, pumpkins, and
+squashes, all in flower; and the cultivation of tobacco is also noted.
+Here the savages formed a permanent settlement and lived within a
+palisade.  Still farther south, in the neighbourhood of Cape Cod, {39}
+Champlain found maize five and a half feet high, a considerable variety
+of squashes, tobacco, and edible roots which tasted like artichokes.
+
+But whether the coast Indians were Micmacs or Armouchiquois, whether
+they were starving or well fed, Champlain tells us little in their
+praise.  Of the Armouchiquois he says:
+
+
+I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this
+respect they resemble their neighbours, who have none at all.  They
+know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they have
+some superstitions, which I shall describe in their place.  As for
+weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows.  It would seem
+from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better than
+those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth.  Even a
+slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of them.
+They are great thieves, and if they cannot lay hold of any thing with
+their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we have oftentimes
+learned by experience.  I am of opinion that if they had any thing to
+exchange with us they would not give themselves to thieving.  They
+bartered away to us their bows, arrows, and quivers for pins and
+buttons; and if they had had any thing else better they would have done
+the same with it.  It is necessary to be on one's guard against this
+people and live in a state of distrust of them, yet without letting
+them perceive it.
+
+
+{40} This passage at least shows that Champlain sought to be just to
+the savages of the Atlantic.  Though he found them thieves, he is
+willing to conjecture that they would not steal if they had anything to
+trade.
+
+The thieving habits of the Cape Cod Indians led to a fight between them
+and the French in which one Frenchman was killed, and Champlain
+narrowly escaped death through the explosion of his own musket.  At
+Cape Cod De Monts turned back.  Five of the six weeks allotted to the
+voyage were over, and lack of food made it impossible to enter Long
+Island Sound.  Hence 'Sieur de Monts determined to return to the Island
+of St Croix in order to find a place more favourable for our
+settlement, as we had not been able to do on any of the coasts which he
+had explored during this voyage.'
+
+We now approach the picturesque episode of Port Royal.  De Monts,
+having regained St Croix at the beginning of August, lost no time in
+transporting his people to the other side of the Bay of Fundy.  The
+consideration which weighed most with him in establishing his
+headquarters was that of trade.  Whatever his own preferences, he could
+not forget that his partners in France expected a return {41} on their
+investment.  Had he been in a position to found an agricultural colony,
+the maize fields he had seen to the south-west might have proved
+attractive.  But he depended largely upon trade, and, as Champlain
+points out, the savages of Massachusetts had nothing to sell.  Hence it
+was unwise to go too far from the peltries of the St Lawrence.  To find
+a climate less severe than that of Canada, without losing touch with
+the fur trade, was De Monts' problem.  No one could dream of wintering
+again at St Croix, and in the absence of trade possibilities to the
+south there seemed but one alternative--Port Royal.
+
+In his notice of De Monts' cruise along the Bay of Fundy in June 1604,
+Champlain says: 'Continuing two leagues farther on in the same
+direction, we entered one of the finest harbours I had seen all along
+these coasts, in which two thousand vessels might lie in security.  The
+entrance is 800 paces broad; then you enter a harbour two leagues long
+and one broad, which I have named Port Royal.'  Here Champlain is
+describing Annapolis Basin, which clearly made a deep impression upon
+the minds of the first Europeans who saw it.  Most of all did it appeal
+to the imagination of Poutrincourt, who had come to Acadia for the {42}
+purpose of discovering a spot where he could found his own colony.  At
+sight of Port Royal he had at once asked De Monts for the grant, and on
+receiving it had returned to France, at the end of August 1604, to
+recruit colonists.  Thus he had escaped the horrible winter at St
+Croix, but on account of lawsuits it had proved impossible for him to
+return to Acadia in the following year.  Hence the noble roadstead of
+Port Royal was still unoccupied when De Monts, Champlain, and Pontgrave
+took the people of St Croix thither in August 1605.  Not only did the
+people go.  Even the framework of the houses was shipped across the bay
+and set up in this haven of better hope.
+
+The spot chosen for the settlement lay on the north side of the bay.
+It had a good supply of water, and there was protection from the
+north-west wind which had tortured the settlers at St Croix.  'After
+everything had been arranged,' says Champlain, 'and the majority of the
+dwellings built, Sieur de Monts determined to return to France, in
+order to petition His Majesty to grant him all that might be necessary
+for his undertaking.'  Quite apart from securing fresh advantages, De
+Monts at this time was sore pressed to defend his title against the
+traders who were {43} clamouring for a repeal of the monopoly.  With
+him returned some of the colonists whose ambition had been satisfied at
+St Croix.  Champlain remained, in the hope of making further
+explorations 'towards Florida.'  Pontgrave was left in command.  The
+others numbered forty-three.
+
+During the autumn they began to make gardens.  'I also,' says
+Champlain, 'for the sake of occupying my time made one, which was
+surrounded with ditches full of water, in which I placed some fine
+trout, and into which flowed three brooks of very fine running water,
+from which the greater part of our settlement was supplied.  I made
+also a little sluice-way towards the shore, in order to draw off the
+water when I wished.  This spot was entirely surrounded by meadows,
+where I constructed a summer-house, with some fine trees, as a resort
+for enjoying the fresh air.  I made there, also, a little reservoir for
+holding salt-water fish, which we took out as we wanted them.  I took
+especial pleasure in it and planted there some seeds which turned out
+well.  But much work had to be laid out in preparation.  We resorted
+often to this place as a pastime; and it seemed as if the little birds
+round took pleasure in it, for they gathered there in large {44}
+numbers, warbling and chirping so pleasantly that I think I have never
+heard the like.'
+
+After a busy and cheerful autumn came a mild winter.  The snow did not
+fall till December 20, and there was much rain.  Scurvy still caused
+trouble; but though twelve died, the mortality was not so high as at St
+Croix.  Everything considered, Port Royal enjoyed good
+fortune--according to the colonial standards of the period, when a
+winter death-rate of twenty-six per cent was below the average.
+
+At the beginning of March 1606 Pontgrave fitted out a barque of
+eighteen tons in order to undertake 'a voyage of discovery along the
+coast of Florida'; and on the 16th of the month a start was made.
+Favoured by good weather, he and Champlain would have reached the
+Hudson three years before the Dutch.  But, short of drowning, every
+possible mischance happened.  They had hardly set out when a storm cast
+them ashore near Grand Manan.  Having repaired the damage they made for
+St Croix, where fog and contrary winds held them back eight days.  Then
+Pontgrave decided to return to Port Royal 'to see in what condition our
+companions were whom we had left there sick.'  On their {45} arrival
+Pontgrave himself was taken ill, but soon re-embarked, though still
+unwell.  Their second start was followed by immediate disaster.
+Leaving the mouth of the harbour, two leagues distant from Port Royal,
+they were carried out of the channel by the tide and went aground.  'At
+the first blow of our boat upon the rocks the rudder broke, a part of
+the keel and three or four planks were smashed and some ribs stove in,
+which frightened us, for our barque filled immediately; and all that we
+could do was to wait until the sea fell, so that we might get
+ashore....  Our barque, all shattered as she was, went to pieces at the
+return of the tide.  But we, most happy at having saved our lives,
+returned to our settlement with our poor savages; and we praised God
+for having rescued us from this shipwreck, from which we had not
+expected to escape so easily.'
+
+This accident destroyed all hope of exploration to the southward until
+word came from France.  At the time of De Monts' departure the outlook
+had been so doubtful that a provisional arrangement was made for the
+return of the colonists to France should no ship arrive at Port Royal
+by the middle of July.  In this event Pontgrave was to take his people
+{46} to Cape Breton or Gaspe, where they would find trading ships
+homeward bound.  As neither De Monts nor Poutrincourt had arrived by
+the middle of June, a new barque was built to replace the one which had
+been lost on April 10.  A month later Pontgrave carried out his part of
+the programme by putting aboard all the inhabitants of Port Royal save
+two, who were induced by promise of extra pay to remain in charge of
+the stores.
+
+Thus sorrowfully the remnant of the colonists bade farewell to the
+beautiful harbour and their new home.  Four days later they were nearly
+lost through the breaking of their rudder in the midst of a tempest.
+Having been saved from wreck by the skill of their shipmaster,
+Champdore, they reached Cape Sable on July 24.  Here grief became
+rejoicing, for to their complete surprise they encountered Ralleau, De
+Monts' secretary, coasting along in a shallop.  The glad tidings he
+gave them was that Poutrincourt with a ship of one hundred and twenty
+tons had arrived.  From Canseau the _Jonas_ had taken an outer course
+to Port Royal, while Ralleau was keeping close to the shore in the hope
+of intercepting Pontgrave.  'All this intelligence,' says Champlain,
+'caused us to turn back; and we arrived at {47} Port Royal on the 25th
+of the month, where we found the above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de
+Poutrincourt, and were greatly delighted to see realized what we had
+given up in despair.'  Lescarbot, who arrived on board the _Jonas_,
+adds the following detail: 'M. de Poutrincourt ordered a tun of wine to
+be set upon end, one of those which had been given him for his proper
+use, and gave leave to all comers to drink freely as long as it lasted,
+so that there were some who made gay dogs of themselves.'
+
+Wine-bibbing, however, was not the chief activity of Port Royal.
+Poutrincourt at once set men to work on the land, and while they were
+sowing wheat, rye, and hemp he hastened preparations for an autumn
+cruise 'along the coast of Florida.'  On September 5 all was ready for
+this voyage, which was to be Champlain's last opportunity of reaching
+the lands beyond Cape Cod.  Once more disappointment awaited him.  'It
+was decided,' he says, 'to continue the voyage along the coast, which
+was not a very well considered conclusion, since we lost much time in
+passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as far as the
+harbour of Mallebarre.  It would have been much better, in my opinion,
+{48} to cross from where we were directly to Mallebarre, the route
+being already known, and then use our time in exploring as far as the
+fortieth degree, or still farther south, revisiting upon our homeward
+voyage the entire coast at pleasure.'
+
+In the interest of geographical research and French colonization
+Champlain was doubtless right.  Unfortunately, Poutrincourt wished to
+see for himself what De Monts and Champlain had already seen.  It was
+the more unfortunate that he held this view, as the boats were
+victualled for over two months, and much could have been done by taking
+a direct course to Cape Cod.  Little time, however, was spent at the
+Penobscot and Kennebec.  Leaving St Croix on September 12, Poutrincourt
+reached the Saco on the 21st.  Here and at points farther south he
+found ripe grapes, together with maize, pumpkins, squashes, and
+artichokes.  Gloucester Harbour pleased Champlain greatly.  'In this
+very pleasant place we saw two hundred savages, and there are here a
+large number of very fine walnut trees, cypresses, sassafras, oaks,
+ashes and beeches....  There are likewise fine meadows capable of
+supporting a large number of cattle.'  So much was he charmed with this
+harbour and {49} its surroundings that he called it Le Beauport.  After
+tarrying at Gloucester two or three days Poutrincourt reached Cape Cod
+on October 2, and on the 20th he stood off Martha's Vineyard, his
+farthest point.
+
+Champlain's chronicle of this voyage contains more detail regarding the
+Indians than will be found in any other part of his Acadian narratives.
+Chief among Poutrincourt's adventures was an encounter with the natives
+of Cape Cod.  Unlike the Micmacs, the Armouchiquois were 'not so much
+hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.'  Their numbers also
+were greater; in fact, Champlain speaks of seeing five or six hundred
+together.  At first they did not interfere with Poutrincourt's
+movements, even permitting him to roam their land with a body of
+arquebusiers.  After a fortnight, however, their suspicions began to
+become manifest, and on October 15 four hundred savages set upon five
+Frenchmen who, contrary to orders, had remained ashore.  Four were
+killed, and although a rescue party set out at once from the barque,
+the natives made their escape.
+
+
+To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously swift.  All
+that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a
+cross {50} which had been set up the day before, and then to go here
+and there to see if we could get sight of any of them.  But it was time
+wasted, therefore we came back.  Three hours afterwards they returned
+to us on the sea-shore.  We discharged at them several shots from our
+little brass cannon, and when they heard the noise they crouched down
+on the ground to escape the fire.  In mockery of us they pulled down
+the cross and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly and
+caused us to go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done
+before.  We set up again the cross and reinterred the dead, whom they
+had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to
+burn them.  We returned without any result, as we had done before, well
+aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and
+that we should have to renew the undertaking when it should please God.
+
+
+With a desire for revenge was linked the practical consideration that
+slaves would prove useful at Port Royal.  A week later the French
+returned to the same place, 'resolved to get possession of some savages
+and, taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the
+hand-mill, as punishment for the deadly assault which they had
+committed on five or six of our company.'  As relations were strained,
+it became necessary to offer beads {51} and gewgaws, with every show of
+good faith.  Champlain describes the plan in full.  The shallop was to
+leave the barque for shore, taking
+
+
+the most robust and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads
+and a fathom of match on his arm; and there, while pretending to smoke
+with them (each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to
+excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord
+in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to
+draw them into the shallop; and if they should be unwilling to enter,
+each one approaching should choose his man and, putting the beads round
+his neck, should at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by
+force.  But if they should be too boisterous and it should not be
+possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being firmly
+held; and if by chance any of them should get away, there should be men
+on land to charge upon them with swords.  Meanwhile, the little cannon
+on our barque was to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in
+case they should come to assist them, under cover of which firearms the
+shallop could withdraw in security.
+
+
+This plot, though carefully planned, fell far short of the success
+which was anticipated.  To catch a redskin with a noose required more
+skill than was available.  Accordingly, {52} none were taken alive.
+Champlain says: 'We retired to our barque after having done all we
+could.'  Lescarbot adds: 'Six or seven of the savages were hacked and
+hewed in pieces, who could not run so lightly in the water as on shore,
+and were caught as they came out by those of our men who had landed.'
+
+Having thus taken an eye for an eye, Poutrincourt began his homeward
+voyage, and, after three or four escapes from shipwreck, reached Port
+Royal on November 14.
+
+Champlain was now about to spend his last winter in Acadia.  Mindful of
+former experiences, he determined to fight scurvy by encouraging
+exercise among the colonists and procuring for them an improved diet.
+A third desideratum was cheerfulness.  All these purposes he served
+through founding the _Ordre de Bon Temps_, which proved to be in every
+sense the life of the settlement.  Champlain himself briefly describes
+the procedure followed, but a far more graphic account is given by
+Lescarbot, whose diffuse and lively style is illustrated to perfection
+in the following passage:
+
+
+To keep our table joyous and well provided, an order was established at
+the board of the said M. de Poutrincourt, {53} which was called the
+Order of Good Cheer, originally proposed by Champlain.  To this Order
+each man of the said table was appointed Chief Steward in his turn,
+which came round once a fortnight.  Now, this person had the duty of
+taking care that we were all well and honourably provided for.  This
+was so well carried out that though the epicures of Paris often tell us
+that we had no _Rue aux Ours_ over there, as a rule we made as good
+cheer as we could have in this same _Rue aux Ours_, and at less cost.
+For there was no one who, two days before his turn came, failed to go
+hunting or fishing, and to bring back some delicacy in addition to our
+ordinary fare.  So well was this carried out that never at breakfast
+did we lack some savoury meat of flesh or fish, and still less at our
+midday or evening meals; for that was our chief banquet, at which the
+ruler of the feast or chief butler, whom the savages called Atoctegic,
+having had everything prepared by the cook, marched in, napkin on
+shoulder, wand of office in hand, and around his neck the collar of the
+Order, which was worth more than four crowns; after him all the members
+of the Order carrying each a dish.  The same was repeated at dessert,
+though not always with so much pomp.  And at night, before giving
+thanks to God, he handed over to his successor in the charge the collar
+of the Order, with a cup of wine, and they drank to each other.  I have
+already said that we had abundance of game, such as ducks, bustards,
+grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and other birds; moreover
+moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits, wild-cats, racoons, and
+other animals such as the savages caught, whereof {54} we made dishes
+well worth those of the cook-shop in the _Rue aux Ours_, and far more;
+for of all our meats none is so tender as moose-meat (whereof we also
+made excellent pasties) and nothing so delicate as beaver's tail.  Yea,
+sometimes we had half a dozen sturgeon at once, which the savages
+brought us, part of which we bought, and allowed them to sell the
+remainder publicly and to barter it for bread, of which our men had
+abundance.  As for the ordinary rations brought from France, they were
+distributed equally to great and small alike; and, as we have said, the
+wine was served in like manner.
+
+
+The results of this regime were most gratifying.  The deaths from
+scurvy dropped to seven, which represented a great proportionate
+decrease.  At the same time, intercourse with the Indians was put on a
+good basis thereby.  'At these proceedings,' says Lescarbot, 'we always
+had twenty or thirty savages--men, women, girls, and children--who
+looked on at our manner of service.  Bread was given them gratis, as
+one would do to the poor.  But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other
+chiefs who came from time to time, they sat at table eating and
+drinking like ourselves.  And we were glad to see them, while, on the
+contrary, their absence saddened us.'
+
+These citations bring into view the writer who has most copiously
+recorded the early {55} annals of Acadia--Marc Lescarbot.  He was a
+lawyer, and at this date about forty years old.  Having come to Port
+Royal less as a colonist than as a guest of Poutrincourt, he had no
+investment at stake.  But contact with America kindled the enthusiasm
+of which he had a large supply, and converted him into the historian of
+New France.  His story of the winter he passed at Port Royal is quite
+unlike other narratives of colonial experience at this period.
+Champlain was a geographer and preoccupied with exploration.  The
+Jesuits were missionaries and preoccupied with the conversion of the
+savages.  Lescarbot had a literary education, which Champlain lacked,
+and, unlike the Jesuits, he approached life in America from the
+standpoint of a layman.  His prolixity often serves as a foil to the
+terseness of Champlain, and suggests that he must have been a merciless
+talker.  Yet, though inclined to be garrulous, he was a good observer
+and had many correct ideas--notably the belief that corn, wine, and
+cattle are a better foundation for a colony than gold or silver mines.
+In temperament he and Champlain were very dissimilar, and evidence of
+mutual coolness may be found in their writings.  These we shall
+consider at a {56} later stage.  For the present it is enough to note
+that both men sat at Poutrincourt's table and adorned the Order of Good
+Cheer.
+
+Meanwhile De Monts was in France, striving with all the foes of the
+monopoly.  Thanks to the fur trade, his company had paid its way during
+the first two years, despite the losses at St Croix.  The third season
+had been much less prosperous, and at the same moment when the Dutch
+and the Basques[3] were breaking the monopoly by defiance, the hatters
+of Paris were demanding that it should be withdrawn altogether.  To
+this alliance of a powerful guild with a majority of the traders, the
+company of De Monts succumbed, and the news which Poutrincourt received
+when the first ship came in 1607 was that the colony must be abandoned.
+As the company itself was about to be dissolved, this consequence {57}
+was inevitable.  Champlain in his matter-of-fact way states that De
+Monts sent letters to Poutrincourt, 'by which he directed him to bring
+back his company to France.'  Lescarbot is much more outspoken.
+Referring to the merits and struggles of De Monts, he exclaims:
+
+
+Yet I fear that in the end he may be forced to give it all up, to the
+great scandal and reproach of the French name, which by such conduct is
+made a laughing-stock and a byword among the nations.  For as though
+their wish was to oppose the conversion of these poor Western peoples,
+and the glory of God and of the King, we find a set of men full of
+avarice and envy, who would not draw a sword in the service of the
+King, nor suffer the slightest ill in the world for the honour of God,
+but who yet put obstacles in the way of our drawing any profit from the
+province, even in order to furnish what is indispensable to the
+foundation of such an enterprise; men who prefer to see the English and
+Dutch win possession of it rather than the French, and would fain have
+the name of God remain unknown in those quarters.  And it is such
+godless people who are listened to, who are believed, and who win their
+suits.  _O tempora, O mores_!
+
+
+On August 11, 1607, Port Royal was abandoned for the second time, and
+its people, sailing by Cape Breton, reached Roscou in Brittany at the
+end of September.  The {58} subsequent attempt of Poutrincourt and his
+family to re-establish the colony at Port Royal belongs to the history
+of Acadia rather than to the story of Champlain.  But remembering the
+spirit in which he and De Monts strove, one feels glad that Lescarbot
+spoke his mind regarding the opponents who baffled their sincere and
+persistent efforts.
+
+
+
+[1] This word has sometimes been traced to the Micmac _akade_, which,
+appended to place-names, signifies an abundance of something.  More
+probably, however, it is a corruption of Arcadia.  The Acadia of De
+Monts' grant in 1604 extended from the parallel of 40 deg. to that of 46 deg.
+north latitude, but in the light of actual occupation the term can
+hardly be made to embrace more than the coast from Cape Breton to
+Penobscot Bay.
+
+[2] There appears in Verrazano's map of 1529 the word Aranbega, as
+attached to a small district on the Atlantic seaboard.  Ten years later
+Norumbega has become a region which takes in the whole coast from Cape
+Breton to Florida.  At intervals throughout the sixteenth century
+fables were told in Europe of its extraordinary wealth, and it was not
+till the time of Champlain that this myth was exposed.  Champlain
+himself identifies 'the great river of Norumbega' with the Penobscot.
+
+[3] Traders from the extreme south of France, whose chief port was St
+Jean de Luz.  Though living on the confines of France and Spain, the
+Basques were of different racial origin from both Spaniards and French.
+While subject politically to France, their remoteness from the main
+ports of Normandy and Brittany kept them out of touch with the mariners
+of St Malo and Havre, save as collision arose between them in the St
+Lawrence.  Among the Basques there were always interlopers, even when
+St Jean de Luz had been given a share in the monopoly.  They are
+sometimes called Spaniards, from their close neighbourhood to the
+Pyrenees.
+
+
+
+
+{59}
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+CHAMPLAIN AT QUEBEC
+
+From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a league.  I
+arrived there on the third of July, when I searched for a place
+suitable for our settlement, but I could find none more convenient or
+better than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, which was
+covered with nut-trees.  I at once employed a portion of our workmen in
+cutting them down, that we might construct our habitation there: one I
+set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging ditches,
+another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get supplies.  The first
+thing we made was the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies,
+which was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all, and my
+attention to the work.
+
+
+Thus opens Champlain's account of the place with which his name is
+linked imperishably.  He was the founder of Quebec and its preserver.
+During his lifetime the results seemed pitifully small, but the task
+once undertaken was never abandoned.  By steadfastness he prevailed,
+and at his death had created a {60} colony which became the New France
+of Talon and Frontenac, of La Salle and D'Iberville, of Brebeuf and
+Laval.  If Venice from amid her lagoons could exclaim, _Esto perpetua_,
+Quebec, firm based upon her cliff, can say to the rest of Canada,
+_Attendite ad petram undo excisi estis_--'Look unto the rock whence ye
+are hewn.'
+
+Champlain's Quebec was very poor in everything but courage.  The fact
+that it was founded by the men who had just failed in Acadia gives
+proof of this virtue.  Immediately upon his return from Port Royal to
+France, Champlain showed De Monts a map and plan which embodied the
+result of his explorations during the last three years.  They then took
+counsel regarding the future, and with Champlain's encouragement De
+Monts 'resolved to continue his noble and meritorious undertaking,
+notwithstanding the hardships and labours of the past.'  It is
+significant that once more Champlain names exploration as the
+distinctive purpose of De Monts.
+
+To expect a subsidy from the crown was futile, but Henry felt
+compunction for his abrupt recall of the monopoly.  The result was that
+De Monts, in recognition of his losses, {61} was given a further
+monopoly--for the season of 1608 only.  At the same time, he was
+expressly relieved from the obligation to take out colonists.  On this
+basis De Monts found partners among the merchants of Rouen, and three
+ships were fitted out--one for Acadia, the others for the St Lawrence.
+Champlain, as lieutenant, was placed in charge of the Laurentian
+expedition.  With him went the experienced and invaluable Pontgrave.
+
+Nearly seventy-five years had now passed since Jacques Cartier first
+came to anchor at the foot of Cape Diamond.  During this period no one
+had challenged the title of France to the shores of the St Lawrence; in
+fact, a country so desolate made no appeal to the French themselves.
+Roberval's tragic experience at Cap Rouge had proved a warning.  To the
+average Frenchman of the sixteenth century Canada meant what it
+afterwards meant to Sully and Voltaire.  It was a tract of snow; a land
+of barbarians, bears, and beavers.
+
+The development of the fur trade into a staple industry changed this
+point of view to a limited extent.  The government, as we have seen,
+considered it desirable that colonists should be established in New
+France {62} at the expense of traders.  For the St Lawrence, however,
+the first and only fruits of this enlightened policy had been Chauvin's
+sixteen derelicts at Tadoussac.
+
+The founding of Quebec represents private enterprise, and not an
+expenditure of money by Henry IV for the sake of promoting
+colonization.  De Monts and Champlain were determined to give France a
+foothold in America.  The rights upon which the venture of 1608 was
+financed did not run beyond the year.  Thenceforth trade was to be
+free.  It follows that De Monts and his partners, in building a station
+at Quebec, did not rely for their expenses upon any special favours
+from the crown.  They placed their reliance upon themselves, feeling
+confident of their power to hold a fair share of the trade against all
+comers.  For Champlain Quebec was a fixed point on the way to the
+Orient.  For De Monts it was a key to the commerce of the great river.
+None of his rivals would begin the season of 1609 with a permanent post
+in Canada.  Thus part of the anticipated profits for 1608 was invested
+to secure an advantage in the approaching competition.  The whole
+success of the plan depended upon the mutual confidence of De Monts and
+Champlain, both {63} of whom unselfishly sought the advancement of
+French interests in America--De Monts, the courageous capitalist and
+promoter; Champlain, the explorer whose discoveries were sure to
+enlarge the area of trading operations.
+
+Pontgrave sailed from Honfleur on April 5, 1608.  Champlain followed
+eight days later, reaching Tadoussac at the beginning of June.  Here
+trouble awaited him.  The Basque traders, who always defied the
+monopoly, had set upon Pontgrave with cannon and muskets, killing one
+man and severely wounding two others, besides himself.  Going ashore,
+Champlain found Pontgrave very ill and the Basques in full possession.
+To fight was to run the risk of ruining De Monts' whole enterprise, and
+as the Basques were alarmed at what they had done, Darache, their
+captain, signed an agreement that he would not molest Pontgrave or do
+anything prejudicial to the rights of De Monts.  This basis of
+compromise makes it clear that Pontgrave was in charge of the season's
+trade, while Champlain's personal concern was to found the settlement.
+
+An unpleasant dispute was thus adjusted, but the incident had a still
+more unpleasant sequel.  Leaving Tadoussac on June 30, {64} Champlain
+reached Quebec in four days, and at once began to erect his storehouse.
+A few days later he stood in grave peril of his life through conspiracy
+among his own men.
+
+The ringleader was a locksmith named Jean Duval, who had been at Port
+Royal and narrowly escaped death from the arrows of the Cape Cod
+Indians.  Whether he framed his plot in collusion with the Basques is
+not quite clear, but it seems unlikely that he should have gone so far
+as he did without some encouragement.  His plan was simply to kill
+Champlain and deliver Quebec to the Basques in return for a rich
+reward, either promised or expected.  Some of the men he had no chance
+to corrupt, for they were aboard the barques, guarding stores till a
+shelter could be built.  Working among the rest, Duval 'suborned four
+of the worst characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand
+falsehoods and presenting to them prospects of acquiring riches.'  The
+evidence subsequently showed that Champlain was either to be strangled
+when unarmed, or shot at night as he answered to a false alarm.  The
+conspirators made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty
+that the first who opened his mouth should be poniarded.
+
+
+[Illustration: CHAMPLAIN'S DRAWING OF THE HABITATION OF QUEBEC
+
+  A Storehouse.
+  B Pigeon-house.
+  C Building for storing arms and housing workmen.
+  D Workmen's quarters.
+  E Sun-dial.
+  F Building containing forge and artisans' quarters.
+  G Outside galleries.
+  H Champlain's private quarters.
+  I Main door with drawbridge.
+  L Walk (10 feet wide) all round the building.
+  M Ditch surrounding the building.
+  N Platforms for artillery.
+  O Champlain's garden.
+  P Kitchen.
+  Q Terrace in front of the building on the river-bank.
+  R The St Lawrence river.
+
+From Laverdiere's _Champlain_ in M'Gill University Library]
+
+{65}
+
+Out of this deadly danger Champlain escaped through the confession of a
+vacillating spirit named Natel, who regretted his share in the plot,
+but, once involved, had fears of the poniard.  Finally he confessed to
+Testu, the pilot, who immediately informed Champlain.  Questioned as to
+the motive, Natel replied that 'nothing had impelled them, except that
+they had imagined that by giving up the place into the hands of the
+Basques or Spaniards they might all become rich, and that they did not
+want to go back to France.'  Duval, with five others, was then seized
+and taken to Tadoussac.  Later in the summer Pontgrave brought the
+prisoners back to Quebec, where evidence was taken before a
+court-martial consisting of Champlain, Pontgrave, a captain, a surgeon,
+a first mate, a second mate, and some sailors.  The sentence condemned
+four to death, of whom three were afterwards sent to France and put at
+the discretion of De Monts.  Duval was 'strangled and hung at Quebec,
+and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set in the most
+conspicuous place on our fort, that he might serve as an example to
+those who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in
+future, in the discharge of their {66} duty; and that the Spaniards and
+Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the country, might not
+glory in the event.'
+
+It will be seen from the recital of Duval's conspiracy that Champlain
+was fortunate to escape the fate of Hudson and La Salle.  While this
+_cause celebre_ was running its course to a tragic end, the still more
+famous _habitation_ grew day by day under the hands of busy workmen.
+As fruits of a crowded and exciting summer Champlain could point to a
+group of three two-storeyed buildings.  'Each one,' he says, 'was three
+fathoms long and two and a half wide.  The storehouse was six fathoms
+long and three wide, with a fine cellar six feet deep.  I had a gallery
+made all round our buildings, on the outside, at the second storey,
+which proved very convenient.  There were also ditches, fifteen feet
+wide and six deep.  On the outer side of the ditches I constructed
+several spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points
+where we placed our cannon.  Before the habitation there is a place
+four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon the
+river-bank.  Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens.'
+
+Three dwellings of eighteen by fifteen feet each were a sufficiently
+modest starting-point {67} for continental ambitions, even when
+supplemented by a storehouse of thirty-six feet by eighteen.  In
+calling the gardens very good Champlain must have been speaking with
+relation to the circumstances, or else they were very small, for there
+is abundant witness to the sufferings which Quebec in its first twenty
+years might have escaped with the help of really abundant gardens.  At
+St Croix and Port Royal an attempt had been made to plant seeds, and at
+Quebec Champlain doubtless renewed the effort, though with small
+practical result.  The point is important in its bearing on the nature
+of the settlement.  Quebec, despite such gardens as surrounded the
+_habitation_, was by origin an outpost of the fur trade, with a small,
+floating, and precarious population.  Louis Hebert, the first real
+colonist, did not come till 1617.
+
+Lacking vegetables, Quebec fed itself in part from the river and the
+forest.  But almost all the food was brought from France.  At times
+there was game, though less than at Port Royal.  The river supplied
+eels in abundance, but when badly cooked they caused a fatal dysentery.
+The first winter was a repetition of the horrors experienced at St
+Croix, with even a higher death-rate.  Scurvy began {68} in February
+and lasted till the end of April.  Of the eighteen whom it attacked,
+ten died.  Dysentery claimed others.  On June 5, 1609, word came that
+Pontgrave had arrived at Tadoussac.  Champlain's comment is eloquent in
+its brevity.  'This intelligence gave me much satisfaction, as we
+entertained hopes of assistance from him.  Out of the twenty-eight at
+first forming our company only eight remained, and half of these were
+ailing.'
+
+The monopoly granted to De Monts had now reached its close, and trade
+was open to all comers.  From 1609 until 1613 this unrestricted
+competition ran its course, with the result that a larger market was
+created for beaver skins, while nothing was done to build up New France
+as a colony.  On the whole, the most notable feature of the period is
+the establishment of close personal relations between Champlain and the
+Indians.  It was then that he became the champion of the Algonquins and
+Hurons against the Iroquois League or Five Nations, inaugurating a
+policy which was destined to have profound consequences.
+
+The considerations which governed Champlain in his dealings with the
+Indians lay quite outside the rights and wrongs of their tribal {69}
+wars.  His business was to explore the continent on behalf of France,
+and accordingly he took conditions as he found them.  The Indians had
+souls to be saved, but that was the business of the missionaries.  In
+the state of nature all savages were much like wild animals, and
+alliance with one nation or another was a question which naturally
+settled itself upon the basis of drainage basins.  Lands within the
+Laurentian watershed were inhabited mainly by Algonquins and Hurons,
+whose chief desire in life was to protect themselves from the Iroquois
+and avenge past injuries.  The Five Nations dwelt far south from the
+Sault St Louis and did not send their furs there for the annual barter.
+Champlain, ever in quest of a route to the East, needed friends along
+the great rivers of the wilderness.  The way to secure them, and at the
+same time to widen the trading area, was to fight for the savages of
+the St Lawrence and the Ottawa against those of the Mohawk.
+
+And Champlain was a good ally, as he proved in the forest wars of 1609
+and 1615.  With all their shortcomings, the Indians knew how to take
+the measure of a man.  The difference between a warrior and a trader
+was {70} especially clear to their untutored minds, they themselves
+being much better fighters than men of commerce.  Champlain, like
+others, suffered from their caprice, but they respected his bravery and
+trusted his word.
+
+In the next chapter we shall attempt to follow Champlain through the
+wilderness, accompanied by its inhabitants, who were his guides and
+friends.  For the present we must pursue the fortunes of Quebec, whose
+existence year by year hung upon the risk that court intrigue would
+prevail against the determination of two brave men.
+
+From 1608 till 1611 De Monts had two partners, named Collier and
+Legendre, both citizens of Rouen.  It was with the money of these three
+that the post at Quebec had been built and equipped.  Champlain was
+their lieutenant and Pontgrave the commander of their trading ships.
+After four years of experience Collier and Legendre found the results
+unsatisfactory.  'They were unwilling,' says Champlain, 'to continue in
+the association, as there was no commission forbidding others from
+going to the new discoveries and trading with the inhabitants of the
+country.  Sieur de Monts, seeing this, bargained with them for what
+remained at the settlement at Quebec, {71} in consideration of a sum of
+money which he gave them for their share.'
+
+Thus the intrepid De Monts became sole proprietor of the _habitation_,
+and whatever clustered round it, at the foot of Cape Diamond.  But the
+property was worthless if the fur trade could not be put on a stable
+basis.  Quebec during its first three years had been a disappointment
+because, contrary to expectation, it gave its founders no advantage
+over their competitors which equalled the cost of maintenance.  De
+Monts was still ready to assist Champlain in his explorations, but his
+resources, never great, were steadily diminishing, and while trade
+continued unprofitable there were no funds for exploration.  Moreover,
+the assassination of Henry IV in 1610 weakened De Monts at court.
+Whatever Henry's shortcomings as a friend of Huguenots and colonial
+pioneers, their chances had been better with him than they now were
+with Marie de Medicis.[1]  Champlain states that De Monts' engagements
+did not permit him to prosecute his interests at court.  {72} Probably
+his engagements would have been less pressing had he felt more sure of
+favour.  In any event, he made over to Champlain the whole conduct of
+such negotiations as were called for by the unsatisfactory state of
+affairs on the St Lawrence.
+
+Champlain went to France.  What follows is an illuminating comment upon
+the conditions that prevailed under the Bourbon monarchy.  As Champlain
+saw things, the merchants who clamoured for freedom of trade were
+greedy pot-hunters.  'All they want,' he says, 'is that men should
+expose themselves to a thousand dangers to discover peoples and
+territories, that they themselves may have the profit and others the
+hardship.  It is not reasonable that one should capture the lamb and
+another go off with the fleece.  If they had been willing to
+participate in our discoveries, use their means and risk their persons,
+they would have given evidence of their honour and nobleness, but, on
+the contrary, they show clearly that they are impelled by pure malice
+that they may enjoy the fruit of our labours equally with ourselves.'
+Against folk of this sort Champlain felt he had to protect the national
+interests which were so dear to him and De Monts.  As things then {73}
+went, there was only one way to secure protection.  At Fontainebleau a
+great noble was not habituated to render help without receiving a
+consideration.  But protection could be bought by those who were able
+to pay for it.
+
+The patron selected by Champlain was the Comte de Soissons, a Bourbon
+by lineage and first cousin of Henry IV.  His kinship to the boy-king
+gave him, among other privileges, the power to exact from the regent
+gifts and offices as the price of his support.  Possessing this
+leverage, Soissons caused himself to be appointed viceroy of Canada,
+with a twelve-year monopoly of the fur trade above Quebec.  The
+monopoly thus re-established, its privileges could be sublet, Soissons
+receiving cash for the rights he conceded to the merchants, and they
+taking their chance to turn a profit out of the transaction.
+
+Such at least was the theory; but before Soissons could turn his post
+into a source of revenue he died.  Casting about for a suitable
+successor, Champlain selected another prince of the blood--Henri de
+Bourbon, Prince de Conde, who duly became viceroy of Canada and holder
+of the monopoly in succession to his uncle, the Comte de Soissons.
+
+The part of Champlain in these transactions {74} is very conspicuous,
+and justly so.  There was no advantage in being viceroy of Canada
+unless the post produced a revenue, and before the viceroy could
+receive a revenue some one was needed to organize the chief Laurentian
+traders into a company strong enough to pay Soissons or Conde a
+substantial sum.  Champlain was convinced that the stability of trade
+(upon which, in turn, exploration depended) could be secured only in
+this way.  It was he who memorialized President Jeannin[2]; enlisted
+the sympathy of the king's almoner, Beaulieu; appealed to the royal
+council; proposed the office of viceroy to Soissons; and began the
+endeavour to organize a new trading company.  Considering that early in
+1612 he suffered a serious fall from his horse, this record of activity
+is sufficiently creditable for one twelvemonth.  Meanwhile the Indians
+at Sault St Louis grieved at his absence, and his enemies told them he
+was dead.
+
+[Illustration: HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDE, VICEROY OF NEW
+FRANCE.  From Laverdiere's _Champlain_ in M'Gill University Library.]
+
+It was not until 1614 that the new programme in its entirety could be
+carried out.  {75} This time the delay came, not from the court, but
+from the merchants.  Negotiations were in progress when the ships
+sailed for the voyage of 1613, but Champlain could not remain to
+conclude them, as he felt that he must keep faith with the Indians.
+However, on his return to France that autumn, he resumed the effort,
+and by the spring of 1614 the merchants of Rouen, St Malo, and La
+Rochelle had been brought to terms among themselves as participants in
+a monopoly which was leased from the viceroy.  Conde received a
+thousand crowns a year, and the new company also agreed to take out six
+families of colonists each season.  In return it was granted the
+monopoly for eleven years.  De Monts was a member of the company and
+Quebec became its headquarters in Canada.  But the moving spirit was
+Champlain, who was appointed lieutenant to the viceroy with a salary
+and the right to levy for his own purposes four men from each ship
+trading in the river.
+
+Once more disappointment followed.  Save for De Monts, Champlain's
+company was not inspired by Champlain's patriotism.  During the first
+three years of its existence the obligation to colonize was wilfully
+disregarded, while in the fourth year the treatment accorded {76} Louis
+Hebert shows that good faith counted for as little with the fur traders
+when they acted in association as when they were engaged in cut-throat
+competition.
+
+Champlain excepted, Hebert was the most admirable of those who risked
+death in the attempt to found a settlement at Quebec.  He was not a
+Norman peasant, but a Parisian apothecary.  We have already seen that
+he took part in the Acadian venture of De Monts and Poutrincourt.
+After the capture of Port Royal by the English he returned to France
+(1613) and reopened his shop.  Three years later Champlain was
+authorized by the company to offer him and his family favourable terms
+if they would emigrate to Quebec, the consideration being two hundred
+crowns a year for three years, besides maintenance.  On this
+understanding Hebert sold his house and shop, bought an equipment for
+the new home, and set off with his family to embark at Honfleur.  Here
+he found that Champlain's shareholders were not prepared to stand by
+their agreement.  The company first beat him down from two hundred to
+one hundred crowns a year, and then stipulated that he, his wife, his
+children, and his domestic should serve it for the three years during
+which the grant {77} was payable.  Even at the end of three years, when
+he found himself at liberty to till the soil, he was bound to sell
+produce to the company at the prices prevalent in France.  The company
+was to have his perpetual service as a chemist for nothing, and he must
+promise in writing to take no part in the fur trade.  Hebert had cut
+off his retreat and was forced to accept these hard terms, but it is
+not strange that under such conditions colonists should have been few.
+Sagard, the Recollet missionary, says the company treated Hebert so
+badly because it wished to discourage colonization.  What it wanted was
+the benefit of the monopoly, without the obligation of finding settlers
+who had to be brought over for nothing.
+
+A man of honour like Champlain could not have tricked Hebert into the
+bad bargain he made, and their friendship survived the incident.  But a
+company which transacted its business in this fashion was not likely to
+enjoy long life.  Its chief asset was Champlain's friendship with the
+Indians, especially after his long sojourn with them in 1615 and 1616.
+Some years, particularly 1617, showed a large profit, but as time went
+on friction arose between the Huguenots of La Rochelle {78} and the
+Catholics of Rouen.  Then there were interlopers to be prosecuted, and
+the quarrels of Conde with the government brought with them trouble to
+the merchants whose monopoly depended on his grant.  For three years
+(1616-19) the viceroy of Canada languished in the Bastille.  Shortly
+after his release he sold his viceregal rights to the Duke of
+Montmorency, Admiral of France.  The price was 11,000 crowns.
+
+In 1619 Champlain's company ventured to disagree with its founder, and,
+as a consequence, another crisis arose in the affairs of New France.
+The cause of dispute was the company's unwillingness to keep its
+promises regarding colonization.  Champlain protested.  The company
+replied that Pontgrave should be put in charge at Quebec.  Champlain
+then said that Pontgrave was his old friend, and he hoped they would
+always be friends, but that he was at Quebec as the viceroy's
+representative, charged with the duty of defending his interests.  The
+leader of Champlain's opponents among the shareholders was Boyer, a
+trader who had formerly given much trouble to De Monts, but was now one
+of the associates.  When in the spring of 1619 Champlain attempted to
+sail for Quebec as usual, Boyer {79} prevented him from going aboard.
+There followed an appeal to the crown, in which Champlain was fully
+sustained, and Boyer did penance by offering a public apology before
+the Exchange at Rouen.
+
+It was shortly after this incident that Conde abdicated in favour of
+Montmorency.  The admiral, like his predecessor, accepted a thousand
+crowns a year and named Champlain as his lieutenant.  He also
+instituted an inquiry regarding the alleged neglect of the company to
+maintain the post at Quebec.  The investigation showed that abundant
+cause existed for depriving the company of its monopoly, and in
+consequence the grant was transferred, on similar terms, to William and
+Emery de Caen.  Here complications at once ensued.  The De Caens, who
+were natives of Rouen, were also Huguenots, a fact that intensified the
+ill-feeling which had already arisen on the St Lawrence between
+Catholic and heretic.  The dispute between the new beneficiaries and
+the company founded by Champlain involved no change in the policy of
+the crown towards trade and colonization.  It was a quarrel of persons,
+which eventually reached a settlement in 1622.  The De Caens then
+compromised by reorganizing the {80} company and giving their
+predecessors five-twelfths of the shares.
+
+The recital of these intricate events will at least illustrate the
+difficulties which beset Champlain in his endeavour to build up New
+France.  There were problems enough even had he received loyal support
+from the crown and the company.  With the English and Dutch in full
+rivalry, he saw that an aggressive policy of expansion and settlement
+became each year more imperative.  Instead, he was called on to
+withstand the cabals of self-seeking traders who shirked their
+obligations, and to endure the apathy of a government which was
+preoccupied with palace intrigues.
+
+At Quebec itself the two bright spots were the convent of the
+Recollets[3] and the little farm of Louis Hebert.  The Recollets first
+came to New France in 1615, and began at once by language study to
+prepare for their work among the Montagnais and Hurons.  It was a
+stipulation of the viceroy that six of them should be supported by the
+company, and in the absence of parish priests they ministered to the
+ungodly hangers-on of the fur trade as well as to the Indians.  Louis
+{81} Hebert and his admirable family were very dear to the Fathers.  In
+1617 all the buildings which had been erected at Quebec lay by the
+water's edge.  Hebert was the first to make a clearing on the heights.
+His first domain covered less than ten acres, but it was well tilled.
+He built a stone house, which was thirty-eight feet by nineteen.
+Besides making a garden, he planted apple-trees and vines.  He also
+managed to support some cattle.  When one considers what all this means
+in terms of food and comfort, it may be guessed that the fur traders,
+wintering down below on salt pork and smoked eels, must have felt much
+respect for the farmer in his stone mansion on the cliff.
+
+We have from Champlain's own lips a valuable statement as to the
+condition of things at Quebec in 1627, the year when Louis Hebert died.
+'We were in all,' he says, 'sixty-five souls, including men, women, and
+children.'  Of the sixty-five only eighteen were adult males fit for
+hard work, and this small number must be reduced to two or three if we
+include only the tillers of the soil.  Besides these, a few adventurous
+spirits were away in the woods with the Indians, learning their
+language and endeavouring to exploit the beaver trade; but twenty years
+after the founding of Quebec the {82} French in Canada, all told,
+numbered less than one hundred.
+
+Contrast with this the state of Virginia fifteen years after the
+settlement of Jamestown.  'By 1622,' says John Fiske, 'the population
+of Virginia was at least 4000, the tobacco fields were flourishing and
+lucrative, durable houses had been built and made comfortable with
+furniture brought from England, and the old squalor was everywhere
+giving way to thrift.  The area of colonization was pushed up the James
+River as far as Richmond.'
+
+This contrast is not to be interpreted to the personal disadvantage of
+Champlain.  The slow growth and poverty of Quebec were due to no fault
+of his.  It is rather the measure of his greatness that he was
+undaunted by disappointment and unembittered by the pettiness of spirit
+which met him at every turn.  A memorial which he presented in 1618 to
+the Chamber of Commerce at Paris discloses his dream of what might be:
+a city at Quebec named Ludovica, a city equal in size to St Denis and
+filled with noble buildings grouped round the Church of the Redeemer.
+Tributary to this capital was a vast region watered by the St Lawrence
+and abounding 'in rolling plains, {83} beautiful forests, and rivers
+full of fish.'  From Ludovica the heathen were to be converted and a
+passage discovered to the East.  So important a trade route would be
+developed, that from the tolls alone there would be revenue to
+construct great public works.  Rich mines and fat cornfields fill the
+background.
+
+Such was the Quebec of Champlain's vision--if only France would see it
+so!  But in the Quebec of reality a few survivors saw the hunger of
+winter yield to the starvation of spring.  They lived on eels and roots
+till June should bring the ships and food from home.
+
+
+
+[1] The second and surviving wife of Henry IV--an Italian by birth and
+in close sympathy with Spain.  As regent for her son, Louis XIII, she
+did much to reverse the policy of Henry IV, both foreign and domestic.
+
+[2] One of the chief advisers of Marie de Medicis.  In the early part
+of his career he was President of the Parlement of Dijon and an
+important member of the extreme Catholic party.  After the retirement
+of the Duc de Sully (1611) he was placed in charge of the finances of
+France.
+
+[3] The Recollets were a branch of the Franciscan order, noted for the
+austerity of their rule.
+
+
+
+
+{84}
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS
+
+Champlain's journeyings with the Indians were the holiday of his life,
+for at no other time was he so free to follow the bent of his genius.
+First among the incentives which drew him to the wilderness was his
+ambition to discover the pathway to China.  In 1608 the St Lawrence had
+not been explored beyond the Lachine Rapids, nor the Richelieu beyond
+Chambly--while the Ottawa was known only by report.  Beyond Lake St
+Louis stretched a mysterious world, through the midst of which flowed
+the Great River.  For an explorer and a patriot the opportunity was
+priceless.  The acquisition of vast territory for the French crown, the
+enlargement of the trade zone, the discovery of a route to Cathay, the
+prospect of Arcadian joys and exciting adventures--beside such
+promptings hardship and danger became negligible.  And when exploring
+the wilderness Champlain was in full command.  {85} Off the coast of
+Norumbega his wishes, as geographer, had been subject to the special
+projects of De Monts and Poutrincourt.  At Fontainebleau he waited for
+weeks and months in the antechambers of prelates or nobles.  But when
+conducting an expedition through the forest he was lord and master, a
+chieftain from whose arquebus flew winged death.
+
+The story of Champlain's expeditions along these great secluded
+waterways, and across the portages of the forest, makes the most
+agreeable page of his life both for writer and reader, since it is here
+that he himself is most clearly in the foreground.  At no point can his
+narrative be thought dull, compact as it is and always in touch with
+energetic action.  But the details of fur trading at Tadoussac and the
+Sault St Louis, or even of voyaging along the Acadian seaboard, are far
+less absorbing than the tale of the canoe and the war party.  Amid the
+depths of the interior Champlain reaped his richest experiences as an
+explorer.  With the Indians for his allies and enemies he reached his
+fullest stature as a leader.
+
+It is not important to dwell upon the minor excursions which Champlain
+made from his headquarters at Quebec into the country of the {86}
+Montagnais.[1]  He saw little of the rocky northland which, with its
+myriad lakes and splendid streams, sweeps from the St Lawrence to
+Hudson Bay.  Southward and westward lay his course to the cantons of
+the Iroquois south of Lake Ontario and the villages of the Hurons north
+of Lake Simcoe.  Above all, the expeditions of 1609, 1613, and 1615 are
+the central episodes of his work as an explorer, each marked by a
+distinct motive and abounding with adventures.  In 1609 he discovered
+Lake Champlain and fought his first battle with the Iroquois.  In 1613
+he was decoyed by a lying guide into a fruitless search for the
+North-West Passage by the route of the Ottawa.  In 1615 he discovered
+Lake Huron, traversed what is now Central Ontario, and attacked the
+Iroquois in the heart of their own country.  These three journeys make
+the sum of Champlain's achievements as a pioneer of the interior.  For
+all three, likewise, we have his own story, upon which all other
+versions are based and from which they draw their most striking details.
+
+[Illustration: THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609.  From a drawing
+by J. D. Kelly in the Chateau de Ramezay, Montreal.]
+
+The discovery of Lake Champlain had its root in Champlain's promise to
+the Algonquins {87} that he would aid them in their strife with the
+Iroquois.  In turn this promise was based upon the policy of
+conciliating those savage tribes from whom the French derived their
+supply of furs, and with whom throughout the St Lawrence basin they
+most constantly came in contact.
+
+It was the year which followed the founding of Quebec.  Of the
+twenty-eight who entered upon the first winter eight only had survived,
+and half of these were ailing.  On June 5 relief came in the person of
+Des Marais, who announced that his father-in-law, Pontgrave, was
+already at Tadoussac.  Champlain at once set out to meet him, and it
+was arranged that Pontgrave should take charge of the settlement for
+the coming year, while Champlain fulfilled his promise to aid the
+Algonquins in their war with the Iroquois.  The full plan required that
+Pontgrave should spend the winter in Canada, while Champlain, after his
+summer campaign, was to return to France with a report of his
+explorations.
+
+The Indians had stated that the route to the land of the Iroquois was
+easy, and Champlain's original design was to proceed in a shallop
+capable of carrying twenty Frenchmen.  Early in July he reached the
+mouth {88} of the Richelieu, but on arriving at Chambly he found it
+quite impossible to pass the falls with his shallop.  Either the
+expedition must be abandoned or the plan be radically changed, with the
+consequence of incurring much greater risks.  To advance meant sending
+back the shallop with its crew and stores, embarking in a canoe, and
+trusting wholly to the good faith of the savages.  The decision was not
+easy.  'I was much troubled,' says Champlain.  'And it gave me especial
+dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very large lake, filled
+with handsome islands and with large tracts of fine land bordering on
+the lake, where their enemies lived, according to their
+representations.  After duly thinking over the matter I determined to
+go and fulfil my promise and carry out my desire.  Accordingly I
+embarked with the savages in their canoes, taking with me two men, who
+went cheerfully.  After making known my plan to Des Marais and others
+in the shallop, I requested the former to return to our settlement with
+the rest of our company, giving them the assurance that in a short
+time, by God's grace, I would return to them.'
+
+Having convinced himself, Champlain was next forced to convince the
+Indians, whose {89} first impulse was to abandon the campaign when they
+found that they would be accompanied by only three of the Frenchmen.
+Champlain's firmness, however, communicated itself to them, and on July
+12 they set out from Chambly Basin to commence the portage.  At the top
+of the rapid a review of forces was held, and it proved that the
+Indians numbered sixty men, equipped with twenty-four canoes.
+Advancing through a beautifully wooded country, the little war-party
+encamped at a point not far below the outlet of Lake Champlain, taking
+the precaution to protect themselves by a rough fortification of tree
+trunks.
+
+At this point Champlain introduces a graphic statement regarding the
+methods which the Indians employ to guard against surprise.  On three
+sides they protect the camp by fallen trees, leaving the river-bank
+without a barricade in order that they may take quickly to their
+canoes.  Then, as soon as the camp has been fortified, they send out
+nine picked men in three canoes to reconnoitre for a distance of two or
+three leagues.  But before nightfall these scouts return, and then all
+lie down to sleep, without leaving any pickets or sentries on duty.
+When {90} Champlain remonstrated with them for such gross carelessness,
+they replied that they worked hard enough during the daytime.  The
+normal formation of an Indian war-party embraced three divisions--the
+scouts, the main body, and the hunters, the last always remaining in
+the rear and chasing their game in a direction from which they did not
+anticipate the appearance of the enemy.  Having arrived at a distance
+of two or three days' march from their enemies, they united in a single
+party (save for the scouts) and advanced stealthily by night.  At this
+juncture their food became baked Indian meal soaked in water.  They hid
+by day and made no fire, save that required to smoke their tobacco.
+
+Thus does Champlain describe the savage as he is about to fall upon his
+foe.  He gives special prominence to the soothsayer, who on the eve of
+battle enters into elaborate intercourse with the devil.  Inside a
+wooden hut the necromancer lies prostrate on the ground, motionless.
+Then he springs to his feet and begins to torment himself,
+counterfeiting strange tones to represent the speech of the devil, and
+carrying on violent antics which leave him in a stream of perspiration.
+Outside the hut the Indians sit round on their {91} haunches like apes
+and fancy that they can see fire proceeding from the roof, although the
+devil appears to the soothsayer in the form of a stone.  Finally, the
+chiefs, when they have by these means learned that they will meet their
+enemy and kill a sufficient number, arrange the order of battle.
+Sticks a foot long are taken, one for each warrior, and these are laid
+out on a level place five or six feet square.  The leader then explains
+the order of battle, after which the warriors substitute themselves for
+the sticks and go through the manoeuvres till they can do them without
+confusion.
+
+From this description of tactics we pass speedily to a story of real
+war.  Reaching Lake Champlain, the party skirted the western shore,
+with fine views of the Green Mountains, on the summit of which
+Champlain mistook white limestone for snow.  On July 29, at Crown
+Point, the Iroquois were encountered at about ten o'clock in the
+evening.  Thus the first real battle of French and Indians took place
+near that remarkable spot where Lake Champlain and Lake George draw
+close together--the Ticonderoga of Howe, the Carillon of Montcalm.
+
+The Algonquins were in good courage, for, {92} besides the muskets of
+the three Frenchmen, they were inspired by a dream of Champlain that he
+had seen the Iroquois drowning in a lake.  As soon as the enemies saw
+each other, both began to utter loud cries and make ready their
+weapons.  The Algonquins kept out on the water; the Iroquois went
+ashore and built a barricade.  When the Algonquins had made ready for
+battle
+
+
+they dispatched two canoes to the enemy to inquire if they wished to
+fight, to which the latter replied that they wished nothing else; but
+they said that at present there was not much light, and that it would
+be necessary to wait for day so as to be able to recognize each other;
+and that as soon as the sun rose they would offer us battle.  This was
+agreed to by our side.  Meanwhile the entire night was spent in dancing
+and singing, on both sides, with endless insults and other talk; as how
+little courage we had, how feeble a resistance we should make against
+their arms, and that when day came we should realize it to our ruin.
+Ours also were not slow in retorting, telling them that they would see
+such execution of arms as never before, together with an abundance of
+such talk as is not unusual in the siege of a town.
+
+
+Care had been taken by the Algonquins that the presence of Champlain
+and his two companions should come to the Iroquois as a complete
+surprise.  Each of the Frenchmen {93} was in a separate canoe, convoyed
+by the Montagnais.  At daylight each put on light armour and, armed
+with an arquebus, went ashore.  Champlain was near enough the barricade
+to see nearly two hundred Iroquois, 'stout and rugged in appearance.
+They came at a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which
+greatly impressed me, having three chiefs at their head.'  Champlain,
+when urged by his allies to make sure of killing the three chiefs,
+replied that he would do his best, and that in any case he would show
+them his courage and goodwill.
+
+Then began the fight, which must be described in Champlain's own words,
+for in all his writings there is no more famous passage.
+
+
+As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two hundred paces
+towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my
+companions, who went into the woods with some savages.  Our men began
+to call me with loud cries; and in order to give me a passage way they
+opened in two parts and put me at their head, where I marched some
+twenty paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about twenty
+paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me and, halting, gazed at me,
+as I did also at them.  When I saw them make a move to fire at us, I
+rested my musket against my cheek and aimed directly at one of the
+three chiefs.  With the same shot two fell to {94} the ground; and one
+of their men was so wounded that he died some time after.  I had loaded
+my musket with four balls.  When our side saw this shot so favourable
+for them, they began to raise such loud cries that one could not have
+heard it thunder.  Meanwhile the arrows flew on both sides.  The
+Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been so quickly
+killed, although they were equipped with armour woven from cotton
+thread and with wood which was proof against their arrows.  This caused
+great alarm among them.  As I was loading again, one of my companions
+fired a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a
+degree that, seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage and took to
+flight, abandoning their camp and fort and fleeing into the woods,
+whither I pursued them, killing still more of them.  Our savages also
+killed several of them and took ten or twelve prisoners.  The remainder
+escaped with the wounded.  Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on our side
+with arrow shots, but they were soon healed.
+
+
+The spoils of victory included a large quantity of Indian corn,
+together with a certain amount of meal, and also some of the native
+armour which the Iroquois had thrown away in order to effect their
+escape.  Then followed a feast and the torture of one of the prisoners,
+whose sufferings were mercifully concluded by a ball from Champlain's
+musket, delivered in such wise that the unfortunate did not see {95}
+the shot.  Like Montcalm and other French commanders of a later date,
+Champlain found it impossible to curb wholly the passions of his savage
+allies.  In this case his remonstrances had the effect of gaining for
+the victim a _coup de grace_--which may be taken as a measure of
+Champlain's prestige.  The atrocious savagery practised before and
+after death is described in full detail.  Champlain concludes the lurid
+picture as follows: 'This is the manner in which these people behave
+towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to
+die fighting or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many
+do rather than fall into the hands of their enemies.'
+
+Beyond the point at which this battle was fought Champlain did not go.
+At Ticonderoga he was within eighty miles of the site of Albany.  Had
+he continued, he would have reached the Hudson from the north in the
+same summer the _Half Moon_[2] entered it from the mouth.  But the
+Algonquins were content with their victory, though they candidly {96}
+stated that there was an easy route from the south end of Lake George
+to 'a river flowing into the sea on the Norumbega coast near that of
+Florida.'  The return to Quebec and Tadoussac was attended by no
+incident of moment.  The Montagnais, on parting with Champlain at
+Tadoussac, generously gave him the head of an Iroquois and a pair of
+arms, with the request that they be carried to the king of France.  The
+Algonquins had already taken their departure at Chambly, where, says
+Champlain, 'we separated with loud protestations of mutual friendship.
+They asked me whether I would not like to go into their country to
+assist them with continued fraternal relations; and I promised that I
+would do so.'  As a contribution to geographical knowledge the
+expedition of 1609 disclosed the existence of a noble lake, to which
+Champlain fitly gave his own name.  Its dimensions he considerably
+over-estimated, but in all essential respects its situation was
+correctly described, while his comments on the flora and fauna are very
+interesting.  The garpike as he saw it, with amplifications from the
+Indians as they had seen it, gave him the subject for a good fish
+story.  He was deeply impressed, too, by the richness of the
+vegetation.  His attack on the {97} Iroquois was not soon forgotten by
+that relentless foe, and prepared a store of trouble for the colony he
+founded.  But the future was closed to his view, and for the moment his
+was the glorious experience of being the first to gaze with European
+eyes upon a lake fairer and grander than his own France could show.
+
+Four years elapsed before Champlain was enabled to plunge once more
+into the depths of the forest--this time only to meet with the severest
+disappointment of his life.  Much has been said already regarding his
+ambition to discover a short route to Cathay.  This was the great prize
+for which he would have sacrificed everything save loyalty to the king
+and duty to the church.  For a moment he seemed on the point of gaining
+it.  Then the truth was brutally disclosed, and he found that he had
+been wilfully deceived by an impostor.
+
+It was a feature of Champlain's policy that from time to time French
+youths should spend the winter with the Indians--hunting with them,
+living in their settlements, exploring their country, and learning
+their language.  Of Frenchmen thus trained to woodcraft during
+Champlain's lifetime the most notable were Etienne Brule, Nicolas
+Vignau, Nicolas {98} Marsolet, and Jean Nicolet.  Unfortunately the
+three first did not leave an unclouded record.  Brule, after becoming a
+most accomplished guide, turned traitor and aided the English in 1629.
+Champlain accuses Marsolet of a like disloyalty.[3]  Vignau, with more
+imagination, stands on the roll of fame as a frank impostor.
+
+Champlain, as we have seen, spent the whole of 1612 in France, and it
+was at this time that Vignau appeared in Paris with a tale which could
+not but kindle excitement in the heart of an explorer.  The basis of
+fact was that Vignau had undoubtedly passed the preceding winter with
+the Algonquins on the Ottawa.  The fable which was built upon this fact
+can best be told in Champlain's own words.
+
+
+He reported to me, on his return to Paris in 1612, that he had seen the
+North Sea; that the river of the Algonquins [the Ottawa] came from a
+lake which emptied into it; and that in seventeen days one could go
+from the Falls of St Louis to this sea and back again; that he had seen
+the wreck and debris of an English ship that had been wrecked, on board
+of which were eighty men who had escaped to the shore, and whom the
+savages killed because the English endeavoured to take from them by
+force their Indian corn and other necessaries of life; and that he had
+seen {99} the scalps which these savages had flayed off, according to
+their custom, which they would show me, and that they would likewise
+give me an English boy whom they had kept for me.  This intelligence
+greatly pleased me, for I thought that I had almost found that for
+which I had for a long time been searching.
+
+
+Champlain makes it clear that he did not credit Vignau's tale with the
+simple credulity of a man who has never been to sea.  He caused Vignau
+to swear to its truth at La Rochelle before two notaries.  He
+stipulated that Vignau should go with him over the whole route.
+Finally, as they were on the point of sailing together for Canada in
+the spring of 1613, he once more adjured Vignau in the presence of
+distinguished witnesses, saying 'that if what he had previously said
+was not true, he must not give me the trouble to undertake the journey,
+which involved many dangers.  Again he affirmed all that he had said,
+on peril of his life.'
+
+After taking these multiplied precautions against deceit, Champlain
+left the Sault St Louis on May 29, 1613, attended by four Frenchmen and
+one Indian, with Vignau for guide.  Ascending the Ottawa, they
+encountered their first difficulties at the Long Sault, {100} where
+Dollard forty-seven years later was to lose his life so gloriously.
+Here the passage of the rapids was both fatiguing and dangerous.
+Prevented by the density of the wood from making a portage, they were
+forced to drag their canoes through the water.  In one of the eddies
+Champlain nearly lost his life, and his hand was severely hurt by a
+sudden jerk of the rope.  Having mounted the rapids, he met with no
+very trying obstacle until he had gone some distance past the Chaudiere
+Falls.  His reference to the course of the Gatineau makes no sense, and
+Laverdiere has had recourse to the not improbable conjecture that the
+printer dropped out a whole line at this point.  Champlain also
+over-estimates considerably the height of the Rideau Falls and is not
+very exact in his calculation of latitude.
+
+The hardships of this journey were greatly and unnecessarily increased
+by Vignau, whose only hope was to discourage his leader.  In the end it
+proved that 'our liar' (as Champlain repeatedly calls him) had hoped to
+secure a reward for his alleged discovery, believing that no one would
+follow him long, even if an attempt were made to confirm the accuracy
+of his report.  But Champlain, undeterred by portages and mosquitoes,
+kept on.  Some {101} savages who joined him said that Vignau was a
+liar, and on their advice Champlain left the Ottawa a short distance
+above the mouth of the Madawaska.  Holding westward at some distance
+from the south shore, he advanced past Muskrat Lake, and after a hard
+march came out again on the Ottawa at Lake Allumette.
+
+This was the end of Champlain's route in 1613.  From the Algonquins on
+Allumette Island he learned that Vignau had wintered with them at the
+time he swore he was discovering salt seas.  Finally, the impostor
+confessed his fraud and, falling on his knees, asked for mercy.  The
+Indians would gladly have killed him outright, but Champlain spared his
+life, though how deeply he was moved can be seen from these words:
+'Overcome with wrath I had him removed, being unable to endure him any
+longer in my presence.'  After his confession there was nothing for it
+but to return by the same route.  An astrolabe found some years ago
+near Muskrat Lake may have been dropped from Champlain's luggage on the
+journey westward, though he does not mention the loss.
+
+Apart from disclosing the course of the Ottawa, the _Voyage_ of 1613 is
+chiefly notable {102} for its account of Indian customs--for example,
+the mode of sepulture, the _tabagie_ or feast, and the superstition
+which leads the Algonquins to throw pieces of tobacco into the cauldron
+of the Chaudiere Falls as a means of ensuring protection against their
+enemies.  Of the feast given him by Tessouaet, an Algonquin chief,
+Champlain says:
+
+
+The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer and wooden
+spoon.  They seated themselves without order or ceremony on the ground
+in the cabin of Tessouaet, who distributed to them a kind of broth made
+of maize crushed between two stones, together with meat and fish which
+was cut into little pieces, the whole being boiled together without
+salt.  They also had meat roasted on the coals and fish boiled apart,
+which he also distributed.  In respect to myself, as I did not wish any
+of their chowder, which they prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked
+them for some fish and meat, that I might prepare it my own way, which
+they gave me.  For drink we had fine, clear water.  Tessouaet, who gave
+the _tabagie_, entertained us without eating himself, according to
+their custom.
+
+The _tabagie_ being over, the young men, who are not present at the
+harangues and councils, and who during the _tabagie_ remain at the door
+of the cabins, withdrew, when all who remained began to fill their
+pipes, one and another offering me one.  We then spent a full half-hour
+in this occupation, not a word being spoken, as is their custom.
+
+
+
+{103}
+
+But for the dexterous arrangement by which Champlain managed to cook
+his own food, the _tabagie_ would have been more dangerous to health
+than the portage.  In any case, it was an ordeal that could not be
+avoided, for feasting meant friendly intercourse, and only through
+friendly intercourse could Champlain gain knowledge of that vast
+wilderness which he must pierce before reaching his long-sought goal,
+the sea beyond which lay China.
+
+As for Vignau, his punishment was to make full confession before all
+the French who had assembled at the Sault St Louis to traffic with the
+Indians.  When Champlain reached this rendezvous on June 17, he
+informed the traders of all that had happened, including
+
+
+the malice of my liar, at which they were greatly amazed.  I then
+begged them to assemble in order that in their presence, and that of
+the savages and his companions, he might make declaration of his
+maliciousness; which they gladly did.  Being thus assembled, they
+summoned him and asked him why he had not shown me the sea of the
+north, as he had promised me at his departure.  He replied that he had
+promised something impossible for him, since he had never seen the sea,
+and that the desire of making the journey had led him to say what he
+did, also that he did not suppose that I would undertake it; and he
+begged them to be pleased to pardon him, as he also {104} begged me
+again, confessing that he had greatly offended, and if I would leave
+him in the country he would by his efforts repair the offence and see
+this sea, and bring back trustworthy intelligence concerning it the
+following year; and in view of certain considerations I pardoned him on
+this condition.
+
+
+Vignau's public confession was followed by the annual barter with the
+Indians, after which Champlain returned to France.
+
+We come now to the _Voyage_ of 1615, which describes Champlain's
+longest and most daring journey through the forest--an expedition that
+occupied the whole period from July 9, 1615, to the last days of June
+1616.  Thus for the first time he passed a winter with the Indians,
+enlarging greatly thereby his knowledge of their customs and character.
+The central incident of the expedition was an attack made by the Hurons
+and their allies upon the stronghold of the Onondagas in the heart of
+the Iroquois country.  But while this war-party furnishes the chief
+adventure, there is no page of Champlain's narrative which lacks its
+tale of the marvellous.  As a story of life in the woods, the _Voyage_
+of 1615 stands first among all Champlain's writings.
+
+As in 1609, there was a mutuality of interest between Champlain and the
+Indians who {105} traded at the Sault.  His desire was to explore and
+theirs was to fight.  By compromise they disclosed to him the recesses
+of their country and he aided them against the Iroquois.  In 1615 the
+Hurons not only reminded him of his repeated promises to aid them, but
+stated flatly that without such aid they could no longer attend the
+annual market, as their enemies were making the route too unsafe.  On
+their side they promised a war-party of more than two thousand men.  A
+further proof of friendship was afforded by their willingness to
+receive a missionary in their midst--the Recollet, Father Joseph Le
+Caron.
+
+Champlain's line of exploration in 1615-16 took the following course.
+He first ascended the Ottawa to the mouth of the Mattawa.  Thence
+journeying overland by ponds and portages he entered Lake Nipissing,
+which he skirted to the outlet.  French River next took him to Georgian
+Bay, or, as he calls it for geographical definition, the Lake of the
+Attigouautan [Hurons].  His own name for this vast inland sea is the
+_Mer Douce_.  That he did not explore it with any degree of
+thoroughness is evident from the terms of his narrative as well as from
+his statement that its length, east and {106} west, is four hundred
+leagues.  What he saw of Lake Huron was really the east shore of
+Georgian Bay, from the mouth of French River to the bottom of
+Matchedash Bay.  Here he entered the country of the Hurons, which
+pleased him greatly in comparison with the tract before traversed.  'It
+was very fine, the largest part being cleared, and many hills and
+several rivers rendering the region agreeable.  I went to see their
+Indian corn, which was at that time [early in August] far advanced for
+the season.'
+
+[Illustration: CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE, 1615-16]
+
+Champlain's route through the district between Carmaron and Cahaigue
+can best be followed in Father Jones's map of Huronia.[4]  The points
+which Champlain names are there indicated, in each case with as careful
+identification of the locality as we are ever likely to get.  For those
+who are not specialists in the topography of Huronia it may suffice
+that Champlain left Matchedash Bay not far from Penetanguishene, and
+thence went to Carmaron at the very north of the peninsula.  Returning,
+he passed through some of the largest of the Huron villages, and after
+sixteen days came out at Cahaigue, which was situated {107} close to
+Lake Simcoe and almost on the site of the modern Hawkestone.  It was
+here that most of the Huron warriors assembled for the great expedition
+against the Onondagas.  Setting out on their march, they first went a
+little to the northward, where they were joined on the shores of Lake
+Couchiching by another contingent.  The party thus finally made up,
+Champlain's line of advance first took him to Sturgeon Lake.
+Afterwards it pursued that important waterway which is represented by
+the Otonabee river, Rice Lake, and the river Trent.  Hence the warriors
+entered Lake Ontario by the Bay of Quinte.
+
+This country between Lake Simcoe and the Bay of Quinte seems to have
+pleased Champlain greatly.  He saw it in September, when the
+temperature was agreeable and when the vegetation of the forest could
+be enjoyed without the torment inflicted by mosquitoes.  'It is
+certain,' he says, 'that all this region is very fine and pleasant.
+Along the banks it seems as if the trees had been set out for ornament
+in most places, and that all these tracts were in former times
+inhabited by savages who were subsequently compelled to abandon them
+from fear of their enemies.  Vines and nut trees are here very
+numerous.  {108} Grapes mature, yet there is always a very pungent
+tartness, which is felt remaining in the throat when one eats them in
+large quantities, arising from defect of cultivation.  These localities
+are very pleasant when cleared up.'
+
+From the Bay of Quinte the war-party skirted the east shore of Lake
+Ontario, crossing the head of the St Lawrence, and thence following the
+southern shore about fourteen leagues.  At this point the Indians
+concealed all their canoes and struck into the woods towards Lake
+Oneida.  Though made up chiefly of Hurons, the little army embraced
+various allies, including a band of Algonquins.  Whether from
+over-confidence at having Champlain among them or from their natural
+lack of discipline, the allies managed their attack very badly.  On a
+pond a few miles south of Oneida Lake lay the objective point of the
+expedition--a palisaded stronghold of the Onondagas.  At a short
+distance from this fort eleven of the enemy were surprised and taken
+prisoners.  What followed was much less fortunate.  Champlain does not
+state the number of Frenchmen present, but as his drawing shows eleven
+musketeers, we may infer that his own followers were distinctly {109}
+more numerous than at the battle on Lake Champlain.
+
+The height of the palisade was thirty feet, and a system of gutters
+supplied abundant water for use in extinguishing fire.  Champlain's
+plan of attack was to employ a _cavalier_, or protected scaffolding,
+which should overtop the palisade and could be brought close against
+it.  From the top of this framework four or five musketeers were to
+deliver a fusillade against the Iroquois within the fort, while the
+Hurons kindled a fire at the foot of the palisade.  Champlain's drawing
+shows the rest of the musketeers engaged in creating a diversion at
+other points.
+
+But everything miscarried.  Though the _cavalier_ was constructed, the
+allies threw aside the wooden shields which Champlain had caused to be
+made as a defence against the arrows of the Iroquois while the fire was
+being kindled.  Only a small supply of wood had been collected, and
+even this was so placed that the flames blew away from the palisade
+instead of towards it.  On the failure of this attempt to fire the fort
+all semblance of discipline was thrown to the winds.  'There also rose
+such disorder among them,' says Champlain, 'that one could not
+understand {110} another, which greatly troubled me.  In vain did I
+shout in their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the
+danger to which they exposed themselves by their bad behaviour, but on
+account of the great noise they made they heard nothing.  Seeing that
+shouting would only burst my head and that my remonstrances were
+useless for putting a stop to the disorder, I did nothing more, but
+determined, together with my men, to do what we could and fire upon
+such as we could see.'  The fight itself lasted only three hours, and
+the casualties of the attacking party were inconsiderable, since but
+two of their chiefs and fifteen warriors were wounded.  In addition to
+their repulse, the Hurons suffered a severe disappointment through the
+failure to join them of five hundred allies who had given their solemn
+promise.  Although Champlain had received two severe wounds, one in the
+leg and another in the knee, he urged a second and more concerted
+attack.  But in vain.  The most the Hurons would promise was to wait
+four or five days for the expected reinforcements.  At the end of this
+time there was no sign of the five hundred, and the return began.  'The
+only good point,' says Champlain, 'that I have seen in their mode of
+{111} warfare is that they make their retreat very securely, placing
+all the wounded and aged in their centre, being well armed on the wings
+and in the rear, and continuing this order without interruption until
+they reach a place of security.'
+
+Champlain himself suffered tortures during the retreat, partly from his
+wounds, but even more from the mode of transportation.  The Indian
+method of removing the wounded was first to bind and pinion them 'in
+such a manner that it is as impossible for them to move as for an
+infant in its swaddling-clothes.'  They were then carried in a kind of
+basket, 'crowded up in a heap.'  Doubtless as a mark of distinction,
+Champlain was carried separately on the back of a savage.  His wound
+was so severe that when the retreat began he could not stand.  But the
+transportation proved worse than the wound.  'I never found myself in
+such a _gehenna_ as during this time, for the pain which I suffered in
+consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in comparison with that
+which I endured while I was carried bound and pinioned on the back of
+one of our savages.  So that I lost my patience, and as soon as I could
+sustain myself got out of this prison, or rather _gehenna_.'
+
+{112}
+
+The enemy made no pursuit, but forced marches were kept up for
+twenty-five or thirty leagues.  The weather now grew cold, as it was
+past the middle of autumn.  The fight at the fort of the Onondagas had
+taken place on October 10, and eight days later there was a snowstorm,
+with hail and a strong wind.  But, apart from extreme discomfort, the
+retreat was successfully accomplished, and on the shore of Lake Ontario
+they found the canoes intact.
+
+It had been Champlain's purpose to spend the winter at Quebec, and when
+the Hurons were about to leave the east end of Lake Ontario for their
+own country he asked them for a canoe and an escort.  Four Indians
+volunteered for this service, but no canoe could be had, and in
+consequence Champlain was forced reluctantly to accompany the Hurons.
+With his usual patience he accepted the inevitable, which in this case
+was only unpleasant because he was ill prepared for spending a winter
+among the Indians.  After a few days he perceived that their plan was
+to keep him and his companions, partly as security for themselves and
+partly that he might assist at their councils in planning better
+safeguards against their enemies.
+
+{113}
+
+This enforced residence of Champlain among the Hurons during the winter
+of 1615-16 has given us an excellent description of Indian customs.  It
+was also the means of composing a dangerous quarrel between the Hurons
+and the Algonquins.  Once committed to spending the winter among the
+Indians, Champlain planned to make Huronia a point of departure for
+still further explorations to the westward.  Early in 1616 there seemed
+to be a favourable opportunity to push forward in the direction of Lake
+Superior.  Then came this wretched brawl of Hurons and Algonquins,
+which threatened to beget bitter hatred and war among tribes which
+hitherto had both been friendly to the French.  Accepting his duty,
+Champlain gave up his journey to the far west and threw himself into
+the task of restoring peace.  But the measure of his disappointment is
+found in these words:
+
+
+If ever there was one greatly disheartened, it was myself, since I had
+been waiting to see this year what during many preceding ones I had
+been seeking for with great toil and effort, through so many fatigues
+and risks of my life.  But realizing that I could not help the matter,
+and that everything depended on the will of God, I comforted myself,
+resolving to see it in a short time.  I had such sure {114} information
+that I could not doubt the report of these people, who go to traffic
+with others dwelling in those northern regions, a great part of whom
+live in a place very abundant in the chase and where there are great
+numbers of large animals, the skins of several of which I saw, and
+which I concluded were buffaloes from their representation of their
+form.  Fishing is also very abundant there.  This journey requires
+forty days as well in returning as in going.
+
+
+Thus Champlain almost had a chance to see the bison and the great
+plains of the West.  As it was, he did his immediate duty and restored
+the peace of Huron and Algonquin.  In partial compensation for the
+alluring journey he relinquished, he had a better opportunity to study
+the Hurons in their settlements and to investigate their relations with
+their neighbours--the Tobacco Nation, the Neutral Nation, _les Cheveux
+Releves_, and the Race of Fire.  Hence the _Voyage_ of 1615 not only
+describes the physical aspects of Huronia, but contains intimate
+details regarding the life of its people--their wigwams, their food,
+their manner of cooking, their dress, their decorations, their marriage
+customs, their medicine-men, their burials, their assemblies, their
+agriculture, their amusements, and their mode of fishing.  It is
+Champlain's most {115} ambitious piece of description, far less
+detailed than the subsequent narratives of the Jesuits, but in
+comparison with them gaining impact from being less diffuse.
+
+It was on May 20, 1616, that Champlain left the Huron country, never
+again to journey thither or to explore the recesses of the forest.
+Forty days later he reached the Sault St Louis, and saw once more his
+old friend Pontgrave.  Thenceforward his life belongs not to the
+wilderness, but to Quebec.
+
+
+
+[1] An Algonquin tribe dwelling to the north of the St Lawrence, for
+the most part between the Saguenay and the St Maurice.
+
+[2] Henry Hudson, an English mariner with a Dutch crew, entered the
+mouth of the Hudson in a boat called the _Half Moon_ on September 4,
+1609.  As named by him, the river was called the 'Great North River of
+New Netherland.'
+
+[3] Marsolet's defence was that he acted under constraint.
+
+[4] This map will be found in _The Jesuit Missions_ in this Series, and
+also in vol. xxxiv of _The Jesuit Relations_, ed. Thwaites.
+
+
+
+
+{116}
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S LAST YEARS
+
+When Champlain reached the Sault St Louis on July 1, 1616, his career
+as an explorer had ended.  The nineteen years of life that still
+remained he gave to Quebec and the duties of his lieutenancy.
+
+By this time he had won the central position in his own domain.
+Question might arise as to the terms upon which a monopoly of trade
+should be granted, or as to the persons who should be its recipients.
+But whatever company might control the trade, Champlain was the king's
+representative in New France.  When Boyer affronted him, the council
+had required that a public apology should be offered.  When Montmorency
+instituted the investigation of 1620, it was Champlain's report which
+determined the issue.  Five years later, when the Duc de Ventadour
+became viceroy in place of Montmorency, Champlain still remained
+lieutenant-general of New {117} France.  Such were his character,
+services, and knowledge that his tenure could not be questioned.
+
+Notwithstanding this source of satisfaction, the post was difficult in
+the extreme.  The government continued to leave colonizing in the hands
+of the traders, and the traders continued to shirk their obligations.
+The Company of the De Caens did a large business, but suffered more
+severely than any of its predecessors from the strife of Catholic and
+Huguenot.  Those of the reformed religion even held their services in
+the presence of the Indians, thus anticipating the scandals of Kikuyu.
+Though the Duc de Ventadour gave orders that there should be no
+psalm-singing after the outbound ships passed Newfoundland, this
+provision seems not to have been effective.  It was a difficult problem
+for one like Champlain, who, while a loyal Catholic, had been working
+all his life with Huguenot associates.
+
+The period of the De Caens was marked by the presence at Quebec of
+Madame Champlain.  The romance of Champlain's life does not, however,
+revolve about his marriage.  In 1610, at the age of forty-three, he
+espoused Helene Boulle, whose father was secretary of the King's
+Chamber to Henry IV.  {118} As the bride was only twelve years old, the
+marriage contract provided that she should remain two years longer with
+her parents.  She brought a dowry of six thousand livres, and
+simultaneously Champlain made his will in her favour.  Probably De
+Monts had some part in arranging the marriage, for Nicholas Boulle was
+a Huguenot and De Monts appears as a witness to the notarial documents.
+Subsequently, Madame Champlain became an enthusiastic Catholic and
+ended her days as a nun.  She had no children, and was only once in
+Canada, residing continuously at Quebec from 1620 to 1624.  No mention
+whatever is made of her in Champlain's writings, but he named St
+Helen's Island after her, and appears to have been unwilling that she
+should enter a convent during his lifetime.
+
+One need feel little surprise that Madame Champlain should not care to
+visit Canada a second time, for the buildings at Quebec had fallen into
+disrepair, and more than once the supply of food ran very low.  During
+1625 Champlain remained in France with his wife, and therefore did not
+witness the coming of the Jesuits to the colony.  This event, which is
+a landmark in the history of Quebec and New France, followed upon the
+inability of {119} the Recollets to cover the mission field with any
+degree of completeness.  Conscious that their resources were unequal to
+the task, they invoked the aid of the Jesuits, and in this appeal were
+strongly supported by Champlain.  Once more the horizon seemed to
+brighten, for the Jesuits had greater resources and influence than any
+other order in the Roman Catholic Church, and their establishment at
+Quebec meant much besides a mere increase in the population.  The year
+1626 saw Champlain again at his post, working hard to complete a new
+factory which he had left unfinished, while the buildings of the Jesuit
+establishment made good progress under the hand of workmen specially
+brought from France.  What still remained imperfect was the
+fortification.  The English had destroyed the French settlements at
+Mount Desert and Port Royal.  What was to hinder them from bombarding
+Quebec?
+
+This danger soon clouded the mood of optimism that had been inspired by
+the coming of the Jesuits.  The De Caens objected to any outlay on a
+fort, and would not give Champlain the men he needed.  In reply
+Champlain sent the viceroy a report which was unfavourable to the
+company and its methods.  But even without this {120} representation,
+the monopoly of the De Caens was doomed by reason of events which were
+taking place in France.
+
+At the court of Louis XIII Richelieu had now gained an eminence and
+power such as never before had been possessed by a minister of the
+French crown.  Gifted with imagination and covetous of national
+greatness, he saw the most desirable portions of other continents in
+the hands of the Spaniards, the Portuguese, the English, and the Dutch.
+The prospect was not pleasing, and he cast about for a remedy.
+
+For Hanotaux,[1] Richelieu is 'the true founder of our colonial
+empire,' and La Ronciere adds: 'Madagascar, Senegal, Guiana, the
+Antilles, Acadia, and Canada--this, to be exact, was the colonial
+empire for which we were indebted to Richelieu.'  Regarding his breadth
+of outlook there can be no doubt, and in his _Memoirs_ he left the
+oft-quoted phrase: 'No realm is so well situated as France to be
+mistress of the seas or so rich in all things needful.'  Desiring to
+strengthen maritime commerce and to hold distant {121} possessions, he
+became convinced that the English and the Dutch had adopted the right
+policy.  Strong trading companies--not weak ones--were what France
+needed.
+
+Henry IV could have given the French a fair start, or even a lead, in
+the race for colonies.  He missed this great opportunity; partly
+because he was preoccupied with the reorganization of France, and
+partly because Sully, his minister, had no enthusiasm for colonial
+ventures.  Twenty years later the situation had changed.  Richelieu,
+who was a man of wide outlook, was also compelled by the activity of
+England and Holland to give attention to the problem of a New France.
+The spirit of colonization was in the air, and Richelieu, with his
+genius for ideas, could not fail to see its importance or what would
+befall the laggards.  His misfortune was that he lacked certain
+definite qualifications which a greater founder of colonies needed to
+possess.  Marvellous in his grasp of diplomatic situations and in his
+handling of men, he had no talent whatever for the details of commerce.
+His fiscal regime, particularly after France engaged in her duel with
+the House of Hapsburg, was disorganized and intolerable.  Nor did he
+recognize that, {122} for the French, the desire to emigrate required
+even greater encouragement than the commercial instinct.  He compelled
+his company to transport settlers, but the number was not large, and he
+kindled no popular enthusiasm for the cause of colonization.  France
+had once led the crusade eastward.  Under proper guidance she might
+easily have contributed more than she did to the exodus westward.
+
+At any rate Richelieu, 'a man in the grand style, if ever man was,' had
+decided that New France should no longer languish, and the Company of
+One Hundred Associates was the result.  In 1627 he abolished the office
+of viceroy, deprived the De Caens of their charter, and prepared to
+make Canada a real colony.  The basis of the plan was an association of
+one hundred members, each subscribing three thousand livres.
+Richelieu's own name heads the list of members, followed by those of
+the minister of finance and the minister of marine.  Most of the
+members resided in Paris, though the seaboard and the eastern provinces
+were also represented.  Nobles, wealthy merchants, small traders, all
+figure in the list, and twelve titles of nobility were distributed
+among the shareholders to help in the enlistment of capital.  The
+company received a {123} monopoly of trade for fifteen years, and
+promised to take out three hundred colonists annually during the whole
+period covered by the grant.  It also received the St Lawrence valley
+in full ownership.  One notable provision of the charter was that only
+Roman Catholics should be sent to New France, and the company was
+placed under special obligation to maintain three priests in each
+settlement until the colony could support its own clergy.
+
+Champlain was now sixty years of age, and he had suffered much.
+Suddenly there burst forth this spontaneous enthusiasm of Richelieu the
+all-powerful.  Was Champlain's dream of the great city of Ludovica to
+come true after all?
+
+Alas, like previous visions, it faded before the glare of harsh,
+uncompromising facts.  The year in which Richelieu founded his Company
+of New France was also the year of a fierce Huguenot revolt.  Calling
+on England for aid, La Rochelle defied Paris, the king, and the
+cardinal.  Richelieu laid siege to the place.  Guiton, the mayor, sat
+at his council-board with a bare dagger before him to warn the
+faint-hearted.  The old Duchesse de Rohan starved with the populace.
+{124} Salbert, the most eloquent of Huguenot pastors, preached that
+martyrdom was better than surrender.  Meanwhile, Richelieu built his
+mole across the harbour, and Buckingham wasted the English troops to
+which the citizens looked for their salvation.  Then the town yielded.
+
+The fall of La Rochelle was a great personal triumph for Richelieu, but
+the war with England brought disaster to the Company of New France.  At
+Dieppe there had lived for many years an Englishman named Jarvis, or
+Gervase, Kirke, who with his five sons--David, Lewis, Thomas, John, and
+James--knew much at first hand about the French merchant marine.  Early
+in the spring of 1628 Kirke (who had shortly before moved to London)
+secured letters of marque and sent forth his sons to do what damage
+they could to the French in the St Lawrence.  Champlain had spent the
+winter at Quebec and was, of course, expecting his usual supplies with
+the opening of navigation.  Instead came Lewis Kirke, sent from
+Tadoussac by his brother David, to demand surrender.
+
+Champlain made a reply which, though courteous, was sufficiently bold
+to convince the Kirkes that Quebec could be best captured {125} by
+starvation.  They therefore sailed down the St Lawrence to intercept
+the fleet from France, confident that their better craft would overcome
+these 'sardines of the sea.'  The plan proved successful even beyond
+expectation, for after a long cannonade they captured without material
+loss the whole fleet which had been sent out by the Company of New
+France.  Ships, colonists, annual supplies, building materials--all
+fell into the hands of the enterprising Kirkes, who then sailed for
+England with their booty.  Alike to Champlain and to the Hundred
+Associates it was a crippling blow.
+
+Thus, but for the war with England, Quebec would have seen its
+population trebled in 1628.  As it was, the situation became worse than
+ever.  Lewis Kirke had been careful to seize the cattle pastured at Cap
+Tourmente and to destroy the crops.  When winter came, there were
+eighty mouths to feed on a scant diet of peas and maize, imperfectly
+ground, with a reserve supply of twelve hundred eels.  Towards spring
+anything was welcome, and the roots of Solomon's seal were esteemed a
+feast.  Champlain even gave serious thought to a raid upon the Mohawks,
+three hundred miles away, in the hope that food could be brought back
+{126} from their granaries.  Finally, on the 19th of July 1629, Lewis
+Kirke returned with a second summons to surrender.  This time only one
+answer was possible, for to the survivors at Quebec the English came
+less in the guise of foes than as human beings who could save them from
+starvation.  Champlain and his people received honourable treatment,
+and were promised a passage to France.  The family Hebert, however,
+decided to remain.
+
+We need not dwell upon the emotions with which Champlain saw the French
+flag pulled down at Quebec.  Doubtless it seemed the disastrous end of
+his life-work, but he was a good soldier and enjoyed also the comforts
+of religion.  A further consolation was soon found in the discovery
+that Quebec might yet be reclaimed.  Ten weeks before Champlain
+surrendered, the two countries were again at peace, and the Treaty of
+Suza embodied a provision that captures made after the treaty was
+signed should be mutually restored.  This intelligence reached
+Champlain when he landed in England on the homeward voyage.  It is
+characteristic of the man, that before going on to France he posted
+from Dover to London, and urged the French ambassador that he should
+insistently claim Quebec.
+
+{127}
+
+As a result of the war Canada and Acadia were both in the possession of
+England.  On the other hand, the dowry of Henrietta Maria was still,
+for the most part, in the treasury of France.  When one remembers that
+1628 saw Charles I driven by his necessities to concede the Petition of
+Right, it will be readily seen that he desired the payment of his
+wife's dowry.  Hence Richelieu, whose talents in diplomacy were above
+praise, had substantial reason to expect that Canada and Acadia would
+be restored.  The negotiations dragged on for more than two years, and
+were complicated by disputes growing out of the captures made under
+letter of marque.  When all was settled by the Treaty of St
+Germain-en-Laye (March 1632) Quebec and Port Royal became once more
+French--to the profound discontent of the Kirkes and Sir William
+Alexander,[2] but with such joy on the part of Champlain as only
+patriots can know who have given a lifelong service to their country.
+
+Having regained Canada, Richelieu was forced to decide what he would do
+with it.  {128} In certain important respects the situation had changed
+since 1627, when he founded the Company of New France.  Then Gustavus
+Adolphus and the Swedes were not a factor in the dire strife which was
+convulsing Europe.[3]  In 1632 the political problems of Western and
+Central Europe had assumed an aspect quite different from that which
+they had worn five years earlier.  More and more France was drawn into
+the actual conflict of the Thirty Years' War, impelled by a sense of
+new and unparalleled opportunity to weaken the House of Hapsburg.
+This, in turn, meant the preoccupation of Richelieu with European
+affairs, and a heavy drain upon the resources of France in order to
+meet the cost of her more ambitious foreign policy.  Thus the duel with
+Austria, as it progressed during the last decade of the cardinal's
+life, meant a fresh check to {129} those colonial prospects which
+seemed so bright in 1627.
+
+Richelieu's first step in resuming possession of Canada was to compose
+matters between the De Caens and the Company of New France.  Emery de
+Caen and his associates were given the trading rights for 1632 and
+79,000 livres as compensation for their losses through the revocation
+of the monopoly.  Dating from the spring of 1633, the Company of New
+France was to be placed in full possession of Canada, subject to
+specific obligations regarding missions and colonists.  Conformably
+with this programme, Emery de Caen appeared at Quebec on July 5, 1632,
+with credentials empowering him to receive possession from Lewis and
+Thomas Kirke, the representatives of England.  With De Caen came Paul
+Le Jeune and two other Jesuits, a vanguard of the missionary band which
+was to convert the savages.  'We cast anchor,' says Le Jeune, 'in front
+of the fort which the English held; we saw at the foot of this fort the
+poor settlement of Quebec all in ashes.  The English, who came to this
+country to plunder and not to build up, not only burned a greater part
+of the detached buildings which Father Charles Lalemant had {130}
+erected, but also all of that poor settlement of which nothing is now
+to be seen but the ruins of its stone walls.'
+
+The season of 1632 thus belonged to De Caen, whose function was merely
+to tie up loose ends and prepare for the establishment of the new
+regime.  The central incident of the recession was the return of
+Champlain himself--an old man who had said a last farewell to France
+and now came, as the king's lieutenant, to end his days in the land of
+his labours and his hopes.  If ever the oft-quoted last lines of
+Tennyson's _Ulysses_ could fitly be claimed by a writer on behalf of
+his hero, they apply to Champlain as he sailed from the harbour of
+Dieppe on March 23, 1633.
+
+            Come, my friends,
+  'Tis not too late to seek a newer world.
+  Push off, and sitting well in order smite
+  The sounding furrows; for my purpose holds
+  To sail beyond the sunset, and the baths
+  Of all the western stars until I die.
+
+  Tho' much is taken, much abides; and tho'
+  We are not now that strength which in old days
+  Moved earth and heaven; that which we are, we are;
+  One equal temper of heroic hearts,
+  Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will
+  To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.
+
+
+It was Champlain's reward that he saw {131} Quebec once more under the
+fleur-de-lis, and was welcomed by the Indians with genuine emotion.
+The rhetorical gifts of the red man were among his chief endowments,
+and all that eloquence could lavish was poured forth in honour of
+Champlain at the council of the Hurons, who had come to Quebec for
+barter at the moment of his return.  The description of this council is
+one of the most graphic passages in Le Jeune's _Relations_.  A captain
+of the Hurons first arose and explained the purpose of the gathering.
+'When this speech was finished all the Savages, as a sign of their
+approval, drew from the depths of their stomachs this aspiration, _ho,
+ho, ho_, raising the last syllable very high.'  Thereupon the captain
+began another speech of friendship, alliance, and welcome to Champlain,
+followed by gifts.  Then the same captain made a third speech, which
+was followed by Champlain's reply--a harangue well adapted to the
+occasion.  But the climax was reached in the concluding orations of two
+more Huron chiefs.  'They vied with each other in trying to honour
+Sieur de Champlain and the French, and in testifying their affection
+for us.  One of them said that when the French were absent the earth
+was no longer the earth, the river was {132} no longer the river, the
+sky was no longer the sky; but upon the return of Sieur de Champlain
+everything was as before: the earth was again the earth, the river was
+again the river, and the sky was again the sky.'
+
+Thus welcomed by the savages, Champlain resumed his arduous task.  He
+was establishing Quebec anew and under conditions quite unlike those
+which had existed in 1608.  The most notable difference was that the
+Jesuits were now at hand to aid in the upbuilding of Canada.  The
+Quebec of De Monts and De Caen had been a trading-post, despite the
+efforts of the Recollets and Jesuits to render it the headquarters of a
+mission.  Undoubtedly there existed from the outset a desire to convert
+the Indians, but as a source of strength to the colony this disposition
+effected little until the return of the Jesuits in 1632.
+
+With the re-establishment of the Jesuit mission the last days of
+Champlain are inseparably allied.  A severe experience had proved that
+the colonizing zeal of the crown was fitful and uncertain.  Private
+initiative was needed to supplement the official programme, and of such
+initiative the supply seemed scanty.  The fur traders notoriously
+shirked their obligations to enlarge the colony, {133} and after 1632
+the Huguenots, who had a distinct motive for emigrating, were forbidden
+by Richelieu to settle in Canada.  There remained the enthusiasm of the
+Jesuits and the piety of those in France who supplied the funds for
+their work among the Montagnais, the Hurons, and the Iroquois.  As the
+strongest order in the Roman Catholic Church, the Jesuits possessed
+resources which enabled them to maintain an active establishment in
+Canada.  Through them Quebec became religious, and their influence
+permeated the whole colony as its population increased and the zone of
+occupation grew wider.  Le Jeune, Lalemant, Brebeuf, and Jogues are
+among the outstanding names of the restored New France.
+
+During the last two years of his life Champlain lived patriarchally at
+Quebec, administering the public affairs of the colony and lending its
+religious impulses the strength of his support and example.  Always a
+man of serious mind, his piety was confirmed by the reflections of
+advancing age and his daily contact with the missionaries.  In his
+household there was a service of prayer three times daily, together
+with reading at supper from the lives of the saints.  In pursuance of a
+vow, he built a chapel named Notre Dame de la {134} Recouvrance, which
+records the gratitude he felt for the restoration of Quebec to France.
+He was, in short, the ideal layman--serving his king loyally in all
+business of state, and demeaning himself as a pilgrim who is about to
+set forth for the City of God.
+
+It is not to be inferred from the prominence of Champlain's religious
+interests that he neglected his public duties, which continued to be
+many and exacting.  One of his problems was to prevent the English from
+trading in the St Lawrence contrary to treaty; another was to
+discourage the Hurons from selling their furs to the Dutch on the
+Hudson.  The success of the mission, which he had deeply at heart,
+implied the maintenance of peace among the Indians who were friendly to
+the French.  He sought also to police the region of the Great Lakes by
+a band of French soldiers, and his last letter to Richelieu (dated
+August 15, 1635) contains an earnest appeal for a hundred and twenty
+men, to whom should be assigned the duty of marshalling the Indian
+allies against the English and Dutch, as well as of preserving order
+throughout the forest.  The erection of a fort at Three Rivers in 1634
+was due to his desire that the annual barter should take place at {135}
+a point above Quebec.  A commission which he issued in the same year to
+Jean Nicolet to explore the country of the Wisconsins, shows that his
+consuming zeal for exploration remained with him to the end.
+
+It was permitted Champlain to die in harness.  He remained to the last
+lieutenant of the king in Canada.  At the beginning of October 1635 he
+was stricken with paralysis, and passed away on Christmas Day of the
+same year.  We do not possess the oration which Father Paul Le Jeune
+delivered at his funeral, but there remains from Le Jeune's pen an
+appreciation of his character in terms which to Champlain himself would
+have seemed the highest praise.
+
+
+On the twenty-fifth of December, the day of the birth of our Saviour
+upon earth, Monsieur de Champlain, our Governor, was reborn in Heaven;
+at least we can say that his death was full of blessings.  I am sure
+that God has shown him this favour in consideration of the benefits he
+has procured for New France, where we hope some day God will be loved
+and served by our French, and known and adored by our Savages.  Truly
+he had led a life of great justice, equity, and perfect loyalty to his
+King and towards the Gentlemen of the Company.  But at his death he
+crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so lofty that he
+astonished us all.  What tears he shed! how {136} ardent became his
+zeal for the service of God! how great was his love for the families
+here!--saying that they must be vigorously assisted for the good of the
+Country, and made comfortable in every possible way in these early
+stages, and that he would do it if God gave him health.  He was not
+taken unawares in the account which he had to render unto God, for he
+had long ago prepared a general Confession of his whole life, which he
+made with great contrition to Father Lalemant, whom he honoured with
+his friendship.  The Father comforted him throughout his sickness,
+which lasted two months and a half, and did not leave him until his
+death.  He had a very honourable burial, the funeral procession being
+formed of the people, the soldiers, the captains, and the churchmen.
+Father Lalemant officiated at this burial, and I was charged with the
+funeral oration, for which I did not lack material.  Those whom he left
+behind have reason to be well satisfied with him; for, though he died
+out of France, his name will not therefor be any less glorious to
+posterity.
+
+
+
+[1] Gabriel Hanotaux, member of the French Academy, is the author of
+the most authoritative work on the life and times of Richelieu.
+
+[2] Alexander had received grants from the British crown in 1621 and
+1625 which covered the whole coast from St Croix Island to the St
+Lawrence.
+
+[3] At this period the largest interest in European politics was the
+rivalry between France and the House of Hapsburg, which held the
+thrones of Spain and Austria.  This rivalry led France to take an
+active part in the Thirty Years' War, even though her allies in that
+struggle were Protestants.  Between 1627, when the Company of New
+France was founded, and 1632, when Canada was restored to France, the
+Swedes under Gustavus Adolphus had won a series of brilliant victories
+over the Catholic and Hapsburg forces in Germany.  After the death of
+Gustavus Adolphus in 1632, Richelieu attacked the Emperor Ferdinand II
+in great force, thereby conquering Alsace.
+
+
+
+
+{137}
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+CHAMPLAIN'S WRITINGS AND CHARACTER
+
+There are some things that speak for themselves.  In attempting to
+understand Champlain's character, we are first met by the fact that he
+pursued unflinchingly his appointed task.  For thirty-two years he
+persevered, amid every kind of hardship, danger, and discouragement, in
+the effort to build up New France.  He had personal ambitions as an
+explorer, which were kept in strict subordination to his duty to the
+king.  He possessed concentration of aim without fanaticism.  His
+signal unselfishness was adorned by a patience which equalled that of
+Marlborough.  Inspired by large ideals, he did not scorn imperfect
+means.
+
+Thus there are certain large aspects of Champlain's character that
+stand forth in the high light of deed, and do not depend for their
+effect either upon his own words or those of others.  But when once we
+have paid tribute {138} to the fine, positive qualities which are
+implied by his accomplishment, we must hasten to recognize the
+extraordinary value of his writings as an index to his mind and soul.
+His narrative is not an epic of disaster.  It is a plain and even
+statement of great dangers calmly met and treated as a matter of
+course.  Largely it is a record of achievement.  At points where it is
+a record of failure Champlain accepts the inevitable gracefully and
+conforms his emotions to the will of God.  The _Voyages_ reveal a
+strong man 'well four-squared to the blows of fortune.'  They also
+illustrate the virtue of muscular Christianity.
+
+At a time which, like ours, is becoming sated with cleverness, it is a
+delight to read the unvarnished story of Champlain.  In saying that the
+adjective is ever the enemy of the noun, Voltaire could not have
+levelled the shaft at him, for few writers have been more sparing in
+their use of adjectives or other glowing words.  His love of the sea
+and of the forest was profound, but he is never emotional in his
+expressions.  Yet with all his soberness and steadiness he possessed
+imagination.  In its strength and depth his enthusiasm for colonization
+proves this, even if we omit his picture of the fancied Ludovica.  But
+{139} as a man of action rather than of letters he instinctively omits
+verbiage.  In some respects we suffer from Champlain's directness of
+mind, for on much that he saw he could have lingered with profit.  But
+very special inducements are needed to draw him from his plain tale
+into a digression.  Such inducements occur at times when he is writing
+of the Indians, for he recognized that Europe was eager to hear in full
+detail of their traits and customs.  Thus set passages of description,
+inserted with a sparing hand, seemed to him a proper element of the
+text, but anything like conscious embellishment of the narrative he
+avoids--probably more through mere naturalness than conscious
+self-repression.
+
+From Marco Polo to Scott's _Journal_ the literature of geographical
+discovery abounds with classics, and standards of comparison suggest
+themselves in abundance to the critic of Champlain's _Voyages_.  Most
+naturally, of course, one turns to the records of American exploration
+in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries--to Ramusio, Oviedo, Peter
+Martyr, Hakluyt, and Purchas.  No age can show a more wonderful galaxy
+of pioneers than that which extends from Columbus to La Salle, and
+among the great explorers of this era {140} Champlain takes his place
+by virtue alike of his deeds and writings.  In fact, he belongs to the
+small and distinguished class of those who have recorded their own
+discoveries in a suitable and authentic narrative, for in few cases
+have geographical results of equal moment been described by the
+discoverer himself.
+
+Among the many writings which are available for comparison and contrast
+one turns, singularly yet inevitably, to Lescarbot.  The singularity of
+a comparison between Champlain and Lescarbot is that Lescarbot was not
+a geographer.  At the same time, he is the only writer of importance
+whose trail crosses that of Champlain, and some light is thrown on
+Champlain's personality by a juxtaposition of texts.  That is to say,
+both were in Acadia at the same time, sat together at Poutrincourt's
+table, gazed on the same forests and clearings, met the same Indians,
+and had a like opportunity of considering the colonial problems which
+were thrust upon the French in the reign of Henry IV.
+
+It would be hard to find narratives more dissimilar,--and the contrast
+is not wholly to the advantage of Champlain.  Or rather, there are
+times when his Doric simplicity of style {141} seems jejune beside the
+flowing periods and picturesque details of Lescarbot.  No better
+illustration of this difference in style, arising from fundamental
+difference in temperament, can be found than the description which each
+gives of the _Ordre de Bon Temps_.  To Champlain belongs the credit of
+inventing this pleasant means of promoting health and banishing ennui,
+but all he tells of it is this: 'By the rules of the Order a chain was
+put, with some little ceremony, on the neck of one of our company,
+commissioning him for the day to go a-hunting.  The next day it was
+conferred upon another, and thus in succession.  All exerted themselves
+to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home the finest
+game.  We found this a very good arrangement, as did also the savages
+who were with us.'
+
+Such is the limit of the information which we receive from Champlain
+regarding the _Ordre de Bon Temps_, his own invention and the life of
+the company.  It is reserved for Lescarbot to give us the picture which
+no one can forget--the Atoctegic, or ruler of the feast, leading the
+procession to dinner 'napkin on shoulder, wand of office in hand, and
+around his neck the collar of the Order, which was worth more than four
+crowns; after him all the {142} members of the Order, carrying each a
+dish.'  Around stand the savages, twenty or thirty of them, 'men,
+women, girls, and children,' all waiting for scraps of food.  At the
+table with the French themselves sits the Sagamos Membertou and the
+other Indian chiefs, gladdening the company by their presence.  And the
+food!--'ducks, bustards, grey and white geese, partridges, larks, and
+other birds; moreover moose, caribou, beaver, otter, bear, rabbits,
+wild-cats, racoons, and other animals,' the whole culminating in the
+tenderness of moose meat and the delicacy of beaver's tail.  Such are
+the items which Champlain omits and Lescarbot includes.  So it is
+throughout their respective narratives--Champlain ever gaining force
+through compactness, and Lescarbot constantly illuminating with his
+gaiety or shrewdness matters which but for him would never have reached
+us.
+
+This difference of temperament and outlook, which is so plainly
+reflected on the printed page, also had its effect upon the personal
+relations of the two men.  It was not that Lescarbot scandalized
+Champlain by his religious views, for though liberal-minded, Lescarbot
+was not a heretic, and Champlain knew how to live harmoniously even
+with Huguenots.  {143} The cause of the coolness which came to exist
+between them must be sought rather in fundamental contrasts of
+character.  To Champlain, Lescarbot doubtless seemed a mere hanger-on
+or protege of Poutrincourt, with undue levity of disposition and a
+needless flow of conversation.  To Lescarbot, Champlain may well have
+seemed deficient in literary attainments, and so preoccupied with the
+concerns of geography as to be an uncongenial companion.  To whatever
+cause conjecture may trace it, they did not become friends, although
+such lack of sympathy as existed shows itself only in an occasional
+pin-prick, traceable particularly in the later editions of their
+writings.  For us it is the more needful to lay stress upon the merits
+of Lescarbot, because he tends to be eclipsed by the greater reputation
+of Champlain, and also because his style is sometimes so diffuse as to
+create prejudice.  But at his best he is admirable, and without him we
+should know much less than we do about that Acadian experience which
+holds such a striking place in the career of Champlain.
+
+The popular estimate of French character dwells overmuch upon the
+levity or gaiety which undoubtedly marks the Gallic race.  {144} France
+could not have accomplished her great work for the world without
+stability of purpose and seriousness of mood.  Nowhere in French
+biography are these qualities more plainly illustrated than by the acts
+of Champlain.  The doggedness with which he clung to his patriotic and
+unselfish task is the most conspicuous fact in his life.  Coupled
+therewith is his fortitude, both physical and moral.  In times of
+crisis the conscript sets his teeth and dies without a murmur.  But
+Champlain enlisted as a volunteer for a campaign which was to go on
+unceasingly till his last day.  How incessant were its dangers can be
+made out in full detail from the text of the _Voyages_.  We may omit
+the perils of the North Atlantic, though what they were can be seen
+from Champlain's description of his outward voyage in the spring of
+1611.  The remaining dangers will suffice.  Scurvy, which often claimed
+a death-roll of from forty to eighty per cent in a single winter;
+famine such as that which followed the failure of ships from home to
+arrive at the opening of navigation; the storms which drove the frail
+shallop on the rocks and shoals of Norumbega; the risk of mutiny; the
+chances of war, whether against the Indians or the English; the rapids
+{145} of the wilderness as they threatened the overloaded canoe on its
+swift descent; the possible treachery of Indian guides--such is a
+partial catalogue of the death-snares which surrounded the pathway of
+an explorer like Champlain.  Every one of these dangers is brought
+before us by his own narrative in a manner which does credit to his
+modesty no less than to his fortitude.  Without embellishment or
+self-glorification, he recites in a few lines hairbreadth escapes which
+a writer of less steadfast soul would have amplified into a thrilling
+tale of heroism.  None the less, to the discriminating reader
+Champlain's _Voyages_ are an Odyssey.
+
+Bound up with habitual fortitude is the motive from which it springs.
+In Champlain's case patriotism and piety were the groundwork of a
+conspicuous and long-tested courage.  The patriotism which exacted such
+sacrifices was not one which sought to define itself even in the form
+of a justifiable digression from the recital of events.  But we may be
+sure that Champlain at the time he left Port Royal had made up his mind
+that the Spaniards, the English, and the Dutch were not to parcel out
+the seaboard of North America to the exclusion of the French.  As for
+the religious {146} basis of his fortitude, we do not need Le Jeune's
+story of his death-bed or the record of his friendship with men of
+religion.  His narrative abounds throughout with simple and natural
+expressions of piety, not the less impressive because they are free
+from trace of the theological intolerance which envenomed French life
+in his age.  And not only did Champlain's trust in the Lord fortify his
+soul against fear, but religion imposed upon him a degree of
+self-restraint which was not common among explorers of the seventeenth
+century.  It is far from fanciful to see in this one of the chief
+causes of his hold upon the Indians.  To them he was more than a useful
+ally in war time.  They respected his sense of honour, and long after
+his death remembered the temperance which marked his conduct when he
+lived in their villages.
+
+As a writer, Champlain enjoyed the advantage of possessing a fresh,
+unhackneyed subject.  The only exception to this statement is furnished
+by his early book on the West Indies and Mexico, where he was going
+over ground already trodden by the Spaniards.  His other writings
+relate to a sphere of exploration and settlement which he made his own,
+and of which he well merited to be the chronicler.
+
+{147}
+
+Running through the _Voyages_ is the double interest of discovery and
+colonization, constantly blending and reacting upon each other, but
+still remaining matters of separate concern.  It is obvious that in the
+mind of the narrator discovery is always the more engaging theme.
+Champlain is indeed the historian of St Croix, Port Royal, and Quebec,
+but only incidentally or from chance.  By temper he was the explorer,
+that is, the man of action, willing to record the broad results, but
+without the instinct which led Lescarbot to set down the minutiae of
+life in a small, rough settlement.  There is one side of Champlain's
+activity as a colonizer which we must lament that he has not
+described--namely, his efforts to interest the nobles and prelates of
+the French court in the upbuilding of Canada.  A diary of his life at
+Paris and Fontainebleau would be among the choicest documents of the
+early colonial era.  But Champlain was too blunt and loyal to set down
+the story of his relations with the great, and for this portion of his
+life we must rely upon letters, reports, and memoranda, which are so
+formal as to lack the atmosphere of that painful but valiant experience.
+
+Excluding the brief notices of life at St Croix, {148} Port Royal, and
+Quebec, Champlain's _Voyages_ present a story of discovery by sea and
+discovery by land.  In other words, the four years of Acadian adventure
+relate to discoveries made along the seaboard, while the remaining
+narratives, including the _Des Sauvages_ of 1604, relate to the basin
+of the St Lawrence.  Mariner though he was by early training, Champlain
+achieved his chief success as an explorer by land, in the region of the
+Great Lakes.  Bad fortune prevented him from pursuing his course past
+Martha's Vineyard to the mouth of the Hudson and Chesapeake Bay.  It
+was no small achievement to accomplish what he did on the coast of
+Norumbega, but his most distinctive discoveries were those which he
+made in the wilderness, leading up to his fine experience of 1615-16
+among the Hurons.
+
+To single out Champlain's chief literary triumph, it was he who
+introduced the Algonquin, the Huron, and the Iroquois to the delighted
+attention of France.  Ever since the days of Cartier the French had
+known that savages inhabited the banks of the St Lawrence, but
+Champlain is the pioneer in that great body of literature on the North
+American Indian, which thenceforth continued without interruption in
+France to the _Rene_ and _Atala_ {149} of Chateaubriand.  Above all
+other subjects, the Indians are Champlain's chief theme.
+
+To some extent the account of Indian life which is given in the
+_Voyages_ suffers by comparison with the _Relations_ of the Jesuits.
+The Fathers, by reason of their long residence among the Indians,
+undoubtedly came to possess a more intimate knowledge of their
+character and customs than it was possible for Champlain to acquire
+during the time he spent among them.  On the other hand, the Jesuits
+were so preoccupied with the progress of the mission that they tended
+to view the life of the savages too exclusively from one angle.
+Furthermore, the volume of their description is so great as to
+overwhelm all readers who are not specially interested in the mission
+or the details of Indian custom.  Champlain wrote with sufficient
+knowledge to bring out salient traits in high relief, while his
+descriptive passages are sufficiently terse to come within the range of
+those who are not specialists.  When we remember the perpetual interest
+which, for more than three hundred years, Europe has felt in the North
+American Indian, the _Voyages_ of Champlain are seen in their true
+perspective.  For he, with fresh eyes, saw the red man in his wigwam,
+at his council, and on {150} the war-path; watched his stoic courage
+under torture and his inhuman cruelty in the hour of vengeance.  Tales
+of the wilderness, the canoe, the portage, and the ambush have never
+ceased to fascinate the imagination of Europe.  Champlain's narrative
+may be plain and unadorned, but, with such a groundwork, the
+imagination of every reader could supply details at will.
+
+In all essential respects Champlain seems to have been a good observer
+and an accurate chronicler.  It is true that his writings are not free
+from error involving facts of distance, altitude, and chronology.  But
+such slips as have crept into his text do not constitute a serious
+blemish or tend to impugn the good faith of his statements on matters
+where there is no other source of information.  Everything considered,
+his substantial accuracy is much more striking than his partial
+inaccuracy.  In fact, no one of his high character and disinterested
+zeal could write with any other purpose than to describe truly what he
+had seen and done.  The seal of probity is set upon Champlain's
+writings no less than upon the record of his dealings with his
+employers and the king.  Unselfish as to money or fame, he sought to
+create New France.
+
+{151}
+
+In national progress much depends on the auspices under which the
+nation was founded and the tradition which it represents.  Thus
+England, and all the English world, has an imperishable tradition in
+the deeds and character of Alfred the Great; thus Canada has had from
+the outset of the present stage in her development a great possession
+in the equal self-sacrifice of Montcalm and Wolfe.  On the other hand,
+the nation is doomed to suffer which bases its traditions of greatness
+upon such acts as the seizure of Silesia by Frederick or Bismarck's
+manipulation of the Ems telegram.
+
+For Canada Champlain is not alone a heroic explorer of the seventeenth
+century, but the founder of Quebec; and it is a rich part of our
+heritage that he founded New France in the spirit of unselfishness, of
+loyalty, and of faith.
+
+
+
+
+{152}
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+
+_Original Text_
+
+The best edition of Champlain's own works, in the original text, is
+that of Laverdiere--_Oeuvres de Champlain, publiees sous le Patronage
+de l'Universite Laval.  Par l'Abbe C.-H. Laverdiere, M.A.  Seconde
+Edition.  6 tomes, 4to.  Quebec: Imprime au Seminaire par Geo. B.
+Desbarats_, 1870.
+
+The list of Champlain's writings includes:
+
+1. The _Bref Discours_, describing his trip to the West Indies.
+
+2. The _Des Sauvages_, describing his first voyage to the St Lawrence.
+
+3. The _Voyages_ of 1613, covering the years 1604-13 inclusive.
+
+4. The _Voyages_ of 1619, covering the years 1615-18 inclusive.
+
+5. The _Voyages_ of 1632, which represent a re-editing of the early
+voyages from 1603 forward, and continue the narrative from 1618 to 1629.
+
+6. A general treatise on the duties of the mariner.
+
+{153}
+
+_English Translations_
+
+1. The _Bref Discours_, in a translation by Alice Wilmere, was
+published by the Hakluyt Society in 1859.
+
+2. The _Des Sauvages_ (1604) was translated in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_
+(1625).
+
+3. The _Voyages_ of 1604-18 inclusive were translated by C. P. Otis for
+the Prince Society of Boston, in three volumes, 1878-82, with the Rev.
+E. F. Slafter as editor.  This is a fine work, but not easily
+accessible in its original form.  Fortunately, Professor Otis's
+translation has been reprinted, with an introduction and notes by
+Professor W. L. Grant, in the _Original Narratives of Early American
+History_ (Scribners, 1907).  The passages quoted in the present volume
+are taken from Otis's translation, with occasional changes.
+
+4. The _Voyages_ of 1604-16 inclusive have also been well translated by
+Annie Nettleton Bourne, with an introduction and notes by Professor E.
+G. Bourne (A. S. Barnes and Co., 1906).  This translation follows the
+edition of 1632, and also gives the translation of _Des Sauvages_ which
+appears in Purchas.
+
+
+_General Literature_
+
+The career of Champlain is treated in many historical works, of which
+the following are a {154} few: Parkman, _Pioneers of France in the New
+World_; Dionne, _Samuel de Champlain_ (in the 'Makers of Canada'
+series); Biggar, _Early Trading Companies of New France_, Slafter,
+_Champlain_ (in Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History of America_,
+vol. iv, part i, chap. iii); Salone, _La Colonisation de la
+Nouvelle-France_; Suite, _Histoire des Canadiens-Francais_; Ferland,
+_Cours d'Histoire du Canada_; Garneau, _Histoire du Canada_, fifth
+edition, edited by the author's grandson, Hector Garneau.
+
+
+_Portrait_
+
+Unfortunately, there is no authentic portrait of Champlain.  That
+ascribed to Moncornet is undoubtedly spurious, as has been proved by V.
+H. Paltsits in _Acadiensis_, vol. iv, pp. 306-11.
+
+
+
+
+{155}
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Acadia, 22-3; the first French colony in, 24, 34-7, 40-8, 52-5;
+abandoned, 56-8.
+
+Alexander, Sir William, his interest in Acadia, 127 and note.
+
+Algonquins, the, 68-9, 86-7, 101-2, 113-14; their expedition against
+the Iroquois, 87-96.
+
+America, early opinions regarding, 13.
+
+Armouchiquois, the, 38, 39-40, 49-52.
+
+
+Basques, the, 56 n.; defy French trading monopoly at Tadoussac, 63, 64.
+
+Boyer, his public apology to Champlain, 78-9.
+
+Brule, Etienne, explorer and interpreter, 97-8.
+
+
+Caen, Emery de, represents France in the restoration of Quebec, 129.
+
+Caen, William and Emery de, granted a monopoly in New France, 79-80,
+117, 119-20; deprived of their charter, 122; monopoly restored, 129-30.
+
+Cartier, Jacques, 61.
+
+Champdore, with Champlain at Port Royal, 46.
+
+Champlain, Samuel de, his birth and parentage, 2-3; serves in the Wars
+of the League, 6-8; his voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, 8-10; his
+first voyage to the St Lawrence, 11-12, 16, 19-21; with De Monts'
+expedition to Acadia, 23, 26-43; his work at Port Royal, 43-6; with
+Poutrincourt's exploring expedition, 47-52; founds the Order of Good
+Cheer at Port Royal, 52-4; his second voyage to the St Lawrence and the
+founding of Quebec, 59-68, 81, 82-3, 123; a conspiracy to kill him,
+64-5; his habitation, 66-7; his Indian policy, 68-70, 87, 97, 104-5;
+organizes a trading company in France and secures a monopoly, becoming
+lieutenant-general of New France, 71-5; his difficulties with his
+company, 77-80; his expedition with the Algonquins against the
+Iroquois, 87-96, 101-2; his marriage, 117-18; is grossly deceived by
+Nicolas Vignau, 98-104; wounded in expedition with the Hurons against
+the Onondagas, 104-12; winters with the Hurons, 112-15, 146, 148-50;
+his work as king's lieutenant in Quebec, 116-17, 119, 134; captured and
+taken to London, 124-6, 127; his reception on his return to Quebec,
+130-1; his last years and death, 133-6; his writings and character,
+84-5, 137-51, 152-3; a comparison with Lescarbot, 55-7, 140-3; his
+patriotism, 12, 62, 78, 84; his strong geographical instinct, 9-10, 20,
+26-7, 29, 55, 139-40, 148; his ambition to discover a westerly route to
+the East, 26, 62, 69, 84, 97, 103; his explorations, 21, 30, 35-6,
+38-40, 41, 44, 47-9, 84-6, 96, 99-101, 105-8.
+
+Champlain, Madame, 117-18.
+
+Champlain's Company, its charter, 74-5; its treatment of Louis Hebert
+and failure to encourage colonization, 76-8; deprived of its monopoly,
+79.
+
+Chastes, Aymar de, 24; sends Champlain on his first voyage to the St
+Lawrence, 11-12, 16, 19, 20-1.
+
+Chauvin, Pierre, secures monopoly of the fur trade in the St Lawrence,
+16, 18-19, 62.
+
+Coligny, Admiral de, his interest in New France, 14.
+
+Colombo, Don Francisco, and Champlain, 8.
+
+Company of One Hundred Associates, founding of the, 122-3, 129;
+disaster befalls it, 124, 125.
+
+Conde, Prince de, viceroy of Canada, 73-4, 75, 78.
+
+
+Duval, Jean, his plot to kill Champlain, 64; suffers death, 65.
+
+
+France, and the Wars of the League, 6-8; her colonization policy,
+10-11, 15, 17, 18, 25, 28, 61-2, 117, 121, 132; and trading monopolies
+in New France, 19 and note, 26-7, 56-57, 79, 80; her magnificent
+opportunity of colonial expansion, 31-3; the Huguenot revolt at La
+Rochelle, 123-4; war with Britain, 124-6; her rivalry with the House of
+Hapsburg, 121, 128 and note; her colonial policy retarded by her
+ambitious foreign policy, 127-9.
+
+
+Georgian Bay, Champlain at, 105-6.
+
+Gosnold,  Bartholomew, an English navigator, 13, 16.
+
+Great Britain, her colonization policy, 14-15; founds a colony in
+America, 16-17, 33, 82; her capture of New France, 124-7.
+
+
+Hebert, Louis, in Acadia, 28, 29; scurvily treated by Champlain's
+Company, 76-7; his farm in Quebec, 67, 80-1.
+
+Henry IV, 7, 8; his interest in colonial expansion, 10-11, 17, 18, 24,
+25, 60, 121; assassinated, 71.
+
+Holland, her interest in America, 14-16, 17.
+
+Hudson, Henry, explorer, 17, 66, 95 n.
+
+Huguenots, the, forbidden to settle in New France, 133.
+
+Hurons, the, 68-9, 113-14; their expedition against the Onondagas,
+104-12; their welcome to Champlain on his return to Quebec, 130-1.
+
+
+Indians, their tactics when on a war expedition, 89-92; when
+retreating,  110-11; some customs of, 95, 102; missions to, 132-3, 134.
+
+Iroquois, and Champlain, 68-9; their battle with the Algonquins, 91-5,
+97; with the Hurons, 108-10.
+
+
+James I, and colonization, 16, 17.
+
+Jeannin, President, and Champlain, 74.
+
+Jesuits, established at Quebec, 118-19, 129, 132, 133, 149.
+
+
+Kirke, Jarvis or Gervase, and his sons, their expedition against New
+France, 124-6, 127.
+
+Kirke, Lewis, his capture of Quebec, 124-6; restores it to France, 129.
+
+Kirke, Thomas, 124; with his brother represents England in the
+restoration of Quebec, 129.
+
+
+Lake Champlain, discovery of, 86, 91, 96-7.
+
+Lalemant, Father Charles, at Quebec, 129, 133, 136.
+
+La Roche, his colony on Sable Island, 18.
+
+La Rochelle, revolt of, 123-4.
+
+Le Caron,  Father Joseph, among the Hurons, 105.
+
+Le Jeune, Father Paul, his arrival at Quebec, 129, 131, 133;  his
+appreciation  of Champlain, 135-6.
+
+Lescarbot, Marc, 28, 29, 55-6; quoted on De Monts' colony in Acadia,
+30, 47, 52, 52-4, 57-8; a comparison with Champlain, 55, 140-3.
+
+
+Marais, Des, with Champlain in New France, 87, 88.
+
+Marsolet, Nicolas, a guide and interpreter, 97-8.
+
+Micmacs, the, 38.
+
+Montagnais, the, 86 n., 93, 96.
+
+Montmorency, Duke of, 26-7; viceroy of Canada, 78, 79, 80.
+
+Monts, Sieur de, 16, 24; his trading company and monopoly, 22 n., 25-7,
+28, 29, 56-7, 60-1, 68; his colonizing expedition to Acadia, 23, 28-43;
+equips Champlain's expedition to the St Lawrence, 60-1, 62-3, 70-2;
+member of Champlain's Company, 75.
+
+
+New France, 23; and the trading companies, 19 and note; explorations
+in, 21, 23, 84; religious strife in, 117; the Huguenots forbidden to
+settle in, 117, 123, 133; surrendered to Britain, 126; restored to
+France, 127; progress in retarded by the Thirty Years' War, 128-9.
+
+Nicolet, Jean, an explorer and interpreter, 98, 135.
+
+Norumbega, what it comprised, 28 n., 36.
+
+
+Onondagas, the, 104, 108-10.
+
+
+Pontgrave, Sieur du, his voyages to New France, 20 and note; with De
+Monts' expedition to Acadia, 28, 31, 37, 42; left in command at Port
+Royal, 43-6; with Champlain in the St Lawrence, 61, 63, 65, 68, 87.
+
+Port Mouton, De Monts' expedition at, 29-31.
+
+Port Royal, the French colony at, 34, 40-6, 47; Order of Good Cheer
+founded, 52-4; colony abandoned, but re-established, 56-8; captured by
+the British, 76.
+
+Poutrincourt, Seigneur de, with De Monts in Acadia, 28-9, 31, 41-2; his
+colonizing expedition to Port Royal, 46-56, 58.
+
+Prevert, a mariner of St Malo, 20, 34.
+
+
+Quebec, 59-60, 62, 81; Champlain reaches, 64, 66-7; hard times in,
+67-8, 83, 87; two bright spots, 80-1; captured by the Kirkes, 124-6;
+restored to France, 127.
+
+
+Raleigh, Sir Walter, his colony in America, 14, 16.
+
+Ralleau, with Champlain in Acadia, 30, 46.
+
+Recollets, the, in New France, 80, 119.
+
+Richelieu, Cardinal, his energetic colonial policy, 120-3, 129, 133;
+succumbs to European interests, 124, 127-8 n.
+
+
+Sagard, Gabriel, a Recollet missionary, 77.
+
+St Croix, the French colony at, 34-5, 37.
+
+St Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 127.
+
+St Lawrence, the, 22, 61-2; Champlain's explorations of, 21, 84.
+
+Soissons, Comte de, and Champlain, 73.
+
+Spain, her early conquests in America, 8, 12-13.
+
+Sully, Duc de, opposes French colonization, 17, 25, 61, 121.
+
+Suza, treaty of, 126.
+
+
+Tessouaet, an Algonquin chief, 102.
+
+Thirty Years' War, its effect on New France, 128 and note.
+
+Three Rivers, erection of fort at, 134.
+
+
+Ventadour, Duc de, viceroy of New France, 116, 117.
+
+Vignau, Nicolas, 97; deceives Champlain with a story of the North Sea,
+98-101; his punishment, 103-4.
+
+
+Wars of the League, the, 6-8.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+  Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty
+  at the Edinburgh University Press
+
+
+
+
+THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA
+
+THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES ILLUSTRATED
+
+Edited by GEORGE M. WRONG and H. H. LANGTON
+
+
+
+THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA
+
+PART I
+
+THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS
+
+1.  THE DAWN OF CANADIAN HISTORY
+    By Stephen Leacock.
+
+2.  THE MARINER OF ST MALO
+    By Stephen Leacock.
+
+
+PART II
+
+THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE
+
+3.  THE FOUNDER OF NEW FRANCE
+    By Charles W. Colby.
+
+4.  THE JESUIT MISSIONS
+    By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.
+
+5.  THE SEIGNEURS OF OLD CANADA
+    By William Bennett Munro.
+
+6.  THE GREAT INTENDANT
+    By Thomas Chapais.
+
+7.  THE FIGHTING GOVERNOR
+    By Charles W. Colby.
+
+
+PART III
+
+THE ENGLISH INVASION
+
+8.  THE GREAT FORTRESS
+    By William Wood.
+
+9.  THE ACADIAN EXILES
+    By Arthur G. Doughty.
+
+10.  THE PASSING OF NEW FRANCE
+     By William Wood.
+
+11.  THE WINNING OF CANADA
+     By William Wood.
+
+
+PART IV
+
+THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA
+
+12.  THE FATHER OF BRITISH CANADA
+     By William Wood.
+
+13.  THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS
+     By W. Stewart Wallace.
+
+14.  THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
+     By William Wood.
+
+
+PART V
+
+THE RED MAN IN CANADA
+
+15.  THE WAR CHIEF OF THE OTTAWAS
+     By Thomas Guthrie Marquis.
+
+16.  THE WAR CHIEF OF THE SIX NATIONS
+     By Louis Aubrey Wood.
+
+17.  TECUMSEH: THE LAST GREAT LEADER OF HIS PEOPLE
+     By Ethel T. Raymond.
+
+
+PART VI
+
+PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST
+
+18.  THE 'ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND' ON HUDSON BAY
+     By Agnes C. Laut.
+
+19.  PATHFINDERS OF THE GREAT PLAINS
+     By Lawrence J. Burpee.
+
+20.  ADVENTURERS OF THE FAR NORTH
+     By Stephen Leacock.
+
+21.  THE RED RIVER COLONY
+     By Louis Aubrey Wood.
+
+22.  PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC COAST
+     By Agnes C. Laut.
+
+23.  THE CARIBOO TRAIL
+     By Agnes C. Laut.
+
+
+PART VII
+
+THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM
+
+24.  THE FAMILY COMPACT
+     By W. Stewart Wallace.
+
+25.  THE 'PATRIOTES' OF '37
+     By Alfred D. DeCelles.
+
+26.  THE TRIBUNE OF NOVA SCOTIA
+     By William Lawson Grant.
+
+27.  THE WINNING OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT
+     By Archibald MacMechan.
+
+
+PART VIII
+
+THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY
+
+28.  THE FATHERS OF CONFEDERATION
+     By A. H. U. Colquhoun.
+
+29.  THE DAY OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD
+     By Sir Joseph Pope.
+
+30.  THE DAY OF SIR WILFRID LAURIER
+     By Oscar D. Skelton.
+
+
+PART IX
+
+NATIONAL HIGHWAYS
+
+31.  ALL AFLOAT
+     By William Wood.
+
+32.  THE RAILWAY BUILDERS
+     By Oscar D. Skelton.
+
+
+
+TORONTO: GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Founder of New France, by Charles W. Colby
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